text string | id string | dump string | url string | date string | file_path string | offset int64 | token_count int64 | language string | page_average_lid string | page_average_lid_score float64 | full_doc_lid string | full_doc_lid_score float64 | per_page_languages list | is_truncated bool | extractor string | page_ends list | fw_edu_scores list | minhash_cluster_size int64 | duplicate_count int64 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
101. Select the statement which matches with the correct question tag:
A) Everybody agreed to our proposal, did they?
B) Everybody agreed to our proposal, didn’t they?
C) Everybody agreed to our proposal, do they?
D) Everybody agreed to our proposal, don’t they?
102. Identify the sentence:
He is certain to be late so why to wait for him?
A) Simple
B) Compound
C) Complex
D) None of these.
103. Pick out the sentence with SVOC pattern:
A) Man hunts animals, mercilessly
B) We elected Malar, the leader
C) She boils the milk everyday
D) They stand under the tree.
104. Match the statements given in Column A with their question tags in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|---------------------------|-------------------|
| a) It’s raining. | 1. didn’t they? |
| b) They came by car. | 2. can she? |
| c) They don’t like me. | 3. isn’t it? |
| d) She can’t do the job. | 4. do they? |
Codes:
a b c d
A) 1 4 2 3
B) 3 2 1 4
C) 3 1 4 2
D) 4 3 1 2
105. Select the correct sequence of preposition:
the eleventh hour Ramu withdrew the contest, leaving the field open his opponent that day.
A) at, from, on, to
B) at, on, from, to
C) on, at, from, to
D) at, from, to, on.
106. Select the appropriate active voice for the italicized words:
The house next door has been bought by Anitha.
A) has bought
B) have bought
C) have been bought
D) will have been bought.
107. Which one of the following has correct gerund form?
A) I am tired of waiting
B) I am tired of having waited
C) I am tired of being waited
D) I am tired to wait.
108. Which one of the following has the correct infinitive?
A) I think Nina meant to break the crystal vase.
B) I think Nina meant to have broken the crystal vase.
C) I think Nina meant having broken the crystal vase.
D) I think Nina meant to be breaking the crystal vase.
109. Give the suitable order of articles in the blanks of the given passage. Write the correct code given below:
In the evening stranger walked towards sea roaring sea was with big waves and old man was seen there.
A) the, a, the, a
B) the, a, the, an
C) a, the, the, an
D) a, a, a, an.
110. Find out the odd one (verb):
A) Last
B) Final
C) Lost
D) Truthful.
111. Choose the correct words to fill in the blanks:
A of chased few .
A) group, apes, chicken
B) team, apes, chickens
C) troop, apses, chicken
D) troop, apes, chickens.
112. Match the following words given in **Column A** with their meanings in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|-------------------|
| a) Mesmerising | 1. spellbind |
| b) Hypnotise | 2. captivating |
| c) Bedlam | 3. deceives |
| d) Imposter | 4. confusion |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 1 | 3 | 4 | 2 |
| B) 3 | 2 | 4 | 1 |
| C) 4 | 1 | 3 | 2 |
| D) ✓2 | 1 | 4 | 3 |
113. Match the following phrases given in **Column A** with their meanings in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|---------------------------|-----------------------------------------------|
| a) advance and retreat | 1. to write something as a record |
| b) keep an account of | 2. emerge in a large number |
| c) arrive in | 3. move to and fro |
| d) pour out from | 4. reach |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) ✓3 | 1 | 4 | 2 |
| B) 4 | 2 | 3 | 1 |
| C) 3 | 1 | 2 | 4 |
| D) 1 | 3 | 4 | 2 |
114. Which one of the following sentences has a participle in it?
A) He had lost his passport and applied for a new one.
B) Having lost his passport, he applied for a new one.
C) His passport had been lost, and hence he applied for a new one.
D) His passport was lost and he had applied for a new one.
115. Select the correct option to complete the sentence:
Gandhiji is the only person who stood
A) for truth and non-violence
B) of truth and non-violence
C) after truth and non-violence
D) away from truth and non-violence.
116. Identify the sentence:
In the event of his failure, he will give up further attempts.
A) None
B) Compound
C) Complex
D) Simple.
117. Identify the sentence with the correct question tag:
A) They have been to London, have they?
B) They have been to London, hasn't they?
C) They had been to London, hadn't they?
D) They had been to London, haven't they?
118. Match the following words given in **Column A** with their meanings in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|--------------|
| a) ferocious | 1. sorrow |
| b) impediments | 2. arrogant |
| c) haughty | 3. wild |
| d) affliction | 4. obstacles |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 4 | 1 | 3 | 2 |
| B) 3 | 2 | 4 | 1 |
| C) 1 | 3 | 4 | 2 |
| D) ✓ 3 | 4 | 2 | 1 |
119. Fill in the blank with suitable article:
He always offers alms to .................. poor.
A) ✓ the
B) an
C) a
D) no article.
120. Match the following articles in **Column A** with their suitable words in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------|-------------------|
| a) a | 1. Second Rank |
| b) zero | 2. MLA |
| c) an | 3. English Language |
| d) the | 4. Man |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 4 | 2 | 3 | 1 |
| B) ✓ 4 | 3 | 2 | 1 |
| C) 2 | 3 | 4 | 1 |
| D) 2 | 4 | 3 | 1 |
121. Match the following words given in Column A with their parts of speech in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------|----------|
| a) Abroad | 1. Adjective |
| b) Blue | 2. Noun |
| c) Cartoon| 3. Adverb |
| d) Dare | 4. Verb |
Codes:
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 3 | 1 | 2 | 4 |
| B) 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 |
| C) 2 | 3 | 4 | 1 |
| D) 3 | 4 | 1 | 2 |
122. Fill in the blank with suitable article:
He studies in ................. sixth standard.
A) no article
B) a
C) an
D) the.
123. Find the sentence in which the italicized word is used as an Adjective:
A) I did not know his address.
B) Address the gathering.
C) Write your address here.
D) He asked for the address proof.
124. Match the following italicized words of the sentences given in Column A with their parts of speech in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|---------------------------|----------------|
| a) They have a plan | 1. adjective |
| b) I live here | 2. noun |
| c) She walks fast | 3. verb |
| d) I have a gift wrapper | 4. adverb |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 1 4 3 2
- B) 2 4 1 3
- C) 2 3 1 4
- D) ✓2 3 4 1.
125. Find out the part of speech that is not used in the given sentences:
I. She gave us a present.
II. We present her a gift every year.
III. The present situation is worse.
IV. The paper presented needs your attention.
A) Noun
B) ✓Adverb
C) Adjective
D) Verb.
126. Select the correct option to complete the sentence:
Jane left Bangalore after her studies. She found it difficult to get a job.
Jane would have found a new job .......................
A) if she stayed in Bangalore
B) ✓if she had stayed in Bangalore
C) if she would stay in Bangalore
D) if she will stay in Bangalore.
127. Select the correct sentence from the following:
A) He is the good batsman in our team.
B) He is one of the talkative boys in the class.
C) Lekha is most clever than her sister.
D) Apples are not sweet as mangoes.
128. Select the correct sentence from the following:
A) Do you know which is world’s tallest building?
B) One of these cycles is defective
C) This is the hardly nut to crack
D) He is good athlete. He performs well.
129. Which one of the following is a correct sentence?
A) This is the most long lesson in this book
B) This is the most longest lesson in this book
C) This is most longest lesson in this book
D) This is the longest lesson in this book.
130. Which one of the following is a correct sentence?
A) Ramu is more tall than Somu.
B) Ramu is not more tall than Somu.
C) Ramu is taller than Somu.
D) Ramu is taller to Somu.
131. Which one of the following has the correct gerund form?
A) I remember to read about the earthquake in the papers.
B) I remember having read about the earthquake in the papers.
C) I remember having been read about the earthquake in the papers.
D) I remember reading about the earthquake in the papers.
132. Which one of the following is a correct sentence?
A) Kindness is noblest of all virtue.
B) Kindness is most noble of all virtues.
C) Kindness is the noblest of all virtues.
D) Kindness is the most noblest of all virtues.
133. Fill in the blank with suitable gerund:
.......................... on the grass is forbidden.
A) To walk
B) Walking
C) Having walked
D) To be walked.
134. Fill in the blank with suitable infinitive:
I am not afraid ................... the truth.
A) to have spoken
B) having spoken
C) speaking
D) to speak.
135. Find out the correct Passive Form for the italicized word / words:
He will do it.
A) will done
B) will be doing
C) will be done
D) would do.
136. Find out the Active voice from the options:
A) Let the doors be opened.
B) Let the cars be parked here.
C) Let the children play in the garden.
D) Let the inpatients not be disturbed.
137. Identify the tense form:
He has just gone out
A) Simple Present tense
B) Present Perfect tense
C) Simple Past tense
D) Past Perfect tense.
138. Replace the italicized word / words with present progressive tense from the options given below:
She expects a lot from her brother.
A) was expecting
B) has been expecting
C) is expecting
D) would be expecting.
139. There ............... a tear in my coat so I .................. a new coat when I ............ to market.
A) is, will buy, go
B) was, will buy, went
C) is, bought, go
D) will be, bought, went.
140. Replace the italicized word / words with Past Progressive tense from the options given below:
She absented herself from the school frequently.
A) had been absenting
B) has been absenting
C) is absenting
D) was absenting.
141. Identify the sentence:
His son, the pride of his old age, is dead.
A) Complex
B) Compound
C) None
D) Simple.
142. Identify the sentence:
That he is unreliable is well known.
A) Simple
B) Compound
C) Complex
D) None of these.
143. Identify the Compound sentence:
A) Unless you do as I do, you will regret it.
B) Can you tell me the time of his arrival?
C) Favio sat beside him and pulled out his cell phone.
D) This is a machine which is used for sewing.
144. Identify the Simple sentence:
A) ✓ The problem is too difficult to solve.
B) The problem is so difficult that I cannot solve it.
C) The problem is very difficult and so I cannot solve it.
D) As the problem is very difficult, I cannot solve it.
145. Identify the Simple sentence:
A) He went to the place where his father lived.
B) ✓ He went to his father’s native place.
C) He went to a place and his father lived there.
D) He went to the native place where his father lived.
146. Match the following words given in Column A with their antonyms in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|-------------------|
| a) Trivial | 1. dwarf |
| b) Acceleration| 2. significant |
| c) Monstrous | 3. lit |
| d) Extinguished| 4. retardation |
Codes:
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 1 2 3 4 |
| B) 4 1 2 3 |
| C) 3 4 1 2 |
| D) ✓ 2 4 1 3 |
147. Match the following words given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------|----------|
| a) Parched | 1. slimy |
| b) Taut | 2. smiled |
| c) Groaned | 3. slavery |
| d) Freedom | 4. wet |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 3 2
- B) 4 1 2 3
- C) 3 1 4 2
- D) 2 4 1 3
148. Give the suitable order of articles in the blanks of the given passage and choose the correct code given below:
Ramu had applied for __________ post of __________ cashier in __________ bank. In __________ interview he answered some questions well.
A) a, the, the, an
B) the, a, a, the
C) the, a, a, an
D) the, a, the, an
149. Match the following and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------|----------|
| a) prowess | 1. reckless |
| b) shroud | 2. coward |
| c) prudent | 3. clear |
| d) obscure | 4. near |
| | 5. reveal |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 2 5 1 3
- B) 2 4 1 3
- C) 4 3 2 1
- D) 5 1 3 2
150. Match the following phrasal verbs given in **Column A** with their meanings in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|--------------|
| a) bring out | 1. realise |
| b) bring to | 2. restore |
| c) bring under | 3. emphasise |
| d) bring up | 4. subdue |
| | 5. rear |
**Codes:**
A) ✓ 3 2 4 5
B) 3 2 4 1
C) 3 1 4 5
D) 3 1 5 4.
151. Match the following words given in **Column A** with their antonyms in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|--------------|
| a) Nightmarish | 1. calm |
| b) Irate | 2. announce |
| c) Unherald | 3. aroma |
| d) Stench | 4. pleasing |
**Codes:**
A) ✓ 4 1 2 3
B) 1 4 3 2
C) 2 1 4 3
D) 1 2 3 4.
152. Match the following phrases / idioms given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|-------------------|---------------------------|
| a) Mess around | 1. punish |
| b) Mete something out | 2. waste time |
| c) Mill around | 3. beware of danger |
| d) Mind out | 4. people get together very close |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 2 4 3 1
- B) 1 3 2 4
- C) 3 1 4 2
- D) ✓2 1 4 3
153. Match the following phrases given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|------------------|------------------------|
| a) go up | 1. wait |
| b) hold on | 2. a little ago |
| c) just before | 3. disclose a secret |
| d) let on | 4. increase |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 1 2 3 4
- B) 4 3 2 1
- C) 4 3 1 2
- D) ✓4 1 2 3
154. Fill in the blank with correct Homophone:
We sat under the shade of the .................. tree.
A) breach B) beach
C) beech D) beich.
155. Match the following phrases / idioms given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|--------------|
| a) put on | 1. surrender |
| b) give in | 2. a greenhouse |
| c) in abundance| 3. wear |
| d) underglass | 4. a lot of |
Codes:
a b c d
A) 3 1 4 2
B) 1 2 3 4
C) 4 3 2 1
D) 3 2 4 1
156. Find out the incorrect sentence from the following:
A) She is a minor so she needs a guardian.
B) They saw the teacher so they became silent.
C) As it rained so the match was cancelled.
D) The pen is very beautiful but it does not write smoothly.
157. Find out the meaning for the italicized word:
He set into a thriving business.
I. upcoming
II. increasing
III. successful
IV. prosperous.
A) I, II, III B) II, III, IV
C) I, III, IV D) I, II, IV.
158. Match the following phrases given in **Column A** with their meanings in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|--------------|
| a) due to | 1. crushed |
| b) get on to | 2. move fully|
| c) go in to | 3. climb |
| d) ground up | 4. because of|
**Codes:**
- A) 2 1 4 3
- B) 1 2 3 4
- C) 4 3 2 1
- D) 4 2 3 1
159. Match **Column A** with **Column B** to make meaningful sentences by using prepositions and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|---------------------------|------------------------|
| a) Ranjith got | 1. by 10 per cent |
| b) Prices have risen | 2. about you |
| c) He went | 3. out of the taxi |
| d) We were talking | 4. on horseback to Kedarnath |
**Codes:**
- A) 3 1 2 4
- B) 3 1 4 2
- C) 4 3 1 2
- D) 4 2 1 3
160. Fill in the blank with suitable preposition given as option:
He cuts the cake ________________ a knife.
- A) in
- B) for
- C) over
- D) with.
161. Identify the incorrect prepositional phrase from the given options:
David is ......................... .
A) afraid of dark , B) afraid of dogs
C) for definitely wrong D) frightened of devils.
162. Identify the sentence of requisition.
A) Just find out the odd one, won’t you?
B) Just find out the key, can’t you?
C) Just open the door, can you?
D) Just open the door, will you?
163. Pick out the sentence with SVIODO pattern:
A) Painters paint pictures. B) I eat apples everyday.
C) He gave me a book. D) Raju speaks English fluently.
164. Find out the Passive Voice from the option:
A) Someone is chasing him.
B) Someone is innocent here.
C) Someone is allowed here by mistake.
D) Someone here is keen on money by nature.
165. Which one of the following is a correct sentence?
A) Your pencil is more sharp than mine
B) Your pencil is sharper than mine
C) Your pencil is the sharper than mine
D) Your pencil is sharp than mine.
166. Which of the following sentences has correct use of article?
A) The rose is the sweetest of all flowers.
B) Rose is the sweetest of all flowers.
C) A rose is the sweetest of all flowers.
D) An rose is the sweetest of all flowers.
167. Fill in the blank with suitable phrase:
Prem hates .................... in the morning. Luckily he works in the evening.
A) getting on
B) getting up
C) getting in
D) none of these.
168. Match Column A with Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A (Phrasal verbs) | Column B (Meanings) |
|--------------------------|---------------------|
| a) break down | 1. disperse |
| b) break in | 2. collapse |
| c) break off | 3. detach |
| d) break up | 4. enter by force |
| | 5. disintegration. |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 2 4 1 5
- B) 2 4 1 3
- C) 2 4 5 1
- D) 2 4 3 1
169. Match Column A with Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A (Phrasal verbs) | Column B (Meanings) |
|--------------------------|---------------------|
| a) give away | 1. resign |
| b) give over | 2. transfer |
| c) give up | 3. pronounce |
| d) give off | 4. abandon |
| | 5. emit |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 2 4 5 1
- B) 2 4 1 5
- C) 2 4 1 3
- D) 2 4 5 3
170. Match **Column A** with **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------------|-----------------------------------------------|
| a) improvise | 1. dubious, far-fetched |
| b) impound | 2. ambiguous, approximate |
| c) improbable | 3. invent and perform |
| d) imprecise | 4. seize legally |
| | 5. not original, copying. |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 5 | 4 | 3 | 2 |
| B) ✓ 3 | 4 | 1 | 2 |
| C) 3 | 2 | 4 | 5 |
| D) 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 |
171. Fill in the blanks with suitable words:
A ................. of .................. attached the village.
A) gangs, thieves
B) ✓ gang, thieves
C) gang, thiefs
D) gangs, thief.
172. Fill in the blanks suitably:
He .................. the bus, if he .................. early.
A) could catch, starts
B) ✓ will catch, starts
C) would catch, starts
D) will catch, started.
173. Find out the meaning for the italicized word:
Hemanth rejected his suggestion indignantly.
I. irritatedly
II. annoyingly
III. infuriatedly
IV. persuadingly
V. furiously.
A) I, II, IV and V
B) I, II, III and V
C) II, III, IV and V
D) I, III, IV and V.
174. Find out the meaning for the italicized word:
She was fascinated by her obscure statements.
I. convinced
II. attracted
III. charmed
IV. enthralled
V. allured.
A) I, II, IV and V
B) I, III, IV and V
C) I, II, III and IV
D) II, III, IV and V.
175. Match the following words given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------|----------|
| a) canopy | 1. scolding |
| b) concerned | 2. strange |
| c) queer | 3. be anxious |
| d) chide | 4. shelter |
Codes:
A) 4 3 2 1
B) 3 2 4 1
C) 3 1 2 4
D) 4 1 2 3.
176. Match the following words given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|------------|--------------|
| a) sloth | 1. annoyed |
| b) Intricate | 2. laziness |
| c) irritated | 3. fear |
| d) dread | 4. complicated |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 1 3 2 4
- B) 4 2 1 3
- C) ✓ 2 4 1 3
- D) 2 3 1 4.
177. Match the following words given in Column A with their meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|------------|--------------|
| a) instinct | 1. deep |
| b) profound | 2. ability |
| c) lanky | 3. intuition |
| d) aptitude | 4. tall and thin |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 1 3 4 2
- B) ✓ 3 1 4 2
- C) 4 3 1 2
- D) 2 1 3 4.
178. Find out the odd one:
I. countryside
II. inside
III. preside
IV. hillside.
A) None of these
B) I
C) III
D) IV.
179. Match Column A with Column B to form a new word and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|----------|----------|
| a) Slave | 1. ry |
| b) Terrify | 2. ism |
| c) Youth | 3. ic |
| d) Power | 4. less |
| | 5. ful |
Codes:
A) 1 3 5 4
B) 3 1 5 4
C) 1 3 4 5
D) 3 1 4 2
180. Find out the odd one:
I. Criticism
II. Racism
III. Atheism
IV. Egoism.
A) III
B) II
C) I
D) IV.
181. Find out the odd one:
I. Organism
II. Tourism
III. Hypoism
IV. Hypnotism.
A) II
B) III
C) IV
D) I.
182. Which of the following sentences is correct?
A) You can study well, can you?
B) Students like movies, do they?
C) We can’t live without air, can’t we?
D) He didn’t go, did he?
183. Match the following words given in Column A with their antonyms in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|------------|--------------|
| a) Panicked| 1. Humility |
| b) Drought | 2. Calmed |
| c) Commence| 3. Floods |
| d) Pride | 4. Conclude. |
Codes:
a b c d
A) 3 4 2 1
B) 2 4 1 3
C) 1 3 4 2
D) 2 3 4 1.
184. Match the following sentences given in **Column A** with their patterns in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|-----------------------------------------------|----------|
| a) Now, it is raining | 1. ASVO |
| b) This morning I met him | 2. SVC |
| c) Radha sings a song | 3. ASV |
| d) Sita is a teacher | 4. SVO |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 1 2 4 3 |
| B) 3 4 2 1 |
| C) 3 1 4 2 |
| D) 4 3 2 1 |
185. Match the following sentences given in **Column A** with their patterns in **Column B** and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | Column B |
|-----------------------------------------------|----------|
| a) They were happy | 1. SVA |
| b) She sang sweetly | 2. SVIODO|
| c) I gave him a book | 3. SVOC |
| d) He painted the car green | 4. SVC |
**Codes:**
| a | b | c | d |
|---|---|---|---|
| A) 1 3 2 4 |
| B) 4 1 2 3 |
| C) 4 2 4 3 |
| D) 4 3 2 1 |
186. Identify the sentence pattern:
To err is human.
A) SV
B) SVC
C) SVO
D) SVOC.
187. Match the following homophones given in Column A with their related meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | (Homephones) |
|----------|--------------|
| a) | Statutory |
| b) | Stationary |
| c) | Stationery |
| d) | Statuary |
| Column B | (Meanings) |
|----------|------------|
| 1. | Statues collectively |
| 2. | Authorized by law |
| 3. | Not moving |
| 4. | Writing materials |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 1 2 3 4
- B) ✓ 2 3 4 1
- C) 3 4 1 2
- D) 4 1 2 3.
188. Match the following homophones given in Column A with their related meanings in Column B and select the correct answer from the codes given below:
| Column A | (Homophones) |
|----------|--------------|
| a) | career |
| b) | courier |
| c) | carrier |
| d) | courtier |
| Column B | (Meanings) |
|----------|------------|
| 1. | an attendant at court |
| 2. | person or animal transmitting disease |
| 3. | job |
| 4. | a person who delivers messages |
Codes:
- a b c d
- A) 2 3 1 4
- B) 3 1 4 2
- C) ✓ 3 4 2 1
- D) 1 2 4 3.
189. Fill in the blank with the correct 'Homophone':
The ...................... thread was thrown away.
A) naughty B) rottly
C) knotty D) notey.
190. Fill in the blank with the correct 'Homophone':
The teacher gave .................. to the students.
A) Council B) Councillor
C) Counsel D) Council.
191. Find out the meaning for the italicized words:
His brother's worthy suggestions changed Sachin to a steadfast cricketer.
i) determined ii) firm
iii) famous iv) committed.
A) i, ii, iii B) i, ii, iv
C) i, iii, iv D) none of these.
192. Which of the following statements take the following question tag?
........... doesn't she?
A) Reeta goes to school everyday.
B) Reeta should go to school everyday.
C) Reeta can go to school everyday.
D) Reeta does not go to school everyday.
193. Fill in the blank with suitable preposition given below as options:
There is a beautiful bridge .................... the Kaveri river.
A) across B) in
C) through D) between.
194. Identify the degree:
Delhi Dare Devils and Kolkata Knight Riders are equally challenging teams.
A) Comparative
B) Superlative
C) Positive
D) None of these.
195. Change into Superlative degree:
Aerospace engineering is more fascinating subject to the students than other subjects.
A) Aerospace engineering is the most fascinating subject to the students
B) Aerospace engineering is one of the fascinating subjects to the students
C) Aerospace engineering is the only fascinating subject to the students
D) Aerospace engineering is not the only fascinating subject to the students.
196. Choose the appropriate Passive Voice for the following sentence:
They were carrying the injured player off the field.
A) They carried the injured player off the field
B) The injured player was being carried off the field by them.
C) The injured player carried them off the field.
D) The field was being carried by them for the players.
197. Identify the Superlative degree:
A) Who is braver, Napoleon or Hitler?
B) She is the wealthiest lady in the society.
C) Her dress is old.
D) The nearer I came, the farther he went.
198. Identify the degree, and choose the correct answer:
Some poets are at least as great as Tennyson.
A) Comparative degree
B) Positive degree
C) Superlative degree
D) None of these.
199. Change the following into Comparative degree:
My pony is not as trained as yours.
A) Your pony is more trained than mine.
B) Your pony is not more trained than mine.
C) Your pony is relatively more trained.
D) Your pony is more trained.
200. When I saw a black and white print of Jesus Christ in his hut I asked Gandhiji, "How is this? You are not a Christian".
"I am a Christian and a Hindu and a Muslim and a Jew," he replied.
The answer of Gandhiji reflects ...............
A) his arrogance
B) his faith on secularism
C) his disrespect for religion
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Message from the President of the United States, in answer to a resolution of the House of 19th of December last, calling for information relative to Russian America
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Part of the Indigenous, Indian, and Aboriginal Law Commons
Recommended Citation
H.R. Exec. Doc. No. 177 Pt. 2, 40th Cong., 2nd Sess. (1868)
This House Executive Document is brought to you for free and open access by University of Oklahoma College of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in American Indian and Alaskan Native Documents in the Congressional Serial Set: 1817-1899 by an authorized administrator of University of Oklahoma College of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact email@example.com.
RUSSIAN AMERICA.
MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
IN ANSWER TO
A resolution of the House of 19th December last, calling for information relative to Russian America.
APRIL 21, 1868.—Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to be printed.
To the House of Representatives:
In further reply to the resolution adopted by the House of Representatives on the 19th of December, 1867, calling for correspondence and information in relation to Russian America, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the papers which accompanied it.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
WASHINGTON, April 2, 1868.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 2, 1868.
The Secretary of State, referring to his report of the 17th of February last, placing before the President a copy of the correspondence called for by the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 19th of December, 1867, in relation to Russian America, has the honor to lay before the President, as supplemental to that report, the accompanying notes upon that subject, and a map of the Stickeen river, by Professor W. P. Blake, of California.
Respectfully submitted:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
The President.
WASHINGTON, March, 1868.
SIR: At the expiration of my engagement with the Tycoon's government in Japan, I received permission from the commodore of his imperial Russian Majesty's squadron, in the north Pacific, to accompany Commander Bassarguine, of the corvette Rynda, to Russian America.
We left Hakodadi on the 22d of April, 1863, and were 22 days under sail crossing to Sitka, arriving there on the 14th day of May.
During my stay there I received much attention from the governor and other officials, and gathered some general and special information upon the nature and resources of the country, which I have embodied in the following pages.
From Sitka the corvette sailed to the mouth of the Stickeen river, and a survey of the lower portion of this stream was made by the Russian officers. Three parties were fitted out: one to make soundings and a map of the estuary; one to survey and sound the channel for some 30 miles up, (probably to the supposed boundary;) and a third party to ascend the river as far as possible in the two weeks allowed for explorations.
As this river had not been ascended by any exploring party, and the nature of the country along it, and even the course of the river was unknown to geographers, I accepted an invitation to join the expedition. The results of my observations, together with my journal and a sketch-map of the stream, are appended.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM P. BLAKE.
Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
Secretary of State, Washington.
NOTES UPON THE GEOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY OF RUSSIAN AMERICA AND THE STICKEEN RIVER, FROM OBSERVATIONS MADE IN 1863.
THE COAST OF ALASKA IN THE VICINITY OF SITKA.
On approaching the northwest coast of America from the Pacific the mountain chains of the interior are seen to be lofty and Alpine in character. The ridges are sharply serrated and rise into needle-like pinnacles, giving an outline against the sky that contrasts strongly with the gently-sloping sides of the truncated cone of Edgecombe, a fine, extinct volcano which marks the entrance to the harbor of Sitka. This mountain and the ranges along the coast are densely wooded with pines, firs, and spruce, but the upper portions or summits are without vegetation, being shrouded in snow. This often appears to be in immense drifts and overhanging masses upon the crests of the range. In the winter and as late as May this snow stretches far down the sides of Edgecombe and buries the upper portions of the forest from sight, or leaves only the tops of the tall spruces protruding from the snow, like little shrubs.
Some of the principal valleys of the mountain range of the mainland are filled with magnificent glaciers, rivalling those of the Alps. No glaciers are found upon the coast at Sitka, or south of it, for under the influence of the warm currents of the Pacific the climate is comparatively mild, while a short distance in the interior, beyond the influence of the warm currents, the climate is more severe, and the winters and summers are strongly marked.
The topography of the interior opposite Sitka has been almost unknown. The Stickeen river, for example, (known also as the Frances river,) is usually represented as running nearly east and west, and as heading far to the south of its mouth. This is erroneous; it rises to the northward and eastward of its mouth, and its general course is northwest and southeast, or parallel with the coast. The interior appears to be broken into a succession of sharply-defined mountain ranges separated by narrow and deep valleys, similar to those between the islands of the coast. In fact, the topography of the archipelago is a type of that in the interior. A submergence of the mountain region of the mainland would give a similar succession of islands separated by deep and narrow fiords.
It appears from the testimony of miners who have penetrated far into the interior in search of gold, that there is a broad plain stretching northwest and southeast, which separates the mountainous zone of the coast from a lofty range, called by
them the "Blue mountains." This is at the head waters of the Stickeen and other streams that cut through the narrow strip of our recently acquired territory, and it is probably the main dividing range or prolongation of the Rocky mountains.
THE MINERAL RESOURCES OF ALASKA.
The principal mineral wealth of Alaska, so far as it is at present known, consists chiefly in coal, copper, and gold.
Coal.—Coal beds have been worked by the Russians at several points, but chiefly at Kennai, on Cook's inlet. The quality, however, is not equal to that of the coal from Nanaimo, on Vancouver's island, to the southward.
It is here important to note that the many islands along the northwest coast, from Vancouver's northward, are not formed of volcanic rocks, as is generally supposed and stated by some writers, but that they consist of stratified formations, chiefly sandstones and shales, which are favorable to the existence of coal-beds, indications of which have been found at various points.
It is probable that the formations of Baranoff or Sitka island, and of Prince of Wales island, indeed of all the islands of that extensive archipelago, are equivalents in age of coal-bearing strata of Vancouver's island and Queen Charlotte's island. On the latter the existence of beds of a very superior quality of anthracite coal has lately been made known, and samples of it have been tested in San Francisco with satisfactory results. The extent and value of these beds have not been ascertained, but their existence is a most significant fact, and suggests that a continuation of them may be found in the prolongation of the same formation in the islands to the northward, within the limits of the recently acquired territory.
The points at which I made an examination of the stratified rock formations were at Sitka and the adjoining islands, and at the mouth of the Stickeen river. At these places they consist of sandstones and shales regularly stratified, and passing in some places into hard slates which project along the shores in thin knife-like reefs. All these strata are uplifted at high angles, and they give the peculiar saw-like appearance to the crests of the ridges. Some of the outcrops are so sharp that they have been used by the savage Koloshes as saws, over which their unfortunate captives were dragged back and forth until their heads were severed from their bodies.
Coal has been noted upon the island of Ounga, on the west side of Takharooskai bay, in two places. The beds are horizontal, and are probably lignite. Vancouver noted coal on Cook's inlet. The miners who worked for gold upon the upper part of the Stickeen river in 1862-'63, reported coal as existing there, but no satisfactory description of it has been obtained. Coal of superior quality, in broken and drifted specimens, has recently been found by my brother, Mr. Theodore A. Blake, geologist of the Alaska expedition of 1867, along the course of a small stream which empties into St. John's bay, north of Sitka. The beds could not be found, and their extent is consequently unknown.*
It is surprising that during the long occupation of the northwest coast by the Russians little or no attention was given to explorations of the interior. Even the island of Sitka has not been explored.
Copper.—It has long been known that large masses of native copper are found along Copper river, which flows into the Pacific between Mount St. Elias and the peninsula of Kennai. Some of these masses, shown to me by his excellency Governor Fournehalm, at Sitka, very closely resembled the specimens formerly picked up on the shores of Lake Superior. From all the information which I received, I am inclined to believe that a copper-bearing region, similar to that
*Reports on Russian America, Ex. Doc. No. 177, 40th Congress, 2d session, p. 320.
of Lake Superior, exists in the interior. It is interesting that large masses of native copper have recently been found in northern Siberia. A large mass was exhibited at Paris, in the Exhibition, from the Kirghese steppes. It contained native silver, in isolated masses, identical in its appearance and its association with the singular masses of Lake Superior. Native copper, associated with silver, thus appears to be a characteristic mineral of the northern regions of both continents.
Gold.—The stratified formations of the archipelagos along the coast are not favorable to the existence of gold-bearing veins, for the metamorphosing agencies which usually accompany the formation of mineral veins do not appear to have acted upon the rocks with sufficient strength. East of the islands, however, and in the first range of mountains of the mainland, the conditions are different. The rocks are changed into mica slate, gneiss and granite, and are traversed by quartz veins which are presumed to be gold bearing. However this may be, it is certain that extensive sources of gold exist in the interior, for the sands of the streams that descend to the coast all contain gold.
Gold has for many years been known to exist upon the Stickeen, the Takou, and the Nass rivers. It has since been reported from many other places widely separated. Upon the Stickeen considerable mining has been carried on by both United States and English miners who followed the gold-bearing zone from Frazer's river northwards. It is to these miners that we are indebted for the discovery of the metal in paying quantities upon these streams, and for much of our geographical knowledge of the interior.
There is every reason to believe that this gold region of the interior extends along the mountains to the shores of the icy sea, and is thus connected with the gold regions of Asia.
At the time of my visit to the Stickeen river, in 1863, an account of which is annexed, there was conclusive evidence of the existence of a gold field of considerable extent in the so-called "Blue mountains," at the sources of the rivers mentioned. It is probable that there are zones of gold-bearing veins in those mountains which supply the gold to the detritus of the rivers. The severe climate, which prevents all placer or deposit mining, where water is used, during the winter months, would not materially hinder vein mining operations carried on below the surface. In this point of view a region of gold veins along those mountains has great prospective importance. The Stickeen river and other streams cutting through to the coast afford the most direct and cheapest routes to that region, and all information upon them has an immediate practical value. Some observations in detail upon the gold deposits along the Stickeen will be found in the general description of that river.
Platina is said to be abundant with the gold of the north fork of the Stickeen.
ICE.
It is probable that the ice of some of the large glaciers which descend from the mountains to the navigable waters of the coast may be shipped with profit to San Francisco and other places.
Although the ice is not as clear and transparent as that taken from lakes and ponds, it is nevertheless quite firm and solid, and may be used for ordinary purposes. Ice of this character can be obtained from the end of the second glacier on the Stickeen river.
In this connection the following notes upon the occurrence of great bodies of ice, undoubtedly glaciers, in the more northern parts of Russian America, have a special interest:
According to Sir Edward Belcher* the shores of Icy bay, at the foot of Mount
* Voyage of the Sulphur, i, 78-80.
St. Elias, lat. 60°, are lined with glaciers. "The whole of this bay, and the valley above it, was found to be composed of (apparently) snow-ice, about 30 feet in height at the water cliff, and probably based on a low muddy beach." At Cape Suckling, in the same latitude, and west of Icy bay, the same voyager observed a vast mass of ice sloping to the sea, the surface of which presented a most singular aspect, being "one mass of four-sided truncated pyramids." He was not able to account for this and observes, "What could produce these special forms? If one could fancy himself perched on an eminence about 500 feet above a city of snow-white pyramidal houses, with smoke-colored flat roofs covering many square miles of surface and rising ridge above ridge in steps, he might form some faint idea of this beautiful freak of nature."
Vast bodies of ice terminating in cliffs upon the sea are numerous in Prince William sound, and the thundering noise of the falling of large masses of ice was heard by Vancouver.*
On the shores of an arm of Stephens's passage (northwest of Sitka) a compact body of ice extended for some distance at the time of Vancouver's visit, and from the rugged valleys in the mountains around, immense bodies of ice reached perpendicularly to the sea, so that boats could not land. Similar observations are made, in general, of the mountains of the coast opposite Admiralty island. Two large open bays north and west of Point Couverdeen are terminated by solid mountains of ice rising perpendicularly from the water's edge.
From these various observations we may conclude that the mountain region of Russian and British North America, from latitude 55° to the Polar sea, is dotted with glaciers, cutting and scoring the mountains as they descend, and pushing their accumulations of rocky debris either into the ocean or the rivers of the interior.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE STICKEEN RIVER.†
The principal river in the vicinity of Sitka is the Stickeen, which rises in the Blue mountains, opposite the head waters of the Mackenzie, and flows in a general southeasterly direction, parallel with the coast, until it breaks through the mountains east and a little south of Sitka. When the snows are melting the river becomes much swollen, and is then navigable, with some difficulty, by small steamboats for 125 miles or more above the mouth. The valley is generally narrow, and is not bordered by a great breadth of alluvial land, except near the first great bend or turn of the river, where it breaks through the mountains of the coast. At this point there is a broad valley extending far to the southeast, along which Indians can travel to Fort Simpson in six days.
The sides of the mountain ranges are steep and rugged, and are covered, where there is sufficient earth, with a dense forest of coniferous trees, the timber of which is thought to be superior to that on the coast for spars and other purposes. The upper portions of the high ranges and peaks are covered with snow, and are truly Alpine in their character.
The narrow strips of bottom land on the sides of the river, and the islands between the different channels and sloughs, are almost all low, and seem to be liable to occasional inundations. The soil of such lands is loose and sandy, but fertile, and supports a vigorous growth of alders and the cottonwood, or an allied species of poplar. This poplar is abundant and attains a large size, often three feet in diameter. The wood is soft and light, is easily wrought, and is especially well adapted for the interior portions of cabinet furniture. The Indians use this wood for their canoes, cutting them out of a single log. Immense numbers of these trees are carried down by the stream, and are lodged
* iii, 185, (1794.)
† A portion of the following description of the Stickeen was published by the writer in the Sacramento Union, California, July 21, 1863.
in heaps on the sand-bars and islands, or are left as snags in the channel, anchored by the roots and pointing down stream, as in the Mississippi. The broad flats at the mouth of the river are also strewn with these trees, and many are doubtless carried far out into the sound.
My knowledge of the upper portions of the Stickeen river is derived from the miners who came down from the mining settlement during our exploration of the river. One of these miners was an old Californian, and a native of Vermont, and gave me much information which he had obtained in his travels and sojourn upon the upper portions of the river.
The head stream or branch of the river is said to flow in a northwesterly course along the foot of the Blue mountains, receiving many small tributaries from the valleys. Nearly under the parallel of 60 degrees it turns to the southeast, and for fifty miles cuts across a comparatively level country, described as a great plain with no obstruction to the vision. The stream here receives a fork or branch from the northwest and enters a very mountainous region, and for eighty miles is hemmed in on both sides by precipitous and overhanging masses of rock. This is called the Great cañon, and its upper portions are very imperfectly known. The river is said to make some very great bends, which, together with the dangers of the cañon, have been avoided by the miners. They leave the stream and cut across the country on foot. In one place the walls approach so closely that the stream during floods has not room to pass freely, and the waters are dammed up so as to produce a cataract some sixty feet high. The space between the walls at the top, where the surface of the flood rushes through, is considered to be only six feet wide. Just below this waterfall a tributary enters from the southeast and is known as the South fork, and still lower down the valley, the Second North fork and the First North fork enter the right bank from the northwest, and within six miles of each other. These two streams extend far to the northwest, and have been worked for gold.
Near the mouth of the First North fork there is (1863) a village of Stickeen Indians, and below the cañon, at intervals of five or six miles, there are several mining camps, known, respectively, as Buck's bar, Carpenter's bar, and Fiddler's bar, down to Shek's bar on the right bank.
From Shek's bar downward the course of the river is nearly southeast and parallel with the coast. Fifty miles below the river cañons again and runs with great force through a narrow gorge, with vertical precipices on each side. This is known as the Little cañon, and is much dreaded by the Indians and those who ascend the river. It does not, however, offer any great obstacle to the passage of a steamboat.
About 60 miles below this cañon the river turns westward and breaks through the Coast mountains for some twenty or thirty miles to the mouth in the straits or sounds between the islands that border the coast. The total length of the river is estimated at about 300 miles. Further data upon this point will be found in the journal.
CURRENT AND NAVIGATION.
The velocity and strength of the current throughout the whole length of this river, except perhaps the portion above the great cañon, is, perhaps, its most remarkable feature. Without any falls or impediments the current sweeps down with great uniformity, and in most places is so swift and strong that it is useless to attempt to make headway against it with oars, and when the bed or banks are not suitable for towing or tracking the only way to force a boat up is by means of poles, taking advantage always of the least forcible parts of the stream. The line for towing a boat should be from 200 to 300 feet long. The velocity of the current was measured at several places, and in the portions of the river below the Little cañon probably averages five miles per hour, and in the lower portion, or for about 30 miles above the mouth, about four miles per hour.
The depth of the water is of course variable, but even at low water is seldom less than three feet in the main channel. The highest water, or season of the greatest floods, is in the month of July, when the snow is melting on the mountains most rapidly under the summer sun. At these times the height of the river, judging by the appearance of the banks, does not appear to be very greatly increased, probably not more than six feet; but the water spreads out over the low banks and islands, and the stream is thus greatly changed in its appearance and in the form and direction of its banks. The water is always charged with a very fine light colored powder or sediment, so that it is opaque and the bottom of the stream is not visible. This suspended material is probably derived from the glaciers, or may perhaps be washed down from soft stratified formations along the sources of the stream.
GEOLOGY, GOLD, MINERALS.
The mountains of the Stickeen valley, from the Little cañon down to near the coast, are formed of syenite and granite, with some metamorphic beds at intervals. The walls of the Little cañon are granite.
At the mouth of the river and below to the Indian villages the rocks are quite different, being formed of the great sandstone and shale formation already described. The direction of uplift of these strata is about north 80° west, magnetic. The formation is some thousands of feet thick, and resembles the rocks of San Francisco, but is more changed by metamorphic action. They are probably of the secondary period. It appears to pass into mica-slate just above the site of an old stockade or fort of the Hudson Bay Company, where I found a locality of garnets like those of Monroe in Connecticut.
In the drift of the river below the Little cañon there is an abundance of fragments of granite, porphyry, and limestone, and a notable absence of fragments of lava, from which I conclude that volcanic formations are not developed to a great extent in the interior.
Gold can be found in small quantities by panning the drift of the bed and bars of the river. I almost invariably found the color, but in particles so minute as to be difficult to see and more difficult to save. This, of course, was to be expected in trials of the sand and gravel from the surface. It is what is termed flour gold, and to collect it would require blankets, quicksilver, and greater care and attention than is generally given in the rapid methods of California. There was not time to make any excavations to the bed-rock, where, doubtless, the coarse gold lies. Very good results can, however, be obtained in the layers of gravel above it, and the miners informed me that they seldom attempted to reach the bed-rock, it was so far below the surface. Some of the best results of their mining were obtained in a layer of gravel about 18 inches below the surface. This 18 inches of gravel is skimmed off and thrown aside, and the next five or six inches of gravel below is washed in cradles or rockers. The principal mining at Fiddler's and at Carpenter's bars in 1862 was of this description. One claim of 200 feet square, worked by two men, yielded $2,000; and the bars are reckoned to yield from $3 to $10 a day to the hand. Nearly all the bars will yield from $1 to $1.50 per day. The extent of paying ground is much increased as the river falls, and doubtless the bed of the river is extremely rich. Unfortunately the time of lowest water is during the winter months, when all is locked in ice, and, of course, washing is then impossible.
The gold from the North fork of the river is the coarsest which has yet been found or reported upon the Stickeen, (1862-'63.) One lump was worth $9.75. Even on this stream the bed-rock has not been seen except at one or two places, and it was believed that to reach and work the gravel upon it, derricks, pumps, and other machinery would be necessary. The miners say that this North fork is subject to extensive landslides along its course, which bring masses of earth
and rocks into the stream and obstruct it until the force of accumulated water above sweeps everything clean before it.
I was impressed in ascending this river by the absence of any well-defined terraces or old deposits of drift along the mountain sides or on the low ridges. No terrace was seen until we were near the Little cañon, where they are well-defined and extend for a mile or two on either one side of the river or the other, and they are also found above the cañon. They rise some fifty feet above the stream, and are made up of coarse, heavy drift. If at such places the bed-rock could be reached above the level of the river, there is little doubt that they would pay well for working. No favorable hill or dry diggings have yet been found above. An explanation of their absence may be found in the fact that the valley is so narrow and the current so strong that all drift accumulations are swept away.
The gold which has been brought by the Indians from the Takoun river further north is coarser than that found upon the Stickeen.
CLIMATE.
At the time of my visit—the last part of the month of May—the poplars and other deciduous trees were just budding, and in some places the young leaves had spread out. The nights, though cold, were not frosty; the thermometer seldom indicating less than 40 degrees. It was quite hot in the sun during the day, though in the shade the mercury seldom rose above 65 degrees. It is much hotter in midsummer. At Sitka, in the same latitude or a little north, there is not as great a difference between the summer and winter as upon the Stickeen. The winter at Sitka is not severe, and in 1862 there was not a crop of ice. The climate is said to be like a continued autumn. On the Stickeen, and in that interior valley, shut out from the influence of the ocean current, the seasons are strongly marked. The winters are cold, and the summers are hot. The river closes in December, freezes over, I am told, from its mouth up, and it opens in May. In the winter of 1862-'63 it was open as late as December 17, and in the spring the ice broke up about the 1st of May, and the previous year on the 9th of May. As soon as the warm days of spring cause the snows to melt, the river begins to rise, and so breaks up the ice. There is then a short season of rising and falling, after which come the continuous floods of the hot months. Very little rain falls during the summer in the upper part of the valley. Little or nothing was known in 1863 of the climate of the mountain region at the head of the Stickeen. At the mining camps at and near Shek's bar the winter is said to be very severe. Snow commences to fall in October, but is most abundant in December, and covers the ground to a depth of from four to fourteen feet or more all winter. In 1862 four feet of snow on a level fell in one day. In December the mercury sank below zero, and in February was solid in the bulb for nine days continuously. There was no thawing or rain during the winter.
It is perhaps this alternation of the seasons that causes the timber of the interior to be superior (according to report) to that of the coast.
FISH AND GAME.
Salmon, halibut, and other good fish abound at the mouth of the Stickeen. When the salmon ascend the river in June and July the Indians follow, and catch them in great numbers. They split them along the back, remove the backbone, cut them in long strips, and dry and smoke them. When well cured they are very fine, and are very convenient in camp. Ducks and geese may be shot on the river, and grouse in the forests of the shores. Bears are plenty in the mountains, and the mountain sheep or goat in the rocky places. Beaver and otters are taken in great numbers by the Indians of the Valley and its tributaries.
JOURNAL OF AN EXPLORATION OF THE STICKEEN RIVER—1863.
Under the orders of Admiral Popoff, of his imperial Russian majesty's navy, an expedition for the survey of the Stickeen river was organized by Lieutenant Bassarguine, commanding the corvette Rynda, when at Sitka in 1863.
The corvette steamed from Sitka to a convenient anchorage a few miles below the mouth of the Stickeen and near the south shore of its broad estuary. The party detailed consisted of Lieutenant Pereleshin, Mr. Andreanoff, a Russian engineer in the service of the Russian American Company, six Russian sailors, expert oarsmen, and the writer, who accompanied the party as a guest for scientific purposes. The commander's gig, a boat sharp at both ends and modelled like a whale-boat, was selected as best adapted for the purpose, and was fitted out with mast and sail, a long line for towing, and was provisioned for two weeks. An Indian named Jack accompanied us as a guide.
May 23, 1863.—Corvette to Camp 1.—We left the corvette in the morning and rowed up the stream, following the left or southern bank. The space between the mountains occupied by the estuary is apparently from two to three miles wide, and there are several channels or mouths separated by islands bordered by extensive sand-banks, where numerous large trees brought down by floods have been stranded. The mountains on the south side come nearly to the water's edge. They are apparently from 1,500 to 3,000 feet high, and are heavily timbered with firs and spruce. The rocks are granitic and metamorphic, and they project in long points, at one of which we stopped at noon to dine, opposite an island called Koknook by Jack, our Indian guide.
Mica slate in large blocks lay along the beach, and several beautiful crystals of garnet were picked up. These are about the size of filberts and closely resemble the garnets found in similar slate at Monroe, in Connecticut. The color is good, but the crystals are not transparent or free from flaws, and therefore have no value for the lapidary, although interesting to mineralogists. This rock shows a high degree of metamorphism.
One of these rocky points, where there is some flat land, is occupied by an Indian village, at which we procured some very fine smoked salmon. The fish has a fine red color, is very fat, and has an excellent flavor.
Beyond Koknook island the channel narrows rapidly and the course of the stream is nearly northeast and southwest. The shore on the north and west is quite low. The mountains on the south descend nearly to the shore and appear to be the ends of ridges trending northwest and southeast. The principal mountain abuts upon the river and forms a conspicuous point about five miles above the island. We camped at this point at 6.30 p.m. The river appears to be not over 200 yards wide, and the valley begins to narrow. The ranges on the north side approach the right bank.
We gave the name of the corvette to the mountain above our camp, and the name of the commander to the mountain opposite it on the right or north bank. Both of these mountains appear to be formed of a dark-colored gneiss, which at the camp trends northwest and southeast, and is nearly vertical. It is a metamorphosed sedimentary rock.
May 24.—Camp 1 to Camp 2.—We left camp at 5 a.m. A short distance above, and on the left bank, there is an extensive sand-flat which is bare during low stages of water. There is a belt of alluvial or bottom land beyond it, while on the north or right bank the mountain impinges upon the stream. About two miles above camp the conditions are reversed; the alluvial land is on the north side, and the mountains on the south, jut out into the river in a series of rocky points, which the guide called Stenienia. The rocks are gneiss and granite. From this point there is a fine view of a glacier descending between the mountains a mile or two westward. It has a high inclination and a very rugged and broken surface. The sides of the mountain along its course show freshly broken
cliffs, which are clearly the result of the eroding action of the ice. We designated this as the "Popof glacier" in honor of the admiral. The Soynai or Ice-water river, according to our guide, enters the Stickeen a short distance above and probably flows from the glacier. The point of land between the Soynai and the Stickeen appears to be formed chiefly of coarse river drift, with probably considerable debris from the glacier, and it contains gold. It had been marked off into claims by some miners who had passed up the river in Indian canoes. This gold is said to be quite fine and is in thin scales. Another stream, called the Ketil, enters on the right bank a short distance above, and a brook, the Shaktusay flows in nearly opposite it.
The course of the Stickeen for several miles above is nearly east and west, and there are no rapids or impediments to navigation by vessels of light draught. There are several long sand-bars and low islands on the south side of the main channel. On the north the banks are low, and the mountains recede from the river towards the northwest.
The deciduous trees along the bottom lands are just budding out, and the air during the day is mild and spring-like, although there is yet some snow remaining along the banks on the north side, and on the low bars that have been above water during the winter.
About four miles above the mouth of the Soynai, the river turns suddenly to the north and then to the northwest. At the bend, the mountains on the south side rise abruptly from the water, and are composed of syenitic granite.
We camped a short distance above, on the right bank, and nearly opposite the mouth of a stream which enters the Stickeen from the southeast. It is called Kétété by our guide. Another stream, or a branch of the first, enters about a mile below, and was designated as the Kekkikacié. The ground at our camp was low, and formed of the alluvium of the river, thickly overgrown with alders and shrubs.
This flat extends for a considerable distance to the west, and back to the mountains. The guide says that there is a lake, or large pond, at the foot of the mountains, where there is an abundance of geese and ducks. The river abounds with the finest salmon.
May 25.—Camp 2 to Camp 3.—We left camp at 6 o'clock in the morning, and rowed for some distance; temperature of the air 44°. The first prominent rocky point is formed by the end of the range on the north, which here terminates the belt of bottom-land. The rocks are gneiss and mica slate, with the stratification nearly vertical, and trending northwest by west. This point is well adapted for a settlement or supply station, as there is a good landing, and it is sufficiently elevated to be secure from floods. The Indian calls this point, and the mountain above it, Kokaydai.
From our camp this morning, and along the river below it, there is a fine view of a ridge of the mountains, with the most remarkable serrations and sharply cut peaks of rock, looking like the sharp points of crystals penetrating the air.
There appears to be a branch of the river just opposite Kokaydai Point, and a broad opening, extending far to the southeast, indicates a valley in that direction. This is distinctly seen about three miles higher up the river, where a stream enters, called the Scoot, but which may be another mouth or branch of the stream which drains the valley. The Indian describes it, as nearly as I could understand him, as a very large stream, extending a great distance. The valley affords fine hunting and fishing, and has many Indians who trade with the Stick Indians. This valley affords a direct route to Fort Simpson, and an Indian can traverse the distance in six days.
In an abrupt point of rocks jutting into the river half a mile below the Scoot, a quartz vein, some ten inches thick, was observed. The rocks are hornblende and very dark-colored. The end of a magnificent glacier is visible on the right bank of the river, a few miles above.
At a point a short distance above the Scoot there is an Indian village. These Indians are quite different from the Koloshes of the coast, and are evidently of the great Chippewyan family. They offered skins of the sable for sale or barter, and had several fine skins of cubs of black bear recently killed.
The glacier above presents a splendid appearance in the sunlight, and extends for about two miles along the stream. The background is formed by beautiful snow-covered peaks, from between which the glacier issues, but its source cannot be seen. The slope of the glacier is very gentle, and the vast body of ice appears to be unbroken until it reaches the valley of the river, where it breaks down in massive ledges and pinnacles of the purest crystal. The foreground along the stream consists of an ancient moraine now covered with trees, among which willows and poplars are conspicuous in their delicate green foliage of spring. Some very large blocks of granite standing in the river bear witness to the vast transporting power of ice and to a much greater extension of this glacier in former periods.
From this part of the river a line of high and rugged peaks is visible on the right or eastern side of the valley, and at a considerable distance from the stream.
The accumulations at the foot of the glacier have evidently pushed the river outward, and they have acted as a dam to the waters, which above the moraine are quite deep and flow smoothly. We encamped at 8 o'clock on a gravelly beach, diagonally opposite the glacier.
May 26.—Camp 3 to Camp 4.—We left our camp at 3 o'clock in the morning, and found the ascent of the river more difficult than it had been; owing to the increased velocity of the current and the irregularity of the banks. The stream turns more to the west and is quite crooked. The valley is narrower; large poplar trees are abundant along the banks, and many that have been uprooted by the undermining action of the stream are stranded upon the sandbars and along the shores.
At 9 o'clock we stopped to rest the men, who were fatigued with the incessant hard labor of rowing and tracking the boat. Temperature of the air 63° Fah. in the shade. The sun shone out bright and was quite hot. We came in sight of another and very beautiful glacier, flowing from a valley on the west. It is remarkable for its symmetry, regular slope, thickness of the ice, and for the contrast with the dense forest on each side of it, and with the belt of deciduous trees upon the bottom-land in front. In the extreme background there is a magnificent angular peak shrouded with snow.
The drift, pebbles, and rocks of the river-bed at this point, and a short distance above, consist chiefly of limestone, porphyry, and jasper, with some masses of quartz.
There are numerous bends and crooks in the stream, and an appearance of another channel to the right, on the other side of low land, covered by trees. A stream called the Clitch-a-ta-noo enters on the left bank. After passing an abrupt bend in the river, where the current was very swift, we encamped at 7.25 p.m. on the right bank.
May 27.—Camp 4 to camp 5.—Left camp at 7 a.m. Morning bright and clear. The rock at camp is a compact white granite, evidently a metamorphic rock. The trees are very large, and have an abundance of heavy green moss upon them. From this part of the river there is a splendid panorama of high peaks and mountains. The current is swift, and there are many bars and channels. The day was quite warm, and we stopped to rest and dine at a beautiful point where some United States miners had made a camp in 1862. About 60 men spent the winter here, and had a store or stock of provisions for sale to the miners, who had taken claims in the vicinity. One of their number died of small-pox, and was buried at the foot of one of the largest spruces. The scenery at this part of the river is very picturesque. The rocks at the point are
metamorphosed sandstones and shales and pass into gneiss. The drift and sandbars of the river contain gold, but no very great amount of work appears to have been done. We camped on the left bank of the river, above the bend, and upon a low bar. A mountain behind us, to the northeast, bears the name of Hanook. A small stream of clear, cool water enters a short distance below. I found the "color" of gold here in the surface gravel, and Jack shot a wild goose for supper.
May 28.—Camp 5 to camp 6.—A mountain in view from camp, and which is covered with perpetual snow, is called Taouk-ti-nia, and the Indian describes a "big water" on the east which he calls Ska-ti-ni, and says that the Indians catch large quantities of salmon there and dry them. We stopped for half an hour to lash the provisions to the seats of the boat, so that in the event of capsizing they would not all be lost. Each man also took a small quantity of bread and dried salmon in his pockets. We were nearly capsized three times during the morning. The current was so strong and swift that it was not possible to make any headway by rowing, and the boat could not be got up some of the swift places except by poling or tracking. The sailors have been in the cold water up to their waists, part of the time, pulling the boat. We passed another glacier coming down from the mountains on the west. It is called Ka-ra-kai by Jack. The shore opposite to it is rocky, and a reef of granite projects into the stream.
We made two trials of the velocity of the current to-day by timing the passage of bottles and sticks thrown into the stream floating down with the current over a measured distance. This showed a mean velocity of 5.20 miles per hour. We encamped upon a sandy bank on the north side of the river and a short distance above the glacier. The long twilight is interesting, it being quite light even after 9 o'clock in the evening.
May 29.—Camp 6 to camp 7.—Found some coarse drift along the river in which I obtained the color of gold upon washing in a pan. Masses of white limestone occur in that drift. The course of the river is crooked, and there are many bars and side channels. Camped in a bend of the river upon the right bank of one of the channels (probably upon an island) and took numerous bearings by compass to prominent peaks. A fine conical mountain bears north 17 east.
May 30.—Camp 7 to Cergayef' rapid and back.—At the previous camp I observed trees of the white birch for the first time upon the river. At this camp we saw the nest of a bald-headed eagle in a cottonwood tree, and found the grave of an unknown white man whose body had been picked up on the shore and buried by some miners who had ascended the river a year before. Beavers are abundant in this vicinity; their trails led in various directions over the bottom-land, and many small trees, over three inches in diameter, had been cut down by them. At camp, and above, gold was found on trial in the drift along the shore. This drift is quite coarse and heavy, and consists of syenite, porphyry, and limestone. The appearance of the banks is such as to lead me to conclude that the river is not subject to great floods. The marks of high water in favorable places do not indicate a total rise of over five feet above the present level. We were now approaching the much-dreaded canyon, where the whole volume of the stream flows through a narrow rocky gorge, and is thrown into such eddies and whirlpools that many Indian canoes have been capsized and carried down.
A fine conical mountain upon the east side of the river has been visible for a great distance, and marks the position of the lower end of the gorge through which the river has broken its way. We called this "Cone mountain," and it is so indicated upon the map. Some of the ridges which extend from it project upon the river and are composed of granite.
We were two hours and a half in passing the canyon. The sides are formed of precipitous cliffs of granite roughly broken out, and the water rushes between
them with great force, boiling and whirling as at Hell-gate near New York, when the tide is flowing rapidly. On the north side, for a part of the way, there is a reverse current setting up stream, of which we took advantage in passing through. Towards the upper end some of us landed upon projecting points of rock and helped to tow the boat.
The stream above the cañon is much wider and flows quietly between terraced banks. It is evident that the rocky contracted channel of the cañon has acted as a dam, setting back the waters of the river, and at some former period causing them to spread out over the country. The terraces are most distinct upon the south bank, and are composed of coarse river drift and are well wooded. A high range of mountains, with snow upon the upper portion, extend behind these terraces. On the opposite side there is a rough and broken range which appears to extend back of Cone mountain. To this range, or perhaps to the principal peak, the Indian gives the name Sa-kei-za.
After passing the terraces and the quiet portion of the river opposite to them, we reached a dangerous rapid, where the main current rushes over and among large rocks and boulders. The men were out towing, and in attempting to return to the boat, one named Cergayef was swept from his feet and drowned without our being able to reach him. This sad event put an end to our attempt to ascend to Shek's bar, where some miners were at work, and after landing and holding services, according to the forms of the Greek church, we prepared to descend the river.
May 31.—Camp above the Little cañon to camp opposite the glacier.—We left camp at eight o'clock in the morning on our return. Temperature of the air 44°. In half an hour we had reached the lower end of the cañon and passed safely through it without difficulty. We found at once a very great difference between ascending and descending the stream, for we passed in a few hours over the distance which it had taken us days to overcome.
At 9h 25m we passed camp 7, and camp 6 at 10h 55m, camp 5 at 12h 10m, and at 12h 35m reached American Point and stopped for dinner. Leaving this place at 2h 35m, we passed camp 4 at 3h 41m, and rested there to see Indians until 4h 20m. At 8h 35m we stopped to camp nearly opposite the south end of the second glacier. We had, however, stopped to explore the end of this glacier and to see some remarkable hot springs on the opposite side of the river, which occupied about an hour. We had thus accomplished the distance from the upper end of the cañon down to this glacier in nine hours and five minutes; and if we assume the mean velocity as five miles per hour the distance is a little over 45 miles.
The glacier was exceedingly interesting and presented all the usual phenomena of glaciers.* Two or more terminal moraines protect it from the direct action of the stream. What at first appeared as a range of ordinary hills along the river, proved on landing to be an ancient terminal moraine, crescent-shaped, and covered with a forest. It extends the full length of the front of the glacier. The following extract from my notes will answer for a description of the end of this glacier.
We found the bank composed of large angular blocks of granite mingled with smaller fragments and sand. It is an outer and older moraine, separated from a second one by a belt of marsh land, overgrown with alders and grass and interspersed with ponds of water. Crossing this low space we clambered up the loose granitic debris of the inner moraine, which is quite bare of vegetation and has a recently formed appearance. These hills are from 20 to 40 feet high, and form a continuous line parallel with the outer and ancient moraine. From their tops we had a full view of the ice cliffs of the end of the glacier, rising
*An article describing this glacier was published by the writer in American Journal of Science and Arts, volume XLIV, July, 1867, and also in the Sacramento Union for July 21, 1863.
before us like a wall, but separated from the moraine by a second belt of marsh and ponds. Here, however, there were no plants or trees. It was a scene of utter desolation. Great blocks of granite lay piled in confusion among heaps of sand (sand-cones) or were perched upon narrow columns of ice (glacier-tables) apparently ready to topple over at the slightest touch. The edges of great masses of ice could be seen around pools of water, but most of the surface was hidden by a deposit of mud, gravel and broken rock. It was evident, however, that all this was upon a foundation of ice, for here and there it was uplifted, apparently, in great masses, leaving chasms filled with mud and water. Over this fearful and dangerous place we crossed to the firmer and comparatively unbroken slope of ice at the foot of the bluff, and afterward had to climb over snow and ice only, in the attempt to reach the top of the glacier. From below,
it had appeared to us to be quite possible to accomplish this, if we followed the least broken part of the slope, but it proved to be difficult, and finally impossible. Fissures which could not be seen from a short distance were met at intervals, some of them being so wide that we were forced to turn aside. As we ascended, the crevasses were more numerous but were generally filled with hard snow, to which we occasionally trusted. The surface soon became precipitous and broken into irregular stair-like blocks with smooth sides, and so large that it was impossible to make our way over them without ladders or tools to cut a foothold. Here we turned and enjoyed the sight of this great expanse of ice, broken into such enormous blocks and ledges. The sun illuminated the crevasses with the most beautiful aquamarine tints, passing into a deep sea-blue where they were narrow and deep. In one direction the ice presented the
remarkable appearance of a succession of cones or pyramids with curved sides. In the opposite direction and at the same level the outlines were totally different, showing merely a succession of terraces or steps inclined inward toward the glacier and broken by longitudinal crevasses. The annexed sketches were made from this point of view. No. 1 is taken looking up the river, over the end of the glacier, and shows the pyramids of ice. The line of ponds and the two moraines are seen at the base, and the river on the extreme right. No. 2 shows the appearance of the glacier in the opposite direction. A broad fissure between one level of the ice and the next is filled with snow.
It is evident that this glacier breaks down in a series of great steps or ledges along the greater part of its front. These steps rise for 20 or 30 feet one above the other, and thus produce a stair-like ascent, while at the same time the numerous parallel fissures at right angles break the surface into rectangular blocks, which on the side exposed to the sun soon become worn into pyramids and cones. The difference of outline in opposite directions is thus explained.
I was inclined to regard the melting action of the water of the river as the cause of this abrupt breaking off of the end of the glacier. There may, however, be a sudden break in the rock foundations at this point, so as to produce an ice-cascade. The following section will perhaps give a clearer idea of the manner in which the glacier breaks down.
Section of end of glacier.
One or more streams descend under the glacier, and reach the river at different places. The rushing and roaring sound was rather startling at some of the crevasses.
Judging from the number of loose blocks of rock at the foot of the glacier, the upper surface must be strewn with them, but this could not be verified by observation. Time did not permit a more extended examination. There would be little difficulty in gaining the surface of the glacier from the side, and, perhaps, at some other points along its front. It was impossible to get our Indian guide to accompany us. They have a tradition of the loss of one of their chiefs upon this glacier.
The ancient terminal moraine of this glacier is significant of an amelioration of the climate. It is also interesting to note the effect which this accumulation of materials from the glacier has had upon the river. It has acted as a dam for the waters, setting them back in the valley for some distance.
Only a short distance below the point where the ice-cold water from the melting of the glacier enters the Stickeen there is a small but deep stream of clear water entering from the opposite side. We turned the boat up this stream for about 100 yards and found the water quite warm, having a pleasant temperature for bathing. Higher up, the stream divides, one branch comes from the mountain and is clear and cold; the other is hot, and rises from a group of springs near by. The vegetation around was remarkably green and luxuriant, and there appeared to be a considerable area of heated ground. By covering these springs with a glass house, one could have a tropical climate inside, all the year, and enjoy the beauties of tropical vegetation in full sight of the cliffs of pure ice directly opposite. These hot springs exhibit the not unusual phenomenon of a luxuriant growth of conifers in the midst of the hottest water.
June 1.—From the glacier to the corvette.—The temperature of the air at
our camp on the bank of the river was 43° F. at 11 p.m., (May 31.) At 7 o'clock in the morning the mercury stood at 45°, which was the temperature of the river water also.
Our Indian guide, Jack, could not be found this morning; he had quietly run away during the night, fearing, perhaps, that we would hold him in some way responsible for the loss of the sailor Cergayef. We were sorry to have him part with us in this way, for we felt grateful for his untiring and faithful efforts to assist us in the undertaking, and we highly appreciated his skill in the management of the boat in difficult places.
We left at 8h. 21m. a.m., and passed our first camp at 4h. 37m. p.m., having been detained two hours and nine minutes on the way. At 6 p.m. we reached the mouth of the river, and at 7 p.m. were alongside of the corvette. We had been in motion for eight and a half hours, at an estimated rate of four miles per hour, giving the distance as 34 miles (approximately) from the anchorage to the glacier.
The total time occupied in descending the stream, exclusive of stops, was 17 hours and 35 minutes, in which we accomplished a distance of 80 miles, approximately, which had required eight days of hard exertion to overcome in ascending against the current.
Distance along the Stickeen river by estimates obtained chiefly from the miners who came down from Shek's bar to the mouth of the river in May, 1863.
| Distance | Miles |
|-----------------------------------------------|-------|
| Mouth of the river to the Little cañon | 75 to 100 |
| Lower cañon to first north fork of river | 20 |
| Lower cañon to Shek's bar | 50 |
| Shek's bar to Upper or Long cañon | 20 |
| Mouth of Long cañon to first north fork | 16 |
| First north fork to second north fork | 6 |
| Length of cañon | 80 |
| Head of cañon to the Blue mountains | 50 |
| Length of river along Blue mountains* | 100 |
ESTIMATE OF LENGTH OF THE RIVER.
| Distance | Miles |
|-----------------------------------------------|-------|
| Mouth of the river to Little cañon | 75 |
| Little cañon to Shek's bar | 50 |
| Shek's bar to Upper cañon | 20 |
| Length of cañon | 80 |
| Upper end of cañon to Blue mountains | 50 |
| Along and in the Blue mountains* | 100 |
Estimated length of river: 375
* It is thought that the length of stream along the Blue mountains is overestimated.
Partial exhibit of the fur production of Russian America.
[Compiled from the report of Golowin, 1860.]
| Where from | Sea beaver | River beaver | Otter | Fox | Bear | Sable | Fur seal | Tails of sea beaver | Lynx | Wolf | Muskrat | Arctic fox |
|------------------------------------------------|------------|--------------|-------|-----|------|-------|----------|---------------------|------|------|---------|------------|
| Sitka, from the Koloshes, 1842 to 1860 | 1,040 | 2,779 | 1,196 | 481 | 282 | 1,455 | 3 | 1,056 | | | | |
| From the Koloshes, in the straits | 495 | 382 | | | | | | | | | | |
| By exchange with the English | | | 21,573| 109 | 89 | 128 | | | | | | |
| Koloshak department | 5,809 | 86,381 | 9,558 | 29,049 | 1,597 | 14,925 | 3 | 626 | 2,025| 58 | 14,313 | |
| Unalaska department | 5,686 | | 329 | 19,671 | | | | | | | | |
| Atka islands | 1,888 | | 1,420 | 5,785 | 1,687 | 1,048 | | | | | | |
| Attou islands | 2,421 | | | 2,503 | 6,496 | 9,586 | | | | | | |
| Behring's island | | | | | 214 | | | | | | | |
| Unga island | 3,611 | | 979 | 5,731 | | | | | | | | |
| Michaelofsky redoubt | | 48,398 | 4,954 | 10,211 | 1,403 | 8,253 | | | | | | |
| St. Paul island | | | | | 277,778 | | | | | | | |
| St. George | | | | | 31,923 | | | | | | | |
The total production for ten years is given as follows:
| | 25,602 | 161,042 | 63,826 | 73,944 | 2,283 | 26,384 | 338,604 | 6,445 | 104 | 19,076 | 55,540 |
|----------------------|-----------|-----------|----------|----------|----------|----------|-----------|----------|--------|---------|---------|
| | | | | | | | | | | | |
List of geographical names obtained from the Indian guide Jack, in ascending the Stick'ien river.
| Indian name. | Objects to which the name was applied. |
|--------------------|----------------------------------------|
| Kok-nook | Island at the mouth of the river. |
| Ka-le-te | Point. |
| Tas-a-kl-li | River. |
| Scaot | River. |
| Ke-th-li | River. |
| Shuk-tu-sé | River. |
| Soyn-al | River. |
| Ki-ka-hé | River. |
| Tuk-i-snook | Point. |
| Klitch-a-mi-noo | River. |
| Koosh | Creek and waterfall. |
| Tiet-lia | A fine mountain peak. |
| Sca-ti-ni | "Big water." |
| Ka-ra-kai | Glacier. |
| Sak-ai-na | Mountain. |
| Klig-koss | Waterfall. |
| Kak-wan | Point. |
| Shi-ne-mi | Point. |
| Tonk-in-ni | Mountain. |
| Ha-nook | Mountain. |
| Sha-stets-as | River of ice-cold water. |
| Shi-ton-i | The long-leafed spruce. |
| Su-sun-i | The short-leafed spruce. |
| How | The hemlock tree. |
THE STICKEEN RIVER
From Survey in 1863, and Information obtained by
WILLIAM P. BLAKE.
To accompany a Report to Hon. W.H. Seward, Secretary of State. 1868.
1868.
SKETCH MAP OF THE STICKEEN RIVER from the Mouth to the Little Cañon.
Note: The courses and distances are approximate and no corrections have been made for Magnetic Variation.
Scale of Miles Approximate
1 2 3 4 5 6
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Invitational Math Competition (High School)
Saturday, April 2, 2022
Qualifying Round (High School)
1. How many positive integer second powers less than or equal to $10^6$ are also fourth powers?
2. A rectangular prism has integer dimensions $x$, $y$, and $z$, surface area 120, and volume 72. If $x^2 y + y^2 z + z^2 x = 312$, compute $x + y + z$.
3. How many permutations $(a_1, a_2, a_3, a_4, a_5)$ of $(1, 2, 3, 4, 5)$ have the property that $a_1 + a_2 + a_3$ and $a_3 + a_4 + a_5$ differ by at most 2?
4. Let $S(n)$ denote the sum of the digits of the integer $n$. Suppose that $S(a) = 5$, $S(b) = 7$, and $S(100a + b) \neq 12$. Compute the number of possible ordered pairs $(a, b)$ with $a, b \leq 1000$.
5. Square $ABCD$ has side length 2. Circle $O$ shares its center with that of $ABCD$ and has radius 1. Circles $O_1$, $O_2$, $O_3$, and $O_4$ are tangent to circle $O$ and the pairs $\overline{AB}$ and $\overline{AD}$, $\overline{AB}$ and $\overline{BC}$, $\overline{BC}$ and $\overline{CD}$, and $\overline{CD}$ and $\overline{DA}$ of side lengths of the square, respectively. Compute the area of the square whose vertices are the centers of $O_1$, $O_2$, $O_3$, and $O_4$. Express your answer in simplest radical form.
6. Triangle $ABC$ has $AB^2 = 37$, $BC^2 = 61$, and $CA^2 = 49$. Compute the area of $\triangle ABC$. Express your answer as a common fraction in simplest radical form.
7. For some positive integers $b$ and $c$, the polynomial $x^3 + 4x^2 - bx + c$ has three integer roots. Given that $|b - c| \leq 10$, compute the sum of all possible values of $|b - c|$.
8. Let $r$, $s$, and $t$ be the roots of the polynomial $4x^3 - 22x^2 + 36x - c$ for some positive integer $c$. If $r$, $s$, and $t$ are the side lengths of a triangle with positive area, the area of the circumcircle of the triangle can be written in the form $\frac{p}{q}\pi$, where $p$ and $q$ are relatively prime positive integers. Find $p + q$.
9. Triangle $ABC$ has $AB = 7$, $BC = 8$, and $CA = 9$. Points $D$ and $E$ lie on $\overline{AB}$ and $\overline{AC}$, respectively, with $AD = AE$. Given that the area of $\triangle ADE$ is 1, compute $DE^2$. Express your answer in simplest radical form.
10. Compute the sum of the coefficients of the monic polynomial of minimal degree with integer coefficients which has $3^{\frac{1}{3}} + 3^{\frac{1}{4}}$ as a root.
Live Round (High School)
1. What is the maximum value of $a \sin(x) + b \cos(x)$ over all real numbers $x$, in terms of positive real numbers $a$ and $b$?
2. Alpha and Beta each have $N$ dollars. They flip a fair coin together, and if it is heads, Alpha gives a dollar to Beta; if it is tails, Beta gives a dollar to Alpha. They stop flipping when one of them goes bankrupt and the other has $2N$ dollars. What is the expected number of times that they will end up flipping the coin?
3. For each positive integer $k$, define
$$S_k := \sum_{n=1}^{\infty} \frac{n^k}{n!}.$$
Prove that $S_k$ is $e$ times the $k^{th}$ Bell number $B(k)$, where $B(k)$ is the number of ways of placing $k$ labeled balls into $k$ indistinguishable bins. | <urn:uuid:cbfab04a-b984-4142-87ea-fa0aef11706e> | CC-MAIN-2023-06 | https://www.cybermath.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/2022-CyberMath-Invitational-HS-Problems.pdf | 2023-02-02T15:33:30+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764500028.12/warc/CC-MAIN-20230202133541-20230202163541-00007.warc.gz | 741,020,864 | 1,009 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.953498 | eng_Latn | 0.992885 | [
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Cultivating creativity: documenting the journey
Grace Schlitt
University of Washington
Follow this and additional works at: https://dl.designresearchsociety.org/learnxdesign
Part of the Art and Design Commons
Citation
Schlitt, G.(2013) Cultivating creativity: documenting the journey, in Reitan, J.B., Lloyd, P., Bohemia, E., Nielsen, L.M., Digranes, I., & Lutnæs, E. (eds.), *DRS // Cumulus: Design Learning for Tomorrow*, 14-17 May, Oslo, Norway. https://doi.org/10.21606/learnxdesign.2013.129
This Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Conference Proceedings at DRS Digital Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in Learn X Design Conferences by an authorized administrator of DRS Digital Library. For more information, please contact email@example.com.
Cultivating creativity: documenting the journey
Grace SCHLITT*
University of Washington
Abstract: As a Master’s of Education in Learning Sciences candidate at the University of Washington and a licensed architect, I co-taught the course Cultivating Creativity with Professor Iain Robertson, Winter Quarter 2012. This course is offered annually to a group of 15 Honors students at the University. Professor Robertson has taught this class for five years. Participating students were in ‘non-creative’ majors such as Biology, Chemistry, or Math. Two students were in Computer Science and Religious Studies. Most of the students arrived expecting to ‘learn’ how to be creative. Through exercises that Professor Robertson developed, the students gained confidence in their individual and collective creativity. They also began to experiment with materials and ideas as they discovered their creative confidence and voices. Students wrote weekly reflections after each week’s exercises. I have created a Prezi presentation using excerpts from these reflections with images from the course work to demonstrate the power of a course designed to cultivate creative thinking. The students’ voices, together with supporting literature, shows the importance of teaching design and creative thinking skills within the framework of “non-creative” curricula. This paper works in tandem with viewing the Prezi.
Keywords: Creativity, design thinking, innovation, creative thinking skills.
* Corresponding author: University of Washington | USA | e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org
Copyright © 2013. Copyright in each paper on this conference proceedings is the property of the author(s). Permission is granted to reproduce copies of these works for purposes relevant to the above conference, provided that the author(s), source and copyright notice are included on each copy. For other uses, including extended quotation, please contact the author(s).
Overview
Tell me and I forget, teach me and I may remember, involve me and I learn.
(Benjamin Franklin)
Creative thinking skills are essential in today’s world but are not typically fostered in the United States’ education system. While basic art classes are taught in the elementary school years, most art courses are often pushed aside or left completely behind as requirements and assessments build up for math and science curriculum. As students advance in age and grade level, rote teaching in preparation for standardized testing becomes the norm. Because of the lack of art and design related coursework, a student’s creative confidence is often lost. Yet as students mature and advance on to technical school, colleges, and advanced degrees, (and then ultimately into the job market), the demand for innovation and creativity increases but the muscles to do such work are weak.
During the winter quarter of 2012, at the University of Washington, I co-taught a course designed by Professor Iain Robertson entitled “Cultivating Creativity.” Professor Robertson poses a challenging question that we as educators should ask ourselves: “Can we rekindle a sense of wonder?” Wonder, when used as a verb, is the desire to be curious or to know something. In rekindling wonder, students are apt to explore, make associations they might not have made, synthesize multiple ideas, and ultimately innovate.
Art and design courses help to foster a fluency in iterative thinking skills as well as a nimbleness in problem solving and adjusting to unexpected changes (Razzouk, p 345). In a course where cultivating creativity is a goal, students often participate in the design process unwittingly. Once through the design process a few times, students begin to realize they each possess the skill and imagination to create new things. Through active participation they begin to see themselves as being creative and innovative, and their confidence in their own imagination soars. In addition, they also recognize and respect the imaginativeness in their classmates, which helps to foster community, collaboration and ingenuity.
Professor Robertson states in his class syllabus, “One of the techniques is to try and transform the everyday, ordinary, familial and prosaic into the unusual, to step aside from our conventional ways of looking at the world and see the common place in a new light. And not just one new light, many different lights.” The exercises he has created use simple everyday materials and objects for students to share, order, build with, and evaluate. They leave seeing the ordinary in a different way and this in turn becomes a basis for metacognition and adaptive transfer of knowledge. Many students commented that they entered their next courses with a new sense of problem solving and confidence in themselves. When asked in a post-course survey specifically if they could use these thinking tools in other areas of their life, the response was 100% positive.
As one of the students stated, “In some ways I feel entering this class is like going down the rabbit hole where only our imaginations lead the way.” Please join me on a tour of their journey as I describe the course exercises through the students’ own words.
Journey introduction
To begin this journey, it is necessary to explain the title of the course: Cultivating Creativity. By definition cultivate means to apply oneself to improving or developing (one’s mind or manners). It is derived from the Latin root *colere* which means “to honor or inhabit.”
By definition, creativity is the ability to transcend traditional ideas, rules, patterns, and relationships, and to make meaningful new ideas, forms, methods, and interpretations. The root of this word is from the Latin verb *creare* meaning “to make.”
In other words, cultivating creativity is literally to “honor making.” The goal of the class is to awaken individual and collective creativity through hands on exercises and invigorating discussions. How often do students so pressured by exams and upholding high GPA’s in chemistry, biology and math appreciate, respect and participate in the act of making?
The following is a description of each project together with images taken from a Prezi (a cloud-based presentation software) created to describe the course. The text included in the presentation is from the students’ own words. As a requirement of the course, the students wrote weekly reflections for the previous week’s exercises. I combined thoughtful excerpts from the students’ written reflections with images from their course work. This was an effective way to illustrate the power of a course that taught creativity to students in non-design majors.
In addition to the reflections written by students and the images I’ve chosen, I have highlighted the verbiage Professor Robertson uses in his exercise prompts. Professor Robertson plays with the meanings of the words in ways that bring a deeper, clearer meaning to each exercise. As Vygotsky stated, “Meaning is what is lying between the thought and the word. Meaning is not equal to the word, not equal to the thought.” (Vygotsky, p 133). Professor Robertson plays with that grey area between the thought and the word to entice creative adaptation of simple instructions, which results in a wider understanding of the task at hand.
**Do you mind?**
The first exercise was entitled “Do You Mind?” From the project statement:
*Do you mind?*
*No one knows your mind better than you.*
*Think about it.*
*About what?*
*Your mind.*
The exercise prompt was to create a map of your mind’s journey from there to here. Initial class discussions were centered around “Where was here? And where was there?” The students were encouraged to “embellish and elaborate their journey as an enthusiastic tour guide might do.” Professor Robertson also states that creative minds see their life and their work in broad perspective as well as in the immediate moment.
The words from this reflection capture the initial questions the student had that this project statement encouraged. “What is the mind? Am I my mind? Does my mind’s journey differ from my own?” Through this simple project the students begin to question the ideas of thinking and knowing and doing. In other words this is direct question to the students own metacognition, how and what do I know what I know? Or, to borrow from the lyrics of the Talking Heads, “How did I get here?”
Student 3 draws a conceptual map of her brain. With her rudimentary drawing of the grey matter, she shows it as a maze with the inception (and conception) starting at the base of the head, in the spinal stem. As she progresses through the maze of her brain she encounters all aspects of life from failure to strength, from questioning to disappointment and ultimately to the forefront of her brain with prize being self-actualization. In one project solution this student was able to convey a myriad of concepts, from what she knows about herself to what she knows about the brain to what she knows about life’s twists and turns. (See Figure 1.)
Student 6 created a bridge with many of life’s choices represented on either side. He demonstrated himself walking across this bridge. He illustrated his path using light up fingers (with LED lights) crossing the bridge. As he took a step each ‘foot’ lit up, demonstrating his journey as one that is illuminated not at the beginning or end, but along the way.
Student 9 demonstrated her journey as a child’s board game. She described her conceptual thoughts to show there was no direct path and sometimes there were setbacks as well as advances. In her journey there have been rewards and places to avoid. (See Figure 2.)
Student 14 demonstrated his journey more as an interconnected web. Not only did he illustrate all the people, places and things who helped him get from here to there, but how interconnected they all are. (See Figure 3.)
Each of these students chose to tell their story and to take a risk. As one student stated in his reflection, “As I’ve gone through high school and college I’ve become progressively less willing to take risks. Being creative, when it’s done right, is a little bit risky – it takes self-confidence to know that your ideas are worthwhile and that you’ll be able to communicate them to people and be understood.”
A Sortie into Sorting
This exercise was simply to sort things. Yet, put in the context of a sortie, or mission, these random collections of everyday things become something worth studying and classifying. This process of looking at objects we so quickly gloss over encourages the students to think about the similarities and differences and the meanings between the two.
Students were asked, “In groups of 3 or 4, sort, classify, categorize or otherwise make sense of your collection of stuff. Make ‘sort’ work of it.” They were also asked to diagram their process and production. One of the most successful aspects of the class as a whole was the collaboration of students from entirely different fields to collaborate in short exercises to solve a problem.
Figure 4 shows a Chemistry major, a Biology major and a Computer Engineering major collaborating while sorting plastic caps. Using what they each know they begin to classify objects that have very minute differences. Collaboratively looking at objects as a granular level opens infinite possibilities for new discoveries.
Figure 5 shows a Biochemistry major, a Scandinavian studies major and an Environmental studies major sorting fossils. One of these students stated in her weekly reflection, “Categories can be dangerous, they can be useful and they can be simplistic, but I can now see how the spontaneous formation of categories can certainly be creative.”
Figure 6 includes a Psychology major, Biology major and a Biochemistry major collaborating and sorting very similar river stones. Each group came up with very detailed explanations of their sortings, but they quickly saw that by working together they arrived at larger and more detailed studies than they would have independently.
The transfer of knowledge from this exercise to real life was so poignantly explained by the student who says in his reflection, “I may be going off on a tangent here but the biggest lesson I got from the sorting exercise was to consider the ways I sort people I’ve never met.” Herein lies another wonderful aspect of cultivating creativity. Creative collaborative work cultivates empathy.
Lost at see
This exercise was to choose a rock from a pile on the table, and then use the rock as inspiration to create the next several episodes of the TV show LOST. (A television series aired on ABC from 2004-2012 about the survival of a group of people who have crash landed on an uninhabited but strange island. It is a show frequently mentioned in pop culture.) Professor Robertson states “In your hands you hold, if not the Aleph, then at least something of similar magnitude and grandeur, namely an exact miniature (down to the tiniest detail of the island) on which the next series of Lost is to be filmed.”
One of the students openly admitted to me that, as he was looking at his rock, in his hand he had absolutely no clue of how to begin. He was simply looking at a seemingly smooth rock. With a few gentle suggestions I was able to point out the tiny imperfections in the rock and shift his thinking to a different “scale” if you will. He then began to see the fissures as valleys and mountains and then the scenes for his show came forth. In the end, he was one of the last to finish because he had not exhausted his ideas. Later, in his reflection he commented that with a touch of inspiration he was not only able to construct a story but created illustrations to go along with the story. As an educator, I saw how a few simple shifts can make a mile of difference in the success of a student in their perception of a problem. (See Figure 7.)
As small as possible
In this exercise the students were handed a sheet of paper with the prompt “Make the sheet of paper seem as small as possible.” Almost instantly the group of students were silent, each thinking of what the prompt meant and how to solve this task. The solutions they each came up with were extremely diverse, with only four described here.
One student sought to describe the paper in relation to the universe. (See Figure 8.) Another student sought to show his paper in terms of a subatomic particle.
Still another student said she thought of it as being bullied. She asked the rhetorical question how do you make someone feel small? She explained, “You kick it, you beat it, you crumple it up and you stuff it in a container. Then you put that container somewhere all alone.” (See Figure 9.)
A fourth student played with perception and scale in reality. This student ran out of the room, out of the building, across a courtyard and over to the University of Washington library. He taped up a small folded square in the window of the top floor. This action played with the visual scale of the paper by distance.
While sharing their solutions, it was the sharing of their process to their solutions that generated the most conversation. There were many similarities and differences to be found in each. Students frequently commented, “I thought of that too!” but gave reasons why they did or didn’t pursue that direction. This simple exercise clearly showed how there are various solutions to the same problem and that through discussion and critique students could begin to see why choices were made the way they were made.
That's small for now, folks
A summary of the exercise is best described in one of the student’s writing on the back of the postage stamp:
These lines, capturing glass
That we made here in class
The one was made from a broken piece
The act of creating brought me peace.
All present and correct
One of the ways Professor Robertson cultivates creativity in this course is by having students speak out loud about the ideas they are generating. When students entered class on this class day, they found a pile of wrapped ‘gifts’ on the table. They were asked to participate in a game of improvisation by pretending they were at an anthropologists’ conference. As they unwrapped an object (wrapped as a present) to the task was to explain this unusual object as if they were a world-renowned expert on that subject and this was their prize discovery.
Students were encouraged to speak colourfully about their object. Professor Robertson noted, “In as much as and in so far as it is possible, please refrain from excessive reliance on technical terms and ‘jargon,’ though we recognize that, in such a rarefied and specialized field, common English may well be insufficiently specific for your purpose and thus it make be absolutely necessary, on occasion, to employ highly technical terms to ensure exact explanatory precision. Speak up!”
This exercise was a conversational charrette of sorts. In the same sense as a design charrette is used to organize thoughts into a structured medium, this process of improvisation demonstrated an effective way of creating infinite possibilities of ideas and images though verbal description in a short amount of time.
Systematic-ally
Students were asked to collaborate with each other to create or reveal a system. The students were given a pile of plastic bits and pieces that Professor Robertson presented to them. (See Figure 11.) Initially there was hesitation but as the students formed groups the strengths of each group member started to show. Some jumped in immediately and others watched and offered suggestions. A few took others work apart while others built on ideas.
The process of collaboration, in building their finished pieces proved to be an effective way of creating a solution that individually they would not have made. As a group they were able to bring random pieces and multiple ideas together to form one cohesive project. As each group explained the project by explaining the process, it became clear to them that this was about the process, not the product. Cultivating creativity through collaborative design exercises is how design professionals foster quick and resourceful thinking. To quote from the exercise prompt, “to synthesize, to think synthetically, to see wholes where others see holes,” is a wonderful way of describing the act of collaboration.
Interstices
This exercise was to talk about the in between and the variety that exist there. Students were asked to draw a ¼” figure or person in two diagonally opposite corners on a piece of paper and then compose and illustrate the story of the two people meeting. They were asked to manipulate the sheet of paper so that the two corners, and the two figures, would eventually come together. They could crumple, fold, tear, or twist to make this happen.
These two figures show a finished piece with the two corners together (see Figure 12) as well as two students reviewing and inventing a story for the second part of the exercise. (See Figure 13.) They were asked to pass their ‘story’ to the next pair, create and then finish the previous story. One student summed up the surprises in the second iteration by saying, “the group that recreated the story from our originally paper was attentive to certain folds and structures of the paper that even we hadn’t noted when we created it.”
**Random mutations or design intelligence?**
In this project students were given 21 nails to organize or disorganize into a seemingly random pattern on a sheet of paper. Next, they were to move clockwise to the next table to try and discern how that team’s arrangement was not random and describe the relationship between the objects. This brought up many conversations about what is designed and what is random. They were then asked to rearrange the objects of the their table into a secret code. The next group was to crack the code.
One of the groups gave up and made something decidedly ordered. (See Figure 14.) This started a conversation as the students realized that what was ordered to some might be random others. Another group used their nails to create a Russian word that only they could see and understand. This word was never deciphered in the exercise. (See Figure 15.)
The students agreed it was difficult to create random order. With that observation in mind, they discussed design and what makes something designed. In addition, and in contrast, it was hard not to see images or patterns created in the seemingly random nails. Once someone saw the shape of a dog, or house, etc. it was difficult not to visualize whatever image was mentioned. This exercise proved to be more difficult than most but created a great deal of meaningful conversation.
**A world of wonder**
Professor Robertson has an amazing collection of objects, and one of the most exciting class days occurred when he brought in part of his collection to class. The collection included boxes of natural elements; from shells to lichen to seedpods, to various colors and types of dirt. Students were given the opportunity to get their hands dirty and create “worlds of wonder” from these materials. In groups of two they sorted, organized, played and painted with these fabulous materials. (See Figures 16 and 17.)
Once the students were finished with their work a simple gallery walk was the method of presentation. The conversation varied from what the materials meant to each student to where the materials might be from (or what they might be). Lastly the discussions were very imaginative when they described what they hoped to represent in their creations.
**Debatable**
As Professor Robertson states, “synthesis is, perhaps, the greatest art of creative minds – to make integrated wholes where before there were only unrelated pieces.” The first part of this task was to synthesize, on post-it notes, their experience or thoughts on the Cultivating Creativity class as an experienced whole. Then after doing so, and as homage to our current world where we all communicate via electronic means, students were to convey their ideas to each other using only email or texting.
All types of illustrations were used to describe their experiences, from the simple word THINK written on a small handmade origami box to larger drawings depicting music and graphs to explain the importance of this class. (See Figures 18 and 19.) In spite of my and Professor Robertson’s assumptions the students were frustrated with the electronic rule of communication, and were surprisingly vocal about this limitation.
**E-motional Intel-Ligence**
Professor Robertson started this exercise by stating, “Being (by way of explanation) an exploration of our values and emotions and how they influence decision-making. The students were tasked to space a large collection of various empty bottles, in terms of difference or closeness, along a straight line, according to their honesty. Honesty in a bottle? That was precisely the question.
This exercise was one of the projects that inspired the most conversation and collaborative decision making of the quarter. They had to decide what honesty in a bottle meant, and which bottles embodied that quality. The shape, the color, and material all played into the discussions. Students took turns placing bottles where they thought they belonged, then others moved the bottles around to other locations. After 1 hour in this exercise they did reach a decision although it was never a definitive solution. As time allowed a few of the students spoke up about why they disagreed with the final outcome, and then decided to make a few changes. (See Figure 20.)
Know mistakes were made
The final exercise of the class documented here is one where the students were asked specifically to make a mistake. They were handed paint and paper and spent the hour trying to make a mistake. Professor Robertson included a wonderful adage here in his project prompt:
No mistakes = no learning
Know mistakes = learning
The students found it impossible to make a mistake under these simple, playful circumstances. (Shouldn’t all Honors students be given an hour to play with paint?) However, the exercise generated a discussion about the subject and the merits of avoiding and creating mistakes, and then of course, learning from them. (See Figure 21.) During the exercise, Professor Robertson cites Carol Dweck, a psychologist at Stanford, who states that praising students for innate intelligence (as opposed to trying hard) will usually backfire. This leads students away from understanding (and accepting) that mistakes are not signs of stupidity, but the building blocks of knowledge.
Parting thoughts
Finding ways to foster creativity is essential in today’s education. In a world that is expanding and changing as fast as ours we need to foster fluency in creative thinking skills and nimbleness in problem solving in all subjects taught. Creativity and innovation in classrooms should be the norm, not the exception.
In his book, *A Whole New Mind*, Daniel Pink describes six essential abilities students need to possess in order to navigate jobs of the future. *Design. Story. Symphony. Empathy. Play. Meaning.* Design is not just about creating something functional but also beautiful and emotionally engaging. Story is the ability to fashion a creative narrative. It is not all about data and facts anymore. Symphony is essentially synthesis, bringing disparate pieces into a complete whole. Empathy is the ability to understand someone else’s needs and design or provide for those needs, which in turn forges
relationships and causes people to care. Play is necessary to provide freedom and room for creativity. Meaning is perhaps most important. Since we live in a world with so much, meaning is often lost. Today it is important to gain a sense of transcendence through meaningful work and meaning in our work. Practicing and cultivating creativity as demonstrated in these exercises addresses each one of these necessary abilities.
As educators, it is our job to help encourage and cultivate creativity from an early age through the college years. We are an influential part of our students’ journey from “here to there.” Our future doctors, lawyers, software engineers, analysts, politicians, and all the other professions we haven’t even thought of yet depend on us to show them their own skills as creative and innovative citizens and as our future leaders. To emphasize this I end with a quote from one of the students, “I often tell myself that I have no creative vision and that my view of the world is rather analytical and narrow, but this class is helping me to see that there is more than one definition of creativity and that, to an extent we are all capable of it.”
“The encouragement of creativity from an early age is one of the best guarantees of growth in a healthy environment self-esteem and mutual respect – critical ingredients for building a culture of peace.”
(United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization)
References
Pink, D. H. 2006. *A whole new mind: Why right-brainers will rule the future*. New York: Riverhead Books.
Razzouk, R., & Shute, V. 2012. "What Is Design Thinking and Why Is It Important?" *Review of Educational Research* 82(3), 330–348.
Robertson, Iain. 2011. "Honors 398B Interdisciplinary Special Topics, Cultivating Creativity." *Syllabus and project prompts, various pages*.
Schlitt, Grace. 2012. *Cultivating Creativity*. Prezi available from http://prezi.com/wenaba5dxy-6/cultivating-creativity/?auth_key=68c7ba3e652058ef27c2ec13f8982cc4a2dbf91b.
Vygotsky, L. S., R. W. Rieber, and Aaron S. Carton. 1987. *The collected works of L.S. Vygotsky*. New York: Plenum Press. | 7d2fa7fb-4923-49be-aac2-fe4d74101feb | CC-MAIN-2024-10 | https://dl.designresearchsociety.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1219&context=learnxdesign | 2024-02-25T21:29:19+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-10/segments/1707947474643.29/warc/CC-MAIN-20240225203035-20240225233035-00120.warc.gz | 217,409,292 | 5,738 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.989769 | eng_Latn | 0.998661 | [
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Vitamin K
What is it?
Vitamin K is a vitamin found in leafy green vegetables, broccoli, and Brussels sprouts. The name vitamin K comes from the German word "Koagulationsvitamin."
Several forms of vitamin K are used around the world as medicine. But in the U.S., the only form available is vitamin K1 (phyltonadione). Vitamin K1 is generally the preferred form of vitamin K because it is less toxic, works faster, is stronger, and works better for certain conditions.
In the body, vitamin K plays a major role in blood clotting. So it is used to reverse the effects of "blood thinning" medications when too much is given; to prevent clotting problems in newborns who don't have enough vitamin K; and to treat bleeding caused by medications including salicylates, sulfonamides, quinine, quinidine, or antibiotics. Vitamin K is also given to treat and prevent vitamin K deficiency, a condition in which the body doesn't have enough vitamin K. It is also used to prevent and treat weak bones (osteoporosis) and relieve itching that often accompanies a liver disease called biliary cirrhosis.
People apply vitamin K to the skin to remove spider veins, bruises, scars, stretch marks, and burns. It is also used topically to treat rosacea, a skin condition that causes redness and pimples on the face. After surgery, vitamin K is used to speed up skin healing and reduce bruising and swelling.
Healthcare providers also give vitamin K by injection to treat clotting problems.
An increased understanding of the role of vitamin K in the body beyond blood clotting led some researchers to suggest that the recommended amounts for dietary intake of vitamin K be increased. In 2001, the National Institute of Medicine Food and Nutrition Board increased their recommended amounts of vitamin K slightly, but refused to make larger increases. They explained there wasn't enough scientific evidence to make larger increases in the recommended amount of vitamin K.
How effective is it?
Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database rates effectiveness based on scientific evidence according to the following scale: Effective, Likely Effective, Possibly Effective, Possibly Ineffective, Likely Ineffective, Ineffective, and Insufficient Evidence to Rate.
The effectiveness ratings for VITAMIN K are as follows:
Effective for...
- Treating and preventing vitamin K deficiency.
- Preventing certain bleeding or blood clotting problems.
- Reversing the effects of too much warfarin used to prevent blood clotting.
Insufficient evidence to rate effectiveness for...
- Weak bones (osteoporosis). So far, research results on the effects of vitamin K on bone strength and fracture risk in people with osteoporosis don't agree.
- Cystic fibrosis.
- Heart disease.
- High cholesterol.
- Spider veins.
- Bruises.
- Scars.
- Stretch marks.
- Burns.
- Swelling.
- Other conditions.
More evidence is needed to rate vitamin K for these uses.
How does it work? Return to top
Vitamin K is an essential vitamin that is needed by the body for blood clotting and other important processes.
Are there safety concerns? Return to top
Vitamin K is safe for most people. Most people do not experience any side effects when taking in the recommended amount each day.
Special precautions & warnings:
Pregnancy and breast-feeding: When taken in the recommended amount each day, vitamin K is considered safe for pregnant and breast-feeding women, but don't use higher amounts without the advice of your healthcare professional.
Kidney disease: Too much vitamin K can be harmful if you are receiving dialysis treatments due to kidney disease.
Liver disease: Vitamin K is not effective for treating clotting problems caused by severe liver disease. In fact, high doses of vitamin K can make clotting problems worse in these people.
Are there interactions with medications? Return to top
Major
Do not take this combination.
Warfarin (Coumadin)
Vitamin K is used by the body to help blood clot. Warfarin (Coumadin) is used to slow blood clotting. By helping the blood clot, vitamin K might decrease the effectiveness of warfarin (Coumadin). Be sure to have your blood checked regularly. The dose of your warfarin (Coumadin) might need to be changed.
Are there interactions with herbs and supplements? Return to top
Coenzyme Q-10
Coenzyme Q-10 is chemically similar to vitamin K and, like vitamin K, can promote blood clotting. Using these two products together can promote blood clotting more than using just one. This combination can be a problem for people who are taking warfarin to slow blood clotting. Coenzyme Q-10 plus vitamin K might overwhelm the effects of warfarin and could allow the blood to clot.
Tiratricol
There is a concern that tiratricol might interfere with vitamin K's role in blood clotting.
Vitamin A
In animals, high doses of vitamin A interfere with vitamin K's ability to clot blood. But it's not known if this also happens in people.
Vitamin E
High doses of vitamin E (e.g. greater than 800 units/day) can make vitamin K less effective in clotting blood. In people who are taking warfarin to keep their blood from clotting, or in people who have low vitamin K intakes, high doses of vitamin E can increase the risk of bleeding.
Are there interactions with foods? Return to top
There are no known interactions with foods.
What dose is used? Return to top
The following doses have been studied in scientific research:
BY MOUTH:
- For bleeding disorders such as hypoprothrombinemia: 2.5–25 mg of vitamin K1 (phyltonadione).
- For counteracting bleeding that can occur when too much of the anticoagulant warfarin is given: 1–5 mg of vitamin K is typically used; however, the exact dose needed is determined by a lab test called the INR.
There isn't enough scientific information to determine recommended dietary allowances (RDAs) for vitamin K, so daily adequate intake (AI) recommendations have been formed instead: The AIs are: infants 0–6 months, 2 mcg; infants 6–12 months, 2.5 mcg; children 1–3 years, 30 mcg; children 4–8 years, 55 mcg; children 9–13 years, 60 mcg; adolescents 14–18 years (including those who are pregnant or breast-feeding), 75 mcg; men over 19 years, 120 mcg; women over 19 years (including those who are pregnant and breast-feeding), 90 mcg.
Other names Return to top
4-Amino–2-Methyl-1–Naphthol, Fat–Soluble Vitamin, Menadiol Acetate, Menadiol Sodium Phosphate, Menadione, Ménadione, Menadione Sodium Bisulfite, Menaquinone, Ménaquinone, Menatetrenone, Menaté trenone, Phytanadione, Methylphytyl Naphthoquinone, Phylloquinone, Phytomenadione, Vitamina K, Vitamine K, Vitamine Liposoluble, Vitamine Soluble dans les Graisses.
Methodology Return to top
To learn more about how this article was written, please see the Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database methodology.
References Return to top
1. Jagannath VA, Fedorowicz Z, Thaker V, Chang AB. Vitamin K supplementation for cystic fibrosis. Cochrane Database Syst Rev. 2011;:CD008482.
2. Miesner AR, Sullivan TS. Elevated international normalized ratio from vitamin K supplement discontinuation. Ann Pharmacother 2011;45:e2.
3. Ansell J, Hirsh J, Hylek E, et al. Pharmacology and management of the vitamin K antagonists. American College of Chest Physicians Evidence-Based Clinical Practice Guidelines (8th Edition). Chest 2008;133:1605–98S.
4. Rombouts EK, Rosendaal FR, Van Der Meer FJ. Daily vitamin K supplementation improves anticoagulant stability. J Thromb Haemost 2007;5:2043–8.
5. Reese AM, Farnett LE, Lyons RM, et al. Low-dose vitamin K to augment anticoagulation control. Pharmacotherapy 2005;25:1746–51.
6. Sconce E, Avery P, Wynne H, Kamali F. Vitamin K supplementation can improve stability of anticoagulation for patients with unexplained variability in response to warfarin. Blood 2007;109:2419–23.
7. Kurnik D, Lobestein R, Rabinowitz H, et al. Over-the-counter vitamin K1-containing multivitamin supplements disrupt warfarin anticoagulation in vitamin K1-depleted patients. Thromb Haemost 2004;92:1018–24.
8. Sconce E, Khan T, Mason J, et al. Patients with unstable control have a poorer dietary intake of vitamin K compared to patients with stable control of anticoagulation. Thromb Haemost 2005;93:872–5.
9. Tamura T, Morgan SL, Takimoto H. Vitamin K and the prevention of fractures (letter and reply). Arch Int Med 2007;167:94–5.
10. Beulens JW, Bots ML, Atsma F, et al. High dietary menaquinone intake is associated with reduced coronary calcification. Atherosclerosis 2009;203:489–93.
Show more references
Last reviewed – 10/23/2012
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This copyrighted, evidence-based medicine resource is provided by Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database Consumer Version. Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database disclaims any responsibility related to consequences of using any product. This monograph should not replace advice from a healthcare professional and should not be used for the diagnosis or treatment of any medical condition.
Copyright © 1998 - 2013 Therapeutic Research Faculty, publishers of Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database, Prescriber's Letter, Pharmacist's Letter. All rights reserved. For scientific data on natural medicines, professionals may consult the Professional Version of Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database. | <urn:uuid:fb245652-1239-4c2e-bd3a-2e665d3ee801> | CC-MAIN-2023-06 | https://truthinadvertising.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Vitamin-K-Fact-Sheet-Dosage-NIH-Medline-Plus.pdf | 2023-02-02T14:22:05+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764500028.12/warc/CC-MAIN-20230202133541-20230202163541-00028.warc.gz | 598,870,165 | 2,182 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.993252 | eng_Latn | 0.993252 | [
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THE KAVELCAR
FIGHTING THE ENEMY AND THE CURSE
BY
WILLIAM H. BURTON
AUTHOR OF "THE KAVELCAR IN THE FIELD," ETC.
NEW YORK
THE DODD, MEAD & COMPANY
1897
ISAAC FOOT
LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
Ex Libris
ISAAC FOOT
NELSON
AND OTHER NAVAL STUDIES
F. Pollock
'736
Reproduced by permission of the Admiralty
LORD NELSON
From the original painted for Sir Wm. Hamilton by Leonardo Guzzardi, and presented to the Admiralty by the Hon. Robt. Fulke Greville in 1848
[Frontispiece]
NELSON
AND OTHER NAVAL STUDIES
BY JAMES R. THURSFIELD, M.A.
HON. FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, OXFORD
"THERE IS BUT ONE NELSON"
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1920
First Edition . . . . May 1909
Reprinted . . . . February 1920
All Rights Reserved
TO
THE CHILDREN OF NELSON
THE OFFICERS AND MEN OF HIS MAJESTY'S FLEET
I DEDICATE THIS BOOK
IN FRIENDLY AND GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE
OF MANY HAPPY AND FRUITFUL HOURS
SPENT IN THEIR COMPANY
AFLOAT AND ASHORE
DURING FIVE-AND-THIRTY YEARS
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form so that it can be securely transmitted or stored.
6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions.
9. Protocol: A set of rules that govern how data is transmitted between two systems.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The protection of data from unauthorized access, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
13. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to perform a specific task.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that interacts with the user.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language used to structure and organize data in a web application.
18. API: Application Programming Interface, a set of rules and protocols that allow different software applications to communicate with each other.
19. Cloud Computing: The delivery of computing resources over the internet, allowing users to access and use these resources without having to install and maintain the underlying infrastructure.
20. Big Data: Large volumes of data that require specialized techniques and tools to analyze and extract meaningful insights.
IT is necessary to state explicitly that this re-issue of a book published in 1909 is in no sense a new and revised edition, but merely a reprint in which not a syllable nor a comma of the text has been changed. I regret that owing to a misunderstanding, for which I am at least partly responsible, I was not informed of the publisher’s intention to issue this reprint until the last moment, when it was no longer possible to make any changes in the text. I would, therefore, invite such new readers as it may attract to bear in mind that it was written five years before the outbreak of the Great War which has wrought such vast changes in the methods and aspects of Naval Warfare.
As regards the Essay on “Paul Jones,” some further explanation is necessary, though it must needs be brief. That Essay was, as I stated in the Preface, “very largely based on what is now the standard American biography of Paul Jones, by Mr. A. C. Buell.” The words “standard American biography” must now be unequivocally withdrawn, and for them must be substituted “a work on which no reliance can be placed.” When I wrote the Essay I was not aware that Buell’s good faith had ever been impugned. But shortly after it was published, a letter appeared in the New York Times of August 29, 1909, from the pen of Mrs. Anna De Koven. This lady has since published what is very justly entitled to be called the standard biography of Paul Jones, based as it is on a critical and exhaustive study of all the authentic materials, printed and manuscript, to be found in public libraries and private collections both in the United States and abroad. In her letter, Mrs. De Koven stated that on June 10, 1906, she had contributed an article to the same journal in which she claimed to have “exposed the falsity” of Buell’s work. As soon as I had read Mrs. De Koven’s
letter of August 29, I wrote a letter which appeared in *The Times* of September 13, 1909. In this letter I quoted Mrs. De Koven’s letter *in extenso*, and assured the readers of my book that when I wrote the Essay on Paul Jones, “I was completely ignorant of the fact that Mr. Buell’s biography of Paul Jones was regarded by some critics as ‘an utterly false and discredited book,’ and, in particular, that the document regarding the founding of the American Navy attributed by Mr. Buell to Paul Jones was regarded by them as a ‘very palpable forgery.’” The quotations in the foregoing extract are taken from the letter of Mrs. De Koven which I cited in *The Times* of September 13, 1909. In my covering letter of that date I went on to remark that Mrs. de Koven’s allegations were not, I believed, universally accepted in the United States; but I added that I would do my best to get at the truth concerning Mr. Buell’s delinquencies and Mrs. De Koven’s allegations, and would then take such action as would fully satisfy the requirements of historical accuracy.
The publication in 1913 of Mrs. De Koven’s monumental and exhaustive work on *The Life and Letters of John Paul Jones* has now vindicated the substantial truth of her allegations, and I take this opportunity, the first I have had since 1909, of acknowledging that Buell’s book, so far from being an authentic narrative, is, in very truth, a work of no historical authority. It is not now in my power to cancel or even to revise the Essay, since the reprint of the volume is too far advanced to permit of any such procedure. But I trust this Note will suffice to warn all my readers to place no reliance on any statement or document in the Essay which rests on the sole authority of Buell, and to induce them to give Mrs. De Koven full credit for her painstaking elucidation of the truth and for her crushing exposure of Buell’s delinquencies.
James R. Thursfield.
May 20, 1920.
PREFACE
With one exception the essays here collected have appeared previously at different times during the last few years in various serial publications. I have to thank the conductors of *The Times*, *The Quarterly Review*, *The Naval Annual*, *The United Service Magazine*, and *The National Review* for permission to reprint them. I should add that I do not claim the authorship of the first paper in the volume. It originally appeared in *The Times* as a leading article on the hundredth anniversary of Trafalgar, and it so well represents the spirit in which, as I think, Englishmen should celebrate an anniversary of the kind that I have obtained the permission of the conductors of *The Times* to reprint it as a fitting introduction to a volume which deals so largely with Nelson and his crowning victory at Trafalgar.
The exception is the essay on Paul Jones. This has been written specially for the present volume. It is at once a duty and a pleasure to acknowledge that it is very largely based on what is now the standard American biography of Paul Jones by Mr. A. C. Buell. Readers of Mr. Buell’s work will perceive at once how deeply my own essay is indebted to it at almost every point. I have however consulted other authorities, more especially a biography published in 1825, and written, as I am assured by my friend Mr. John Murray, by no less famous a person than Benjamin Disraeli, afterwards Earl of Beaconsfield. The volume is anonymous, and it is now, I believe, very rare. Probably it was never well known, nor was its authorship ever avowed in Disraeli’s lifetime. But on the authority of Mr. Murray I attribute it with confidence
to Disraeli, if not as the writer of every word, at any rate as the responsible and largely contributory editor. I have quoted several passages from it. My readers will judge for themselves how far these passages betray the authorship I have claimed for them.
Disraeli is the only English biographer of Paul Jones known to me who has attempted to do him justice. He evidently felt for him a certain affinity of temperament, a certain sympathy of soul. His youthful motto, "Adventures are to the adventurous," would have been as congenial to Paul Jones as it was to himself. When he says of him, "that to perform extraordinary actions, a man must often entertain extraordinary sentiments, and that in the busiest scenes of human life, enthusiasm is not always vain, nor romance always a fable," he is anticipating a vein of reflection with which Englishmen were afterwards to be made very familiar in the character and career of the statesman who made Queen Victoria an Empress and realized the dreams of his own "Tancred" by annexing Cyprus to her dominions.
It is because Paul Jones has been so often misjudged in this country that I too have sought to bespeak for him a rehearing of the whole case. I may have mistaken his character. It may have been as "detestable" as Sir John Laughton says it was. But his acts speak for themselves. The man who founded the American Navy and showed it how to fight; who set before it the high standard of conduct, attainment, and efficiency which still inspires it; who propounded views of naval warfare and its conduct which anticipated the teaching of Clerk of Eldin in the eighteenth century, and that of Captain Mahan in our own days, and were conceived in the very spirit of Nelson himself; who baffled all the diplomacy of England at the Texel, and alone achieved a diplomatic triumph of which even Franklin had despaired, is certainly not a man to be dismissed from the court of history as a mere adventurer, a person of no importance, even if he cannot leave it without a stain
upon his character. I would hardly go so far as Disraeli and say, "As to his moral conduct, it would seem that few characters have been more subject to scrutiny and less to condemnation." I do not take Paul Jones to have been a Galahad or even a Lancelot. But whatever his moral delinquencies may have been, I have discovered none to make me ashamed of avowing a profound admiration for his extraordinary gifts and astonishing achievements.
The papers on "Trafalgar and the Nelson Touch" were written in 1905, and published in *The Times* during the early autumn of that year. I had previously enjoyed an opportunity of talking the matter over with Colonel Desbrière, of the French General Staff, the distinguished author of a monumental work, well known to all students of the subject, entitled *Projets et tentatives de débarquement aux Iles Britanniques, 1793–1805*. But I found that at the time of my visit to Colonel Desbrière at the French War Office he had not completed those studies and researches which have since borne such abundant fruit in his supplementary volume, entitled *Trafalgar*, which was only published in 1907. This will explain why no mention was made of Colonel Desbrière's work in my articles as they originally appeared. The importance of his researches and of the conclusions he has drawn from them lies not merely in his profound acquaintance with the whole subject, and the singularly acute and detached judgment he has brought to its discussion, but in the fact that he alone has had access to all the documents bearing on the subject which are preserved in the French and Spanish archives, the most important of them being printed in his volume for the first time. It is for this reason extremely gratifying to me to find that working on lines in no sense suggested by myself—for the very slight assistance I was able to afford him in his study of the subject is more than generously acknowledged in his preface—and on materials entirely inaccessible to me, he has reached conclusions so closely akin to my own. He
and I have reached our respective conclusions by different and independent paths. But how closely those conclusions coincide may be seen from the following sentences which I quote from his final chapter:
Quant au dispositif d'attaque des Anglais, il semble démontré qu'il différa tout à fait des deux colonnes généralement admises. Pour la division du Sud, celle de Collingwood, aucun doute ne peut subsister et l'engagement sur tout le front des alliés prouve bien que l'ordre de former la ligne de relèvement fut exécuté. Pour la division du Nord, celle de Nelson, la ligne de file se transforma au moment de l'engagement en un ordre semi-déployé sur un front de quatre ou cinq vaisseaux. L'amiral attaqua bien le premier mais il fut immédiatement soutenu à sa droite et à sa gauche.
There are a few points of detail concerning which I am more or less at variance with Colonel Desbrière, but they are none of them of primary importance, and there are others in respect of which his analysis corroborates mine in a very remarkable manner. These I have duly indicated in the notes appended at their proper place in the present volume. I would here add that the most striking corroboration of all is that furnished by three pictorial diagrams, representing three successive stages of the battle, which are preserved in the archives of the Captain-General at Cadiz, and are reproduced in black-and-white facsimile by Colonel Desbrière. Coloured facsimiles of these diagrams were presented in 1907 by the Spanish Government to the British Admiralty, and now hang in the room of the Permanent Secretary of the Admiralty. I am informed that the original drawings were made by the Chief of the Staff of the Spanish Admiral Gravina, who commanded the rear of the allied line, his flag flying in the Principe d'Asturias. The first of these diagrams represents the moment when Collingwood, in the Royal Sovereign, had just broken the allied line astern of the Santa Ana, and the remaining ships of
his line were about to follow his example. But they are not shown in the diagram as ranged in a line astern of the Royal Sovereign, and therefore perpendicular to the enemy's line. That is the traditional representation in this country, but it finds no countenance whatever from the diagram prepared by Gravina's Chief of the Staff. The rear ships of Collingwood's line are shown in a position which runs in a direction approximately parallel to the rear of the allied line, and all engaged simultaneously. There may be some pictorial exaggeration in this, though it may be noted that the Swiftsure recorded in her log "At half-past noon, the whole fleet in action, and Royal Sovereign had cut through the enemy's line"; but, in any case, the draughtsman, from his position on board the Principe d'Asturias, must certainly have known as well as any one whether the line of the attacking fleet was perpendicular or parallel to that of the allied rear during the first phase of the onslaught. He represents it as parallel, or nearly so; and his testimony on this point seems to me well-nigh conclusive in itself, and at any rate quite incontrovertible when taken in connection with all the other evidence to the same effect. As to the character of Nelson's attack his testimony is of course far less weighty, because his position in the line was far removed from that of the Bucentaure and the ships ahead of her. But it is worthy of note that he represents the Victory and two ships astern of her firing their port broadsides, as I have shown they must have done when they first opened fire, and steering direct for a gap in the allied line between the Bucentaure and the Redoutable. No other ships in Nelson's column are shown as having opened fire at this period of the action. A reproduction of this diagram will be found at page 66.
I have to thank the authorities of the Admiralty for their kindness in allowing me to reproduce, I believe for the first time, and to use as a frontispiece to this volume, the very remarkable portrait of Nelson which hangs in the Board Room at the Admiralty. This portrait was painted at Palermo in 1799 by Leonardo Guzzardi. It is not one of the more attractive portraits of Nelson, but, as I have explained on page 93, it has a special significance in the evidence it seems to afford as to Nelson’s state of health and of mind at this critical period of his career. My best thanks are also due to the Earl of Camperdown, for his permission to reproduce, at page 129, the beautiful portrait of his illustrious ancestor by Hopner, which stands as the frontispiece of his valuable biography of that great seaman.
My readers will bear in mind that the essays collected in this volume were originally written at different dates, some of them several years ago. They are all of them, therefore, necessarily affected by the “psychological atmosphere” which prevailed when they were written. I have so far revised them as to correct statistics and other statements of fact which the lapse of time has rendered obsolete, and even this has proved to be far from easy in the case of an essay like that on “The Strategy of Position,” where I have attempted, not, I fear, with entire success, to describe the strategic disposition of the Fleet which was initiated at the end of 1904 in terms of the kaleidoscopic developments of more recent years. But I have not otherwise attempted to modify the psychological atmosphere of their original date. That would have been quite impossible without rewriting them altogether. This remark applies especially to the lecture on “The Higher Policy of Defence” with which the volume concludes. It now has to reappear in a psychological atmosphere very different from that in which it was originally written. For this reason, were I to deliver another lecture on the same subject to-day, I daresay I should express myself very differently as regards the order, stress, and application of the arguments employed. Nevertheless, I remain a convinced and wholly unrepentant adherent of the doctrines I enunciated in 1902. They were not my doctrines. I was merely the unworthy mouthpiece of the lessons I learnt many years ago at the
feet of the late Admiral Colomb and of other naval officers, most of whom are happily still living, who were associated with him in his life-long endeavour to bring back to his countrymen a renewed sense of the things which belong to their peace. Even the title which I gave to the lecture, "The Higher Policy of Defence," was not of my own invention. It was, I believe, first employed, many years ago, by my friend Sir George Clarke, the present Governor of Bombay, with whom it was my high privilege to be associated, in 1897, in the publication of a volume of collected essays, entitled *The Navy and the Nation*. If I have any claim to speak with authority on the matters I have discussed in this present volume, I should certainly base it myself mainly on the fact that Sir George Clarke did not disdain twelve years ago to link his name with mine in the publication of a former volume, which has assuredly owed whatever influence it has exercised far more to his contributions than to mine. That volume was saturated from its first page to its last with the higher policy of defence. In the preface which Sir George Clarke and I drafted together—though it is only right to say now that its composition was mainly the work of his pen—we wrote:
That the sea communications of the Empire must be held in war; that if they are so held, territorial security against serious attack both at home and abroad is, *ipso facto*, provided; that if they are not so held, no army of any assigned magnitude, and no fortifications of any imagined technical perfection, can avert national ruin; these are the cardinal principles of Imperial Defence.
Yet these cardinal principles are now once more being impugned on the highest military authority—that of the great soldier whose long and brilliant career, whose lofty and disinterested patriotism, whose splendid achievements in India and South Africa, have endeared him to every Englishman, and have invested him with a right to speak on all questions of national defence which no one would
presume to dispute, least of all a mere civilian student like myself. I have said, "on all questions of national defence." But the fact remains that, for an insular Power like England—a Power which can neither attack its enemies nor be attacked by them except across the sea—no question of national defence can ever be either a purely military question or a purely naval question. Lord Roberts is a soldier; one of the greatest of living soldiers. On the military issues involved in any large question of national defence, I, for one, should never dream of disputing his authority; but on the naval issues involved in the same question, I would point out, with all respect, that, apart from his immense personal prestige, his authority is not in kind greater than that of any other amateur student of the subject. He is not an expert in the theory and practice of naval warfare any more than I am myself. In that respect he and I stand on the same footing, if I may say so without presumption, and on that ground alone do I venture to dispute some of the premisses he has lately advanced in respect of the naval aspects of the question of invasion.
Now I understand the school of which Lord Roberts is the illustrious leader to contend that we cannot rely on naval force alone, however superior to that of the supposed enemy, to prevent an invader landing on these shores in such force as, in the present condition of our military defences, might afford the enemy a reasonable prospect of bringing us to submission. The incapacity of the Navy to "impeach" the invader on the sea is thus represented as due, not to any deficiency of strength at any given point or moment, but to some indefeasible defect inherent in the nature of naval force as such and in the nature of the element on which it operates. If it were due to a mere deficiency of naval strength, the obvious and infallible remedy would seem to be to make good that deficiency at any cost and with as little delay as possible. But that is not the remedy recommended by Lord Roberts and his school. They would forthwith increase, and very largely increase, the military forces of the Crown available for the defence of these shores. At the risk of seeming presumptuous, I must insist once more that, if the sailors are to be trusted in a matter which especially concerns their profession, this is emphatically the wrong way to go to work. I do not here pose as an adherent of what is called, for some reason never intelligible to me, the "Blue Water School." I have never willingly used that phrase, for frankly, I do not in the least know what it means. I have learnt from the sailors that the function of a naval force adequate to prevent invasion is to operate neither in the blue waters of the Atlantic or the Mediterranean as such, nor in the grey waters of the North Sea as such, but in all those waters, whether blue or grey, whether deep or shallow, from which any menace of invasion can, on any reasonable calculation of contingencies, be expected to come. But I am an adherent—as I have said, a convinced and wholly unrepentant adherent—of what I would call the "naval" school, the school, that is, that holds as the cardinal principle of its creed, that with a sufficiency of naval force the invader can and will be impeached at sea, and that without a sufficiency of naval force he cannot be impeached at all. Am I then an adherent of what has been called—merely pour rire perhaps—the "dinghy" school, the school which is supposed to hold, though I never met a disciple of it, that not a dinghy full of foreign soldiers could ever land on these shores so long as our naval defence on the seas is sufficient? By no manner of means. I hold what is now the official doctrine, as quite recently expounded in Parliament by the Secretary of State for War, that the military forces of the Crown available for home defence should at all times be sufficient in numbers—and, of course, efficient enough in training, equipment, and organization—to compel any enemy who projects an invasion of this country to come in such force that he cannot come by stealth. Of course I presuppose an effective command
by this country of the seas to be traversed by the invader; but that is not to beg the question. It surely must be common ground with all disputants in this controversy that this country must never surrender the command of the sea to its enemies. That is the very meaning of the naval supremacy at which we aim, and must always aim, as a condition absolutely indispensable to our national security and our Imperial integrity. If there is any room for doubt, or even for any reasonable feeling of insecurity, on this vital point, the one and only way to remove it is instantly to set about increasing our naval forces to any extent that may be necessary to re-establish our imperilled supremacy at sea. If I entertained any such doubt, I would not add a single man to the Army until I had once more brought the Navy to its required strength of unchallengeable supremacy at sea. For I hold now, as I held with Sir George Clarke twelve years ago, that if the sea communications of the Empire are not securely held in war, "no army of any assigned magnitude, and no fortifications of any imagined technical perfection, can avert national ruin."
Now I do not attempt to determine either the numbers of the military forces that must be available for home defence, nor the character of the training, equipment, and organization that ought to be given to them if they are to discharge the function that I have assigned to them; that I leave entirely to competent military experts, of whom assuredly I am not one. Neither am I a naval expert, for I hold that none but sailors are entitled to be so called; but I know what the sailors think, for, as I am about to show, we have it on official record. Is it too much to ask the soldiers to withdraw from the naval province, in which they are not experts, and to confine themselves to the military province, in which their authority is no more to be disputed than that of the sailors is in their province? There are, indeed, some sailors whose authority I, at least, have no title to dispute, who follow the lead of Lord Roberts. But I suspect they do so
mainly on the ground that they hold "national service" of the character advocated by him to be a good thing in itself, rather than on the assumption which his main argument presupposes, namely, that no sufficiency of naval force can insure this country from invasion. I repeat that his main argument must rest on that assumption, because, if mere insufficiency of naval force were alleged, the plain logic of the situation would imperatively insist that any and every such alleged insufficiency should be made good before any other form of national defence were even so much as attempted. But this will not serve the turn of Lord Roberts and his school. Soldiers, and the disciples of soldiers themselves, they insist on telling the sailor and his disciples that, whatever they may think to the contrary, no sufficiency of naval force can insure this country against invasion. I, of course, am no sailor, and therefore it is not for me to answer them. They, on the other hand, albeit experts, and experts not to be challenged by me at any rate, in their own province, are just as little experts in the sailors' province as I am. Fortunately there exists a tribunal, composed largely of experts in both provinces, to which we can both appeal. That tribunal is the Committee of Imperial Defence as constituted by Mr. Balfour. One of the first problems to which the Committee of Imperial Defence addressed itself was that of invasion, its risks and its possibilities, and some four years ago, on May 11, 1905, Mr. Balfour expounded in the House of Commons the conclusions it had then reached. In unfolding his exposition he said:
Though every one must recognize that this is the central problem of Imperial and national defence, we see year by year the continuance of a profitless wrangle between the advocates of different schools of military and naval thought, to which the puzzled civilian gives a perplexed attention, and which leaves in the general mind an uneasy sense that, in spite of the millions we are spending on the Navy and the Army, the country is not, after
all, secure against some sudden onslaught which might shatter the fabric of Empire. This, be it remembered, is no new state of things. It reaches far back into a historic past. The same controversy in which we are now engaged was raging in the time of Drake; and then, as now, it was in the main the soldiers who took one side; in the main, the sailors who took the other. The great generals in the sixteenth century believed the invasion of England possible, the great admirals did not believe it possible. If you go down the stream of time, you come to an exactly similar state of things during the Napoleonic wars... It is certain that Napoleon believed invasion to be possible; and it is equally certain that Nelson believed it to be impossible. Forty years later you find the Duke of Wellington, in a very famous letter, expressing, in terms almost pathetic in their intensity, his fears of invasion—fears which naval opinion has never shared, provided our fleets be adequate. We found, when we took up the subject, that the perennial dispute was still unsettled; and it appeared to us—I do not say that full agreement could be come to, but something nearer than ever had been reached before—if we could avoid barren generalities, and devise a concrete problem capable of definite solution, yet based on suppositions so unfavourable to this country, that if, in this hypothetical case, serious invasion was demonstrably impossible, we might rest assured that it need not further enter into our practical calculations. Following out this idea, we assumed that our regular Army was abroad upon some oversea expedition, and that our organized fleets in permanent commission were absent from home waters. Frankly I do not see that we could be expected to go further.
Mr. Balfour then proceeded to define more precisely the suppositions, as unfavourable to this country as they could with any show of reason be made, on which the conclusions of the Committee were based. He assumed, "for the sake of argument, that the Mediterranean, the Atlantic, and the Channel Fleets are far away from these shores, incapable of taking any part in repelling invasion, though of course still constituting a menace to the communications of any invader fortunate or unfortunate
enough to have effected a landing.” He assumed further, that the military forces at home had been reduced to the lowest ebb they had reached during the crisis of the war in South Africa. Then he proceeded to inquire what was the smallest force with which a foreign Power would be likely to invade this country. “That,” he said, “may seem a paradoxical way of putting the question, but it is the true way. . . . The difficulty which our hypothetical invader has to face is not that of accumulating a sufficient force on his side of the water, but the difficulty of transferring it to ours; and inasmuch as that difficulty increases in an increasing ratio with every additional transport required and every augmentation in the landing force, it becomes evident that the problem which a foreign general has to consider is not, ‘How many men would I like to have in England in order to conquer it?’ but ‘With how few men can I attempt its conquest?’” To the question so propounded the answer given by all the military authorities consulted, including Lord Roberts himself, was that it would not be possible to make the attempt with less than 70,000 men. “With a force even of this magnitude Lord Roberts was distinctly of opinion that for 70,000 men to attempt to take London—which is, after all, what would have to be done if the operation were in any sense to be conclusive—would be in the nature of a forlorn hope.” Finally, taking France to be the invading Power, not in the least because it is at all likely that France would be the invading Power, but because, being nearer to this country than any other Power, France could, if she were so minded, invade this country more easily than any other Power, Mr. Balfour showed, and declared that it was the conviction of the Committee, that even on these extreme assumptions, “unfavourable as they are, serious invasion of these islands is not a possibility which we need consider.”
That was, only four years ago, the considered judgment of the only tribunal competent to decide between soldiers and sailors when they disagree, delivered from his
place in the House of Commons by the Minister who was at the time primarily and finally responsible for the security of the Empire and the inviolability of these shores. Has anything occurred since to disallow the judgment then delivered or to show cause why the appeal of Lord Roberts and his school against it should be entertained? I am not aware that the Committee of Imperial Defence has shown any disposition to reverse its judgment, or even to revise it in any essential respect. It has indeed been alleged, I believe, that Mr. Balfour's estimate of the tonnage required for the transport of a given number of troops was excessive, and that the tonnage then alleged to be available at any given time for France was far below the estimate that would have to be made of the tonnage available at any given time for another Power, more distant than France from these shores, which, if we were at war with it, or if its ambitions prompted it to a sudden and unprovoked attack, might seek to invade this country. But the revision of these factors to the extent required—for the sake of precision let us say to the extent of enabling the Power in question to embark 150,000 or even 200,000 men—does not in any way impair the capacity claimed by Mr. Balfour and the Committee of Imperial Defence for the depleted naval force of their fundamental assumption to impeach that enlarged embarkation. On the contrary, it enhances the capacity to make invasion impossible then claimed for the residual naval forces in home waters and not at the time disputed in any authoritative quarter; for, as Mr. Balfour insisted, the difficulties of embarkation, transit, and landing increase in an increasing ratio with every additional transport required, and every augmentation in the landing force transported. I would add that the hypothesis on which Mr. Balfour and the Committee proceeded in 1905, namely, that our organized fleets in permanent commission were absent from home waters, is no longer a tenable or even a thinkable one. The Mediterranean Fleet is likely to be absent in any case. The
Atlantic Fleet is just as likely, or as unlikely, to be absent in the future as it was in the past. But the Channel Fleet has now become a detached division of the Home Fleet and, as such, it is, for the future, very unlikely to be beyond striking distance at the hour of need. These were all the fleets in permanent commission which Mr. Balfour had to consider in 1905, and he assumed them all to be away. Even so he declared, on the authority of the Committee of Imperial Defence, that serious invasion was not a possibility which we need consider. But the Home Fleet as we now know it had not then been constituted. It is now, or shortly will be, by far the strongest single fleet in the world, and it is practically inconceivable that it should ever be absent from home waters. If the Committee held that without the Home Fleet as now constituted, and with all the other fleets in permanent commission away, we were safe against the invasion of 70,000 men in 1905, can it conceivably hold that with the Home Fleet, as now constituted, always in home waters, we are not still more safe in 1909 against the invasion of 150,000 or even 200,000 men, than we were in 1905 against the invasion of 70,000 men? The difficulties and delays involved in the embarkation, transport, and landing of 200,000 men I shall not attempt to estimate, nor shall I ask any soldier to estimate them. It is purely a sailor’s question, and how a sailor would answer it may be seen in a masterly discussion of what professional strategists would call the “logistics” of this question contributed to the Contemporary Review for February 1909, by a writer who signs himself “Master Mariner.” The identity of this writer is unknown to me; but he is evidently a sailor, and he is writing on matters concerning which soldiers, and indeed all who are not sailors, must be content to sit at the feet of the sailors. We do not ask sailors to tell the soldiers how to conduct military enterprises on land. Why are we to listen to soldiers when they insist upon telling us that sailors do not know their business afloat, or that the sailors of today cannot do what their forefathers have done over and over again?
But some soldiers are really impayables—of course I am here speaking, not of individual soldiers, but of soldiers in the sense in which Mr. Balfour spoke of the historic antagonism between soldiers and sailors on the field of national defence. You have no sooner rebutted one of their arguments, as I hope I have done on the authority of Mr. Balfour and the Committee of Defence, than with amazing polemical agility they forthwith confront you with its exact opposite. We used to be told that you cannot rely on the Navy to prevent invasion, because at the critical moment your fleets may be away. "Very well," said Mr. Balfour in effect, "I will, for the sake of argument, preposterous as the argument really is, send all the organized fleets away, and still I am able to show you that, in the judgment of the Committee of Defence, invasion is nevertheless impossible." Straightway the boot of the soldier is transferred to the other leg. Since Mr. Balfour spoke, the distribution of the national fleets has been adjusted by the Admiralty to that momentous change in the strategic situation which has come about through the growth of a great naval Power with its bases on or adjacent to the North Sea. The effect of this readjustment has been to render Mr. Balfour's original hypothesis of the total absence of all our organized fleets from home waters too preposterous even for hypothetical consideration. The Home Fleet never will be away, and the Home Fleet is, as I have said, the strongest single fleet in the world. Still the soldier is not happy, and, to be quite frank, he finds some support from some sailors at this point. He has found a sailor of over fifty years' service to complain that the British Fleet is now "manacled" to the shores of the United Kingdom, that the proud prerogative which it once enjoyed of roaming at large over all the seas of the world is now and for ever in abeyance, and that it must henceforth be "cabin'd, cribb'd, confined" within the narrow seas. I fancy I
have crossed swords with this veteran sailor more than once, and if so, I have generally found his polemic rather ingenious than convincing, and sometimes a little wayward. His argument seems to me merely to mean this, that as a sailor of long standing and of all the authority which his long standing implies, he does not approve of that strategic distribution of the fleet which now finds favour with the Admiralty. Be it so. In this field I am no match for him. He is a sailor and I am not. His disapproval of the policy of the Admiralty is, as the French say, une idée comme une autre, and I at least am no arbiter between his ideas and those he repudiates. But I recollect a very distinguished naval officer, who was at the time Director of Naval Intelligence, saying to me many years ago, "If you have a sufficiency of naval force, surely you may trust the Admiralty to distribute it to the best advantage from time to time." I have never forgotten the admonition, and it is one which I would commend to my countrymen, whether soldiers or civilians, who are no more experts in this matter than I am. It is different, of course, with sailors, who are experts in this matter. My friend of the "manacled fleet," with his more than fifty years' service—I am sure honourable and distinguished—is fully entitled to convert the Admiralty if he can. But I doubt if he will.
My own views on this matter, whatever they may be worth, are given in an essay in this volume entitled "The Strategy of Position." Perhaps I may here supplement them by quoting a short extract from a letter I addressed to The Times over my own initials shortly after Mr. Balfour's speech was delivered in 1905. It had been argued that Mr. Balfour had ignored the possibility of our having to deal with two or three great Powers at the same moment. On this I said:
I can discern no foundation whatever for this contention. It seems to me to be altogether inconsistent with the fundamental hypothesis that our main fleets
are absent. That hypothesis is an extreme, almost an extravagant, one in any case. It becomes strategically unthinkable—as I cannot doubt that the Prime Minister, fresh from the deliberations of the Committee of Defence, would acknowledge—unless we assume that the fleets are absent, not on a wild-goose chase, but solely for the purpose of meeting to the best advantage the fleets of such Powers as may have combined, or are likely to combine, against this country. If the enemies' fleets are in adjacent waters, our own main fleets will be there too. If the enemies' fleets are in distant waters, our own main fleets will be there too. In any case, unless our sailors are unworthy of their sires, our own main fleets will always be where they can act to the best advantage, whether in home or in foreign waters, against the enemies of their country; and, even when they are in foreign waters, there will always be a residual naval force in home waters to deal with what, by the hypothesis, can only be the residual naval force of this or that enemy who seeks to invade us. That is what every sailor instinctively understands, and yet what nearly every soldier seems to be almost incapable of understanding. It is only because we have now happily bethought ourselves of asking the sailors a question which sailors alone are competent to answer that the country at large is beginning to understand it at last. It seems to me that this is a revolution in the strategic thought and the defensive policy of the country comparable only to the Copernican revolution in astronomy.
But the Copernican system did not find universal acceptance at once. Even Bacon wrote in his hasty youth of "these new carmen who drive the earth about." But Bacon, as we know, was said by Harvey to "write philosophy like a Lord Chancellor." Perhaps, if Harvey had written of law, Bacon would have retorted that he wrote of law like a physician. When soldiers try to teach sailors their business, or sailors do the same by soldiers, I would invite them both to apply the apologue to themselves.
The truth is that the naval forces of this country are now for the most part concentrated in home waters because that is where what I would call the centre of strategic moment manifestly lies in existing circumstances. There are only two naval Powers in Europe which as matters stand at present are capable of trying conclusions with this country on the seas. These are Germany and France. I am not concerned to inquire whether we are likely to be at war with either of them; I sincerely trust we are not. But political issues of this kind are altogether outside my present province. In any case it stands to reason that if we were at war with either of them or with both, and if either or both desired in that contingency to invade this country, we should need a naval force in home waters sufficient to make certain of impeaching them. We want no more than that, however, at any time; and if at any time we maintain a larger force in home waters than suffices for that purpose, that is merely a matter of administrative convenience, and not in any sense a matter of strategic necessity. The ships and fleets not required for home defence are just as free to go anywhere and do anything as they ever were, and they do go far and wide whenever occasion serves or calls. In the course of last year the Atlantic Fleet went to Quebec and the Second Cruiser Squadron paid a round of visits, first in South Africa and afterwards in South America. Not a year passes that the Fourth Cruiser Squadron does not visit the West Indies. That is the true way of "showing the flag." What "showing the flag" means when ships which cannot fight and must not run away are employed for the purpose, I have shown in my comments on the capture of the *Drake* by Paul Jones in the *Ranger*.
It is, moreover, purely a soldiers' idea and not a sailors' at all that a sufficiency of military defence on shore will set free the fleet for the discharge of its proper duties. What are the proper duties of the fleet? They are, as every sailor knows, "to keep foreigners from fooling us," as Blake, who was soldier and sailor too, is reputed to have said in the rough and homely fashion of his age. This is done by confronting the foreigner—or, as I should
prefer to say, the enemy—in superior force in any part of the seas where, if we were not there in superior force, he might be able to fool us. He cannot fool us anywhere unless he can get there, and if he attempts to get there, he will very soon find that a superior force is "upon his jacks," as Howard said. Since neither ships nor fleets can be in two places at once, it is plain that, superiority of force in a known proportion being presupposed, and guaranteed in that proportion by the two-Power standard, it can be maintained in the like proportion in any part of the world where the enemy's ships are to be found, except in so far as a single ship cannot be split up into fractions. I should have thought that any soldier could see that, just as well as any sailor, or any civilian, for that matter, who can work a sum in simple proportion. The soldier very seldom does see it, however; and even when he does begin to see it, as apparently he did in 1905, he can always find some ingenious sailor to draw the feather once more across his eyes.
In sum, then, my plea is simply this: That the problem of home defence being in its very essence partly a naval problem and partly a military problem, the soldier should leave the solution of the naval problem to the sailor, who is an expert in this province, and confine himself exclusively to the province in which he is equally an expert, namely, the solution of the military problem. Thus, the first question which the soldier should address to the sailor is, "Can you keep the invader out?" To this, if Mr. Balfour and the Committee of Defence are to be trusted, the sailor will answer without hesitation, "Unquestionably I can, if only you will have military force enough on land, suitably trained, equipped, and organized, to compel him to come, if he comes at all, in such numbers that he cannot escape my attentions. If, as Lord Roberts told the Committee of Defence, no invader would dream of coming with less than 70,000 men, and even then it would be a forlorn hope, I can certainly stop him if he comes with that number, and *a fortiori* if he comes with
twice or thrice that number, provided only, and provided always, that he has not first cleared the seas of all my available force; and, frankly, I don't see how he is to do that so long as the two-Power standard is maintained." Thus the naval problem is now disengaged altogether from the military problem, being solved by the sailor to the entire satisfaction of the Committee of Defence, and we can now turn with confidence to the soldier for the solution of the military problem. I, who am neither soldier nor sailor, have offered no solution of either problem. I have applied myself purely to the method of stating the problem and of looking for its solution in the proper quarter, and not to its subject-matter at all. That I leave entirely to the sailor so far as it lies in his province, and to the soldier so far as it lies in his. For the solution of the naval problem I have gone to the only authoritative source known to me, namely, the conclusions of the Committee of Defence recorded in 1905 by the Prime Minister of the day. Those conclusions hold the field until they are either modified or withdrawn on the same unimpeachable authority. For the solution of the associated military problem I am quite ready to go to the same source; and, since it is a purely military problem, I am equally ready to take its solution from the soldiers and not to listen to the sailors at all. The problem may now be stated thus: What amount of military force is it necessary to maintain at all times in this country in order to make sure that if any enemy seeks to invade us he shall be compelled to cross the sea with at least 70,000 men, and how should this force be trained, equipped, and organized for the purpose? It may be that the answer is to be found in the Territorial Force, or in such modification and development of it as Lord Roberts and his followers have advocated. That is not for me, a mere civilian, to discuss, still less to decide. I will only record my own conviction that, if the problem is solved on these terms, the Territorial Force, or any other force which may hereafter be found better fitted to discharge the same
function, will never exchange a single shot with an invader on British soil any more than its predecessors, the Volunteers, ever did. The Romans had a proverb, *Res ad triarios venit*, to signify that when the engagement had reached the *triarii*, the end of the conflict was at hand, and that so far it had gone against the legions. The Territorial Force, or any future substitute for it, will always be the *triarii* of the British array. If ever they are called upon to withstand an invader on British soil, the end of the Empire will not be far off. But, so long as our naval supremacy is maintained, it is much more likely that if they ever meet an enemy in the stricken field at all, they will, as many of their predecessors the Volunteers did, meet him thousands of miles from the shores they were enrolled to defend. Thus will patriotism once more be justified of all her children.
Perhaps at no time in the history of this country since the days of the Norman Conquest has the menace of invasion been so acute as it was in the two years before Trafalgar, when, as Captain Mahan says, "Nelson before Toulon was wearing away the last two years of his glorious but suffering life, fighting the fierce north-westers of the Gulf of Lyon and questioning—questioning continually with feverish anxiety—whether Napoleon's object was Egypt again or Great Britain really." The Grand Army, 130,000 strong, was encamped at Boulogne and along the adjacent coasts, whence "they could, on fine days, as they practised the varied manœuvres which were to perfect the vast host in disembarking with order and rapidity, see the white cliffs fringing the only country that to the last defied their arms." England was shaken with alarms. The Army Estimates, which had stood at £12,952,000 in 1803, rose with a bound to £22,889,000 in 1804, and again advanced to over £23,000,000 in 1805. The number of effectives voted for employment in the United Kingdom rose from 66,000 in 1803, to 129,000 in 1804, and 135,000 in 1805, and even then they barely exceeded the numbers with which Napoleon, not forty
miles away across the Channel, was preparing to invade and hoping to conquer England.\(^1\) The martial ardour of the people rose to an unprecedented height. Every county resounded with the drill of patriotic Volunteers—over 300,000 in number. Dumouriez, the versatile victor of Valmy, pestered the British Ministers with plans for their permanent organization. Men wondered from day to day when "Buonaparte," or "Boney" as they called him, would come, and why he did not come. My own grandfather used to tell how false alarms of his coming would sometimes fetch the Volunteers out of their beds and march them off in the middle of the night to the nearest rendezvous. I daresay the soldiers of the day could demonstrate to their hearts' content that he certainly would come, and that there was really nothing, except the military array on shore, to prevent his coming; but the sailors never faltered. "Those far-distant, storm-beaten ships, upon which the Grand Army never looked, stood between it and the dominion of the world." And though the soldiers may have insisted that it was their preparations on shore that "set free" the outlying ships to occupy their stations far away, yet I cannot find that the sailors set much store by these same preparations, and it is certain from their own words and deeds that they knew, as surely as men can ever be sure about anything in war, that however quickly Napoleon's troops might embark on one side of the Channel, they would never be allowed to disembark on the other until the sea supremacy of this country had been overthrown. Nor, again, can I find that Napoleon was ever for a moment intimidated by the stir of military preparation in England. It was not that which stopped him, or ever would have stopped
\(^1\) These figures are taken from the *Annual Register*. Fuller details will be found in the valuable work on *The County Lieutenancies and The Army, 1803–1814*, recently published by the Hon. J. W. Fortescue. It is only right to acknowledge that Mr. Fortescue puts the total strength of the Regular Army at a higher figure than those given above. But his account of the organization and equipment of some portions of it goes far to explain why Napoleon was never intimidated by its numbers.
him, if the fleets which barred his way could once have been put out of being.
"Our great reliance," wrote St. Vincent, "is on the vigilance and activity of our cruisers at sea." When the menace of invasion first became acute in 1801, before the Peace of Amiens, Nelson wrote: "Our first defence is close to the enemy's ports"—that is, his ports in the Channel—"and the Admiralty have taken such precautions, by having such a respectable force under my orders, that I venture to express a well-grounded hope that the enemy would be annihilated before they get ten miles from their own shores." Again, Pellew said in his place in Parliament in 1804: "As to the enemy being able in a narrow sea to pass through our blockading and protecting squadron with all the secrecy and dexterity, and by those hidden means that some worthy people expect, I really, from anything I have seen in the course of my professional experience, am not much disposed to concur in it." These words are as pertinent in 1909 as they were in 1804, and I would commend them to the special attention of soldiers in our own day. Finally, I would point out that if the Ministers of the day were really relying on an Army of 135,000 men, supported by 300,000 Volunteers, to keep the 130,000 troops of Napoleon out of the country, they were guilty of something like treason in sending no fewer than 11,000 regular troops out of the country on distant and secret expeditions, as they did in 1805, at the very crisis of the Trafalgar campaign. One of these expeditions, consisting of some 5,000 men, embarked in April 1805, about a fortnight after Villeneuve left Toulon for the last time. The troops were destined for Gibraltar, Malta, and Naples, where they were to co-operate with a contingent of Russian troops, and where in the following year they were destined to win the victory of Maida. It was the presence of this combined force in Southern Italy that determined Napoleon's instructions to Villeneuve to make for the Mediterranean when he left Cadiz to encounter Nelson at Trafalgar. The
troops were under the command of Sir James Craig, and were convoyed by two line-of-battleships under the command of Rear-Admiral Knight. Nelson was ordered to furnish them, if he deemed it necessary, with additional convoy in the Mediterranean, and just before he left for the West Indies in pursuit of Villeneuve he detached the *Royal Sovereign* for that purpose. The other expedition, consisting of some 6,000 men, under the command of Sir David Baird, was despatched in August of the same year at a time when Villeneuve was still at large and still undefeated. Its destination was the Cape, and in January 1806 it captured Cape Town and put an end for ever to the rule of Holland in South Africa. These singular episodes have generally been overlooked. They seem to show conclusively that the British Government, in 1805, was very far from quaking over the insufficiency of our military defences at that time. The knee is nearer than the shin. You do not send troops abroad when you want them to repel the invader at home. The sailors had apparently convinced the Government that the management of the invader could safely be left to themselves.
It was left to the sailors, with what results we know. There were chances of failure no doubt, but so there must be in any war. Napoleon knew this as well as any man, and complained that his admirals had "learned—where I do not know—that war can be made without running risks." But the sailors of England had learned their lesson
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1 It is, moreover, highly important to note that Mr. Fortescue is of opinion that, after the rupture of the Peace of Amiens, England could and should have taken the military offensive abroad from the very outset. "An attitude of passive and inert defence," he says, "is very rarely sound and was never more false than in 1803.... Napoleon was not prepared for war.... It may be asserted without hesitation that the British Government could, so far as the safety of the sea was concerned, have sent any force that it pleased to any point that it pleased, and thirty thousand, or even twenty thousand, men despatched to Sicily or to Naples in the summer of 1803 must almost certainly have broken up the camp at Boulogne." In other words, if the soldiers wanted to share with the sailors the task of keeping Napoleon at bay, they could, in the judgment of this high authority, have done so much more effectively by organizing a counter-stroke abroad than by filling England with tumultuary forces which Napoleon never even affected to fear.
better. They ran risks, and they even made mistakes, but they never faltered in their conviction that, if the fleets of England could not save England, nothing else could. Is it a mere accident, or the mere fortune of war, which one day may play us false, that from the Norman Conquest, when England was lost by the insufficiency of her fleet, to the days of Trafalgar, when she was saved by its sufficiency, the sufficiency and prowess of the fleet—more than once its bare and scarcely adequate sufficiency—have invariably kept the invader at bay, and that her defenders on shore have never once met an enemy on British soil except in such mere handfuls that his discomfiture has left scarcely a trace in the national history? For an answer to this question I have nothing to add to what was said, with far higher authority than mine, by Sir George Clarke twelve years ago:¹
That naval force is the natural and proper defence of a maritime State against over-sea invasion is the indisputable teaching of history. The unbroken consistency of the records of hundreds of years cannot possibly be the result of accident. No theories incubated in times of peace, no speculations as to what might have happened if events had shaped themselves differently, can shake a law thus irrefragably established. There is only one explanation of the fact that of the many projected invasions of England none has succeeded for eight hundred years, notwithstanding that naval superiority has not existed at all periods, and that the military forces at home have often been utterly inadequate to resist the strength that could be brought against them, if the sea had not intervened. All the great operations of war are ruled by the measure of the risk involved, and, until the defending Navy has been crushed, the risk of exposing large numbers of transports to attack is too great to be easily accepted.
Is it, or is it not, then, an advantage to be an insular State? The answer is surely given in the fact that there is no State in Europe which has not been invaded over
¹ *The Navy and the Nation*, p. 320.
and over again in the eight hundred years during which England has enjoyed immunity from that unspeakable calamity. How long will that immunity last if we once begin to transfer the stress of defence from the sea to the land? If the fleet of England, which is her all in all, as it always has been, can no longer be trusted to keep the invader at bay, it is not "National Service" that will save us. The full model of the citizen-armies of the Continent will barely serve our needs. At the same time the defence of the Empire and the security of our maritime commerce will need a Navy just as strong as before. India cannot be held unless we command the sea, as every sailor knows and as every soldier will acknowledge. Hence, on these conditions, so far from its being an advantage to England to be an island State, it must in time become a tremendous and overwhelming disadvantage. There is, in very truth, no middle course in the matter. Either the fleet, so long as it is maintained in sufficiency, can henceforth, as heretofore, be trusted to keep the invader at bay, in which case our military defences can be strictly adjusted to the measure and the conditions of our sea power; or it cannot, in which case not all the adult manhood of the nation in arms will suffice to defend our homes. Surely the country cannot hesitate between these two alternatives. Nearly five hundred years ago the truth was written in rugged lines that still go to the root of the whole matter:
Keep then the Sea about in special,
Which of England is the Town-wall.
As though England were likened to a City
And the Wall environ were the Sea.
Keep then the Sea that is the Wall of England,
And then is England kept by God's hand;
That as for any Thing that is without,
England were at Ease withouten doubt.
## CONTENTS
| Title | Page |
|--------------------------------------------|------|
| The Anniversary of Trafalgar | 1 |
| Trafalgar and the Nelson Touch | 7 |
| The Life of Nelson | 80 |
| The Secret of Nelson | 117 |
| Duncan | 129 |
| Paul Jones | 165 |
| The Dogger Bank and its Lessons | 249 |
| The Strategy of Position | 270 |
| The Attack and Defence of Commerce | 293 |
| The Higher Policy of Defence | 331 |
| Index | 365 |
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used to verify the integrity of data.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Network: A collection of computers and devices connected together by communication channels.
9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to be used by humans to express instructions to a computer.
11. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
12. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
13. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
14. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
15. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
16. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data between devices.
17. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
ILLUSTRATIONS
LORD NELSON . . . . . . . . . . . Frontispiece
From the original painting for Sir Wm. Hamilton by Leonardo Guzardi, and presented to the Admiralty by the Hon. Robt. Fulke Greville in 1848. Reproduced by permission of the Admiralty.
FACING PAGE
DIAGRAMS TO ILLUSTRATE THE AUTHOR'S VIEWS . . . 53
DIAGRAMS FROM NICOLAS AND MAHAN . . . . . . 58
THE SPANISH DIAGRAM . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
ADMIRAL DUNCAN . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Painted by Hoppner in 1788. Reproduced by permission of the Earl of Camperdown from the original in his possession.
PAUL JONES . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
From a painting by Charles Willson Peale. Reproduced by permission of Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons.
CHART OF MANŒUVRES OF 1906 . . . . . . . 326
** For an explanation of the device on the cover of this volume see note on page 247.
NELSON, AND OTHER NAVAL STUDIES
PROEM
THE ANNIVERSARY OF TRAFALGAR¹
The memory of Trafalgar can never fade so long as England remains a nation, nor even so long as the English tongue is spoken or the history of England is remembered in any part of the world. It was so transcendent an event, so far-reaching in its consequences, so heroic in its proportions, so dramatic in its incidents, so tragic in its catastrophe, that it is difficult to name any single event in all history which quite equals it in the opulent assemblage of all those elements and conditions which excite and sustain the abiding interest of mankind. It was the last and greatest fight of the greatest seaman of all time. It was consecrated by his death in the hour of victory. It delivered this nation once for all from the threatened thraldom of Napoleon. It changed the face of Europe, and set the world’s stage for the successive acts of that tremendous drama which ended ten years later at Waterloo. It was, moreover, the last great fight of the sailing-ship period of naval warfare. It was at Trafalgar that the unique genius of Nelson, then at its ripest, put the last finishing touch—the Nelson touch—to those tactical methods which three centuries of
¹ The Times, October 21, 1905.
warfare had evolved, and witched the world with noble seamanship never to be seen on the field of naval battle again. But Trafalgar did even more than all this. When Gravelines, the first great battle of the sailing-ship period, was fought, England did not possess in effective occupation and sovereignty a single rood of territory beyond the narrow seas. It was, indeed, Drake and his comrades who laid at Gravelines the foundations of that vast Empire which sea power has since given us, but it was Trafalgar that countersigned its title-deeds with the blood of Nelson and of those who died with him, and ratified them beyond dispute. It is the thought of all these things, and of many others which the name and memory of Trafalgar suggest, that should inspire Englishmen whenever they celebrate the anniversary of the battle. We are then commemorating the most famous and the most decisive victory ever achieved by British arms on the seas. We are mourning, as our forefathers mourned now more than a hundred years ago, the death in the hour of victory of the greatest of all sea-captains, of the man whose surpassing gifts of head and heart, whose unparalleled achievements in the defence of his country and the overthrow of its enemies, have endeared him beyond all other sons of Britain to every son of Britain who lives and thinks to-day. We may study Nelson’s personality and character, and still find more and more to engage and enthrall our love. We may analyse his methods, and still find their depths unfathomable. We may appeal in his name—as the Poet Laureate has appealed—to our modern “Wardens of the Wave” to emulate his deeds and yet never to forget his generous and loving temper. “May humanity in the hour of victory be the predominant feature of the British Fleet,” was the prayer of his last unclouded hours. We may remember—as Mr. Henry Newbolt has bidden us remember—how “the soul of this man cherished Duty’s name.” But perhaps we may sum it all up best with Browning in those stirring “Home Thoughts from the Sea”;
Nobly, nobly Cape Saint Vincent to the north-west died away;
Sunset ran, one glorious blood-red, reeking into Cadiz Bay;
Bluish mid the burning water, full in face Trafalgar lay;
In the dimmest north-east distance, dawned Gibraltar grand and grey;
"Here and here did England help me; how can I help England?" say
Whoso turns as I, this evening, turn to God to praise and pray,
While Jove's planet rises yonder, silent over Africa.
This is the true spirit in which Englishmen should approach the thought and memory of Trafalgar, in no "braggart vein" of martial triumph, but in one of solemn thanksgiving for mercies which it behoves us still to deserve. After more than a hundred years have passed—for nearly all of which we have happily been at peace with the great nation it took a Nelson to beat at Trafalgar—after the passions that engendered the conflict have long ago died down and passed away, above all now that the two nations are at length beginning to understand how necessary each is to the other, the last thing that we should think of in commemorating Trafalgar is the fact that France was worsted in that encounter of heroes. In truth it was not so much France that was worsted at Trafalgar as Napoleon that was overthrown, and even France—the valour of whose seamen was never more stoutly displayed than on that memorable day—may now feel that her true greatness lies in quite other directions than those in which Napoleon would have led her; in the peace and contentment of her sons, in her orderly emergence from the throes of a necessary revolution, in her sustained championship, now happily shared by her former foe, of those great ideas, begotten of her revolution and ours, which are to make more and more, as both nations hope and believe, for the peace, prosperity, and progress of mankind. It is not then, in any sense, the discomfiture of France that we celebrate on Trafalgar Day. Still less have we in mind the discomfiture of her gallant ally, Spain, the ancient mistress of the seas. Our long centuries of struggle with the valiant sons of Spain have taught us to value them as highly as friends as erstwhile we dreaded them as foes, and to the sincerity
of our sentiments the reception always accorded to their youthful monarch on the occasion of his visits to these shores bears ample testimony. It is the deliverance of England and of Europe, France and her allies included, from the scourge of Napoleon’s devastating sway that we celebrate. “England,” said Pitt, in what Lord Rosebery terms “the noblest, the tersest, and the last of all his speeches”—“England has saved herself by her exertions, and will, as I trust, save Europe by her example.” She did save Europe in the end, though even the indomitable spirit of Pitt quailed for a moment, and his splendid insight deserted him, when Austerlitz followed so quickly on Trafalgar. “Roll up that map,” he said, as he caught sight of a map of Europe a few days before his death; “it will not be wanted these ten years.” It was not wanted for hard upon ten years to come. “But,” as was once said in The Times, “in spite of all that was happening then at Ulm, at Austerlitz, and at Vienna, in spite of all that was destined to happen in the Peninsula, at Moscow, and at Waterloo before the map of Europe could be finally settled at the restoration of peace to the world, Pitt, if his faith and insight had been those of his own prime, . . . might there and then have placed one finger on the site of Napoleon’s camp at Boulogne, and another on the scene of Nelson’s death at Trafalgar, and said ‘Here and now is Napoleon vanquished; here and now is a barrier set to his power and designs which, so long as England remains a nation, shall never be cast down.’” In truth it was the hand of Nelson, dead in the flesh, but still living in the spirit and in the might of its deeds, that guided and determined the course of events from the day of Austerlitz to the day of Waterloo. It was he who compelled Napoleon to abandon for ever his plan for invading England. It was those “far-distant, storm-beaten ships” of his and those of his companions in arms that, as Captain Mahan truly says, stood between Napoleon and the dominion of the world. That is why we celebrate Trafalgar with undying thankfulness
for so great a deliverance and for the valour and genius of those who wrought it, and yet with none but kindly thoughts of the nations which, though vanquished, there fought so well. When during the visit of a French fleet to English waters in 1905 the French officers and seamen passed through Trafalgar Square, they bared their heads in silent reverence before the Nelson Column. Let us all imitate that noble and gracious act of homage. We cannot, if we would, forget Trafalgar and its incomparable hero. We should not, if we could, refrain from celebrating its anniversary with more than ordinary solemnity. That we owe to ourselves as heirs of the ages and of the conflicts which have made us what we are. But we owe it not less to France, as the nation in Europe whose ideals come nearest to our own and whose genius best supplements our own, to forget the causes of our former differences and remember only the valour and self-devotion of those who fought and died for her at Trafalgar.
Even if Trafalgar were not one of the greatest events in our history, it would still be one of the most memorable, because it was there that the incomparable genius of Nelson was canonized for all time by the splendour of his victory and the tragedy of his glorious death. As Lady Londonderry wrote, he then "began his immortal career, having nothing to achieve upon earth, and bequeathing to the English Fleet a legacy which they alone are able to improve." *Spartam nactus es, hanc exorna,* is the supreme and undying lesson of that immortal scene. "Here and here did England help me; how can I help England?" is the solemn question which every Englishman should put to himself while meditating, in all sobriety and humility of spirit, on what Trafalgar did for him, on what the example of Nelson's life and character has in it to stir and uplift him. We cannot all be Nelsons. Genius such as his, a judgment as of ice, an ardour as of fire, an insight as of direct inspiration, "untiring energy," to quote Captain Mahan, "boundless audacity, promptness, intrepidity, and endurance beyond all proof," a patriotism
of the purest, a sense of duty of the highest, a superb fearlessness of responsibility, generosity, loving-kindness, and sympathy the most abounding—these and other great qualities of his are such as nature bestows in all their wondrous assemblage on none but the choicest of her souls. The genius is unique and incommunicable. But the moral qualities, the graces of the temper and the spirit, which in Nelson did so much to sustain and illuminate his genius, are happily just those which every true man can strive to emulate, even if he may not hope to rise to the full height of Nelson’s great exemplar. That is the abiding lesson of such a life as that of Nelson. Without a peer in the special range of his activities, he was perhaps almost as incomparable in the loving and lovable qualities of his heart, in the ardours of his lofty soul. There is but one Nelson; but there is not an Englishman alive who may not if he chooses be the better for what Nelson did for him.
TRAFAVGAR AND THE NELSON TOUCH
INTRODUCTION¹
IN the following exposition I have as far as possible avoided technical details; but as all technical detail cannot be avoided in a tactical exposition, it may be as well to explain at the outset such technical terms as must inevitably be used. The points of the compass may be taken first. There are 32 of them in all, so that a right-angle contains eight points, and each point consists of $11\frac{1}{4}$ degrees. Next to explain the relation of these points to the course of a ship as determined by the direction of the wind. A sailing-ship cannot move in a direction opposite to that of the wind, as a steamship can. She need not have the wind behind her, but if she is to move by its agency, there are always a considerable number of points of the compass on either side of the wind towards which she cannot move at all. A modern yacht will go within some four points of the wind. But a sailing-ship of the Nelson period could not go within less than six, nor generally within less than seven. When a ship is going as near the wind as she can she is said to be "close-hauled" on the port or the starboard tack according as the wind is blowing on the port or the starboard side of the ship. So long as the wind remained unchanged, therefore, there was always a moving area bounded by an angle of 12 points, or 135 degrees, on the windward side of the ship within which she could not be propelled forward by sails. Within the remaining area of 20 points, or 225 degrees, she could by a suitable adjustment of her
¹ *The Times*, October 19, 1905.
sails move freely in any direction. With these explanations the following table speaks for itself. It gives in the middle column the direction of the wind from each point of the compass in succession, and on either side the corresponding courses for a ship supposed to be close-hauled on the starboard and port tacks respectively:
| COURSE, STARBOARD TACK | WIND | COURSE, PORT TACK |
|------------------------|------|-------------------|
| W.N.W. | N. | E.N.E. |
| N.W. by W. | N. by E. | E. by N. |
| N.W. | N.N.E. | E. |
| N.W. by N. | N.E. by N. | E. by S. |
| N.N.W. | N.E. | E.S.E. |
| N. by W. | N.E. by E. | S.E. by E. |
| N. | E.N.E. | S.E. |
| N. by E. | E. by N. | S.E. by S. |
| N.N.E. | E. | S.S.E. |
| N.E. by N. | E. by S. | S. by E. |
| N.E. | E.S.E. | S. |
| N.E. by E. | S.E. by E. | S. by W. |
| E.N.E. | S.E. | S.S.W. |
| E. by N. | S.E. by S. | S.W. by S. |
| E. | S.S.E. | S.W. |
| E. by S. | S. by E. | S.W. by W. |
| E.S.E. | S. | W.S.W. |
| S.E. by E. | S. by W. | W. by S. |
| S.E. | S.S.W. | W. |
| S.E. by S. | S.W. by S. | W. by N. |
| S.S.E. | S.W. | W.N.W. |
| S. by E. | S.W. by W. | N.W. by W. |
| S. | W.S.W. | N.W. |
| S. by W. | W. by S. | N.W. by N. |
| S.S.W. | W. | N.N.W. |
| S.W. by S. | W. by N. | N. by W. |
| S.W. | W.N.W. | N. |
| S.W. by W. | N.W. by W. | N. by E. |
| W.S.W. | N.W. | N.N.E. |
| W. by S. | N.W. by N. | N.E. by N. |
| W. | N.N.W. | N.E. |
| W. by N. | N. by W. | N.E. by E. |
When a ship passed from one tack to the other she was said to "tack" or to "wear" according as her first movements effected by the helm and by suitable adjustments of the sails was towards the direction of the wind or away from it. In tacking, therefore, she would pass through 12 points, whereas in wearing she would pass through 20.
For the purpose of tacking the helm was said to be "put down," and for that of wearing to be "put up." Hence the phrase to "bear up" means that the helm is so moved as to cause the ship to assume a course further away from the direction of the wind than when she is close-hauled on the same tack. She is then said to be "sailing large" or "going free," and when she again resumes a close-hauled position she is said to haul her wind on the same tack. Thus if the wind is N.W. and the ship is close-hauled on the port tack her course is N.N.E. If she tacks she will put down her helm so as to turn to port and bring her head successively through 12 points to W.S.W., whereas if she wears she will put up her helm so as to turn to starboard and bring her head successively through 20 points to the same point as in the former case. The difference is that in tacking and turning to port she cannot advance in the direction of any one of the 12 points between N.N.E. and W.S.W.; whereas in wearing and turning to starboard she could if necessary pursue her course in the direction of any one of the 20 points through which she would pass if she turned completely to the starboard tack. Hence when a ship bears up with the wind at N.W. she is free to proceed in any direction over an arc of 225 degrees, passing through E. and S.; but she cannot move forward in any direction over the complementary arc of 135 degrees, passing through N. from N.N.E. to W.S.W. The same conditions apply mutatis mutandis to every possible direction of the wind. A sailing-ship which cannot lie higher than six points from the wind thus always has on her windward side an area that moves with her and is bounded by an angle of 135 degrees within which she cannot advance at all. On the other hand, she has on her leeward side an area bounded by an angle of 225 degrees within which she can move freely in any direction.
Next to consider the dispositions and movements of a number of ships organized as a fleet. I will for simplicity's sake assume the ships to be disposed in a single
line only, though the same terminology would apply to two or more associated lines. There are three possible formations in which a line of ships can be disposed—the "line ahead" (generally, and perhaps exclusively, called a column in the time of Nelson), the "line abreast," and the "line of bearing." In all these formations the intervals between the ships would normally be of the same length, and in the British Navy this length is, and was, commonly two cables or 400 yards, the cable being taken at 200 yards or the tenth of a nautical mile. In the line ahead the ships are so disposed that their keels are all in the same straight line. In a line abreast they are so disposed that their mainmasts are all in a straight line which makes a right angle with their respective lines of keel. In a line of bearing their mainmasts are still in a straight line, but this line may make any angle from zero, which is the line ahead, up to 90 degrees, which is the line abreast, with their respective keels. We are now in a position to consider the effect on a fleet disposed in line ahead of an alteration of course whether together or in succession. If course is altered in succession the leading ship assumes the new course first, while the following ships continue the original course until they successively reach the point at which the leading ship turned, and at that point they successively assume the new course. Thus the line ahead is preserved but its direction is altered. If, on the other hand, course is altered together, all the ships turn together, thus converting the line ahead into a line abreast or a line of bearing according as the alteration of course is one of eight points or less. It will further be observed that if a fleet tacks or wears in succession the leading ship remains the leading ship and the rear ship the rear ship after the operation is concluded, and the order of ships in the line is unchanged; whereas if it tacks or wears together the leading ship becomes the rear ship and the rear ship the leading ship, while the order of ships in the line is completely reversed.
It only remains to disentangle the several meanings of
the word "bear" in nautical parlance. Three of them, and those the most important for my purpose, are to be found in close juxtaposition in the following extract from Collingwood's Journal: "Bore up... and made all sail for the enemy... the British Fleet in two columns bearing down on them... made the signal for the lee division to form the larboard line of bearing." Bearing up has already been explained. It is to bear up the helm so as to cause the ship to sail on a course further from the wind than before. To "bear down" is to make for a given point, as in this case the enemy's line, by the best available course. Thus in certain cases, as in the case of Trafalgar, to bear down might seem to mean exactly the same thing as to bear up, though the latter phrase properly defines the movement of the helm and the former the movement of the ship. To "bear from" defines relative position, but does not necessarily indicate movement at all. Thus when the lee division was ordered to form the larboard line of bearing the meaning was that each ship was to have her next ahead on her larboard, or port, bow and bear from it a definite number of points of the compass. The common course for all the ships would, according to the log of the Victory, be at the time E. by N.; but the next ahead and the next astern of any ship in the line would not be disposed on that bearing from her. The next ahead would be so many points to port of her and the next astern the same number of points to starboard. All the ships of the lee division had borne up to the same point; all were or should have been then bearing down on the same course; each was or should have been bearing from her consorts at the same angle.
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
The controversy concerning "The Tactics of Trafalgar" which in 1905 was waged so vigorously in *The Times* by various writers of authority and repute has at least served to show that, even after the lapse of a hundred years, there are many questions still unsettled concerning the tactics pursued by Nelson and his subordinates on the memorable day which witnessed the victory and the death of the greatest of all seamen. I venture, however, to express the opinion that the particular issue which then formed the staple of the controversy in *The Times* is not the main issue to be decided, and that it is not a vital, nor even a very important, issue in itself. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that, until we can get outside and beyond it, we are compelled to move in a region of technicalities, and even trivialities, which, however interesting in themselves, are very apt to obscure and divert attention from the only problem which, in the interest of Nelson's fame and of the truth of history, it is now worth while to attempt to solve. The grounds for this opinion will be made apparent in the course of the following discussion. For the present, my purpose is to state the problem as I conceive it ought to be stated, and to indicate the direction in which I think we ought to look for its solution. Such a solution can only be tentative, at the best. The only evidence available, though copious enough, is very far from being complete, consentaneous, and conclusive; indeed, it is extra-
1 *The Times*, September 16, 1905.
ordinarily conflicting, and even contradictory. Any one who approaches it with an open mind and handles it in a judicial temper must acknowledge that he is face to face with one of the most difficult and tangled problems to be found in the whole range of naval history; and, however firmly he may be convinced that he has found a clue to the labyrinth, he will nevertheless acknowledge, if he keeps an open mind, that other students, as fair-minded as himself, may draw quite other conclusions from evidence which is so conflicting that perhaps no two critics will ever be found to reconcile its manifold discrepancies in exactly the same way.
I cannot better state the problem, as I conceive it, than it was stated in *The Times* of July 8, 1905, in a comment on the address delivered by Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge, at the meeting of the Navy Records Society—an address which afterwards became, as *The Times* anticipated that it would, the *fons et origo* of a very acute controversy:
If we read the famous Memorandum in which Nelson embodied what he called "the Nelson touch" we can only come to the conclusion that he intended to fight the battle in one way. If we read the accounts of most historians, and still more if we look at the plans exhibited by them from Ekins, and James, and Nicolas, even down to and including Captain Mahan, or again, if we look at the great plan or model deposited in the museum of the United Service Institution, we are driven to the conclusion that, so far from fighting the battle in the way he deliberately intended and carefully explained to his captains, Nelson actually fought it in quite another way, and in a way which, according to the late Admiral Colomb, "it is hardly too much to say was the worst possible way." Further, if we look at the contemporary records of the battle contained in the logs of the several ships engaged, or at the contemporary comments of officers who were present... we shall find evidence so confusing and conflicting as almost to make at first sight as much for one solution as for the other. This... is the
great paradox which the twentieth-century commentator on Trafalgar must needs attempt to resolve.\(^1\)
It will be seen that the twentieth-century commentator on Trafalgar has by no means an easy task before him. Yet, as *The Times* also remarked, "it does seem strange that the country which by common consent has produced the greatest sea-commander that the world has ever seen should have been content for a hundred years not to know how his last and greatest battle was fought." Even now I am far from sure that, unless fresh and decisive evidence should be disclosed, this knowledge is ever likely to be elicited in such a form as to satisfy all inquirers and to silence all dissentients. It is not, in my judgment, likely that the two conflicting theories on the subject will ever be completely reconciled. Each of the two parties to the controversy will always be able to appeal to the evidence which makes for the theory he favours, and, as this evidence cannot be reconciled with that which makes for the alternative theory—though it may be discounted as of inferior value—it would seem that a final harmony is unattainable. On the other hand, even if we may never know exactly how the battle was fought, we can, I think, attain to something like certainty as to how it was not fought. It was not fought in strict and exact accordance with the letter of Nelson's Memorandum; nor was it fought, as I think I shall be able to show, in anything like the fashion depicted in any of the diagrams referred to above in the passage quoted from *The Times*. About the first of these propositions there is, I think, no serious dispute; but in saying this I must ask leave to emphasize the phraseology I have used above, "in strict and exact accordance with the letter." Whether the battle was fought in all essential accordance with the spirit of the Memorandum or not is the real problem
\(^1\) Colonel Desbrière, in his work on "Trafalgar," has done me the honour to cite this passage and to adopt it as the basis of his own examination of the problem.
which I am to attempt to solve, and in the course of my attempt to solve it I hope to be able to establish the latter of the two propositions just formulated.
It is no concession to the theory that the plan of the Memorandum was abandoned altogether to say that the battle was not fought in strict and exact accordance with the letter of that document. Nelson himself wrote, in sending the Memorandum to Collingwood, "I send you my plan of attack as far as a man dare venture to guess at the very uncertain position the enemy may be found in." Here he obviously points to the probability that the plan might be modified in certain details if the circumstances of the moment appeared to require it; and his tactical intuition was so instant and so unerring that we may be quite sure that if, as the hour of battle approached, he saw any good reason for modifying the plan in detail he would act upon it without the slightest hesitation, and without the slightest regard to the mere letter of the Memorandum. But that is by no means to say that, without a word of warning, and even without the knowledge, then or thereafter, of his second-in-command, he threw to the winds the plan of action so carefully prepared and so fully explained beforehand to all concerned. "No man," says Captain Mahan, "was ever better served than Nelson by the inspiration of the moment; no man ever counted on it less." It served him so well because he counted on it so little. "My dear friend," he continues, in the letter quoted above, "it is to place you at ease respecting my intentions, and to give full scope to your judgment for carrying them into effect." Surely no man who wrote in this way could ever allow himself to abandon intentions so solemnly declared, and to abandon them without a word of warning or explanation to the man in whose readiness to give effect to them he was expressing such explicit confidence. And yet this is what we must believe, if we are to believe that the plan of attack was discarded altogether when the battle came to be fought, and discarded in favour of a plan which, by
common consent, was in all respects inferior and altogether unworthy of Nelson’s tactical genius.
To my mind this hypothesis is absolutely untenable, and even well-nigh unthinkable. Before I come to close quarters with the evidence I will give some general reasons in support of this opinion. Nelson, we know, was a life-long student of naval tactics. In 1783, when he was quite a junior captain, and barely twenty-five years of age, Lord Hood had spoken of him as an officer to be consulted “on questions of naval tactics.” At that time he had never even served with a fleet, and yet Lord Hood, as his correspondence shows, was by no means the man to bestow his praise indiscriminately or unworthily. It is certain that, in his grasp of tactical principles and of their application in action, Nelson was as far ahead of the ideas in vogue at the time as he overtopped all others in his consummate genius for war. He was, as we learn from Beatty’s narrative, a frequent reader of Clerk of Eldin’s *Naval Tactics*, and it is certain that the Memorandum we are considering was not a little indebted to that famous and most illuminating work, though, as I shall hope to show hereafter, it greatly improved on Clerk’s methods and suggestions. Further, it is certain that, for months before the battle, Nelson was constantly looking forward to it as the crowning effort of his career. During his last stay in England it must have occupied his thoughts almost night and day. “Depend upon it,” he said to Blackwood, “I shall yet give Mr. Villeneuve a drubbing.” On his return to the fleet in September he wrote to Lady Hamilton, some days before joining—“I am anxious to join, for it would add to my grief if any other man were to give them the Nelson touch which we say is warranted never to fail.” This is conclusive evidence that at Merton “the Nelson touch”—whatever it was—was constantly under discussion between the Admiral and his friends, and that Lady Hamilton knew exactly what was meant by it. Further, we know that the proposed plan of action was propounded and explained
separately to Keats, one of his favourite captains, and to Lord Sidmouth, who had been Prime Minister before Pitt returned to office in 1805. It was only after several years that the recollections of Keats and Sidmouth were recorded in writing; but, though this may throw some doubt on their testimony in point of detail, yet their evidence is quite conclusive as to the fact that Nelson, during his last brief stay in England, was constantly revolving the matter in his mind. We know, too, that as soon as he rejoined the fleet he summoned his captains, and then and there explained to them what he had in his mind. On October 1 he writes to Lady Hamilton:
I joined the fleet late on the evening of the 28th of September, but could not communicate with them until the next morning. I believe my arrival was most welcome, not only to the commander of the fleet, but also to every individual in it; when I came to explain to them the "Nelson touch" it was like an electric shock. Some shed tears, all approved. "It was new—it was singular—it was simple!" and from Admirals downwards it was repeated, "It must succeed, if ever they will allow us to get at them!"
A few days later, on October 9, he embodied his plan in the famous Memorandum, and sent a copy of it to Collingwood, accompanied by the letter already quoted. Subsequently copies of it were sent to every captain in the fleet. The copy delivered to Captain Hope, of the Defence, was endorsed as follows: "It was agreeable to these instructions that Lord Nelson attacked the combined fleets of France and Spain, off Cape Trafalgar, on the 21st of October, 1805." Thus we can trace the germ of the plan and the genesis of the Memorandum, from the discussions at Merton and the conversations with Keats and Sidmouth, down to the time when it was first explained verbally to the assembled flag-officers and captains on or before October 1, and finally reduced to writing and communicated to Collingwood on October 9.
Is it conceivable that such a plan, so patiently thought out, so exhaustively discussed, so carefully explained, so enthusiastically received, so simple and withal so profound as to have seemed to some of the best critics to be well-nigh unfathomable in its subtlety, should have been suddenly cast aside without a word of notice, warning, or explanation, in favour of another which no one, except perhaps James, whose tactical insight was beneath contempt, has yet been found to explain, defend, or account for? Collingwood certainly knew nothing of any such radical change of plan. In his official despatch describing the battle—a very cold and matter-of-fact document, which certainly does not err on the side of generosity towards Nelson—he says: "As the mode of our attack had been previously determined on and communicated to the flag-officers and captains, few signals were necessary and none were made except to direct close order as the lines bore down." It is not strictly true that no signals were made; for Nelson, as we know, made several, including that immortal one which, as Southey says, "will be remembered as long as the language, or even the memory, of England shall endure." But what Collingwood appears to have meant is that no signals were necessary and none were made to give effect to the well-known and well-understood intentions of the Commander-in-Chief; and it is both characteristic of the man and corroborative of this view of his meaning that, when Collingwood saw the first flags of the famous signal ahoist, he exclaimed with some impatience, "I wish Nelson would stop signalling. We all know what we have to do."
1 I cannot concur in Colonel Desbrière's interpretation of this exclamation of Collingwood's. He takes it to signify that Nelson's immortal signal was a "message qui, semble-t-il, loin de soulever l'enthousiasme, causa une sorte d'agacement a ceux auxquels il s'adressait." Collingwood was impatient, not with the signal itself, still less with its purport, but with the fact that any signal at all was being made at this juncture, because, as he said, "we all know what we have to do." His exclamation thus furnishes very strong evidence to show that he never expected Nelson to make any essential change
man who, having been thoroughly seized of one plan, suddenly found himself called upon to carry out an entirely different one, of which no previous inkling had been given.
But I have not yet done with Collingwood’s testimony. Writing to Blackett on November 2, he said of Nelson, “In this affair he did nothing without my counsel. We made our line of battle together, and concerted the mode of attack, which was put in execution in the most admirable style.” Here he claims his own share in Nelson’s plan, and declares most explicitly that that plan was put in execution. Again, in a letter to Sir Thomas Pasley, he writes on December 16, “Lord Nelson determined to substitute for exact order”—that is, for the regular line of battle, a phrase he uses in the next preceding sentence—"an impetuous attack in two distinct bodies... It was executed well and succeeded admirably.” Thus, whatever other officers may have thought—and some of them undoubtedly thought that the plan was “not acted upon,” as Moorsom wrote—it is certain that Collingwood, the second in command, the life-long friend of Nelson, the man who claimed that nothing was done without his counsel, and that he actually concerted the plan with his chief, never dreamt that the plan so concerted had been abandoned and that a totally different plan had been substituted for it at the last moment. It is true that in his letter to Pasley he does not describe the plan of the Memorandum very accurately. That Memorandum contemplated three “distinct bodies,” not two. Some critics—among them Mr. Henry Newbolt, to whom we are all indebted for his masterly handling of the problem in his in the dispositions prescribed by the Memorandum, and that any signal of instruction or direction made in pursuance of prescriptions already so well known to all must be superfluous. It is, indeed, well known that as soon as the signal was completed, it aroused the utmost enthusiasm throughout the fleet and especially on board the Royal Sovereign, Collingwood’s flag-ship. “When,” says Captain Mahan, “the whole signal was known, and cheers resounded along the lines, Collingwood cordially expressed his own satisfaction.”
Year of Trafalgar—have accordingly urged that the words in the letter to Pasley do not apply to the plan of the Memorandum, but are to be taken as evidence that Collingwood acknowledged that Nelson "determined to substitute" something else for it at the last moment—to wit, "an impetuous attack in two distinct bodies." I do not think that this contention can be sustained. It is disallowed, as it seems to me, by the two other passages cited above. It is at variance even with the context of the letter to Pasley itself; for Collingwood there says, "The weather line he commanded, and left the lee line totally to my direction. He had assigned the points to be attacked." These words refer, and can only refer, to the Memorandum. Nowhere else was any authority given to Collingwood to take the lee line totally under his direction. In the Memorandum such authority is given three times over, as if especially to emphasize it, and in Nelson's covering letter it is repeated once more. Nowhere else is any indication to be found of the points which Nelson "assigned to be attacked." On the other hand, it may, I think, be argued, from Collingwood's words, that he never fully understood the Memorandum. Very few, if any, of those to whom it was expounded ever did. Mr. Newbolt tells us that "a distinguished living Admiral has said that 'the simplicity and scope of that order have never been fully appreciated.'" But assuredly Collingwood, to whom the Memorandum was originally addressed personally, and with whom, as his own words show, it was discussed and even "concerted" much more fully than with any other officer in the fleet, must have known whether it was cancelled at the last moment or not, and whether it was, in his judgment, carried out in substance or not. His own words, official and unofficial, seem to me to leave no room whatever for doubt that he, at least, believed from first to last that the battle was fought in substantial accord with the plan of the Memorandum. I submit that this is evidence of the very first order and weight, only
to be rebutted by stronger evidence of like order and of equivalent weight. But, according to the scales in which I weigh the matter, no such evidence is forthcoming. Such as there is—and there is plenty of it so far as mere quantity is concerned—is of an entirely different order and weight, conclusive, perhaps, if it stood alone, but little more than a featherweight in scales judicially held. For surely in such scales nothing can outweigh the judgment and testimony of the second in command, who became commander-in-chief at the close of the day.
It is now time to turn to the Memorandum itself, to consider its genesis and examine its content. But I must reserve that great subject for a separate chapter.
CHAPTER II
THE MEMORANDUM, ITS GENESIS
The "Nelson touch," as all the world knows, was embodied in a secret Memorandum dated October 9, and communicated to Collingwood on that date. It was subsequently communicated to all the captains of the fleet, its substance having been explained to them orally, amid great enthusiasm, as soon as Nelson took over the command. I did not quote it textually in the previous chapter, because its details were not necessary to that branch of the argument, and also because it demands, and will repay, full discussion on its own account. I here quote its text, as given in Mr. Newbolt's Year of Trafalgar. Mr. Newbolt explains that "the words in italics and in round brackets were originally written by Lord Nelson, but deleted in favour of those which follow them":
SECRET MEMORANDUM
VICTORY, off Cadiz,
October 9, 1805.
Thinking it almost impossible to bring a fleet of forty Sail of the Line into a Line of Battle in variable winds, thick weather, and other circumstances which must occur, without such a loss of time that the opportunity would probably be lost of bringing the Enemy to Battle in such a manner as to make the business decisive, I have therefore made up my mind to keep the fleet in that position of sailing (with the exception of the First and Second in Command), that the Order of Sailing is to be the Order of Battle, placing the fleet in two Lines of Sixteen Ships
1 The Times, September 19, 1905.
each, with an Advanced Squadron of eight of the fastest sailing Two-decked Ships, [which] will always make, if wanted, a Line of twenty-four Sail, on whichever Line the Commander-in-Chief may direct.
The Second in Command will (in fact command his Line and) after my intentions are made known to him, have the entire direction of his Line to make the attack upon the Enemy, and to follow up the blow until they are captured or destroyed.
If the Enemy’s fleet should be seen to Windward in Line of Battle, and that the two Lines and the Advanced Squadron can fetch them (I shall suppose them forty-six Sail in the Line of Battle) they will probably be so extended that their Van could not succour their Rear.
I should therefore probably make (Your) the Second in Command’s signal to lead through, about their twelfth Ship from their Rear, (or wherever (You) he could fetch, if not able to get so far advanced); my Line would lead through about their Centre, and the Advanced Squadron to cut two or three or four Ships ahead of their Centre, so as to ensure getting at their Commander-in-Chief, on whom every effort must be made to capture.
The whole impression of the British fleet must be to overpower from two or three Ships ahead of their Commander-in-Chief, supposed to be in the Centre, to the Rear of their fleet. I will suppose twenty Sail of the Enemy’s Line to be untouched, it must be some time before they could perform a manoeuvre to bring their force compact to attack any part of the British fleet engaged, or to succour their own Ships, which indeed would be impossible without mixing with the Ships engaged. (Mr. Scott here added a reference to the following words written by Lord Nelson in the upper margin of the paper: “The Enemy’s fleet is supposed to consist of 46 Sail of the Line, British fleet of 40. If either is less, only a proportionate number of Enemy’s Ships are to be cut off; B. to be $\frac{1}{4}$ superior to the E. cut off.”)
Something must be left to chance; nothing is sure in a Sea fight beyond all others. Shot will carry away the Masts and Yards of friends as well as foes; but I look with confidence to a Victory before the Van of the Enemy could succour their (friends’) Rear, and then that the
British fleet would most of them be ready to receive their Twenty Sail of the Line, or to pursue them, should they endeavour to make off.
If the Van of the Enemy tacks, the Captured Ships must run to Leeward of the British Fleet; if the Enemy wears, the British must place themselves between the Enemy and the Captured, and disabled British Ships; and should the Enemy close, I have no fears as to the result.
The Second in Command will in all possible things direct the movements of his Line, by keeping them as compact as the nature of the circumstances will admit. Captains are to look to their particular Line as their rallying point. But, in case Signals can neither be seen or perfectly understood, no Captain can do very wrong if he places his Ship alongside that of an Enemy.
Of the intended attack from to Windward, the Enemy in Line of Battle ready to receive an attack:
The divisions of the British fleet will be brought nearly within gunshot of the Enemy’s Centre. The signal will most probably then be made for the Lee Line to bear up together, to set all their sails, even steering sails (in the upper margin of the paper, with a reference by Lord Nelson to this passage, are the words, “Vide instructions for Signal, Yellow with Blue fly,” Page 17,
---
1 Mr. Newbolt gives “flag,” but this must, I think, be a clerical error, as in the original MS. of the Memorandum, at present deposited in the Guildhall of Tunbridge Wells, the word is “fly.” A copy of the Signal Book referred to, which is believed to have belonged to Hardy, Nelson’s flag-captain, and was probably the actual copy used by Nelson at Trafalgar, is now in the possession of Hardy’s grandson, Commander Sir Malcolm MacGregor, R.N. It appears to be the only known copy which contains the signal indicated by Nelson. The signal is entered in MS., and runs: “Cut through the enemy’s line and engage close on the other side. N.B., this signal to be repeated by all ships.” It was probably therefore a signal framed by Nelson himself, and ordered by him to be inserted in one of the blank spaces left for the purpose in the Signal Book. There is no reference to the Appendix in the Hardy copy of the Signal Book. Possibly the reference should have been to the words following “N.B.” in the text of the signal.
Eighth flag, Signal Book, with reference to Appendix"), in order to get as quickly as possible to the Enemy's Line, and to cut through, beginning from the 12 Ship from the Enemy's rear. Some Ships may not get through their exact place, but they will always be at hand to assist their friends; and if any are thrown round the Rear of the Enemy, they will effectually complete the business of twelve Sail of the Enemy.
Should the Enemy wear together, or bear up and sail large, still the Twelve Ships composing, in the first position, the Enemy's Rear, are to be [the] object of attack of the Lee Line, unless otherwise directed from the Commander-in-Chief, which is scarcely to be expected, as the entire management of the Lee Line, after the intentions of the Commander-in-Chief is [are] signified, is intended to be left to the Judgement of the Admiral commanding that Line.
The remainder of the Enemy's Fleet, 34 Sail, are to be left to the management of the Commander-in-Chief, who will endeavour to take care that the movements of the Second in Command are as little interrupted as is possible.
Nelson and Bronte.
Only those who have paid some attention to the history of naval tactics during the century which preceded Trafalgar—so admirably elucidated by Mr. Julian Corbett's edition of the Fighting Instructions—are qualified to appreciate the height, and the depth, and the breadth of this immortal Memorandum, the last tactical word of the greatest master of sea tactics the world has ever known, the final and flawless disposition of sailing-ships marshalled for combat. The old method of fighting, which had prevailed throughout the eighteenth century down to the time when Rodney, in 1782, broke the enemy's line in the battle off Dominica, was to attack from to windward in a long close-hauled line parallel to that of the enemy and abreast of it. The French always preferred the leeward position, and the English that to windward, with the result, as Clerk of Eldin puts it, in the opening paragraph of his famous work written in 1781,
that "during the last two wars, as well as the present . . . when ten, twenty, or thirty great ships have been assembled and formed in line of battle . . . in no one instance has ever a proper exertion been made, anything memorable achieved, or even a ship lost or won on either side." The line of battle had, in fact, become a fetish and the windward position a superstition. The English found themselves constantly baffled in their attempt to bring on a decisive engagement, and the French, who never wanted to bring on a decisive engagement, were as constantly able to haul off with little damage after crippling the English van, as it bore down in the vain attempt to form a close-hauled line within gunshot to windward. Clerk showed clearly how this was, and suggested a remedy; but, as his treatise, although immensely suggestive, is prolix and somewhat involved, I will, in the exposition of his doctrine, avail myself of a very lucid summary of it given by Mr. David Hannay in an appendix to his edition of Southey's Life of Nelson:
Clerk had shown that as long as sea-fights were conducted by one long line, stretching itself parallel to another line, so that ship was opposed to ship on either side, no decisive results were to be expected. He had shown that until our admirals took to concentrating superior forces on a portion of the enemy and crushing it, they could never compel him to fight a serious battle, but would find that the French continued to engage to leeward with the object of crippling the leading ships of the English line as it came down to the attack, and then filing off to a safe distance. To prevent them doing this Clerk suggested to the admirals of his time that when they found a French fleet in order of battle to leeward of them they should arrange their own fleet, not in a single line corresponding to his, but in two or more, which should be kept parallel to one another, and also to the rear of the enemy. Then, if the enemy continued on the same course, the English division nearest him was to fall on the last ships in the French line, not engaging him ship to ship, according to the old rule, but concentrating
a greater number on a less, with the object of overpowering the portion attacked. If the enemy did nothing his rear ships would be cut off and destroyed. It was to be presumed that he would endeavour to help the ships assailed. This he could only do in one of two ways—either by tacking and coming back to windward, or by wearing and coming back to leeward to the support of the vessels which were in danger of being overpowered. In either case he must come to a close action, and must give up the French device of firing at the masts, and then slipping away, unless of course he was prepared to sacrifice the ships cut off. In either case, too, whether the ships ahead of those attacked wore or tacked, a break would equally appear in the enemy’s line. It would then be the object of the English admiral to use the weather line, not immediately engaged, for the purpose of forcing himself in between the ships cut off and others turning to their support. There was the possibility that an enemy, upon seeing that the rear ships of his line were menaced, might wear his whole fleet from end to end, thus reversing his course and turning what had been his rear into his van. In this case the same ships were still to be attacked by superior numbers, and it was still to be the object with the admiral of the weather line to prevent his opponent from relieving them. This would have been by far the more difficult task of the two, since the supporting ships in this case would not have to turn in order to come to the assistance of their friends, but only to press on in the direction they were already following, and no gap would occur in their formation.
The close resemblance between the principles enunciated by Clerk of Eldin and those embodied in the Trafalgar Memorandum will here be apparent; but I venture to think that the latter portion of the above extract, that dealing with the possibility of the enemy’s wearing his whole fleet before the attack could be delivered, was suggested to Mr. Hannay by the Memorandum itself rather than by anything to be found in Clerk’s own exposition. Clerk did take note of the contingency that the enemy might wear his whole line, but he seemed to
think that this was only likely to take place after the rear had been attacked, so that the ships attacked could not themselves wear, and, being in action, would probably fall astern of the ships ahead of them before the latter began to wear. In that case he showed how the enemy's manoeuvre could be foiled. But Nelson's plan, as I understand it, differed fundamentally from this. Clerk's diagrams all represent the attacking ships as coming up from astern and delivering their attack as soon as they fetched the ships to be attacked at the rear of the enemy's line. He seemed to think that not more than three ships, or four at the outside, could be fetched in this manner. He assumed that the enemy, having formed his line, was "keeping under an easy sail, with the intention of receiving the usual attack from another fleet of equal number," and he recommended that three or, if possible, four ships should be attacked by superior numbers in the first instance, relying on subsequent manoeuvres, first of the enemy, and secondly of the assailant, to make the action a general and decisive one. Nelson, on the other hand, proposed to reserve his attack until the three divisions in which his fleet was to be organized had been "brought nearly within gunshot of the enemy's centre." This is an immense development of Clerk's original conception, which appears to me to have been overlooked not merely by Mr. Hannay, but by so high an authority as Sir Reginald Custance, in an article on "Naval Tactics" contributed to the Naval Annual for 1905. The classical instance of an attack on the rear is, says Admiral Custance, Trafalgar, "and is due to Clerk of Eldin, whose plan Nelson adopted and made his own." Nelson did make it his own, but in so doing he stamped his own genius indelibly upon it. The improvement he effected was very likely suggested by Rodney's experience in his engagement with De Guichen in 1780. There Rodney intended to attack De Guichen's rear, and bore down with his whole force for the purpose. But De Guichen, divining his intention, immediately wore his whole fleet.
Rodney then hauled up on the same tack as the enemy, but, being now abreast of the new rear of the latter, he again ordered what he intended to be a fresh attack of his whole force on the rear. This was frustrated by some ambiguity in his signals and by the inability of his captains to understand that what Rodney wanted was a concentrated attack on the rear, and not a dispersed attack in the old indecisive fashion on the whole line. De Guichen, perceiving what Rodney intended in the first instance, exclaimed that six or seven of his ships were gone, and afterwards sent Rodney word that, had his (Rodney’s) signals been obeyed, he himself would have been his prisoner. If the tactical insight of Rodney’s captains had been equal to that of the French Commander-in-Chief, there seems to be little doubt that this result would have ensued.
It was Rodney’s misfortune not to be properly supported on this occasion. But it would seem that he gave so wary an opponent as De Guichen an opportunity, which was promptly seized, by bearing up at too great a distance from the enemy’s line, so that De Guichen had time to wear before the attack could be delivered. Nelson sought to avoid this counterstroke partly by adopting Clerk’s suggestion—which had not yet been propounded when Rodney fought De Guichen—of disposing his fleet in three divisions, and partly by bringing all his divisions abreast of the enemy’s centre, “nearly within gunshot,” before making the signal for the lee line to bear up. The next stage of his plan appears to owe nothing to Clerk, who, in his “Mode of Attack proposed,” said nothing about breaking the enemy’s line and engaging him to leeward. This part of Nelson’s plan was probably derived partly from Rodney’s famous action off Dominica in 1782, and partly from Lord Howe’s action of the First of June 1794. At the action off Dominica Rodney broke the enemy’s line—thus reviving a manœuvre which had been in vogue in the Dutch wars, but had since fallen into disrepute—not by original tactical intention, but by
seizing at the nick of time an opportunity afforded him by a sudden change in the wind; and he apparently did so, not on his own initiative, but at the suggestion, not too readily entertained by him in the first instance, of his chief of the staff. The overwhelming effect of this manoeuvre in destroying the enemy's cohesion once more brought it into tactical repute, and it was repeated—though, as Mr. Julian Corbett has shown, with a fundamental difference—by Lord Howe in the action of the First of June. Even when the latter action was fought the line was not yet dethroned in favour of some such formation as Clerk had suggested, but it was to be employed in a much more deadly and decisive fashion than that which Clerk had so vigorously assailed. Rodney, it is true, had discarded the old ship-to-ship engagement of the *Fighting Instructions*. He declared himself that during all his commands "he made it a rule to bring his whole force against a part of the enemy's, and never was so absurd as to bring ship against ship, when the enemy gave him an opportunity of acting otherwise." But he had not discarded the line. Neither did Howe, who formed his line on the First of June with characteristic precision. Rodney, again, apparently had no thought of breaking the line in the action off Dominica in any other place than that which opportunity offered him at the moment. He seems to have expected that all the ships astern of him in the line would follow him through the gap he had made and attack the ships of the enemy's rear in succession. Five ships did follow him, but the sixth, finding a similar opportunity due to the same cause, promptly seized it, and was followed by all the remaining ships astern. Thus De Grasse's line was broken in two places almost simultaneously and its cohesion totally destroyed. But in both cases it was broken by taking advantage of the accident of opportunity, and not with any tactical intent, formulated and thought out beforehand. Nevertheless the accident was full of lessons, and Howe was the very man to profit by them, and even to better them.
He must have noted the advantage gained by breaking the line in two places instead of one. He must have drawn the inference that, if it could be broken in all places, the advantage gained by breaking it would be raised to its maximum, and this was what he set himself to do on the First of June. Forming his line parallel to that of the enemy and abreast of it, he ordered his ships to bear up together, to break through the line simultaneously, and then to engage the enemy to leeward, each ship taking its appointed adversary in the enemy's line. It was, as Mr. Corbett suggests, probably this masterly development of the lessons taught by Rodney's famous action that was in Nelson's mind when he called Howe "the first and the greatest sea-officer the world has ever produced... our greatest master in naval tactics and bravery."
We can now trace in outline the genesis of Nelson's great conception; its full content I must leave to be examined in a third chapter. The attack on the enemy's rear was manifestly derived from Clerk of Eldin, as was also the proposed disposition of the fleet in three divisions. But Nelson aimed higher than Clerk, and saw his way to attack twelve ships of the rear instead of three or four, and to attack them in superior force. Next, warned, perhaps, by the comparative failure of Rodney's attack on De Guichen, he provided that the division told off for the first onslaught should be brought "nearly within gunshot" of the enemy before bearing up. By this means he apparently hoped that, since his fleet was still to be kept in the order of sailing and not to assume the recognized order of battle, the enemy would hesitate to take any steps to frustrate an intention which they would not be able to divine, as De Guichen had divined and frustrated the intentions of Rodney. "I think it will surprise and confound the enemy," he said to Keats. "They won't know what I am about." Lastly, for the actual attack to be made by the lee line, he adopted Rodney's manoeuvre of breaking the line, as developed
and perfected by Howe. Rodney, in fact, had shown, more or less accidentally, the immense advantage of breaking the line. Howe had shown how it could be done with the greatest certainty and effect. Mr. Julian Corbett—to whom in this analysis I am indebted at every point—has pointed out that Rodney’s attack could always be parried “by the enemy’s standing away together on the same tack. By superior gunnery Howe’s attack might be stopped, but by no possibility could it be avoided except by flight.” Nelson’s express instructions to the lee line are “to set all their sails” so as “to get as quickly as possible to the enemy’s line and to cut through, beginning from the twelfth ship from the enemy’s rear.” This is plainly Howe’s manoeuvre, not Rodney’s; for the lee line would now be in line abreast, and Nelson goes on to say “some ships may not get through their exact place”; whereas in Rodney’s manoeuvre the ships would be in line ahead and would all pass through at the same place.
CHAPTER III
THE MEMORANDUM, ITS CONTENT
We have now to examine the content of the Memorandum in detail. It is rather clumsily worded, for Nelson was no very skilful penman, and it is not very lucidly arranged. But we shall find little difficulty in disengaging its leading ideas. In the first place there is the great idea, which amounts to nothing less than the dethronement of the line of battle—the final destruction of that fetish, the worship of which, according to Clerk of Eldin, had sterilized the tactics of British Fleets during three successive wars in the eighteenth century. Nelson, as Mr. Julian Corbett has shown, had early abandoned this antiquated form of worship. In his final Memorandum he inaugurated a new ritual, which, had his successors in what remained of the sailing-ship period been men of his calibre, must have become universal in all its essential principles, though it might have been improved and developed in some of its details. For cruising purposes fleets were not disposed in order or line of battle. They were disposed in "order of sailing," which usually consisted of two or more columns or divisions disposed abeam of one or another. These divisions were generally three, designated respectively the van, the centre, and the rear, to indicate the positions they were to assume when the line of battle was to be formed. Now, the transformation of the order of sailing—whether in two columns or more—into a single line of battle was an evolution that necessarily required time for its completion—in some cases a very considerable time, and in most cases, an amount of time that could ill be spared.
1 The Times, September 22, 1905.
It was, says Nelson, "almost impossible to bring a Fleet... into a Line of Battle in variable winds, thick weather, and other circumstances which must occur, without such a loss of time that the opportunity would probably be lost of bringing the Enemy to Battle in such a manner as to make the business decisive." This, then, was the first reason why Nelson abandoned the line of battle. He grudged the time wasted in forming it; for, as Captain Mahan says somewhere, he never trifled with a fair wind or with time. But there was a much deeper reason than that. He held, with Clerk of Eldin, that the line of battle was a very bad formation for fighting "in such a manner as to make the business decisive." Hence, having abandoned the single line, he determined to dispose his fleet in such an order of sailing that it might become the order of battle without any further change of formation. The order of sailing devised for the purpose was in form that suggested by Clerk of Eldin, but in substance something quite different. Clerk had assigned no special functions—beyond that of containing the enemy's van as best they might—to the two weathermost of the three divisions in which he disposed his attacking fleet, and his whole conception was that of an attack from to windward. Nelson was much more explicit, and his disposition provided for the alternative of an attack from to leeward as well as for that of an attack from to windward. Assuming that his fleet would consist of forty ships, he proposed to place it "in two Lines of Sixteen Ships each, with an Advanced Squadron of eight of the fastest sailing Two-decked Ships, which will always make, if wanted, a Line of twenty-four Sail, on whichever Line the Commander-in-Chief may direct." I shall consider hereafter how far, and why, Nelson modified this disposition on the day of battle. It suffices to observe here that no independent function was assigned to this "advanced squadron." It was to be kept in hand, so that, "if wanted," it could at any moment reinforce either, or possibly both, of the two other divisions.
Next we have the very pregnant idea of giving the second in command "the entire direction of his Line to make the attack upon the Enemy, and to follow up the blow until they are captured or destroyed." This was to take effect "after my intentions are made known to him." As this idea is repeated no fewer than three times in the Memorandum, and forms the keynote of the covering letter in which Nelson sent the Memorandum to Collingwood, it is manifest that Nelson attached the utmost importance to it. There may be some question as to what particular time is meant by the words, "after my intentions are made known to him"—whether from the date at which Collingwood received the Memorandum or from some time on the morning of the battle, when some signal made by Nelson clearly indicated what his final intentions were. In the latter alternative, I do not think that we can put the time later than that when Nelson first made the general signal to "bear up and sail large"—though whether this signal was an order to bear up in succession or to bear up together is, as all students of the subject know, a much-debated question, which I do not attempt to prejudge here. In any case, if we collate the three passages in which this idea is embodied in the Memorandum and compare them with Collingwood's words already quoted, both from his official despatch and from his private letters, we shall, I think, conclude that the better opinion is that Collingwood was to have "the entire management of the lee line" from the very first moment when the engagement was seen to be inevitable. In other words, Collingwood enjoyed a free hand, subject to the general directions of the Memorandum, not merely in the attack, but in the advance as well.
Be this as it may, the principle involved is one of supreme importance. The breaking up of the traditional line of battle into two or more divisions, to which different functions were assigned, seems to involve as a necessary consequence the enlargement of the initiative of subordinate leaders of divisions. It was clear to Nelson that, having assigned to Collingwood the task of attacking the rear of the enemy’s line, and to himself the far more important duty of taking care that Collingwood’s movements were interfered with as little as possible, he would best further the objects of both by not even interfering with Collingwood himself. If, as Collingwood says, the Commander-in-Chief broke through the enemy’s line “about the tenth ship from the van, and the second in command about the twelfth from the rear,” and if, as the French naval historian Chevalier records, there was a gap of a mile, or of anything like a mile, about the centre of the combined fleet, the leading ships of the two British divisions must have been at least two miles apart at the time when Collingwood first came into action. At this distance it would be far from easy for Nelson, having his own business in hand, to keep in close touch with the detailed proceedings of Collingwood’s division, or with the circumstances which from time to time determined them. He foresaw that this would be the case, and made provision for it by thrice repeating in the Memorandum that the entire management of the lee line would be left to the judgment of the admiral commanding that line. In like manner, in his conversation with Keats, he explained how he then proposed to employ the advanced squadron; but he added, “If circumstances prevent their being employed against the enemy where I desire I shall feel certain he”—that is, the officer in command of them—“will employ them effectually and perhaps in a far more advantageous manner than if he could have followed my orders.” Thus the independent initiative of subordinate flag-officers in separate command of divisions was something like a fixed idea with Nelson. He himself had shown the importance of such independent initiative in the Battle of St. Vincent, the great action which laid the foundation of his fame. By wearing his own ship at the critical moment without waiting for orders, and throwing it athwart the Spanish line of advance, he saved
the situation, redressed what many critics have regarded as a grave tactical blunder on the part of Jervis, and, if he did not actually win the action himself, he, at any rate, made it far more easy for Jervis to win it and to make it much more complete than it might otherwise have been. He was not, indeed, at that time a flag-officer, nor was he, as a commodore, in separate command of a division. He had no authority, express or implied, to act as he did. But, without waiting for an order which he knew ought to be given, and even in defiance of the prescribed rules for preserving the line of battle, he saw the right thing to do, and did it without a moment's hesitation. Calder, Jervis's chief of the staff, could only see in such an act an unauthorized departure from the method of attack prescribed by the admiral, and he said as much to Jervis in the evening. But Jervis, as stern a disciplinarian as ever walked a quarter-deck, saw much deeper. Recognizing the consummate tactical intuition displayed by Nelson and the superb fearlessness of responsibility which prompted him to act on it instantly without waiting for orders, he replied, "It certainly was so, and if ever you commit such a breach of your orders, I will forgive you also." Was it not the remembrance of this famous day that induced Nelson to resolve that his subordinates should have the freedom that he then took? If there were more Jervises there might even be more Nelsons; but if there were more Calders there would certainly be no Trafalgars.
The next few paragraphs of the Memorandum need not detain us long. They provide for the case in which the enemy should be seen to windward in line of battle, so that the British attack would have to be made from to leeward; for Nelson, although he evidently preferred the attack from to windward, which he spoke of as "the intended attack," was true to his own principle of not wasting time in manoeuvring for position—"a day is soon lost in that business," he had said in an earlier memorandum—and was prepared to take the situation as he
found it. But, as he found the enemy to leeward at Trafalgar, this part of the Memorandum is not pertinent to the present inquiry, though it is not without a profound tactical interest of its own. At the close of this section of the Memorandum, however, there is one paragraph which seems to have a more general application. It begins with a repetition of the provision that the second in command is in all possible things to direct the movements of his line, and then goes on as follows: "Captains are to look to their particular Line as their rallying point. But, in case Signals can neither be seen or perfectly understood, no Captain can do very wrong if he places his Ship alongside that of an Enemy." Here, again, is a manifest reminiscence of Nelson's own action at St. Vincent—for us, at any rate, if not for himself. Signals might not be seen or might not be understood. There was a memorable instance of a signal not being seen at Copenhagen. At St. Vincent no signal was misunderstood, but Nelson could not understand why a certain signal was not made, and, as he knew it ought to be made, he acted as if it had been made. He resolved that at Trafalgar every captain should by his orders enjoy the liberty that he took at St. Vincent without orders.
Lastly we come to the kernel of the whole Memorandum, "the intended attack from to windward, the Enemy in Line of Battle ready to receive an attack." To emphasize this, his chosen plan of action if fortune favoured him with the choice, Nelson himself illustrated it by a simple diagram. It will be noted in this diagram that the so-called "advanced squadron" is no more ahead of the weather line than the latter is of the lee line. On the assumption that the enemy's line is close-hauled and that the three divisions of the British fleet are, therefore, close-hauled on the same tack also, the wind would be about 6 or 7 points on the weather bow of all four lines—that is, at an angle of $67\frac{1}{2}$ or $78\frac{3}{4}$ degrees. In that case it would seem that Nelson in his diagram showed his three divisions as they would be disposed in the order
of sailing when "sailing by the wind," because in that condition, as Admiral Bridge has explained, the column leaders were not abeam of each other, but bore from one another in the direction of the wind. This being so, it is not very easy to see why the "advanced squadron" was so called, but perhaps the explanation is that suggested by Admiral Bridge—namely, that the designation was due to the mode in which Nelson intended to employ, and actually did employ, the ships composing this squadron in "feeling" for the enemy. They were to be an advanced squadron in the days preceding the battle; on the day of battle they were to be a light division not otherwise disposed than the other two, but to be employed as circumstances might require. In the conversation with Keats Nelson expressed the intention of keeping them "always to windward or in a situation of advantage." In the Memorandum they are shown to windward, indeed, but not otherwise disposed than they would be if the order of sailing were in three divisions. On the day of battle, as we shall see, the advanced squadron was broken up and distributed between the other two divisions. Nelson apparently satisfied himself that the time had then already come for disposing of them in accordance with the intentions indicated in the first paragraph of the Memorandum, not indeed in strengthening one division or the other, but in strengthening both, though in different proportions.
As the so-called advanced squadron had thus disappeared on the day of battle, I need only consider henceforth the function assigned to the two divisions of the fleet. We have seen what the lee line was to do, Nelson's own words having already been quoted. It was to bear up together, set all sail, and attack the rear of the enemy in superior force, breaking his line as far as might be simultaneously, after the method adopted by Howe, so that each ship should as far as possible pass through the interval in the enemy's line corresponding to its own position in its own line. "Some Ships may not get
through their exact place, but they will always be at hand to assist their friends; and if any are thrown round the Rear of the Enemy they will effectually complete the business of twelve Sail of the Enemy.” The precise function of the lee line is thus clearly defined, and the evolutions most likely to conduce to the effective discharge of that function are exactly, albeit provisionally, prescribed. But what was to be the function of the weather line? The answer to this question is contained in what is at once the shortest and most pregnant paragraph in the whole Memorandum. “The remainder of the Enemy’s Fleet... are to be left to the management of the Commander-in-Chief, who will endeavour to take care that the movements of the Second in Command are as little interrupted as is possible.” There is no question here of bearing up or not bearing up, or of any other specific evolution whatever. Nelson reserved his absolute freedom of action, subject to the paramount condition that the work of the lee line was to be immune from interruption until its object—the crushing of the enemy’s rear—had been attained. In other words, just as the sole function of the lee line was to concentrate in superior force on the rear, so the primary function of the weather line was to contain the centre and the van. But not its sole function, though Nelson says not a word about its ulterior purpose. Undoubtedly that must have been by close fighting to “complete the business” of as many ships of the enemy’s centre as possible, leaving the van to do its worst, which could not be much, since by the hypothesis it was to be contained and thrown out of action. This being so, it seems idle to consider in what formation Nelson’s line was—whether in line ahead, line abreast, or line of bearing—when at last he bore down to the attack. Whatever it was, we may be quite sure that it was the best formation that could be adopted, in the circumstances, for securing the primary purpose of containing the enemy’s van and centre until Collingwood’s ships had done their work, and that, if in adopting
it Nelson exposed his ships to greater risk of damage than some other formation might have involved, he did so for the very good reason that he cared more, in the first instance, for the success of Collingwood’s attack than for the immunity of his own line; knowing full well that, if only he could contain the van and throw it out of action—as he did—the ultimate victory must be in his hands. The officer of the *Conqueror*—to whose criticism, singularly acute but manifestly influenced by *parti pris*, nearly all the controversy concerning the tactics of Trafalgar is due—frankly assumes that, “if the regulated plan of attack had been adhered to, the English fleet should have borne up together and have sailed in a line abreast in their respective divisions until they arrived up with the enemy.” It is not for me to say whether this would or would not have been a better plan than Nelson’s, but I think I have shown beyond all manner of doubt that it was not Nelson’s.
In sum, then, I think we may concur in the main in Mr. Julian Corbett’s conclusion, that Nelson’s plan of attack as expounded in the Memorandum—and, though I say it with fear and trembling, as carried out substantially in action—was an exceedingly subtle, and not less original, combination of the several ideas of concentration on the rear, of complete freedom of action for the second in command, of containing the enemy’s van and centre until the business of twelve sail of the enemy was seen to be so far advanced that its interruption was no longer to be feared, and, above all, of the concealment of his own intentions until the last possible moment, so as to confuse the enemy’s mind by not letting him know where and how the attack of the weather line was to be delivered. No one of these ideas is, perhaps, entirely new except the last. I have shown that the genesis of some of them can be traced a long way back in the tactical history of the eighteenth century. Their combination was, no doubt, Nelson’s own, but what was far more his own was the moral and psychological idea which binds them all
together and displays Nelson’s genius at its highest. The plan outlined in conversation with Keats differs in several important respects from that expounded in the Memorandum, either because Keats misunderstood it to some extent, or because Nelson’s great conception had matured before the Memorandum was composed. But the innermost thought in Nelson’s mind is, perhaps, better displayed than anywhere else in what he said to Keats: “I will tell you what I think of it. I think it will surprise and confound the enemy. They won’t know what I am about. It will bring forward a pell-mell battle, and that is what I want.” That is the true “Nelson touch.”
Yet perhaps the most astounding thing in the whole story is the fact that, as Mr. Julian Corbett has pointed out, Villeneuve had divined almost exactly the kind of attack that Nelson was most likely to make. In his General Instructions, issued in anticipation of the battle, he had written: “The enemy will not confine themselves to forming a line parallel to ours. They will try to envelop our rear, to break our line, and to throw upon those of our ships that they cut off groups of their own to surround and crush them.” That he could devise no better mode of parrying such an attack than a single and ill-formed line of battle is perhaps the chief reason why Villeneuve, in spite of the gallantry of his fleet, was so thoroughly “drubbed” at Trafalgar.
CHAPTER IV
THE ADVANCE
HAVING now analysed the Memorandum, traced its genesis, and examined its content, we have next to consider its application. In the first place we have to bear in mind that, as Admiral Bridge has said, "advancing to the attack and the attack itself are not the same operations." The two are, however, continuous, and there is no one point in the series of events to be considered at which we can say that the advance ended and the attack began—more especially as, in the case before us, the attack of the lee line was, and was intended to be, anterior to the attack of the weather line. Perhaps the best point of distinction is that which is indicated in the Memorandum itself. "The divisions of the British Fleet will be brought nearly within gunshot of the Enemy's Centre"—this is the advance. "The signal will most probably then be made for the Lee Line to bear up together, to set all their sails, even steering sails, in order to get as quickly as possible to the Enemy's Line, and to cut through"—this is the opening of the attack. It is with the advance alone that I shall deal in the present chapter.
The first point to be noted is that, in the final order of sailing, which was also, as prescribed by the Memorandum, the order of battle, the so-called advanced squadron had disappeared. It had indeed been formed and had been employed as an advanced squadron proper—that is, as Admiral Bridge puts it, "in feeling for the enemy"—during the days and nights immediately pre-
1 *The Times*, September 26, 1905.
ceding the battle. Mr. Corbett, in his invaluable edition of the *Fighting Instructions*, traces at length the formation and proceedings of this advanced squadron, but for my purpose it is sufficient to quote the concise statement of Admiral Bridge:
On October 19 six ships were ordered "to go ahead during the night"; and besides the frigates two more ships were so stationed as to keep up the communication between the six and the Commander-in-Chief's flagship. Thus eight ships in effect composed an "advanced squadron," and did not join either of the main divisions at first.
The majority of them were recalled on October 20, but three still remained detached, to form a chain between the Admiral and his frigates. Throughout the night of the 20th Nelson was thus kept fully informed of every movement of the enemy, and regulated the movements of his own fleet accordingly. When, however, the detached ships were recalled, they did not, as prescribed by the Memorandum, re-form into a separate division, but took their respective stations—no doubt as previously determined, though there appears to be no record of an order or signal to that effect—in one or other of the two main divisions. Codrington, of the *Orion*, which was one of the advanced squadron, seems to have thought that, although that squadron had been merged in the two main divisions, yet it might, at a later stage of the advance, be ordered to haul out of line again and re-form as a separate division for the purpose of checking the enemy's van. But this intention, if it existed, was never carried out, Nelson himself making a feint at the van, apparently with his whole division, before he finally hauled to starboard and broke the enemy's line astern of the *Bucentaure*.
Why Nelson thus abandoned his original idea of a separate advanced squadron it seems impossible now to say. But it is worth while to reflect that, when he drew up the Memorandum, he assumed that his fleet would
consist of "forty Sail of the Line," and the enemy's of forty-six. The actual numbers were twenty-seven to thirty-three. With forty ships, he proposed to have two divisions of sixteen ships each, and a third of eight ships. With twenty-seven ships, the nearest corresponding proportions would be two divisions of ten and eleven ships respectively, and a third of six. Now, he had prescribed that "if either is less, only a proportionate number of Enemy's Ships is to be cut off; B. to be $\frac{1}{4}$ superior to the E. cut off." In this case the lee division, even if it consisted of eleven ships, would only be able to cut off eight of the enemy—or nine at the outside, if the prescribed superiority of one-quarter were fractionally reduced. Nelson may have considered that, in these circumstances, it was better to strengthen the lee line from the outside to such an extent that it would still be able to "complete the business of twelve Sail of the Enemy." He accordingly gave it fifteen ships, thus reducing the third division to two only, and these he attached to his own division, since they were insufficient to form a separate one. In point of fact, having regard to the reduced numbers of both fleets and the reduced proportion between his own numbers and those of the enemy, he found that he had not ships enough to form a third division without so reducing the weight of the attack of the lee line as to upset the balance of his plan. The advanced squadron, if it had been retained, was to have been under the orders of the Commander-in-Chief, and to be so employed as to "make, if wanted, a Line of twenty-four Sail, on whichever Line the Commander-in-Chief may direct." What he did actually direct, not in the course of the advance but beforehand, was, for the major part of it, to make a line of fifteen sail under Collingwood's orders. I am the more inclined to adopt this explanation of the matter, because, whereas Nelson told Keats that he should put the proposed third division "under an officer who, I am sure, will employ them in the manner I wish," he does not seem ever to have told
off any officer for what Keats called "this distinguished service." He discharged that function himself, by putting the bulk of the advanced squadron into Collingwood's line, before the action, or even the advance, began, and the residue into his own.
Be this as it may, at 6.30 on the morning of October 21 the signal was made, according to Collingwood's Journal, "to form the order of sailing in two columns, and at 7 to prepare for battle." Taken together, these two signals form the first stage of the advance, since the order of sailing was to be the order of battle. It is clear from the logs that the order of sailing had been much deranged during the night, and the signal would have the effect, not only of correcting this derangement so far as time and circumstances allowed, but recalling to their appointed stations such ships of the line as were still detached for lookout purposes.¹ What the precise order of sailing was, however, it is exceedingly difficult to determine. Collingwood, in his official despatch, gives it as follows:
**Van.**
1. Victory, 1, 1, 1
2. Téméraire, 2, 2, 2
3. Neptune, 3, 3, 3
4. Conqueror, 4, 5, 6
5. Leviathan, 5, 4, 5
6. Ajax, 7, 8, 8
7. Orion, 8, 9, 9
8. Agamemnon, 9, 7, 7
9. Minotaur, 10, 10, 10
10. Spartiate, 11, 11, 11
**Rear.**
1. Royal Sovereign, 1, 1, 1
2. Mars, 4, 3, 3
3. Belleisle, 2, 2, 2
4. Tonnant, 3, 4, 5
5. Bellerophon, 5, 5, 6
6. Colossus, 6, 6, 4
7. Achilles, 7, 7, 7
8. Polyphemus, 14, 9, 8
9. Revenge, 8, 10, 11
10. Swiftsure, 10, 11, 11
¹ Colonel Desbrière adduces abundant proof from the French and Spanish archives examined by him that the British fleet, when first sighted by the allies, was in no very regular order. The expression used to describe it by several observers in the allied line is that it appeared to be in two "pelotons," that is, in two more or less irregular groups.
It is certain, however, that Collingwood’s order is not strictly correct. The journal of the *Britannia*, describing the attack of the weather line, led by Nelson in the *Victory*, states that “he was close followed up by the *Téméraire*, *Neptune*, *Conqueror*, *Leviathan*, and this ship”; and there is evidence to show that some of the other ships are misplaced. In the log of the *Britannia*, which was the flagship of Rear-Admiral Lord Northesk, a list of the ships, with the amount of loss in killed and wounded sustained by each, is given, and the order in that list differs materially from that given by Collingwood, especially in respect of the lee line. I have indicated this order in the first of the series of figures placed after the names of the ships in Collingwood’s list. The second series of figures indicates the order given by Sir John Laughton in his *Nelson*, and the third that given by Mr. Newbolt in his *Year of Trafalgar*. The truth is that, the ships having been ordered to make all sail, the order of the rear ships in both lines was very irregular, being dependent on their rate of sailing. “All our ships were carrying studding sails,” says Moorsom, “and many bad sailors were a long way astern, but little or no stop was made for them.” Hence the order may have changed from time to time, as the faster ships got ahead and the slower ships fell astern of their stations. The *Africa* never took her proper station. She had got away to the northward during the night, and only rejoined the weather line just as the action began, having in so doing run down the whole of the enemy’s van within gunshot. The *Prince* also was a very slow ship, and never reached the lee line.
After having recorded the signal for close action, which was the very last that Nelson made, she logs herself as "steering down between the lines with all sail set." She was the last ship into action, opening fire after 3 p.m. and losing neither killed nor wounded throughout the day.
Thus, however the lines were formed, whether in line ahead or line of bearing, there is, I think, no doubt that they were very irregularly formed, and that the slower ships straggled greatly. "Admiral Collingwood dashed directly down," says Moorsom, "supported by such ships as could get up, and went directly through their line; Lord Nelson the same, and the rest as fast as they could." It may be argued, and has been argued, from this that Nelson was in too great a hurry. That he was in a great hurry is not to be disputed. But the Memorandum is founded on the necessity of not losing a moment, if the enemy was to be brought to battle "in such a manner as to make the business decisive." The allied fleet was heading for Cadiz. Though the wind was light and variable throughout the day, a gale was imminent, as Nelson well knew. The days were shortening, and even in those latitudes the sun would set on October 21 very soon after five o'clock. "No day could be long enough," he had told Keats, "to arrange a couple of fleets and fight a decisive battle according to the old system." He was determined to make a short October day long enough to give Mr. Villeneuve his "drubbing." Was there any time to spare? Was he in too great a hurry? The answer is given in that quaint, but pathetic, entry in the Victory's own log which records the triumphant close of the day in all its tragedy. "Partial firing continued until 4.30, when a victory having been reported to the Right Honourable Lord Viscount Nelson, K.B. and Commander-in-Chief, he then died of his wound." "Thank God, I have done my duty," were his last words, oftentimes repeated. Would he have done his duty if he had wasted in manoeuvring a single moment that could be saved for beating the enemy before the day was gone?
A very few minutes—not more than five, according to the log of the Mars—after the signal was made to form the order of sailing in two columns, Nelson made another signal, which has been more hotly debated than any other point in his long and tangled history. According to the log of the Mars, this signal was "76, with compass signal E.N.E. (bear up and steer E.N.E.)." By the log of the Victory the wind, which was N.W. by W. at 6 a.m., had become N.W. at 7, and so remained until it became W.N.W. at 1 p.m. Moorsom records that "the wind all the morning was light from the N.W.," thus confirming the log of the Victory; but Collingwood in his despatch speaks of the wind as "about west." The log of the Victory is attested by the master of the ship, and I think we may regard this testimony as being of the first order and weight. The master of a man-of-war was not responsible for fighting the ship, but he was responsible for navigating her. If there was one thing that he was less likely to be mistaken about than any other, it was the direction of the wind and the corresponding course of the ship. Thomas Atkinson, the master of the Victory, was working under Nelson's own eye, and, as the tactical situation was governed entirely by these two factors, any misconception in this regard on his part would seem to be extremely improbable. He may have been inaccurate in his record, but he can hardly have been mistaken in his original observation, and that, at any rate, affords some presumption that his record also was trustworthy. Hence we may assume, in default of evidence of the same order and of equivalent weight to the contrary, that the log of the Victory is correct, so far as it goes, in giving the direction of the wind and the course steered by that ship. The entries are only made at intervals of an hour, so that any temporary alteration of course made and completed between one hour and the next would not be recorded.
Now the question is whether the alteration of course prescribed by signal 76 was to be executed in succession,
or together. If all the ships bore up together, the line ahead in which they had previously been sailing would be converted into a line of bearing, in which all the ships would be pointing to the E.N.E., whereas, if they bore up in succession, the line ahead would still be preserved, though its direction would be altered to E.N.E. as soon as the evolution was completed. I shall not attempt to decide this point, nor is it, in my judgment, worth while even to discuss it at any length. The evolution, whatever it was, was an evolution of advance, not an evolution of attack; that is, it was prescribed for the purpose of getting down to the enemy's line as quickly as possible, not for the purpose of putting the fleet into the prescribed position of attack when it got down. If it served both purposes, so much the better; but Nelson could not possibly have known that it would when he made the signal, because it was certainly made before the enemy's fleet began to wear. In the Memorandum he made no specific provision for the advance. He could not do so. He could not possibly tell in what position the enemy would be found, nor what his intentions and dispositions might be after his position had been discovered. Therefore he only said "the divisions of the British Fleet will be brought nearly within gunshot of the Enemy's Centre." He would do that as best he might, when he saw what the situation was in which it had to be done. It was only when it had been done that the signal was to be made "for the Lee Line to bear up together." It is to my mind merely an accident of the situation, and scarcely so much as a coincidence, that nearly six hours before the action began, and when the enemy was still some ten or twelve miles off, a signal to bear up was made to both lines—though whether to bear up in succession or to bear up together I am content to leave in doubt. Personally I think it was to bear up together; but there are so many high authorities on the other side, and to my mind it matters so little, that I am not concerned to press my opinion. Whatever the signal may
have meant, I feel quite sure that the evolution prescribed by it was the one best adapted in Nelson’s judgment to bring the British fleet into contact and conflict with the enemy at the earliest possible moment, and that it had no other purpose. To identify a signal proposed to be made to one line at the moment of action with a signal made five or six hours earlier to both lines at the very outset of the advance, and to found upon that identification a vindication of Nelson’s consistency, appears to me to be rather a superfluous piece of special pleading—more especially as I hope to show in the sequel that no such vindication is required.
The course E.N.E. was not long maintained. By 8 o’clock, according to the log of the Victory, it had been altered to E. by N., and this is confirmed by Collingwood’s Journal, which records that at 7.40 the signal was made to bear up E. If the log of the Victory is to be trusted, this course remained unchanged during the remainder of the advance. Thus, neglecting the formation of the two divisions, whether in line ahead or line of bearing, we find that from 8 o’clock onwards the two leading ships, the Victory and the Royal Sovereign, were steering on parallel courses to each other, and each heading E. by N. The upper diagram of the two which face page 53 illustrates this position, and shows the angular relation to the enemy’s line of what I may call the mean line of advance of the leading ships of both divisions. The enemy, who had been heading in a southerly direction, began to wear at a time very variously stated in the records. Nelson, in his private diary, says, “at 7 the enemy wearing in succession.” Collingwood, in his Journal, says, “at 10 their fleet wore, formed their line, and laid their heads to the northward, the British fleet in two columns bearing down on them.”
¹ Nelson’s phrase, “wearing in succession,” cannot be taken in a strict technical sense. Colonel Desbrière says that Villeneuve’s signal, made between 8 and 8.30 a.m., was “de virer lof pour lof tous à la fois et de prendre l’ordre renversé babord amures”; that is, for the fleet to wear together and
wind was N.W., the leading ship of the enemy's line after wearing could not lie higher than 6 points from the wind—that is, at N.N.E., and probably would not lie higher than 7 points, that is at N.E. by N. The succeeding ships, after wearing, would have to go free until they reached the point at which, by hauling their wind, they could form a close-hauled line astern of the leading ship. With the light wind prevailing, much time would be required to complete this evolution, more especially as there is some reason for thinking that Gravina's division had, up to this point, formed a detached "escadre d'observation," and did not take its station in the main line until the latter had begun to wear. Mr. Newbolt reproduces a plan of the battle which is known to have been attested by Magendie, Villeneuve's chief of the staff. In this plan Gravina's division is shown to leeward of the rear of the main line. On such a point as this Magendie's attestation is entitled to considerable weight, though, for reasons which I shall give hereafter, I do not think it is equally trustworthy in respect of the position and formation of the British columns. Be this as it may, the result was that the new line was not completely formed when the Royal Sovereign came into action about noon. "It formed," says Collingwood in his official despatch, "a crescent convexing to leeward, so that in leading down to their centre, I had both their van and rear abaft the beam." There were many other irregularities and some gaps in the allied line, but these need not concern us here. The French account of the battle quoted by Nicolas states that, when Villeneuve first sighted the British fleet at daybreak, he made the signal "de former l'ordre de bataille naturel," and afterwards speaks of this as a "ligne de bataille bien serrée." Thus invert the line on the port tack; and this is exactly what Collingwood says it did. Nevertheless, though the act of wearing was simultaneous ("tous à la fois") for all the ships, each successive ship would have to sail large, and could only haul her wind when she had reached the point at which the rear ship, now become the leading ship, had hauled her wind after wearing; and this is, no doubt, what Nelson meant by "wearing in succession."
Wind N.W.
[To face p. 53]
the direction of the line before wearing would make to its direction after wearing an angle of 12 or 14 points, that is of $135$ or $157\frac{1}{2}$ degrees, according as the ships could lie within 6 or 7 points of the wind. If, on the basis of these data, we construct a diagram showing the mean lines of advance of the *Victory* and the *Royal Sovereign* and their angular relation to the two directions of the enemy’s line, we shall find, as is shown in the diagram above referred to, that the line of advance of the *Royal Sovereign* was approximately parallel to the rear of the enemy’s line, and that the line of advance of the *Victory* was not perpendicular, but appreciably oblique, to the van of the enemy’s line. In the upper diagram given on the opposite page, CD represents the enemy’s van, supposed to be sailing within six points of the wind, assumed to be N.W. The dotted line to the right of CD shows what was the course of the van if it could only lie as high as 7 points from the wind. CG represents the course of the rear ships up to the point C, at which they hauled their wind for the purpose of forming a close-hauled line astern of the van. V and RS represent the *Victory* and the *Royal Sovereign*, and the lines drawn astern of them represent the parallel courses on which they steered, heading E. by N., during the advance. The dotted and curved lines ahead of them represent the attack, and not the advance, and will be considered in my next chapter, dealing with the attack. The only purpose of the diagram is to show the angular relation of the British lines of advance to the van and the rear of the enemy’s line respectively. It is not drawn to scale, and it is essentially a diagram and not a plan. If, as a diagram, it is even approximately correct, and if the data on which it rests are well founded, it shows conclusively that neither of the two British divisions advanced to the attack in directions anything like perpendicular to that portion of the enemy’s line which was immediately opposed to each. The advance of the lee line was very nearly parallel to the enemy’s rear; the advance of the weather line was
as nearly parallel to the enemy's van as its parallelism to the lee line and the direction of the enemy's van would permit.\(^1\)
\(^1\) On the foregoing analysis of the act of wearing and its consequences Colonel Desbrière remarks as follows: "Le virage lof pour lof de tous les vaisseaux de l'armée combinée devait avoir une autre conséquence, qui paraît avoir été indiquée pour la première fois dans la remarquable série d'articles publiés dans le *Times* en 1905 au sujet de la bataille de Trafalgar." After quoting a portion of what has been said above, Colonel Desbrière continues, "Ces considérations, bien qu'ayant un fonds de vérité, paraissent exagérées." He considers that the allied formation was really concave and not angular, as I have suggested, following Admiral Bridge on this point. He then proceeds: "La forme concave paraît tenir à d'autres causes. Lorsque la conversion fut faite, la ligne était mal formée, mais déjà exagérément resserrée. Le virage se fit vent arrière, et il en resulta que, pour ne pas heurter le vaisseau qui allait devenir son matelot d'avant, chaque vaisseau dut 'arriver' un peu plus que lui. La disposition totale de la ligne eut donc dû être de la tête à la queue inclinée vers l'Est et cela d'autant plus que l'ordre donné plus tard à l'avant-garde de 'serrer le vent' en ralentissant la vitesse des premiers navires, obligea ceux qui les suivaient à se laisser encore plus tomber sous le vent. Si l'arrière-garde, au contraire, était sensiblement plus à l'Ouest que le centre, le fait ne peut resulter que de la place qu'avait, avant la conversion, l'escadre de Gravina. Il faut donc que celle-ci eût été au vent au moment où le combat s'engagea. Or, ce fait est attesté par divers témoignages." I should perhaps explain that the word "arriver" is the French technical term for "to bear up," and that the expression "au vent" signifies "to windward," "sous le vent" being the corresponding expression for "to leeward."
On such high authority as this, fortified as it is by copious citations from documents preserved in the French and Spanish archives, I am quite ready to accept this explanation of the crescent form of the allied line in lieu of my own. The essential point is, that, whichever explanation is adopted, it exhibits Collingwood's line of advance as approximately parallel to the rear of the allied line. The angular relation of Nelson's advance to the van of the allied line is comparatively immaterial; but if "the crescent convexing to leeward" of Collingwood be accepted—as it is by Colonel Desbrière no less than by myself—this angular relation cannot have been widely different from that which is indicated in my diagram.
It will be noted that Colonel Desbrière holds, on evidence which he represents as convincing, that the "escadre d'observation" of Gravina was to windward of the allied line, when the latter wore. This throws grave doubts on the accuracy of the plan of the battle attested by Magendie, which, as I have said in the text, distinctly shows Gravina's squadron to leeward of the allied line. But, except as bearing on the value of Magendie's attestation, the point is of no great importance. Whether to windward or to leeward, Gravina's squadron would take a considerable time in getting into line, and would, no doubt, materially impede the correct formation of the line.
CHAPTER V
THE ATTACK
In my last chapter I attempted to determine the lines of advance of the two British divisions and their angular relation to the two portions of the enemy's line opposed to them. If we look back to the simple diagram given by Nelson in the Memorandum, we shall see that Nelson hoped to bring his two divisions—being parallel to each other—into a position opposite to the enemy's centre, nearly within gunshot of it, and parallel to the direction of the enemy's line. It is an essential feature of Howe's method of breaking the enemy's line—which was, as we have seen, adopted by Nelson for the attack of the lee division—that the attacking force should be disposed parallel to that part of the enemy's line to be attacked, in order that the impact of all the ships might be simultaneous. It is also an essential feature of Nelson's plan, as expounded in the Memorandum, that the two divisions of the British line should be disposed parallel to each other. If the upper diagram facing page 53 is approximately correct, it will be seen that both these conditions were satisfied by Nelson's method of advance. But a third condition of the Memorandum—namely, that the weather line should also be parallel to the enemy's line—was not satisfied, and could not be satisfied, for the simple geometrical reason that the enemy's line was not a straight line throughout its length, but "a crescent convexing to leeward," as Collingwood describes it, or "a very obtuse re-entering angle," as Admiral Bridge,
1 The Times, September 28, 1905.
having regard to the probable cause of its convexity, defines it with greater precision.
Thus in principle the plan of the Memorandum was carried out so far as the tactical and geometrical conditions permitted. There was no question of substituting a perpendicular attack for a parallel attack, since the advance of the lee line was approximately parallel to the portion of the enemy’s line to be attacked, and the advance of the weather line was only not parallel to that portion of the enemy’s line with which it was specially concerned, because it was geometrically impossible for it to be so. It may be urged, perhaps, that this sudden adaptation of his dispositions to a situation wholly unforeseen attributes to Nelson a tactical vigilance which there is no evidence in the records to warrant. The evidence is in his whole character and career, in his unique tactical insight, attested by his acts and by the judgment of all his contemporaries; in his sure and instant grasp of the tactical situation from moment to moment, attested by his action at St. Vincent; in his consummate genius for battle, attested by every battle he had fought. It is true that he has been represented as talking unconcernedly to Blackwood all through the forenoon; but Blackwood’s own account is that “his mind seemed entirely directed to the strength and formation of the enemy’s line, as well as to the effects which his novel mode of attack was likely to produce. He seemed very much to regret, and with reason, that the enemy tacked to the northward.” This latter statement is extremely important. It shows that, when Nelson first bore up, he did not anticipate the enemy’s wearing. The order to bear up must therefore have been the first preliminary move of a series of operations intended, in the words of the Memorandum, to bring “the divisions of the British Fleet nearly within gunshot of the Enemy’s Centre.” If the enemy had not reversed his course by wearing, it must have been followed by other movements successively directed to the same end; and for this
reason it seems most probable that the divisions did bear up together and not in succession, since to bear up in succession would have lost time and have rendered the subsequent movements necessary to bring the fleet into the required position more complicated and equally dilatory. As the enemy did wear, these subsequent movements were never executed; but the fact remains that the signal made at daybreak to bear up and steer E.N.E. can have had no tactical relation whatever to the similar signal prescribed by the Memorandum for a different situation at a much later stage of the advance.
An hour or more—according to Collingwood, at 7.40—after the first signal to bear up was made, it was followed by a second, which altered the course from E.N.E. to E. by N. This is corroborated by the log of the Victory, which records the course as E.N.E. at 7 o’clock and E. by N. at 8. After that the course was not altered again during the advance, which is thus described in the same log: “Still standing for the enemy’s van. The Royal Sovereign and her line steering for the centre of the enemy’s line.” This second alteration of course was probably made as soon as the enemy began to wear, and the new course was clearly one which, to Nelson’s experienced and well-nigh infallible eye, was certain to bring his two divisions into the position he wanted them to be in at the moment of contact. Immediately preceding the entry in the Victory’s log above quoted we find the following: “Body of the enemy’s fleet E. by S. 9 miles. The enemy’s line forming N.N.E. to S.S.W.” No time was given for these observations, but the direction given for the enemy’s line shows that the entry last quoted must refer to a time after the enemy had begun to wear. If now we draw a diagram to scale from these data—Victory’s course E. by N., body of the enemy’s fleet bearing E. by S. distant nine miles, enemy’s van steering N.N.E.—and allow a distance of a mile and a half between the “body” of the enemy’s fleet and the leading ship of his van, we shall find that the Victory was at the time steering for a
point some two and a half miles ahead of the enemy’s leading ship. But the enemy’s leading ships were not stationary, any more than Nelson’s ships were stationary. They could not be stationary, or the operation of wearing would have been impossible. They were moving slowly ahead towards the N.N.E., being close-hauled and obliged to go slowly in order to give the rear ships time to recover their stations after wearing. Nelson’s ships were moving faster, since they were going free, with all sail set, and he was determined not to wait for the laggards in either line. Even if they fell astern, they would still be able to operate independently, as he had designed the advanced squadron to operate, and it is important to note that, just before the action began, he provided for this very contingency, by telling Blackwood to “make any use I pleased of his name in ordering any of the sternmost line-of-battle ships to do what struck me as best.” Hence he had no need to wait, and would push on as fast as he could, knowing well that the course he was steering, though pointing well ahead of the enemy’s line at first, would bring him just about where he wanted to be at the moment of contact. In the lower diagram facing page 53, V is the Victory and the dotted line shows her course. B is the “body” of the enemy’s fleet bearing E. by S. from the Victory distant nine miles. E is the head of the enemy’s line steering N.N.E. It will thus be seen that Nelson did by eye and instinct exactly what an instrument devised by Prince Louis of Battenberg now enables the modern naval officer to do by mechanism. It is the neglect of this dynamical aspect of Nelson’s dispositions, and the too exclusive study of their statical aspect, as exhibited in diagrams scarcely ever correctly drawn, that has in my judgment led so many commentators astray. Two of such diagrams are reproduced from Mr. Newbolt’s volume on the opposite page. One is that given by Captain Mahan, the other is from Nicolas’s Dispatches and Letters of Lord Nelson. It will be seen at once that Captain Mahan’s diagram is, as Mr. Newbolt
From MAHAN'S "NELSON"
WIND W.N.W.
From SIR H NICOLAS
To face p. 58]
says, "frankly conventional," and that it "bears about as much resemblance to the actual attack as the letter A does to a bull's head." Of Nicolas's diagram it suffices to say that it represents the leading ships of the enemy's line as steering well to the west of north, the wind being N.W.!
From this point onwards it is necessary to deal separately with the proceedings of the two British divisions. We are to imagine them as steering on parallel courses, in lines very irregularly formed longitudinally, and perhaps also laterally—I waive the question whether they were nominally in line ahead or in a line of bearing, since it cannot matter much in any case—and both heading for points well ahead of the enemy's line, as it stood when, and for some time after, the advance began. As time passed, however, and as the distance between the two fleets lessened, the enemy's line began to draw athwart the heads of the two British columns. Had it been a regularly formed line, bearing uniformly throughout its length from N.N.E. to S.S.W., it seems probable that Nelson, having stood on at E. by N. as long as he could, so as to secure the advantage of speed by going free, would then have ordered both his divisions to haul their wind, so as to put them in the positions assigned to them in the Memorandum. But, observing, as he must have done, that, so far from being regularly formed, the enemy's line was "a crescent convexing to leeward," he must have perceived that the course he was steering would bring the lee line approximately parallel to the rear of the enemy's line, so that no time need be lost in altering course again. He never trifled with a fair wind, nor with time. Having both now in his favour, he was the last man to throw either advantage away. Without further manoeuvring, without even so much as a fresh alteration of course, the lee line could, when the time came, do exactly what the Memorandum required it to do; and the weather line, though not so well-disposed as it might have been had the enemy's line been regularly formedand would have been if the Memorandum had in that case been followed exactly—was, nevertheless, not so ill-disposed as to induce Nelson to waste any time in disposing it better for the due discharge of the function he had assigned to it, of taking care "that the movements of the Second in Command are as little interrupted as is possible." This, so far as I can see, was the sole risk that Nelson ran outside the four corners of the Memorandum, the sole change that he made in the dispositions foreshadowed in that document. Who shall say that the risk was an unnecessary risk, that the change was not a well-advised change in the circumstances? "Something must be left to chance," he had said in the Memorandum; "nothing is sure in a Sea Fight beyond all others." Though I do not entirely concur—with all respect, be it said—in Admiral Bridge's reading of the situation, yet I think he touches the matter with a needle when he says that "adherence to a plan which presupposes the enemy's fleet to be in a particular formation after he is found in another is not to be expected in a consummate tactician."
Collingwood, it will be remembered, was given "the entire direction of his Line." In the exercise of this discretion he made, as he tells us himself, a "signal for the lee division to form the larboard line of bearing and to make more sail." The purpose of this signal, which appears to have been made shortly before eleven o'clock, is no doubt justly stated by Admiral Sturges Jackson in Logs of the Great Sea-Fights to have been "to enable the faster ships to get more quickly into action," and the same authority adds that "it is certain that the line of bearing was never correctly formed." That, I think, is very probably the case. But Admiral Jackson does not seem to have seen that Collingwood's signal was strictly congruous with the prescriptions of the Memorandum, and was probably made for that reason. There is some trace in the logs of Collingwood's having at a later stage made the signal to alter course one point to
port, but the entry is open to some suspicion, and in any case it does not materially affect the situation. It is to be noted, however, that this signal, if made, would have had the effect of bringing the lee line exactly, or almost exactly, parallel to the rear of the enemy's line. What is certain is that, though the Royal Sovereign, being a fast sailer and newly coppered, did get into action somewhat in advance of the rear ships of her division, yet the logs of these ships show conclusively that many of them got into action much earlier than they possibly could have done if they had been disposed in a line ahead, astern of the Royal Sovereign and perpendicular, or anything like perpendicular, to the enemy's line. Even James, the stanchest advocate of the perpendicular attack in line ahead, is fain to admit that the British lee column was obliged to advance in "a slanting direction"; but he does not on that account abandon a theory which has done as much as anything else to befog the mind of nearly every commentator on the whole subject of the battle. Anyhow, it can be shown by simple and irrefragable arithmetic that Collingwood's attack must have been approximately such as Nelson designed it to be. For this purpose I cannot do better than quote Mr. Newbolt, who seems to me to have grasped the situation at this point far more clearly than any other writer:
The times at which the several ships claim to have commenced action or engaged the enemy show clearly that they cannot all have been following one another in line ahead. . . . Though we cannot hope to find the absolute time at which anything occurred, we can, by taking some marked event as a starting point or standard, obtain a series of fairly correct relative times for the performances of the individual ships. If, for example, we select as our starting point the moment eagerly awaited and marked by all without any kind of interruption, when the Royal Sovereign opened fire, we can find the number of minutes which each ship estimates to have passed between that moment and her own first entry into action. Thus the Belleisle claims to have
engaged 8 minutes after the Royal Sovereign; the Mars 13 minutes; the Tonnant 33; the Bellerophon 15; the Colossus 20; the Achilles 15; the Revenge 10; the Polyphemus about 50; the Defiance 75; the Dreadnought 73; the Defence 128. The Prince was undoubtedly last, nearly three hours behind. Swiftsure and Thunderer name no time. Further, these entries are often significantly expressed. The Colossus, ten minutes after opening fire, "passed our opponent in the enemy's line"; the Defiance began by engaging "the third from the enemy's rear"; the Revenge . . . "got through between the fifth and sixth from the rear"; the Swiftsure roundly notes "by half-past noon the whole fleet in action, and Royal Sovereign had cut through the enemy's line." . . . It will be seen at once that of the ships in the lee division, no less than nine were engaged within thirty-three minutes of the first British gun being fired.
There is much more evidence to the same effect, and a very lucid and cogent summary of it will be found in Mr. Newbolt's pages. But I need not detail it here. My purpose is satisfied by the foregoing extract, which shows conclusively that Collingwood's attack cannot have been delivered in line ahead, and was, as a matter of fact, delivered in substantial accordance with the prescriptions of the Memorandum. It is true that the diagram given with my last chapter does not, as drawn, fully represent the situation as Collingwood described it in the following passage in his despatch: "In leading down to their centre I had both their van and rear abaft the beam." But as I have before observed, the diagram is not a plan; it is rather a rough geometrical outline of the situation as it was determined by wind, course, and the tactical dispositions of the moment. Collingwood's words must be taken to show that the "crescent convexing to leeward" of his description was rendered more convex than the mere geometrical conditions implied by the lightness of the wind and the tactical unhandiness of many of the enemy's ships. The dotted line in the diagram annexed to the preceding chapter shows his probable course at the
moment of onslaught. I have only to add that Collingwood tells us himself that he broke the line "about the twelfth ship from the rear." He certainly broke it astern of the *Santa Ana*, and most of the lists of the allied fleet, together with nearly all the diagrams, including the Spanish diagram reproduced in this volume, make the *Santa Ana* the sixteenth ship from the rear of the enemy's line. If Collingwood, in spite of his own words, really did bring the fifteen ships of his own column against an equal number of the enemy, he certainly violated most flagrantly the plain letter, and the still plainer spirit, of Nelson's instructions, and for such violation he must be held solely responsible.\(^1\) But his own words are against this, and it is important to note that James declines entirely to specify the exact order of the allied fleet. "As the ships of the combined fleet," he says, "were constantly changing their positions, we shall not attempt to point out the stations of any others than the ships of the four principal flag-officers." He then goes on to say that the *Bucentaure* was directly in front of the *Victory*, and the *Santa Ana* in the same direction from the *Royal Sovereign*. How many ships were ahead of the one or astern of the other he does not attempt to determine.
I now return to the weather line, having brought the whole of the lee line to the point of attack. Nelson's primary purpose was to contain and cut off the van. After that had been done he would make the action as close and decisive as he could. But if, in containing the van, he found it necessary to expose the *Victory* and the ships immediately astern of her to a more destructive fire than might have been incurred in other circumstances, we may be quite sure that he would not hesitate for a moment. He never did hesitate, as he showed at St. Vincent, when a distinct and paramount object was to be
\(^1\) It may be that owing to the irregular formation of the allied line, some three or four of the ships in its rear were well to leeward, and that their fire was thereby masked. Collingwood observing this might very well be entitled to leave these ships out of his reckoning.
obtained even by apparent recklessness. He might have continued on the course he had chosen, and made his attack at the point he had chosen, without exposing the leading ships of his column to any more destructive fire than the relative position of the two lines involved. Or he might, by altering course to the northward, have placed his own line parallel, or approximately parallel, to the van of the enemy and thereby effectually have contained, by engaging, the latter. He did neither of these things. What he did was to make a feint at the van by temporarily altering course to the northward, and then, as soon as he saw that Collingwood was in a fair way to engage and "complete the business of twelve Sail of the Enemy," he turned again to starboard and, according to the Victory's log, "opened fire on the enemy's van in passing down their line"—that is, unless I am mistaken, the Victory first opened fire with her port guns on two or three ships ahead of the Bucentaure and then turned sharp under the stern of the latter, raked her as she passed, and immediately fell aboard the Redoutable. This manœuvre is roughly indicated in the dotted line drawn ahead of the Victory on the diagram annexed to my last chapter. There is no question of a "mad perpendicular attack" —the phrase is Mr. Corbett's—nor of a perpendicular attack at all. The advance was a slanting one, making an angle, according to the Victory's log, of 5 points or $56\frac{1}{2}$ degrees with the line of the enemy's van. But before coming within gunfire Nelson turned to port, on a course nearly parallel with the van, and then almost reversed his course, so as to steer, now within gunfire, parallel to the enemy's van, but in the opposite direction. The log of the Orion says "the Victory, after making a feint as of attacking the enemy's van, hauled to starboard so as to reach their centre." Codrington, the captain of the Orion, corroborates and amplifies this contemporary record, in reminiscences committed to paper some years afterwards. Dumanoir, the French admiral in command of the van, excused himself to
Decrès for his failure to tack sooner to Villeneuve’s relief by saying, “Au commencement du combat la colonne du Nord se dirigea sur l’avant garde, qui engagea avec elle pendant quarante minutes.” The log of the Téméraire, which was next astern of the Victory, says: “At 25 minutes past noon the Victory opened her fire. Immediately put our helm aport to steer clear of the Victory and opened our fire on the Santísima Trinidad and two ships ahead of her, when the action became general.” The context shows that all this was before the Victory broke the line astern of the Bucentaure, so that it seems impossible to doubt that both Victory and Téméraire were at this time firing their port broadsides.¹ If Mr. Corbett, who cites all these passages and comments on them, had realised their true bearing and formed in his mind a correct picture of the situation they represent, he would, I feel sure, have thought twice, or even thrice, before inditing his unhappy phrase, “a mad perpendicular attack.” It is true that, as he says, “the risk was, indeed, enormous, perhaps the greatest ever taken at sea.” But Nelson never measured risks when he saw his way straight to his object. Could he have attained the object without taking the risk?
That object was, as Nelson said to Keats, “to surprise and confound the enemy,” to leave him in doubt until the last moment as to whether his own intention was to attack the centre or the van, because, as Mr. Corbett himself acutely observes, until that doubt was resolved “it was impossible for the enemy to take any step to concentrate with either division, and thus Nelson held them both immobile while Collingwood flung himself on his declared objective.” If, as the same writer adds, “no-
¹ These movements of the leading ships may not have been followed, and probably were not followed, by all the ships astern of them. There is, as I have indicated, good reason to think that the line was never very exactly formed, and this is probably the reason why, as Colonel Desbrière puts it, “la ligne de file se transforma au moment de l’engagement en un ordre semi-déployée sur un front de quatre à cinq vaisseaux.” In that reading of the situation I concur.
thing could be finer as a piece of subtle tactics, nothing could be more daring as a well-judged risk," why should it be called, after all, "a mad perpendicular attack"? It was not, as I have shown, perpendicular at any period of the advance, neither in fact, spirit, nor intention. In spirit and intention it was as near a parallel attack as the formation of the enemy's line permitted. As a matter of fact, Nelson's line of advance made with that of the enemy's an angle of 56\(\frac{1}{2}\) degrees at the outside, and possibly not more than 45 degrees. As Nelson closed and made his feint to the northward this angle approached very nearly to zero, while his head pointed to the northward, and very nearly to zero again, after he had turned sharp to starboard and "opened fire on the enemy's van in passing down their line." It was probably this turn to starboard—which brought the Victory, as we learn from the Téméraire's log, under the fire successively of three ships ahead of the Bucentaure as well as the Bucentaure herself—that accounts for the heavy losses of the Victory. But these losses were due not so much to the mode of attack as to Nelson's loyal and devoted redemption of his solemn pledge to Collingwood, that he would "endeavour to take care that the movements of the Second in Command are as little interrupted as is possible." There was, indeed, a moment when Nelson seemed inclined to turn his feint against the van into a real attack, since the Euryalus reports that he signalled to Collingwood, at a very late stage of the advance, "I intend to go through the end of the enemy's line to prevent them from getting into Cadiz." But this inclination, if ever seriously entertained, was very promptly repressed. It might have vindicated Nelson against the charge of making a perpendicular attack, and it would, no doubt, have resulted in crushing the van. But it would have left the centre untouched and free to turn upon Collingwood with much greater expedition and effect than the van could ever have done. It would, moreover, have thrown to the winds the whole plan of the Memorandum, the fundamental
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idea of which was that the van should be contained, cut off, and thrown out of action, while the centre was first contained and then crushed. All this was accomplished to the letter. I can see no madness in a mode of attack which produced such stupendous results. I can see nothing but as fine a piece of subtle tactics as was ever exhibited in a sea-fight, a combination of psychological insight with tactical dexterity and rapidity such as no man but Nelson ever displayed; and I can see no greater risk incurred than Nelson was always ready to take, even at the cost of his own life, for the sake of his country's security.
CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION
I HAVE now brought this long inquiry to a point at which it seems clear that, if my data are correct, the plan of the Memorandum was carried out in the battle as closely as was possible in a state of things not exactly identical with that which Nelson anticipated when he drew the diagram contained in the Memorandum. He anticipated that the enemy's fleet would consist of forty-six sail of the line and his own of forty. When he found that the numbers were thirty-three to twenty-seven, he seems to have thought that the advance squadron of eight ships would be better employed in making the lee line still strong enough to cut off twelve ships of the enemy's rear than in the prosecution of the somewhat indefinite purpose originally assigned to it. He anticipated that the enemy's fleet, if found in a line of battle on a certain course, would accept action in that formation and on that course without further alteration; and for this reason his first move was so to dispose the course and formation of his own fleet as ultimately to bring about the exact situation prescribed in the Memorandum. When, however, the enemy began to wear, he made no essential alteration in his plan. It was an unexpected move and an unwelcome one; but, since it resulted in a dislocation and derangement of the enemy's line, it was not, perhaps, altogether disadvantageous to him in the end. He adapted his dispositions to the altered situation with as little modification as possible, not, I would suggest, in any blind adherence to a preconceived plan, but
because he saw, with that instant and sure glance of his, that the original plan might still be made to serve in all its essential features, and that any attempt to readjust it must lose precious time on a day that was all too short, and in weather which was only too likely to play him false, if he once let the opportunity slip. Hence, so far as I can judge, the original plan was carried out as exactly and as completely as the altered situation permitted. The rear was attacked and crushed almost exactly as Nelson had intended. While this was being done, the van and centre were contained, both being rendered immobile during the first critical moments of the onslaught, not so much by the indecision or incapacity of the enemy as by the surprise and confusion which Nelson intended to instil, and did instil, into his mind. Villeneuve said, as Blackwood records, "that he never saw anything like the irresistible line of our ships; but that of the Victory supported by the Neptune and Téméraire was what he could not have formed any conception of." That is the exact note of stupefaction which Nelson designed to evoke, and from the mention of these particular ships I infer that the moment indicated is that at which these ships first opened fire from their port broadsides, while "passing down the enemy's line." Finally, a pell-mell battle was certainly brought about, and that, as we know, was precisely what Nelson wanted. The result was exactly what he had prescribed for himself in the Memorandum. He never said how or where he meant to deliver his attack, and probably never thought about it beforehand at all. His primary and paramount purpose was to "manage" the whole of the enemy's centre and van until Collingwood was in a fair way to "complete the business of twelve Sail" of the enemy's rear. He did so manage them, paralysing both at the critical moment and throwing the van out of action before he closed with the centre. He did exactly what he said he would do, and Collingwood did exactly what he was told to do. That is how Trafalgar was fought and why
it was so great a victory—because it was designed by the greatest master of sea tactics the world has ever known, and carried out in his own spirit by men who loved and trusted their heroic leader and were not unworthy to be led by him. In this sense and in this alone was the "Nelson touch," as Mr. David Hannay says, "the touch of fire with which he lit up the souls of other men." In every other sense it was the finest and most subtle touch of tactical genius that has ever gone to the winning of a great battle on the seas.
I have thus shown how the attack was made. The remainder of the story, at once the greatest triumph and the greatest tragedy of the seas, is so well known that I need hardly go on to describe how the victory was won or how Nelson died. The attack was Nelson's. The rest is the mêlée, and this was mainly the work of his captains. Neither he nor they ever had any doubt that if the attack could be delivered as he designed it the result was foreordained. "Should the enemy close," he wrote, "I have no fear as to the result." He had so ordered matters that they could not help closing, or rather being closed upon and compelled to fight the battle out. "It must succeed," said his captains when first the "Nelson touch" was explained to them, "if ever they allow us to get at them." They knew, as he did, that ship for ship, or even one ship to many ships, they were more than a match for the enemy, and their words, "if only they allow us to get at them," show very significantly how completely they had assimilated their chief's conviction that the traditional line of battle never did allow them to get at their adversaries. For this phase of the battle, therefore, he gave no specific directions. Nelson had done his part in enabling his captains to "get at them"; the rest he left to them. "Captains are to look to their particular Line as their rallying point. But, in case Signals can neither be seen or perfectly understood, no Captain can do very wrong if he places his Ship alongside that of an Enemy." It has indeed been said that the day
would have been equally well won, perhaps even better won, if Nelson had been less eager to "get at them." "Had he given Villeneuve time for forming his line properly," writes Mr. Corbett, "the enemy's battle order would have been only the weaker. Had he taken time to form his own order the mass of the attack would have been delivered little later than it was, its impact would have been intensified, and the victory might well have been more decisive than it was, while the sacrifice it cost would certainly have been less, incalculably less, if we think that the sacrifice included Nelson himself." I cannot adopt this view. I have shown above that there was not a moment to be lost if the business was to be made decisive, and I think we owe it to Nelson to believe that for this reason alone did he hurry on as he did. Nor can we for a moment attribute his own death to his haste. He was slain in the mêlée, not in the attack. It was after he had broken the line and when several of the ships which followed him were already engaged that the fatal bullet from the mizentop of the Redoutable laid him low on the quarter-deck of the Victory.
I am well aware that these conclusions are not at all likely to be accepted without challenge. I shall have to face the broadsides of all those who hold that the accepted version of the battle cannot be overthrown after the lapse of a hundred years, and apparently that the attempt to overthrow it is paradoxical, and even presumptuous, especially in a civilian. I shall perhaps also draw the fire of those who, like Admiral Bridge and other followers of the late Admiral Colomb, or like Mr. Corbett and Mr. Newbolt, have presumed, like myself, to criticize the accepted version but have reached conclusions more or less different from my own on some of the points in dispute. This, however, is the inevitable consequence of independent critical inquiry, and as such I shall welcome it. I do not pretend to have solved the problem finally and absolutely. All that I can claim to have done is to have advanced certain considerations, founded on
authentic data, which must be taken into account before a final conclusion can be reached. If the inferences I have drawn from these data are unsound, my professional critics will very soon set me right, and no one will be more grateful than I shall for their correction. I will only ask them, in applying it, to deal with my arguments solely on their merits, and not to disparage or dismiss them merely because I have not enjoyed their advantages in the study of signals and the handling of fleets. A very high tactical authority once told me that, when officially engaged in the study of tactical problems, he systematically declined to consider any plans or diagrams submitted to him for the solution of this or that problem unless they were drawn to scale, wherever necessary, and with strict regard to compass bearings and other critical conditions of the supposed situation. I have not forgotten that admonition in the preparation of my own diagrams, and I would invite my prospective critics to follow the same salutary rule. Only by this method shall we reach the truth at last. The only way to find out how the battle was fought is to start entirely afresh, to take nothing for granted, to eschew all preconceived theories and opinions, to examine and weigh all the accessible evidence, and then to draw from it only such conclusions, whether vague or precise, as it may be found legitimately to warrant. Of such a process the result must point to one of only three possible conclusions. Either the evidence may prove to be so conflicting as to warrant no definite conclusion at all. In that case we must all acknowledge that the problem is insoluble. Or it may prove that the plan of the Memorandum was, after all, substantially carried out so far as the conditions of the situation permitted. In that case we must all rejoice that Nelson’s fame remained unsullied to the last. Or it may prove that, at the last moment, he threw the famous plan to the winds, as so many of his critics have affirmed, and adopted another, of which no inkling whatever was given to the flag-officers and captains whom he had taken so generously and so fully into his tactical confidence and trusted so implicitly to carry out his declared intentions. In that case we must acknowledge, with infinite sorrow, that in the last hours of his glorious life the balance of his mind was overthrown, the moral foundation of his incomparable ascendency over men was destroyed, and that, in his hurry to attack, in his eagerness to "surprise and confound the enemy," he did not scruple to surprise and confound far more effectually the very men whose loyal and intelligent co-operation was taken for granted in every line of the Memorandum.
If that is, indeed, to be the final conclusion, we must, I think, further acknowledge that it destroys, once and for all, every notion that the world has hitherto formed of Nelson's character and career. I do not know how it may strike a seaman; but it certainly seems to me that an admiral who did what, if this conclusion were established, Nelson would be proved to have done, would deserve something very different from the unbounded honour which the whole world has accorded him—and this in spite of the triumph of the victory and the tragedy of the hero's death. If there was one thing that Nelson prided himself on more than any other, it was the cordiality and confidence that always existed between himself and his captains. "I had the happiness to command a band of brothers," he said of the captains who fought under him at the Nile. A band of brothers is not to be commanded by a man who, having taken his captains into his confidence as fully as any admiral ever did, could not be trusted not to make fools of them by changing his mind without saying a single word to any one of them. I do not say that Nelson was bound not to change his plan. On the contrary, I think he was bound to change it, if circumstances so required. But then, surely, he was equally bound to tell his subordinates that he had changed it. A single signal would have sufficed—such a signal as I make bold to affirm no admiral would in these days omit to make—to the effect that the Memandum of October 9 was to be disregarded. Yet no scrap of evidence has ever yet been adduced to show that any such signal was made, or that any information of like purport was conveyed to the fleet in any manner whatever. It is this total omission to make his change of mind known to his followers that, if it could be established, would, in my judgment, inflict a lasting stain on Nelson’s honour and fame. Surely, before we admit even the possibility of such dishonour, we must scrutinize the evidence that points to it with the utmost jealousy.
After all, what does this evidence amount to? There are certain entries in the logs, which, if they stood alone, might seem to be more or less inconsistent with the view of the situation which I have endeavoured to delineate in the preceding chapters; but, when they come to be weighed against other evidence derived from the same source, I doubt if any fair-minded critic could accept them as either decisive or preponderant. Then there is the obiter dictum of Moorsom, the captain of the Revenge, who says, in a private letter to his father written some weeks after the battle, “A regular plan was laid down by Lord Nelson some time before the action, but not acted upon.” Against this may be set in the balance another private letter from Eliab Harvey, captain of the Téméraire, written two days after the battle, in which the man who followed Nelson into the fight, and was to have led the weather line if Nelson had not led it himself, says, “It was noon before the action commenced, which was done according to the instructions given to us by Lord Nelson.” I dare say there was much discussion of the point between the captains who survived, and that two schools of opinion existed from the very outset. I feel sure that very few, if any, of them fully understood the whole content of the Memorandum, and I should myself measure their tactical insight by their adhesion to the school of Harvey rather than to that of Moorsom. I am aware that one officer belonging to the latter school
is the author of a criticism of the battle which has been pronounced by Admiral Bridge to be "one of the most important contributions to the investigation of tactical questions ever published in the English tongue." I concur in that judgment so far as regards the ability of the critic and the lucidity of his criticism. But the anonymous officer of the *Conqueror* was avowedly defending a thesis, and I have shown already that, in describing the plan of the Memorandum, he attributed to Nelson an intention which Nelson nowhere avows, and which is, in fact, directly at variance with the text of the Memorandum itself. On this criticism, thus shown to be unsound at its very foundation, are, as Admiral Bridge says, "based nearly or quite all the unfavourable views expressed against the British tactics at Trafalgar." I do not know whether I need treat as serious, or worthy of serious attention, the views of the battle propounded by James in his *Naval History*. As James was a civilian, like myself, perhaps I may be permitted to say without presumption that his tactical insight was, as I have already remarked, beneath contempt. Alone, so far as I know, among all commentators on the battle, he defends the perpendicular attack in line ahead as perhaps the best form of attack that could be devised, and in support of this amazing thesis he advances the still more amazing hypothesis that the most important passage in the whole Memorandum contains a clerical error which distorts its entire purpose and scope. On such evidence as this no one would hang a dog. Of the several plans of the battle to which appeal is so often made, it suffices to say that their evidence cannot be of the first order, in any case, and that, so far as they are inconsistent with the evidence supplied by the logs concerning wind, course, and formation, they are not evidence at all.
Lastly, there is the evidence of certain French witnesses of the battle. Of this I have to say that it cannot, in any case, be decisive, and that it is for the most part of no
very high order and weight.\(^1\) Magendie, flag-captain of the *Bucentaure*, is known to have certified a plan which was probably the first ever drawn; and a copy of this plan, bearing the signature of Magendie, is preserved among the papers of Lord Barham, who was First Lord of the Admiralty when Trafalgar was fought. This is the plan which was pronounced by the late Admiral Colomb—who knew that the authority of Villeneuve himself had been claimed for it, but did not apparently know that Magendie's attestation was in existence—"to have been drawn by some one who had no notion of the facts, and who could not have used them if he had known them." It seems to be thought that the subsequent discovery of Magendie's attestation is peculiarly unfortunate for Colomb's reputation as a tactical critic. I cannot so regard it. I should accept the plan as good *prima facie* evidence for the formation of the allied fleet, with which Magendie must of necessity have been better acquainted than any observer on the British side, but as scarcely any evidence at all for the formation of the British fleet—certainly no such evidence as could be set in the balance against evidence derived either from the narratives, official or other, of British eye-witnesses, or from the logs of the ships under their command. Nothing is more difficult, even to a practised naval eye, than to determine the exact formation in which a fleet is disposed at a distance of several miles. It is true that this argument cuts both ways, but it has to be considered that Nelson's tactical discernment was altogether exceptional, and that the allied fleet was in a normal formation, while the British fleet was in a very unusual one. If, then, I rate the tactical discernment of Magendie, and of other French eye-witnesses who have been quoted, as much lower than
\(^1\) Since the above was originally written a very great deal of fresh collateral evidence has been collected from the French and Spanish archives and published by Colonel Desbrière. But inasmuch as the solution of the problem propounded by that distinguished writer is, as I have pointed out in the Preface, substantially identical with my own, I am content to leave the passage in the text as it originally stood.
that of Nelson, corroborated as he is by a cloud of other witnesses, I am only making legitimate allowance for the difference between the observers and between the things observed. "It is not easy," as Admiral Bridge has said, "to decide the order or formation even of a fleet at anchor without prolonged observation or frequent changes of the observer's position"; and, *a fortiori*, it must be much more difficult to decide the order or formation of a fleet in motion, viewed from a great distance and in a changing perspective—especially when, as at Trafalgar, the formation of the British divisions was, by common consent, a very irregular one. I can corroborate this proposition from a somewhat exceptional personal experience. I do not profess to view things afloat with the practised eye of a seaman; but, as a landsman, I have probably seen more fleets in motion and evolution than any other civilian, and certainly more fleets in action during manoeuvres than the majority of naval officers. If, immediately after the event, I had been cross-examined by an expert as to the evolutions executed and the formations adopted by the opposing fleet on any of these occasions, I should certainly have cut a very sorry figure indeed. It is well known that, when tactical exercises are being practised by modern fleets, no conclusions are formulated concerning their character and effects until the course and speed of each ship engaged and its bearings from at least two other ships, recorded at short intervals by trained observers told off for the purpose, have been collated with similar observations concerning all the other ships, and accurately plotted down on a diagram. Admirals themselves have told me that, when this has been done, they have often found not only that the effect of what they did themselves was quite other than what they had intended, but that they had attributed movements and dispositions to their opponents which the opponents themselves were shown never to have executed. In the action off the Azores, during the manoeuvres of 1903, the X Fleet at a certain period of its advance seemed to every observer
on the deck of the *Majestic* to be disposed in a huddled mass, in which no definite formation could be discerned and no determinate evolution detected. I am quite sure that no officer on board the *Majestic* could explain or understand what the X Fleet was doing at that moment; and in the detailed official narrative of the manoeuvres there is not a single word to account for the appearance it presented. Such an experience, which is no isolated one, certainly makes me, at least, exceedingly sceptical as to the evidence derived from French sources concerning the British dispositions at Trafalgar. What they may attest is the dispositions of the allied fleet, and in that order of evidence I have found nothing to disallow, or even appreciably weaken, the conclusions I have reached in the course of this inquiry.
Lastly, I must repeat that almost the only evidence that ought to convince any one to whom Nelson’s reputation and honour are dear would be the proof of a direct avowal on Nelson’s part that he had changed his plan at the last moment. No such proof is forthcoming. The evidence is all the other way. It is all very well for Captain Mahan to say, as he does, “Thus, as Ivanhoe at the instant of the encounter in the lists shifted his lance from the shield to the casque of the Templar, so Nelson, at the moment of engaging, changed the details of his plan,” and then, by diagram and description, to attribute dispositions to Nelson which point to no mere modification of detail, but to a fundamental change of principle. That is a very pretty gloss to put on a very ugly situation. Ivanhoe was fighting in single combat. He had no one to consider but himself. Nelson had in his keeping the fate of his country, the confidence, the loyalty, the devoted affection of officers who knew his plans and were ready to die in executing them. How could he be said not to have betrayed that trust, if he jeopardized his country’s fate by deceiving those who had so trusted him, and impaired even their tried efficiency by expecting them, without a word of notice or warning, to execute a plan
of which they had never even heard? We have no right to judge by results in this case. If this is a true account of the battle, it was indeed a pell-mell battle with a vengeance—a mere gambler’s throw, which success might condone but could never justify. Few admirals have ever taken their officers so fully into their confidence as Nelson did. He gave them what he could of his own strength, and in return gathered all theirs into himself. Others have kept their own counsel and taught their officers, when in action, merely to look for their signals and obey them. Each method has its merits, but there can be no compromise between the two. To abandon a plan of action carefully explained beforehand, and well understood by every one concerned, and to substitute for it another which has never been explained at all, is to combine the disadvantages of both methods in the most disastrous fashion, and virtually to proclaim that tactics are of no account at all, that one way of fighting a battle is just as good as another way, especially if those who are to fight it do not know in the least how it is going to be fought. Surely the moral evidence against a Nelson doing this is far more overwhelming than the most cogent of circumstantial evidence to the contrary ever could be. Those who hold this belief must reconcile it, if they can, with his last noble signal, “England expects that every man will do his duty”—with his last dying words, “Thank God, I have done my duty.” For myself, I cannot.
THE LIFE OF NELSON
UNIVERSAL acclaim on this side of the Atlantic has declared *The Life of Nelson* to be a masterpiece eminently worthy of the author of *The Influence of Sea Power on History*. The task undertaken by a modern biographer of Nelson must needs be a supremely difficult one. He has to sustain comparison with a great writer who was never more happily inspired than when he expanded an article originally contributed to *The Quarterly Review* into a classic. He has to do what Southey never attempted—to justify to a generation which has happily never known naval war on a grand scale, the conviction of his contemporaries that Nelson was the greatest seaman that ever lived. He has to grapple with manifold difficulties which are inherent in all forms of biography, and never more baffling than when the canvas on which he paints presents a great historic crisis in the affairs of men largely determined in its issues by the character and achievements of his subject. Moreover, Captain Mahan in particular is confronted with a rivalry which few but himself could sustain. In the far more difficult field of biography he has to maintain a reputation already achieved in another field, in which, by common consent, he stands pre-eminent. It is a mere truism nowadays to say that Captain Mahan has taught all serious students of naval warfare in two worlds how to think rightly on the problems it presents. The phrase "sea power," as applied, though not invented, by him, is one of those happy inspirations of genius which flash the light of philosophy on a whole department of human action. Its analysis in his pre-
1 *Quarterly Review*, January 1898.
vious works is a contribution to human thought of which many of the larger issues and consequences are perhaps even yet unexplored. In this direction, however, he has already done his work so well that he has no new lessons to teach us, though he has many old ones to enforce, when he undertakes to show us Nelson as "the embodiment of the sea power of Great Britain." But he has to justify the title and to convince us that it is not unworthily bestowed. I need waste no time in proving that in this he has triumphantly succeeded. Securus judicat orbis terrarum.
Though purely as a piece of literature the new Life of Nelson is worthy of high praise, yet Captain Mahan has not directly essayed to rival Southey in his own field. Of Nelson, the hero and the idol of his countrymen, Southey still remains the classical biographer. But of Nelson the seaman, "the embodiment of the sea power" of his country, the man who, better than any other that ever lived, understood the eternal principles of sea-warfare, and illustrated them more splendidly, Captain Mahan stands now and henceforth as the one incomparable exponent. It was no part of Southey's purpose to make his Life of Nelson an analysis of Nelson's strategic genius or a commentary on the principles of naval warfare as illustrated by his career. "There is but one Nelson," said the greatest of Nelson's naval contemporaries, the seaman who best understood him. All his countrymen felt the same, and Southey, who wrote only a few years after the hero's death, never attempted to expound Nelson's genius, because he never could have imagined that it would be disputed. It is true that a recent editor of Southey explains the matter quite differently. If we do not find intellectual power in Nelson, the real reason is, we are asked to believe, that intellectual power was by no means one of his conspicuous endowments. In his writings there is no thought, we are told, or at least none "in any higher form than a quite measurable sagacity"; and even in action "it was his misfortune never to have
the highest to do." Manifestly, unless we accept this view of the matter, it was high time for a new Life of Nelson to be written—a biography at once critical and sympathetic, which, accepting St. Vincent's dictum, "There is but one Nelson," might serve to show, as Southey hardly needed to show, and was perhaps scarcely qualified to show, why Nelson was unique, and in what special gifts and aptitudes the unique quality of his genius consisted.
This Captain Mahan has done once for all. It may be that in so rare a character and so vivid a personality as Nelson's, the moral force which sustained him in all emergencies, and communicated itself, by that contagious inspiration which is the surest sign of genius, to all who came in contact with him, was more directly conspicuous than the intellectual power which accompanied and sustained it. But it was the complement of the latter, not a substitute for it. Intellectual power is not displayed merely in the written word or the recorded thought. In the man of action it takes the form of sure insight and rapid intuition, which seize at once on the essential features of a situation and shape action accordingly. Intellectual power of this kind, implicit rather than explicit, displayed in action rather than in the written word, and always associated with an unquenchable fervour of moral impulse, was among Nelson's pre-eminent gifts. No one has ever shown this so well as Captain Mahan, and the following passage must surely settle the whole question. It refers to the moment when Nelson sailed for the Mediterranean in 1798, when he was already an admiral, and after the world had learnt at St. Vincent what manner of man he was:
Before him was now about to open a field of possibilities hitherto unexampled in naval warfare; and for the appreciation of them was needed just those perceptions, intuitive in origin, yet resting firmly on well-ordered rational processes, which, on the intellectual side, distinguished him above all other British seamen. He had
already, in casual comment upon the military conditions surrounding the former Mediterranean campaigns, given indications of these perceptions, which it has been the aim of previous chapters to elicit from his correspondence, and to marshal in such order as may illustrate his mental characteristics. But, for success in war, the indispensable complement of intellectual grasp and insight is a moral power, which enables a man to trust the inner light,—to have faith—a power which dominates hesitation, and sustains action, in the most tremendous emergencies, and which, from the formidable character of the difficulties it is called to confront, is in no men so conspicuously prominent as in those who are entitled to rank among great captains. The two elements—mental and moral power—are often found separately, rarely in due combination. In Nelson they met, and their coincidence with the exceptional opportunities afforded him constituted his good fortune and his greatness.
The intellectual endowment of genius was Nelson's from the first; but from the circumstances of his life it was denied the privilege of early manifestation, such as was permitted to Napoleon. It is, consequently, not so much this as the constant exhibition of moral power, force of character, which gives continuity to his professional career, and brings the successive stages of his advance, in achievement and reputation, from first to last, into the close relation of steady development, subject to no variation save that of healthy and vigorous growth, till he stood unique—above all competition. This it was—not, doubtless, to the exclusion of that reputation for having a head, upon which he justly prided himself—which had already fixed the eyes of his superiors upon him as the one officer, not yet indeed fully tested, most likely to cope with the difficulties of any emergency. In the display of this, in its many self-revelations—in concentration of purpose, untiring energy, fearlessness of responsibility, judgment sound and instant, boundless audacity, promptness, intrepidity, and endurance beyond all proof—the restricted field of Corsica and the Riviera, the subordinate position at Cape St. Vincent, the failure of Teneriffe, had in their measure been as fruitful as the Nile was soon to be, and fell naught behind the bloody harvests of Copenhagen and Trafalgar. Men have been
disposed, therefore, to reckon this moral energy—call it courage, dash, resolution, what you will—as Nelson’s one and only great quality. It was the greatest, as it is in all successful men of action; but to ignore that this mighty motive force was guided by singularly clear and accurate perceptions, upon which also it consciously rested with a firmness of faith that constituted much of its power, is to rob him of a great part of his due renown.
It is thus that Captain Mahan conceives of Nelson and his work, as the finely tempered instrument fashioned by a rare combination of genius with opportunity, and destined thereby to beat back the Napoleonic spirit of aggression and to save England and Europe by the overthrow of the “ablest of historic men.” It will be seen at once that the method appropriate to such an undertaking differs largely and fundamentally from that pursued by Captain Mahan in his previous works. In his historical works the facts are grouped round a central idea—that of sea power. In *The Life of Nelson* the same facts, so far as they are relevant, are grouped round and dominated by a central personality, that of Nelson himself. Nevertheless, the organic relation between the two is persistently and most instructively kept in view. If *The Life of Nelson*, regarded as a biography, is the best and most finished portrait of the hero of Trafalgar ever drawn, it is so because Captain Mahan has eclipsed all his predecessors in his grasp of that philosophy of naval warfare which Nelson was destined so superbly to illustrate in practice. Indeed, it may be said that no one who has not, like Captain Mahan, steadily conceived and profoundly studied “the influence of sea power upon history,” is qualified in these days to write the life of Nelson at all. But this qualification, rare as it is, is not sufficient in itself. History is abstract, biography is concrete. On the historical page the elements of human personality, character, motive, passion, and even prejudice are, for the most part, subordinated to the larger issues of circumstance and event. In biography they are factors never to be overlooked. The historian studies character from the outside, the biographer from the inside. No man will ever be a great biographer who does not see the personality of his subject as an ordered and coherent whole, fashioned to the likeness and consistency of an individual man, who is not endowed with sufficient imagination to reconstruct the living figure out of the scattered and lifeless records of action, thought, and speech.
With this rare gift Captain Mahan shows himself to be endowed in no ordinary measure. He has saturated his mind with Nelson’s despatches and correspondence, so that each critical moment of the great seaman’s career derives appropriate and convincing illustration, not so much from the biographer’s independent reflection as from the power he has thus acquired of shedding on it the light furnished by Nelson’s own unconscious revelation of his thought and character. But such a method has its snares for all but the most fastidious of writers, and Captain Mahan has not entirely escaped them. Unless employed with vigilant self-restraint it encourages iteration and prolixity. It would be too much to say that Captain Mahan repeats himself unduly, but a severe critic will, nevertheless, detect certain passages in which the same ideas, and more or less the same illustrative material, are applied more than once to the elucidation of different incidents and circumstances. Each of such passages may be, and generally is, admirable in itself; but classical severity of form would have been more fully attained by the excision of some of them and the transposition and fusion of others. The strategic exposition is nearly always cogent, lucid, and terse. The historical analysis displays Captain Mahan at his best. If here and there the portrait seems to be a little over-laboured, the fault, such as it is, at any rate attests the conscientiousness of the artist without seriously discrediting his skill.
The skill of the artist is, in fact, the main difficulty of the critic. Mere eulogy is tiresome, and for anything but eulogy there is not much occasion in dealing with so
masterly a production. Nevertheless, there are one or two features in the portrait drawn by Captain Mahan which seem to me to be somewhat less happily touched than the rest, and to these attention will in the main be directed. No biographer of Nelson can overlook his relations with Lady Hamilton or shrink from the task of considering how far they affected his character and career. Nelson’s attitude towards women was that of a man little versed in the ways of society, and endowed by nature with an eager, inflammable, and even volatile temperament. He married in 1787, at the age of twenty-eight, but his biographers record at least two previous attachments. The first occasion was in 1782, when he was on the point of sailing from Quebec, and was only prevented by his friend Davison from offering his hand to a lady, presumably of no very exalted station, for whom he had conceived an ardent attachment. Again, in the next year, Nelson, while staying in France, fell in love at St. Omer with a Miss Andrews, the daughter of an English clergyman, and the sister of a naval officer who afterwards served with him, and is frequently mentioned in his correspondence. On this occasion he wrote with rapture of Miss Andrews’ beauty and accomplishments, and applied to his uncle William Suckling for an allowance of 100l. a year to enable him to marry. The request was granted, but immediately afterwards Nelson returned hastily and unexpectedly to England, and the name of Miss Andrews appears no more in his letters. It seems certain, therefore, that he proposed to her and was refused. Less than two years after this disappointment, in November 1785, he became engaged to Mrs. Nisbet, describing his new attachment in a letter to his uncle as already “of pretty long standing.” But from first to last it lacked the ardour of his former loves. It may be that such love-making as there was was rather on Mrs. Nisbet’s side than on Nelson’s, for she is described in the letter of a friend, who had failed to penetrate Nelson’s silence and reserve, as being “in the habit of
attending to these odd sort of people.” This was in April or May 1785, and at the end of June Nelson writes to his brother, “Do not be surprised to hear I am a Benedict, for, if at all, it will be within a month.” But his attachment for Mrs. Nisbet was never a passion; for though he was quick in his affections, and told his uncle, in announcing his engagement, that he would smile and say, “This Horatio is ever in love,” he seldom, perhaps never, used the language of passion in speaking of her or even in writing to her. To his uncle he wrote nine months after he became engaged, “My affection for her is fixed upon that solid basis of esteem and regard that, I trust, can only increase by a longer knowledge of her”; and to herself he wrote some two months before their marriage, “My love is founded on esteem, the only foundation that can make the passion last.”
This is not the language of a Nelson in love, of the man who could write many years afterwards to Lady Hamilton, “I am ever, for ever, with all my might, with all my strength yours, only yours. My soul is God’s, let Him dispose of it as it seemeth fit to His infinite wisdom; my body is Emma’s.” It is rather the language of a man who has yielded easily, as was his nature, and willingly enough, but certainly not passionately, to the innocent artifices of a lady who had “the habit of attending to these odd sort of people.” His wedded life was founded only on esteem, and the foundation endured, as it was certain to endure in a man of his loyal temper and chivalrous honour, until the volcanic depths of his nature were stirred by the shock of a mighty passion; then it crumbled into dust, as might also have been anticipated in a man of his titanic impulses. He was, in fact, wedded to his profession rather than to his wife, who in truth was little fitted to respond to the heroic impulses of his soul. At last he met his fate in Lady Hamilton, and the quick passions of his youth were once more aflame when the most fascinating woman in Europe threw herself into the arms of the great seaman whose
glorious victory of the Nile had filled the world with his fame. He idealized her as he idealized everything except his relations with his wife, as Captain Mahan shrewdly observes. But there was that in her which, though only "coarsely akin to much that was best in himself," was more akin than anything that Lady Nelson had to give. Probably such affection as she ever felt for him was little more than the flattered vanity and reflected sense of importance which her unfortunate experience of men had forced her to accept in lieu of a genuine and ennobling passion. But she was not without impulses responsive to phases of his nature which his wife had never understood. "It never could have occurred to the energetic, courageous, brilliant Lady Hamilton, after the lofty deeds and stirring dramatic scenes of St. Vincent, to beg him, as Lady Nelson did, 'to leave boarding to captains.' Sympathy, not good taste, would have withheld her."
It was in September 1798 that Nelson first fell under the spell of Lady Hamilton's enchantments. A year later, but more than a year before his final rupture with his wife, he wrote thus coldly of the latter in his brief fragment of autobiography: "In March of this year—1787—I married Frances Herbert Nisbet, widow of Dr. Nisbet, of the Island of Nevis, by whom I have no children." When he wrote these words, in 1799, he must have been conscious of estrangement, though he had as yet no thought of separation. Before he returned to England, rather more than a year afterwards, he must have known that Lady Hamilton was shortly to become a mother, and that, unless he afterwards deceived himself, her child would be his. That he could reconcile it with his honour still to keep up the appearance of conjugal fidelity, and, with his sense of common propriety, to expect his wife to associate with his mistress, is a paradox much more startling than his subsequent relations with Sir William Hamilton himself. Lady Nelson was the last woman alive to accept a situation such as even Harriet Shelley rejected, although she might not know, as we
know, that her husband's relations with Lady Hamilton were an outrage on her wifely dignity. But the point to be observed and insisted on is that the whole of this pitiful tragedy belongs only to the last seven years of Nelson's life. Captain Mahan allows its shadow to overhang his whole career. From first to last throughout his pages we are shown the fatal passion for Lady Hamilton rising up like an avenging Nemesis to besmirch the radiant fame of a man who for nearly forty years of a noble life had been chivalrous as a Lancelot and loyal as an Arthur.
I can discern no sufficient reason in morals, and therefore none in literary art, for this method of treatment. It is often possible, and where possible it is always becoming, for a biographer to draw a veil over the sexual irregularities of great men. Nelson's own conduct disallows such a proceeding in his case. But the biographer is not a censor. It is rather his business, in such a matter, to record than to judge; and so far as judgment is required of him, he is bound to temper it with that charity which "hopeth all things" and "thinketh no evil." There are some men whose riotous and unbridled passions infect and defile the whole tenor of their lives. Nelson was not one of these men. "Doctor, I have not been a great sinner." "Thank God, I have done my duty." "God and my country." These were his last words—the passionate but surely irresistible pleading of a dying man at the bar of posterity and eternity. For forty years Nelson had done his duty to all men. To his dying day he did his duty to his country. For less than seven years he failed to do his duty to his wife and to himself. Why should the seven years of private lapse be allowed to overshadow the splendid devotion of a lifetime to public duty? I can only suppose that by way of protest against the ill-judged efforts of some writers, not of the first rank, to throw a halo of false romance over what was really a very commonplace, and, in some of its aspects, a very ignoble story, Captain Mahan has rightly resolved
to tell it in all its nakedness as it appears in those amazing letters preserved in the Morrison Collection, but has wrongly allowed the natural repulsion so engendered unduly to enlarge the scope of his moral judgment, and to project its condemnation retrospectively over the long period of Nelson’s life which really was nobly free from the taint of illicit passion.”¹
Of course, if it could be shown that Nelson’s professional judgment was warped, and his sense of public duty distorted, by his passion for Lady Hamilton, the attitude assumed by Captain Mahan would be to some extent justified. But on this point I shall endeavour to show that judgment must, on the whole, be given in Nelson’s favour. The battle of Copenhagen is represented by Captain Mahan as Nelson’s most arduous achievement, and in the Trafalgar campaign the whole world has recognized the sign and seal of his genius. On the other hand, no one would deny that during the two years after the battle of the Nile that genius suffered some eclipse. These, of course, were the two years when his passion for Lady Hamilton was in its first transports, when he seemed tied to the Court of the Two Sicilies by other bonds than those of duty, when he annulled the capitulation at Naples and insisted on the trial and execution of Caracciolo, and when he repeatedly disobeyed the orders of Lord Keith. But they were also the years during which his mental balance was more or less disturbed by the wound he had received at the Nile, and his amour-propre was deeply and justly mortified by the deplorable blunder of the Admiralty in appointing Lord Keith to the chief
¹ In a later essay on “Subordination in Historical Treatment,” republished in his work on Naval Administration and Warfare, Captain Mahan refers, very good-humouredly, to this or to some similar criticism, and avows that he regards it as a compliment paid to the artistic success he has unwittingly achieved. Nevertheless his apologia seems to me to imply a theory of biographical method which belongs rather to the domain of art than to that of history proper. It is the method of the Greek tragedians and of the painter who gave us “The Shadow of the Cross”; but it does not seem to me to be the function of biography to let coming events cast their shadows before in this way.
command in succession to Lord St. Vincent. "Cessante causa cessat et effectus" is not a maxim of universal application; but combined with what logicians call "the method of difference," it may reasonably be held to sustain the contention that the influence of Lady Hamilton, which ceased only with Nelson's life, cannot have been the sole cause, even if it was a contributory cause, of an attitude and temper of mind which lasted only while other causes were in operation and disappeared with their cessation. The evil spirit which beset him, whatever it may have been, had been exorcised for ever by the time that he entered the Sound. Never in his whole career did his rare combination of gifts, professional and personal—"concentration of purpose, untiring energy, fearlessness of responsibility, judgment sound and instant, boundless audacity, promptness, intrepidity, and endurance beyond all proof"—shine forth more brilliantly than it did at Copenhagen. Yet the influence of Lady Hamilton was not less potent then and afterwards than it was during the period of eclipse. There are no letters in the Morrison Collection more passionate than those which Nelson wrote to Lady Hamilton at this time, none which show more clearly that, as regards Lady Hamilton, and yet only in that relation, his mental balance was still more than infirm, his moral fibre utterly disorganized.
It was during this period of moral hallucination that Nelson wrote his last heartless letter to his wife, in which he says of her son, that "he may again, as he has often done before, wish me to break my neck, and be abetted in it by his friends, who are likewise my enemies"; and concludes, with amazing self-deception and a brutality utterly foreign to his real nature, "I have done my duty as an honest, generous man, and I neither want nor wish for anybody to care what becomes of me, whether I return, or am left in the Baltic. Living, I have done all in my power for you, and if dead, you will find I have done the same; therefore, my only wish is, to be left
to myself; and wishing you every happiness, believe that I am your affectionate Nelson and Bronte.” Two days later he was writing to Lady Hamilton: “I worship—nay, adore you, and if you was single and I found you under a hedge, I would instantly marry you”; and over and over again he assures her that he has never loved any other woman. But he wilfully deceived himself when he wrote of his wife to Lady Hamilton, a few days after the battle of Copenhagen: “He does not, nor cannot, care about her; he believes she has a most unfeeling heart.” For conduct and language such as this there can be no excuse, unless indeed passion and genius are held to be a law to themselves.
On the other hand, I find it hard to follow Captain Mahan in holding his conduct towards Sir William Hamilton to be equally inexcusable. It seems to be more than probable that Sir William Hamilton never deceived himself, and that if Lady Hamilton and Nelson ever pretended to deceive him, it was only as part of a comedy played by all three of them with their eyes open, for the purpose of deceiving others. It is certain that, during his absence at sea in the early part of 1801, Nelson believed, and was tortured by the belief, that Sir William Hamilton was scheming to sell his wife to the Prince of Wales, and was only waiting for the latter to be proclaimed Prince Regent in order to sell her at a higher figure. He could hardly be expected to be very careful of the honour of a man whom he thought capable of such baseness; and so complete was his moral hallucination that he was probably quite capable of thinking that the obligation of friendship really rested, not upon himself, but on the complaisant husband and friend, who, having assigned his conjugal rights to another, was not at liberty to traffic in them further without the consent of the assignee. It is true that in his will Sir William Hamilton called Nelson his dearest friend, and described him as “the most virtuous, loyal, and truly brave character I have ever met with.” But this can only have been the final
touch given by a master-hand to the comedy he deliberately chose to play when he consented to share with his friend the affections of the "fine woman," as he called her, who had been his mistress before she became his wife.
*Qui trompe-t-on ici?*
Now all this moral confusion in Nelson's personal sentiments and conduct was contemporary with one of the most brilliant of his public achievements. Nelson was never more himself than during the Baltic campaign. He was least like himself during the two years which preceded it. The influence of Lady Hamilton was common to both periods, and, as I have shown, the latter period was marked by circumstances peculiarly trying to a man of Nelson's passionate and eager temperament. Yet in this case the needle did not swerve by a hair's breadth from the pole of duty, endeavour, and achievement. If it seemed to swerve for a time in the Mediterranean, surely the cause of deflection must be sought elsewhere than in an influence which, though still operative with not less intensity at Copenhagen, was there powerless to effect the slightest adverse disturbance. Now we have seen that there were other disturbing elements at work in the Mediterranean. It is true that a few days after his arrival at Naples from the Nile Nelson wrote to his father, "My head is quite healed." But though the acute symptoms which troubled him for some weeks had subsided, it seems likely enough that some more or less permanent effects remained of a wound so severe that at first he thought it mortal, and showed themselves at intervals for the rest of his life in a peevish, despondent, and quasi-hysterical temper.¹
¹ I would instance, as collateral evidence on this point, the portrait of Nelson which appears as a frontispiece to this volume. It was painted at Palermo, for Sir William Hamilton, in 1799, by Leonardo Guzzardi, a Neapolitan artist who also painted two other portraits of Nelson about the same time. One of these was presented to the Sultan of Turkey, and the other is, or was, in the possession of Mrs. Alfred Morrison. The portrait reproduced in this volume now hangs in the Board Room at the Admiralty, and a tablet affixed to it states that it was painted just after Nelson's recovery from a
hypothesis is not necessary to explain Nelson's conduct at this period. It is urged that he allowed the influence of Lady Hamilton, the blandishments of her friend the Queen, and the flatteries of the Court, to imbue him with an undue sense of the particular interests of the Two Sicilies, and to persuade him that they were really the paramount factor in the general trust placed in his hands. It is doubtful, however, whether he needed any such persuasion. A student of naval history, Nelson was not likely to forget the battle of Cape Passaro and the instructions issued to Byng. Long before the battle of the Nile he had persuaded himself of the importance of Naples and its kingdom. In the critical letter of October 3, 1798, apparently the first he ever wrote to Lady Hamilton, he says: "The anxiety which you and Sir William Hamilton have always had for the happiness of their Sicilian Majesties was also planted in me five years past." When Jervis was ordered to withdraw from the Mediterranean in 1796, it was for the desertion of Naples that Nelson's regrets were most poignant; and Captain Mahan himself admits that, "in the impression now made upon him, may perhaps be seen one cause of Nelson's somewhat extravagant affection in after days for the royal family of Naples, independent of any influence exerted upon him by Lady Hamilton." It is true that when he first returned from the Levant he took a larger and juster view of the general situation, and seemed to recognize that the main object of his efforts should be the destruction of the French army in the East and the severe fever. It is very unlike most of the other portraits of Nelson known to me, and its expression is that of a man who is not at ease with himself. This may be due to Nelson's passion for Lady Hamilton, which was at the time in its first transports; but there are at least two other vera causæ to be taken into account. One is the wound received by Nelson at the Nile, the traces of which are very visible in the portrait, and the other is the severe fever from which he suffered at Palermo just before the portrait was painted. I claim this portrait, therefore, as collateral evidence for the view I have advanced in the text, and it is for that reason that I have sought and obtained the permission of the Board of Admiralty to reproduce it, although it is not in itself a very pleasing presentation of the hero of the Nile.
recovery of the Mediterranean positions captured by Napoleon. But apart from any influence of Lady Hamilton or of the Neapolitan Court, his change of view was subsequently justified, as Captain Mahan allows, by the instructions sent to St. Vincent after the victory of the Nile. Long before he received these instructions Nelson had anticipated their purport, and largely by his influence and advice Naples was precipitated into war. As the event showed, it was a very ill-judged proceeding; but it may well have commended itself to Nelson for reasons quite independent of anything that Lady Hamilton or the Queen might say or do. He had rightly, or wrongly, come to the conclusion that, as he wrote to St. Vincent on October 4, "War at this moment can alone save these kingdoms." There is no doubt that Lady Hamilton was the medium of communication with the Queen and Court, and that Nelson's advice was rather forced upon the Neapolitan Ministers than sought for by them. But Nelson assures St. Vincent in the same letter that he has not "said or done anything without the approbation of Sir William Hamilton"; adding, however, "His Excellency is too good to them, and the strong language of an English Admiral telling them plain truths of their miserable system may do good." He had previously said in the same letter, "This country by its system of procrastination will ruin itself; the Queen sees this, and thinks as we do." On this Captain Mahan observes, "That Lady Hamilton was one of the 'we' is very plain." It is very far from plain from the context of the letter itself. Lady Hamilton had only once been mentioned in his letters to St. Vincent written after his arrival at Naples, and then only in the following terms, on September 29: "This being my birthday, Lady Hamilton gives a fête." The next day he wrote, "I trust my Lord in a week we shall all be at sea. I am very unwell, and the miserable conduct of this Court is not likely to cool my irritable temper. It is a country of fiddlers and poets, wh—s and scoundrels"—an opinion which it would
certainly have been well for Nelson’s fame and happiness if he had continued to entertain. It was five days before this, on September 25, that he wrote to his father “If it were necessary, I could not at present leave Italy,” so that this expression cannot be pressed as showing that Lady Hamilton had already cast her spells around him. In these circumstances it is almost incredible that the “we” of the letter of October 4 to St. Vincent should have been intended by the writer to include Lady Hamilton, and very unlikely that St. Vincent should so have understood it. It is far more probable that it merely indicates Nelson’s conviction that St. Vincent would think as he did—as in fact he did, for he wrote to Nelson on October 28, apparently in answer to the letter under discussion, “You’re great in the Cabinet as on the Ocean, and your whole conduct fills me with admiration and confidence”; nor would his suspicions be aroused any more than his confidence was shaken by the concluding words of Nelson’s letter: “I am writing opposite Lady Hamilton, therefore you will not be surprised at the glorious jumble of this letter. . . . Naples is a dangerous place, and we must keep clear of it.”
Yet it must be acknowledged that Nelson’s judgment was gravely at fault when he urged the Neapolitan Government to make war at once. But even when Mack was defeated, and the King’s army routed, he never seems to have repented of the advice he had given—which had, as we have seen, the concurrence of St. Vincent—and still held that he had judged the situation correctly. His real mistake was that he took Mack to be a man like himself, and failed to realize, as he should have done, that the Neapolitan army was worthless as a fighting force. But he was not without grave misgivings when he came to understand what manner of man Mack was. On October 9 he wrote to Lord Spencer, “I have formed my opinion; I heartily pray I may be mistaken.” All his other errors followed almost inevitably from the initial mistake of not acting on the opinion here recorded.
When he left Naples, after refitting his fleet, he wrote to Lord Spencer, "Naples sees this squadron no more, except the King calls for our help." Far sooner than he expected, the King did call for his help. He was back at Naples before the end of the year, and with the efficient aid of Lady Hamilton—in this crisis indispensable, and certainly given with rare address and devotion—he succeeded in carrying off the Royal Family to Palermo.
Here for several months his personal conduct was deplorably wanting in discretion and dignity, and provocative of much open scandal; but there is little or no evidence to show that his growing infatuation affected in any material degree his sense of professional duty or his discharge of the obligations it imposed on him. It is true that Syracuse had originally been selected by him as his intended base of operations, and that his abandonment of this intention, as Captain Mahan remarks, "suggests the idea, which he himself avows, that his own presence with the Court was political rather than military in its utility." But Captain Mahan also points out that the preference for Palermo rests upon sound strategic considerations, which may very well have been present to Nelson's mind, though he does not specifically mention them. Again, though he seemed to tarry at Palermo when he might have been better employed elsewhere, there was for the moment no urgent call to take him elsewhere. When the call came, with the entry of Bruix into the Mediterranean, he responded to it with a promptitude and decision all his own. "An emergency so great and so imminent," writes Captain Mahan, "drew out all his latent strength, acute judgment, and promptitude." Measures were instantly taken for the concentration of his forces in a position best calculated to intercept the enemy and to frustrate his designs, and even when Duckworth refused to join him he never faltered for a moment:
"I am under no apprehension for the safety of His Majesty's squadron," he said in a circular letter to his
scattered vessels, designed to heighten their ardour. "On the contrary, from the very high state of discipline of the ships, I am confident, should the enemy force us to battle, that we shall cut a very respectable figure; and if Admiral Duckworth joins, not one moment shall be lost in my attacking the enemy." To St. Vincent he expressed himself with the sober, dauntless resolution of a consummate warrior, who recognized that opportunities must be seized, and detachments, if need be, sacrificed, for the furtherance of a great common object. "Your Lordship may depend that the squadron under my command shall never fall into the hands of the enemy; and before we are destroyed, I have little doubt but the enemy will have their wings so completely clipped that they may be easily overtaken"—by you. In this temper he waited. It is this clear perception of the utility of his contemplated grapple with superior numbers, and not the headlong valour and instinct for fighting that unquestionably distinguished him, which constitutes the excellence of Nelson's genius.
This is not the portrait of a man who has allowed the wiles of a woman to lure him from the path of duty and to silence the promptings of his own matchless genius for war.
I need not consider in detail the two most controverted episodes in Nelson's career, the capitulation of Naples and the execution of Caracciolo, which occurred in immediate sequence to his vigorous but fruitless efforts to intercept Bruix. Captain Mahan holds that Nelson was within his rights in disallowing the capitulation. He does not doubt that "Nelson had been given full power by the King of the two Sicilies to act as his representative," though there exists no documentary evidence of the fact. But he comments with some severity on the epithet "infamous," applied by Nelson to the instrument he set aside in a letter written a fortnight afterwards to Lord Spencer. "Such an adjective, deliberately applied after the first heat of the moment had passed, is, in its injustice, a clear indication of the frame of mind under the domination of which he was." The domination of
this frame of mind must be admitted, and need not be defended; but its seeds were sown long before Nelson ever saw Lady Hamilton, and there is no direct evidence that its growth was unduly fostered by her influence.
Similar reasoning applies to the execution of Caracciolo. This, Captain Mahan regards as, like the treatment of the capitulation, technically unimpeachable, but morally reprehensible, and here his opinion is, in my judgment, not only unassailable in substance, but expressed with singular felicity:
Nelson himself failed to sustain the dispassionate and magnanimous attitude that befitted the admiral of a great squadron, so placed as to have the happy chance to moderate the excesses which commonly follow the triumph of parties in intestine strife. But, however he then or afterwards may have justified his course to his own conscience, his great offence was against his own people. To his secondary and factitious position of delegate from the King of Naples, he virtually sacrificed the consideration due to his inalienable character of representative of the King and State of Great Britain. He should have remembered that the act would appear to the world, not as that of the Neapolitan plenipotentiary, but of the British officer; and that his nation, while liable like others to bursts of unreasoning savagery, in its normal moods delights to see justice clothed in orderly forms, unstained by precipitation or suspicion of perversion, advancing to its ends with the majesty of law, without unseemly haste, providing things honest in the sight of all men. That he did not do so, when he could have done so, has been intuitively felt; and to the instinctive resentment thus aroused among his countrymen has been due the facility with which the worst has been too easily believed.
Nevertheless the biographer himself acquits Nelson in this case of the suspicion which long rested on him of having yielded his better judgment to sinister and secret influences.
There remains the question of Nelson’s subsequent
disobedience of Lord Keith. Now there is no disguising the fact that Nelson’s genius was splendidly impatient of mediocrity, and never submitted tamely to its authority. He chafed under Hotham as he chafed under Hyde Parker, and he disobeyed both. In fact his whole career is perhaps more remarkable for the light it throws on the conditions and limits of military obedience than for any other single characteristic. “You did as you pleased in Lord Hood’s time,” said some one to him in 1796, “the same in Admiral Hotham’s, and now again with Sir John Jervis; it makes no difference to you who is commander-in-chief.” With men like Lord Hood and Sir John Jervis—men whose genius and impulses were akin to his own, and from whom he certainly derived no small share of inspiration—he could do as he liked, without fear of disciplinary collision, because between him and them there existed perfect confidence and complete understanding. Even Parker, for whom Nelson entertained no great respect, had the good sense and magnanimity to approve, or at any rate not to censure, an act of disobedience more direct but not less splendid, which the popular imagination has ever since seized upon as one of the most glorious episodes in Nelson’s career. Hotham, too, sanctioned by acquiescence an act of disobedience which Nelson acknowledged and defended. “The orders I have given,” he said, “are strong, and I know not how my admiral will approve of them, for they are, in a great measure, contrary to those he gave me; but the service requires strong and vigorous measures to bring the war to a conclusion.” Hotham subsequently approved, recognizing no doubt that, as Nelson said, “political courage in an officer abroad is as highly necessary as military courage”; and in this connection Captain Mahan takes occasion to expound what seems to be unimpeachable doctrine:
It is possible to recognize the sound policy, the moral courage, and the correctness of such a step in the particular instance, without at all sanctioning the idea that an officer may be justified in violating orders, because he thinks it right. The justification rests not upon what he thinks, but upon the attendant circumstances which prove that he is right; and, if he is mistaken, if the conditions have not warranted the infraction of the fundamental principle of military efficiency,—obedience,—he must take the full consequences of his error, however honest he may have been. Nor can the justification of disobedience fairly rest upon any happy consequences that follow upon it, though it is a commonplace to say that the result is very apt to determine the question of reward or blame. There is a certain confusion of thought prevalent on this matter, most holding the rule of obedience too absolutely, others tending to the disorganizing view that the integrity of the intention is sufficient; the practical result, and for the average man the better result, being to shun the grave responsibility of departing from the letter of the order. But all this only shows more clearly the great professional courage and professional sagacity of Nelson, that he so often assumed such a responsibility, and so generally—with, perhaps, but a single exception—was demonstrably correct in his action.
Now it may be conceded at once that none of the tests here applied to Nelson’s previous acts of disobedience—acts which were really among the most cogent proofs of his transcendent genius for war—will apply to the “single exception” indicated by Captain Mahan,—the case, namely, of his persistent disobedience to the orders of Lord Keith. As before, he felt he was right, and never could be brought to admit that he was wrong. But as Captain Mahan pointedly observes, “no military tribunal can possibly accept a man’s conscience as the test of obedience.” On former occasions he had acted contrary to orders, it is true, but fairly within the limits of his own responsibility and discretion, and in the assured confidence, justified by the event, that his superior would have acted as he did had he known the circumstances—in other words, that his estimate of the situation was a sound one, and that his
action was in accordance with right reason, taking a just view of all the conditions of the case. This is not to plead the *ex post facto* justification of success, but to insist on the antecedent justification of an appeal to right reason sanctioned in the event by the concurrent judgment of those authorized by their position or entitled by their experience to decide. But a far wider issue is raised by his refusal to obey Lord Keith; and though little exception need be taken to Captain Mahan's treatment of it, it is worth while to point out, first, that Keith manifestly rated the strategic value of Minorca far too highly, since its security must in all cases have depended on the general situation in the Mediterranean and on the supremacy of the British flag in that sea; and secondly, that only a few months before Keith himself had afforded a precedent, technically unimpeachable though strategically quite indefensible, when, neglecting St. Vincent's instructions, he finally lost the opportunity of intercepting Bruix by going direct to Minorca instead of taking a position off the Bay of Rosas. "Although a military tribunal may think me criminal," said Nelson, "the world will approve my conduct." The world has done nothing of the kind. It has felt, rightly in the main, that for this once Nelson allowed his self-esteem, even if no less worthy motive were at work, to get the better of his sense of military duty. No great harm came of it in the end; but if we cannot allow mere success to justify disobedience as such, still less can we allow lack of evil consequences to be pleaded as the justification of disobedience not otherwise defensible.
Nevertheless, extenuating circumstances may, and indeed in justice ought to be, pleaded. Such a man as Nelson never should have been placed under the orders of such a man as Lord Keith. When St. Vincent resigned the command-in-chief, none but Nelson should have succeeded him. The appointment of Lord Keith was little short of grotesque, and Nelson was the last man not to feel it bitterly. He knew his own value, and perhaps his
self-esteem was only saved from degenerating into vanity by his real greatness of soul. The great-souled man, says Aristotle, is one who, being worthy of great things, deems himself to be so. The definition applies pre-eminently to Nelson. Not to deem himself the fittest man to succeed St. Vincent would have been unworthy of the victor of the Nile. Not to resent the preference given to Lord Keith would have been a submissiveness quite foreign to Nelson's nature and altogether incompatible with his genius. "It is not every one," says Captain Mahan, "that can handle an instrument of such trenchant power, yet delicate temper, as Nelson's sensitive genius." St. Vincent had done it, because he was himself a man of Nelson's mould. Lord Keith, on the other hand, "was an accomplished and gallant officer, methodical, attentive, and correct, but otherwise he rose little above the commonplace; and while he could not ignore Nelson's great achievements, he does not seem to have had the insight which could appreciate the rare merit underlying them, nor the sympathetic temperament which could allow for his foibles." Herein, I am convinced, lies the real and only secret of Nelson's disobedience in this case. Nelson was not a Samson caught in Delilah's toils, but the piteous victim of that bitterest of pangs, the sense of thwarted genius, as the father of history calls it in one of the saddest sentences ever penned: Ἐχθίστη ὀδύνη πολλὰ φρονέοντά περ μηδενὸς κρατέειν. His position may be illustrated by two well-known anecdotes. "My Lord," said the great Lord Chatham to the Duke of Devonshire, "I am sure that I can save this country, and that no one else can." This was Nelson's feeling; and assuredly, if he could not save his country, it was not at all likely that Lord Keith would. Again, when the younger Pitt was invited to join Addington's ministry, he was informed that his brother, the Earl of Chatham, was to be Prime Minister. Here the negotiation ended. "Really," said Pitt, "I had not the curiosity to ask what I was to be." Nelson, who, without being consulted
in the matter, had had to serve under Keith, would certainly have sympathized with his old friend.
The consideration of Nelson’s relations with Lady Hamilton and of their influence on his professional conduct has carried me far in the analysis of his character and the survey of his career. I have dwelt on it at length for that reason, and also because it is now almost the only question regarding Nelson which still remains open to controversy. There are three questions which must naturally suggest themselves to the critic of any new biography of Nelson:—Does the biographer draw a convincing portrait of Nelson as a man? Does he explain his pre-eminence as a seaman in terms of his character and career? Does he take a just view of the moral catastrophe of his life? To two of these questions the answer must be an affirmative so emphatic as almost to supersede detailed criticism. To the third, as we have seen, the answer must be more hesitating, though even here the faithful biographer may be more easily excused for leaning to the side of severity than for yielding to the maudlin sentiment which allows the glamour of a rather tawdry romance to silence the moral judgment altogether, and to obscure the pitiful tragedy of a hero dragged by his senses into the mire of an unworthy passion.\(^1\) If it be further asked whether Captain Mahan is a better exponent than his predecessors of Nelson’s unparalleled genius for war and of the historic import of his campaigns, it suffices to answer once for all that he is the author of the *Influence of Sea Power upon History*. In this domain he is without a rival.
There is one other point, however, on which I am constrained with no little reluctance, and with profound respect for a judgment and authority which I cannot pretend to rival, in some measure to join issue with Captain Mahan. The doctrine of the “fleet in being,” as
\(^1\) There are letters in the Morrison Collection, too coarse to quote, which show plainly enough that Nelson’s infatuation for Lady Hamilton was essentially and passionately physical, and never rose to the level of an ennobling and redeeming inspiration.
originally formulated by Torrington after the battle of Beachy Head, and expounded in his comments on that action by Admiral Colomb, has more than once been advanced in former writings of my own as pregnant with instruction and worthy of all acceptance. It is, says Captain Mahan, a doctrine or opinion which "has received extreme expression...and apparently undergone equally extreme misconception." To the latter proposition I can assent without reserve; whether the former applies to myself I am not greatly concerned to inquire. It will suffice to recall my own definition of the doctrine, and to show, as I think I can, that it is little, if at all, at variance with the opinions repeatedly advanced by Captain Mahan and illustrated in the most brilliant and convincing fashion by Nelson's practice from first to last. Indeed, if I were to say that Nelson's strategic practice and his biographer's luminous exposition of it are both alike saturated with the doctrine of the "fleet in being," I should, in my own judgment, only be insisting on the characteristic merit of both.
He who contemplates a military enterprise of any moment across the sea, must first secure freedom of transit for his troops. To do this he must either defeat, mask, or keep at a distance, any hostile force which is strong enough, if left to itself, to interfere with his movements. In default of one or other of these alternatives it is safe to say, either that his enterprise will not be undertaken, or that it will fail. This is the true doctrine of the fleet in being—which is a fleet strategically at large, not itself in assured command of the sea, but strong enough to deny that command to its adversary by strategic and tactical dispositions adapted to the circumstances of the case.
So I wrote some years ago in discussing "The Armada."¹ The fact is that the doctrine of the fleet in being is merely a definition of the conditions which, so long as they exist,
¹ *The Navy and the Nation*, p. 158.
are incompatible with an established command of the sea. "I consider," said the late Sir Geoffrey Hornby, "that I have command of the sea when I am able to tell my Government that they can move an expedition to any point without fear of interference from an enemy's fleet." In other words, a fleet in being, as defined above, is, in the judgment of that great seaman, incompatible with an established command of the sea; and to any one who is prepared to maintain that Sir Geoffrey Hornby would ever have undertaken to conduct a military enterprise of any moment across the sea without having first established his command of the sea to be crossed, it must suffice to say, Naviget Anticyram.
Now let us see how far Captain Mahan really traverses the propositions advanced above. After the siege and reduction of Bastia, the British troops in Corsica were placed in transports which assembled in the bay of San Fiorenzo, under the convoy of Nelson in the Agamemnon, with a view to the immediate prosecution of the siege of Calvi. Just previously a French fleet of seven sail of the line put to sea from Toulon unresisted by Hotham, who was watching off that port. Hotham, having failed to intercept them, fell back upon Calvi, which he regarded as their objective, and was there joined by Hood with the main body of the British fleet. Having obtained information of the enemy's whereabouts, Hood at once made sail in pursuit, and, as Captain Mahan relates, "in the afternoon of June 10th, caught sight of the enemy, but so close in with the shore that they succeeded in towing their ships under the protection of the batteries in Golfe Jouan"—generally called Gourjean by Nelson—"where for lack of wind, he was unable to follow them for some days, during which they had time to strengthen their position beyond his powers of offence. Hotham's error was irreparable." In other words, the French fleet had been allowed by Hotham to escape, and therefore still to remain a formidable strategic menace. Baffled by an enemy whom he could not reach, Hood remained to
watch him, and sent Nelson back in the *Agamemnon*, to resume the work of embarking the troops from Bastia. In a few days the whole force, consisting of the *Agamemnon*, two smaller ships of war, and twenty-two transports, was anchored at San Fiorenzo.
Here he met General Stuart. The latter was anxious to proceed at once with the siege of Calvi, but asked Nelson whether he thought it proper to take the shipping to that exposed position; alluding to the French fleet that had left Toulon, and which Hood was then seeking, Nelson's reply is interesting, as reflecting the judgment of a warrior at once prudent and enterprising, concerning the influence of a hostile "fleet in being" upon a contemplated detached operation. "I certainly thought it right," he said, "placing the firmest reliance that we should be perfectly safe under Lord Hood's protection, who would take care that the French fleet at Gourjean should not molest us." To Hood he wrote a week later: "I believed ourselves safe under your Lordship's wing." At this moment he thought the French to be nine sail of the line to the British thirteen,—no contemptible inferior force. Yet that he recognized the possible danger from such a detachment is also clear; for, writing two days earlier, under the same belief as to the enemy's strength, and speaking of the expected approach of an important convoy, he says: "I hope they will not venture up till Lord Hood can get off Toulon, or wherever the French fleet are got to." When a particular opinion has received the extreme expression now given to that concerning the "fleet in being," and apparently has undergone equally extreme misconception, it is instructive to recur to the actual effect of such a force, upon the practice of a man with whom moral effect was never in excess of the facts of the case, whose imagination produced to him no paralysing picture of remote contingencies. Is it probable that, with the great issues of 1690 at stake, Nelson, had he been in Tourville's place, would have deemed the crossing of the Channel by French troops impossible, because of Torrington's "fleet in being"?
Certainly Nelson, had he been in Tourville's place, could not have deemed the crossing of the Channel by
French troops impossible so long as he "could place the firmest reliance that he would be perfectly safe under some Lord Hood's protection, who would take care that Torrington's fleet, whether at the Gunfleet or elsewhere, should not molest him." But in order to establish anything like a parallel to Torrington's case, it would be necessary to suppose that Nelson would have sanctioned the descent on Calvi and the prosecution of the siege if Lord Hood's force had not been in a position to protect him. He neglected the menace of the French fleet only because he believed that force to be effectually masked, and himself to be perfectly safe "under Lord Hood's wing." Even the justly high authority of Captain Mahan cannot persuade me that this incident affords a proof or even a presumption that Nelson would have thought it prudent to transport the troops from San Fiorenzo to Calvi, and to prosecute the siege of the latter, if the French fleet had not been, as he believed, masked by Hood. On the contrary, the whole subsequent story, so well told and so admirably appreciated in all its strategic implications by Captain Mahan, of the proceedings of this fleet, of Hotham's failure to destroy it on two occasions, when, in Nelson's judgment at any rate, he had the opportunity, of its potent and even its disastrous influence on the campaign until it was finally destroyed by Nelson himself at the Nile, is to my mind a most pregnant and conclusive proof that the doctrine of the fleet in being was one which Nelson uniformly illustrated in practice, even if he did not always fully grasp it in theory.
That the doctrine has two distinct aspects is a proposition so obvious as scarcely to need stating. For an admiral who seeks to command the sea it means that the only way to secure that end is to dispose of, that is, to destroy, mask, or otherwise neutralize, any and every organized force capable of interfering with his movements. This is what Nelson meant when he wrote to Lord St. Vincent, "Not one moment shall be lost in bringing the
enemy to battle; for I consider the best defence for his Sicilian Majesty's dominions is to place myself alongside the French." This also is the basis and justification of his criticism of Hotham, and of his own dogged pursuit in later days of Villeneuve to the West Indies and back again. The Toulon fleet was always "my fleet," as he called it, the fleet which it was his business, whatever happened, to watch, pursue, and destroy. As it was at the Nile and at Trafalgar, so it was at Copenhagen. The organized naval force of the enemy was the one objective which Nelson ever placed before himself. He implored Hotham on March 14 to pursue the enemy and destroy him there and then. "Sure I am," he said, "had I commanded our fleet on the 14th, that either the whole French fleet would have graced my triumph, or I should have been in a confounded scrape." But Hotham, "much cooler than myself, said, 'We must be contented, we have done very well.' Now had we taken ten sail, and had allowed the eleventh to escape, when it had been possible to have got at her, I could never have called it well done." And surely the doctrine of the fleet in being as it applies to the dispositions of an admiral who seeks to command the sea, could not be better stated than it is stated by Captain Mahan in his comment on this engagement:
The fact is, neither Hotham nor his opponent, Martin, was willing to hazard a decisive naval action, but wished merely to obtain a temporary advantage,—the moment's safety, no risks. "I have good reason," wrote Hotham in his despatch, "to hope, from the enemy's steering to the westward after having passed our fleet, that whatever might have been their design, their intentions are for the present frustrated." It is scarcely necessary to say that a man who looks no further ahead than this, who fails to realize that the destruction of the enemy's fleet is the one condition of permanent safety to his cause, will not rise to the conception presented to him on his quarter-deck by Nelson. The latter, whether by the sheer intuition of genius, which is most probable, or by the result of wellordered reasoning, which is less likely, realized fully that to destroy the French fleet was the one thing for which the British fleet was there, and the one thing by doing which it could decisively affect the war.
On the other hand, an admiral who is not for the moment strong enough to seize the command of the sea, must endeavour so to use his own fleet in being as to prevent that command passing to his enemy. This was what Torrington did; and this, too, was what Nelson, after Hotham had twice failed to destroy the French fleet, found himself compelled to do. It is not to be supposed that Torrington imagined for a moment that the fleet which, in spite of the disastrous orders of Mary and Nottingham, he had saved from destruction, would by its mere existence prevent a French invasion. He had kept it in being in order that he might use it offensively whenever the occasion should arise. His own words are decisive on this point: "Whilst we observe the French, they cannot make any attempt on ships or shore, without running a great hazard; and if we are beaten, all is exposed to their mercy." These words, it is true, were written before the battle of Beachy Head; but they enunciate the principle which governed his conduct in that action, and was afterwards to be stated in language which, in spite of all that has been said, I, for one, must still regard as embodying the quintessence of naval strategy, "I always said that whilst we had a fleet in being they would not dare to make an attempt." It is no doubt quite true, as Mr. David Hannay says in his introduction to the Letters of Sir Samuel Hood, that "the fleet in being must be strong enough for its work, and that the admiral in command of it must not merely trust to his presence to deter the enemy"; but when the same writer adds that an admiral in such a case "must strike at once and hard," he seems to me entirely to miss the point. Strike hard such an admiral must when he does strike, even if his stroke involves the loss of his whole fleet; but the time at which he should strike
thus must be determined by circumstances and opportunity. To sacrifice his whole fleet, as Nottingham and Mary would have had Torrington do, without frustrating the enemy's purpose, may be magnificent, but it is not war. Nelson, as Captain Mahan tells us, "expressed with the utmost decision his clear appreciation that even a lost battle, if delivered at the right point or at the right moment, would frustrate the ulterior objects of the enemy, by crippling the force on which they depended." But though he was thus prepared to strike hard when the time came, he was certainly by no means eager to strike at once and before the time came. On this point, at any rate, there is no room for doubt, either as to his own views or as to those of his biographer. In his vivid narrative of the final pursuit of Villeneuve, Captain Mahan pauses to interpolate the following impressive comment:
It was about this time that Nelson expressed to one or more of his captains his views as to what he had so far effected, what he had proposed to do if he had met the hostile fleets, and what his future course would be if they were yet found. "I am thankful that the enemy have been driven from the West India Islands with so little loss to our Country. I had made up my mind to great sacrifices; for I had determined, notwithstanding his vast superiority, to stop his career, and to put it out of his power to do any further mischief. Yet do not imagine I am one of those hot-brained people, who fight at an immense disadvantage, without an adequate object. My object is partly gained," that is, the allies had been forced out of the West Indies. "If we meet them, we shall find them not less than eighteen, I rather think twenty sail of the line, and therefore do not be surprised if I do not fall on them immediately: we won't part without a battle. I think they will be glad to leave me alone, if I will let them alone; which I will do, either till we approach the shores of Europe, or they give me an advantage too tempting to be resisted."
It is rare to find so much sagacious appreciation of conditions, combined with so much exalted resolution and sound discretion, as in this compact utterance.
Among the external interests of Great Britain, the West Indies were the greatest. They were critically threatened by the force he was pursuing; therefore at all costs that force should be so disabled, that it could do nothing effective against the defences with which the scattered islands were provided. For this end he was prepared to risk the destruction of his squadron. The West Indies were now delivered; but the enemy's force remained, and other British interests. Three months before, he had said, "I had rather see half my squadron burnt than risk what the French fleet may do in the Mediterranean." In the same spirit he now repeats: "Though we are but eleven to eighteen or twenty, we won't part without a battle." Why fight such odds? He himself has told us a little later. "By the time the enemy has beat our fleet soundly, they will do us no harm this year." Granting this conclusion,—the reasonableness of which was substantiated at Trafalgar,—it cannot be denied that the sacrifice would be justified, the enemy's combination being disconcerted. Yet there shall be no headlong, reckless attack. "I will leave them alone till they offer me an opportunity too tempting to be resisted,"—that speaks for itself,—or, "until we approach the shores of Europe," when the matter can no longer be deferred, and the twenty ships must be taken out of Napoleon's hosts, even though eleven be destroyed to effect this. The preparedness of mind is to be noted, and yet more the firmness of the conviction, in the strength of which alone such deeds are done. It is the man of faith who is ever the man of works.
Singularly enough, his plans were quickly to receive the best of illustrations by the failure of contrary methods. Scarcely a month later fifteen British ships, under another admiral, met these twenty, which Nelson with eleven now sought in vain. They did not part without a battle, but they did part without a decisive battle; they were not kept in sight afterwards; they joined and were incorporated with Napoleon's great armada; they had further wide opportunities of mischief; and there followed for the people of Great Britain a period of bitter suspense and wide-spread panic.
Now it may be that Torrington was rather a Calder
than a Nelson; but even if so much be granted, all that the admission proves is that Torrington, though he enunciated a sound doctrine and gave it expression in very memorable words, did not apply it as Nelson would have done. That is a matter of opinion about which it is not very profitable to dispute. But the doctrine itself is a matter of principle about which, so far as I can see, Nelson’s own practice affords no solid ground for dispute. In any case, it is important to note that on one occasion, at any rate, Nelson acted exactly as Torrington did; that is, he declined to “strike at once and strike hard,” at a time when he saw clearly that by so doing he would play his enemy’s game, and not his own. Singularly enough, Captain Mahan, in his comment on this incident, appears to recognize and insist on the doctrine of the fleet in being as emphatically as any of its supporters could desire:
With this unsatisfactory affair, Nelson’s direct connection with the main body of the fleet came to an end for the remainder of Hotham’s command. It is scarcely necessary to add that the prime object of the British fleet at all times, and not least in the Mediterranean in 1795,—the control of the sea,—continued as doubtful as it had been at the beginning of the year. The dead weight of the admiral’s having upon his mind the Toulon fleet, undiminished in force despite two occasions for decisive action, was to be clearly seen in the ensuing operations. On this, also, Nelson did much thinking, as passing events threw light upon the consequences of missing opportunities. “The British fleet,” he wrote, five years later, and no man better knew the facts, “could have prevented the invasion of Italy; and, if our friend Hotham had kept his fleet on that coast, I assert, and you will agree with me, no army from France could have been furnished with stores or provisions; even men could not have marched.” But how keep the fleet on the Italian coast, while the French fleet in full vigour remained in Toulon? What a curb it was appeared again in the next campaign, and even more clearly, because the British were then commanded by Sir John Jervis, a man not to be checked by
ordinary obstacles. From the decks of his flagship Nelson, in the following April, watched a convoy passing close in shore. "To get at them was impossible before they anchored under such batteries as would have crippled our fleet; and, had such an event happened, in the present state of the enemy's fleet, Tuscany, Naples, Rome, Sicily, &c., would have fallen as fast as their ships could have sailed along the coast. Our fleet is the only saviour at present for those countries."
Here I must make an end. But I cannot make a better end than by insisting that the one broad lesson of Nelson's life is his unfailing perception and splendid illustration of the doctrine that the paramount object of a sea-captain in war must always be to destroy, disable, or otherwise neutralize the organized naval force of his enemy or such portion of it as represents his immediate adversary. If exception be taken to calling this doctrine the doctrine of the fleet in being, I am not concerned to insist on a phrase which has certainly, as Captain Mahan says, undergone extreme misconception. But on the doctrine itself I still insist as the beginning and the end of all sound thinking on naval warfare and its principles. It was because Napoleon never understood it, and Nelson never lost sight of it, that Napoleon's schemes for the invasion of England were brought to naught. Napoleon seems to have thought that if he could get his fleets into the Channel without an action, the invasion could take place. Nelson knew better. He knew that whatever combinations Napoleon might make, however successfully his Villeneuves, his Ganteaumes, his Missiessys, might evade the watch of the British admirals for a time, however adroitly they might strive to "decoy" them away, they could never attain such a command of the Channel as would enable the Army of Boulogne to cross until they had fought those same admirals on no very unequal terms, and beaten them as thoroughly as he himself beat Villeneuve at Trafalgar. "They should not have stirred," wrote Howard of the Armada, "but we would
have been upon their jacks." Nelson was ever "upon the jacks" of Villeneuve. Cornwallis held Ganteaume in a vice. Calder, if he had been a man like Nelson, and not a man like Hotham, would have anticipated Trafalgar. Napoleon's whole combination was in truth vitiated throughout by the colossal blunder of supposing, if he ever did suppose, that even if his fleets had succeeded in escaping, combining, and reaching the Channel they could have availed him anything so long as Nelson, Cornwallis, and Calder, to say nothing of ample forces nearer home, were behind, before, and around them, resolved, as Nelson said, "not to part without a battle," or as Drake had said, two hundred years before, "to wrestle a pull" with them. But Napoleon never grasped the lessons of the Armada. He did not know that evasion cannot secure the command of the sea except as a preliminary to fighting for it, and that all his combinations were vain unless or until they could enable his admirals to sweep the sea of his foes. This is the open secret of the sea, which whoso divines is its master and whoso ignores is its victim. The Sphinx of history has pro-pounded its riddle to nation after nation, and each, as it failed to guess it, has paid the inexorable penalty. At Gravelines the sceptre of the world's sea power passed from Spain to England. At Trafalgar "it was not Ville-neuve that failed, but Napoleon that was vanquished; not Nelson that won, but England that was saved." Yet Napoleon, in his defeat, dealt the nation he never could subdue an insidious blow which smote her as with the blindness of Ædipus. More than a hundred years after Trafalgar was fought we are still wrangling over those eternal principles of sea-defence which Nelson illustrated so splendidly in his life, and consecrated so gloriously in his death. The blunders of Napoleon have for long been far more potent to guide and inspire our defensive policy than the genius and teaching of Nelson; and the conqueror of Europe might have found a sinister consolation in his final discomfiture could he have foreseen that, for more
than a century after the campaign which undid him, the mistress of the seas, whose supremacy he never could shake, would bury the secret of her victory fathoms deep in the blue waters of Trafalgar, and close her eyes, as they wept for Nelson, to the things which belong to her peace.
EPILOGUE
THE SECRET OF NELSON¹
"There is but one Nelson," said Lord St. Vincent. All Englishmen know that Nelson is the most beloved of national heroes. All the world acknowledges that, as Lord Rosebery has said, "there is no figure like his among those who have ploughed the weary seas." To Captain Mahan he is "the embodiment of the sea power of Great Britain," the symbol, the type, the unique and towering incarnation of that spirit of the sea which has made of a little island a great Empire, which has carried the British flag and the British race to the uttermost parts of the earth. More than a hundred years after his death he still holds a place in the national imagination which we give to no other of those whom none of us have ever seen. To all of us whose outlook on national life and history has any scope at all his personality is still almost as vivid and as winning, as powerful to inspire all the love and all the pity that are due to the poignancy of human things, as it was to those who knew him in the flesh, and first heard with stricken hearts the tidings of his glorious death. There is no other man in our history of whom this can be said; and it is worth while to consider why it is that his name and memory thus stand alone in our hearts.
It is not merely that he was, as Sir Cyprian Bridge has said, "the only man who has ever lived who by universal consent is without a peer." Vixere fortes ante Agamemnona, and the nation which had known men like
¹ The Times, October 21, 1905.
Drake, and Blake, and Hawke, and Rodney, and Howe, and St. Vincent, not to mention Hood, who was perhaps the peer of all of them except in opportunity, would hardly have put Nelson on his solitary pinnacle merely because he transcended them all. Nor is it merely because he is the last of a great line, because the warfare of the sailing-ship period culminated and ended with him. Nor, again, is it merely because Trafalgar was a great deliverance from a great and imminent national peril. Napoleon’s naval combinations might have been overthrown even if Nelson had had no hand in their undoing, though the task would have been infinitely harder for any other man; and it would be unjust to the memory of men like Cornwallis and Collingwood to say that it is impossible to think of a Trafalgar without a Nelson. In truth, it was not by Trafalgar alone that Napoleon’s naval combinations were overthrown, nor even by Nelson’s own transcendent share in the dispositions which overthrew them. Long before Trafalgar was fought Napoleon had abandoned all his schemes for the invasion of England, had broken up his camps at Boulogne, and marched the Grand Army to the overthrow of Austria. Ulm had capitulated on the day before Nelson died at Trafalgar, and Austerlitz had been fought and won more than a month before his body was carried to its last resting-place in St. Paul’s. Napoleon knew nothing of the final destruction of his hopes at Trafalgar when he said to the generals who capitulated at Ulm, “I want nothing further upon the Continent; I want ships, colonies, and commerce.” That was what Nelson and his companions in arms—Cornwallis and Collingwood afloat, and Barham at the Admiralty—had denied him, and he knew full well that he had lost it when he broke up his camps at Boulogne. Trafalgar was thus in a sense only the tactical consummation of a strategic conflict which had been finally decided against Napoleon when Villeneuve, hunted unceasingly from east to west and back again from west to east by Nelson, foiled even by Calder, and intimidated
by the matchless tenacity of Cornwallis, had lost heart and turned southward to Cadiz, instead of keeping the sea and putting his fate to the touch. In that tremendous drama, the greatest ever acted on the seas, Nelson was assuredly the first and the greatest of the actors, but not the only occupant of the stage. In truth, his transcendent personality distorts in some measure the proper perspective of history, for neither was Trafalgar the real crisis of the conflict nor was Nelson the sole agent by whom its issue was determined. "I had their huzzas before, I have their hearts now," he said to Hardy as he quitted the shore of England for the last time. It was Nelson, the great incomparable warrior, the victor of the Nile and Copenhagen, that attracted their huzzas; it was Nelson, the man with that large, loving, eager, wistful, and infinitely lovable soul of his, that even before Trafalgar had found an abiding-place in his countrymen's hearts. The fame of the warrior is fleeting; it remains a tradition, it may be, but not an active memory. "The tumult and the shouting dies" in time. But the love of men is not so fleeting. The rare souls that inspire it possess a passport to immortality far more durable than any that their greatest deeds can confer. In the case of Nelson, as in that of Wolfe, this love was consecrated and confirmed for ever by the death of the hero in the hour of victory. No man was ever more blessed in the opportunity of his death than Nelson was. There were no more battles for him to fight for his country. The battle of his own guilty love must have been decided in the end against him. If Emma Hamilton was not altogether the "vulgar adventuress" that Lord Rosebery calls her, she was, at any rate, not the woman to share without tarnishing the laurels of his unparalleled feats of arms. Nelson's life's work was done, he had achieved imperishable renown, and, happily for him and for all of us, the rest is silence. It must have been some such feeling as this that inspired the noble words of Lady Londonderry—Camden's daughter, Castlereagh's stepmother, and the mother of that other Stewart who was the friend of Wellington—in the letter which she wrote on hearing of Nelson’s death:
The sentiment of lamenting the individual more than rejoicing in the victory, shows the humanity and affection of the people of England... He now begins his immortal career, having nothing to achieve upon earth, and bequeathing to the English Fleet a legacy which they alone are able to improve. Had I been his wife or his mother, I would rather have wept him dead than seen him languish on a less splendid day. In such a death there is no sting, in such a grave there is everlasting victory.
We might well take that for his epitaph if Southey had not written it in even more memorable words:
He cannot be said to have fallen prematurely whose work was done; nor ought he to be lamented who died so full of honours and at the height of human fame. The most triumphant death is that of the martyr; the most awful that of the martyred patriot; the most splendid that of the hero in the hour of victory: and if the chariot and horses had been vouchsafed for Nelson’s translation he could scarcely have departed in a brighter blaze of glory. He has left us, not indeed his mantle of inspiration, but a name and an example which are at this moment inspiring hundreds of the youth of England—a name which is our pride, and an example which will continue to be our shield and our strength. Thus it is that the spirits of the great and the wise continue to live and to act after them; verifying in this sense the language of the old mythologist:
Τοί μεν δαίμονές εἰσι, Δίος μεγάλου διὰ βουλὰς
'Εσθλοί, ἐπιχθόνιοι, φύλακες θυητῶν ἀνθρώπων."
Toí μεν δαίμονές εἰσιν. It is this daemonic element in Nelson’s personality that has given him his imperishable hold on the hearts and imaginations of his countrymen. Few among us are fully competent to understand, and not
many of us have ever tried to understand, how and why he was the greatest seaman the world has ever known. The popular conception of his qualities as a sea-officer is still largely a misconception; it obscures his real merits and attributes to him a mere bull-dog impetuosity and tenacity which is supposed to embody the national ideal and certainly flatters the national prejudice in favour of the rule of thumb as superior to the rule of thought. "His recent biographers," says Sir Cyprian Bridge, "Captain Mahan and Professor Laughton, feel constrained to tell us over and over again that Nelson's predominant characteristic was not 'mere headlong valour and instinct for fighting'; that he was not the man 'to run needless and useless risks' in battle. 'The breadth and acuteness of Nelson's intellect,' says Mahan, 'have been too much overlooked in the admiration excited by his unusually grand moral endowments of resolution, dash, and fearlessness of responsibility.'" These latter are, no doubt, the qualities which his countrymen saw first and admired most in their favourite hero; but they are only half the qualities which gave him his supreme position above all the fighting seamen of history. There were really two men in Nelson, even in Nelson the seaman. In Nelson the man there were many more than two. Wellington saw two of them in the one brief interview he ever had with him. There was the vain, garrulous braggart whose conversation, "if it could be called conversation, was almost all on his side, and all about himself, and in, really, a style so vain and so silly as to surprise and almost disgust me." There was also the man who "talked of the state of this country and of the aspect and probabilities of affairs on the Continent with a good sense, and a knowledge of subjects both at home and abroad, that surprised me equally and more agreeably than the first part of our interview had done; in fact, he talked like an officer and a statesman." A third will be seen, happily in only a few fleeting and forbidding glimpses, in some of the letters to Lady Hamilton, contained in
the Morrison Collection—letters in which it is only charitable to suppose that his mental balance was for the moment overthrown, in which the incomparable Nelson of the Victory’s quarter-deck and cockpit is as completely degraded into the sensual, erotic, and frantically jealous paramour of Lady Hamilton as the Dr. Jekyll of Stevenson’s story was ever transformed into Mr. Hyde. But even in Nelson the seaman there were at least two men. There was the wary, thoughtful, studious tactician full of reflection and circumspection, the man whom Hood had singled out when he was quite a young captain and had never served with a fleet as an officer to be consulted on questions of naval tactics, who had studied Clerk of Eldin and bettered the instruction of the landsman with the insight of a great seaman, who had meditated on the tactical methods of Rodney and Hood and Howe and many others, and had combined and improved on them all; and there was also the man who when he came into action never faltered for a moment, always saw the right thing to be done, and did it, even, as at St. Vincent, without waiting for orders, always kept the signal for close action flying, trusted absolutely in himself and in his comrades because he had inspired them, and never thought that all was done that ought to have been done unless all that was possible had been accomplished—nil actum reputans dum quid superesset agendum. It is the rare combination of these two different types in one personality that explains and justifies Captain Mahan’s pregnant remark, “No man was ever better served than Nelson by the inspiration of the moment; no man ever counted on it less.” He was one of those consummate men of action in whom the native hue of resolution is never allowed to be sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought. For this reason men of a different mould were too prone to believe that the thought was not there. In truth, it was ever-present and all-pervading, but it was so completely assimilated into a resolution alike unfaltering and unerring that it acted with the precision and
rapidity of an instinct. As the late Admiral Colomb finely said in one of the most suggestive and most sympathetic appreciations of Nelson ever penned, "The courage of Nelson, not only the facing of the most imminent personal danger, but the acceptance of the most tremendous responsibilities, was a combination of fire and ice. His excitement never carried him away, his judgment let his excitement share alike with itself, and the two worked together in producing acts which the coolest criticism of after years only succeeds in commending as at once the simplest and the wisest. Nelson in action with an opposing fleet stands more nearly as a specially inspired being than any great man of modern times; and we cannot contrast him with any of his contemporary admirals, great souls though they bore, without seeing how immeasurably above them all he was when drawing in contact with the enemy."
This is the secret of Nelson's incomparable greatness as a seaman. But this secret was not fully grasped by his contemporaries, nor is it yet perhaps thoroughly understood by the nation which still so justly adores him. If it had been we should not have had to wait for a hundred years to find out whether his last battle was fought as he proposed to fight it in a Memorandum which displays his tactical genius at its very highest, or whether, on the other hand, it was fought on no principle at all and by a method which no critic has yet been able to explain, still less to defend—for so it must have been if the hitherto accepted plans, diagrams, and models are even approximately correct. It is not there, then, that we must look for the explanation of Nelson's abiding hold on the affections of his countrymen. Nor is it in his victories alone, many and transcendent as they were. Mere victory is no passport to the immortality of personal affection. If it were, the names of Marlborough and Wellington should stand side by side with that of Nelson, whereas it is idle to pretend that they do. Lord Rosebery finds a partial explanation in the fact that the sea
is the British element, that our sailors have generally been more popular than our soldiers. That was true, no doubt, in the time of the Great War, especially the earlier periods of it, when men could not but understand what their navy was doing for them and could not but realize how ill-fitted the organizers and leaders of Walcheren Expeditions and the like were to emulate the great deeds of their sailors and naval administrators. But it can hardly be true of the greater part of the last century when Englishmen well-nigh forgot for a time all that the sea had done for them and all that it must still do for them. We must look beyond the naval genius of Nelson, beyond even the splendid tale of his victories, if we would find a complete explanation. "There are," as Lord Rosebery has said, "other reasons. There was perhaps the fascinating incongruity of so great a warrior's soul being encased in so shrivelled a shell. Then there was his chivalrous devotion to his officers and men. There was the manifest and surpassing patriotism. There was the easy confidence of victory. In him the pugnacious British instinct was incarnate; with Nelson to see the foe was to fight him; he only found himself in the fury of battle. . . . His unwearied pertinacity was not less remarkable. . . . Again, he was brilliantly single-minded, unselfish, and unsordid. . . . All these qualities appealed irresistibly to mankind. But the main cause of his popularity, splendour of victory apart, is broader and simpler. Nelson was eminently human." Other reasons might perhaps be assigned, but the last includes them all. Not only was Nelson eminently human, he was also eminently, even pre-eminently lovable. He had no social advantages. He was not versed in the ways of society. Even in his profession his early experience of the sea was obtained in a merchantman, and as a young officer he served mostly in small ships and isolated commands. "It is clear," says Colomb, "that neither society nor its superiors were ever quite sure of Nelson. He was liable to be called 'an odd sort of person.' He was not altogether sure of
himself." He had, too, the restless, yearning, melancholy temperament of genius, and, like Wolfe, he had his moments, as we see from Wellington's anecdote, of vanity and gasconade. Thus neither education, nor society, nor even the training and traditions of his profession did much to make Nelson what he was. His rare gifts of human sympathy and fellowship were born of his personality, not of his environment, just as those higher qualities of hottest courage mated with coolest judgment, of that incomparable instinct for victory which seemed only to be quickened by the fury of battle, were his nature and his alone. Anyhow, to all his great qualities as a fighter and leader he added that rarest and most precious of all, the quality of loving and being loved. "The most brilliant leader," to quote Colomb again, "that the British Navy ever produced veiled his leadership and sank its functions in his followers. They were his companions and colleagues in all advances to the front, and they scarcely knew that it was his spirit that animated them all and made them 'a band of brothers,'" as he called those who fought under him at the Nile. Yet though they did not know all that they owed to him, they must have known and felt that they owed to him more than to any other man.
Moreover, it was not merely in the hour of battle that his presence and his influence were supreme. There was never an occasion when generosity, loving-kindness, and tender consideration were needed that Nelson did not display them to a degree that might put all other men to shame. The story is well-known how, when he was hastening in the *Minerve* to join Jervis just before the battle of St. Vincent and hotly chased in the Straits by several Spanish men-of-war, a man fell overboard, and Hardy, then a lieutenant, was lowered in a boat to pick him up. The man, however, could not be found, nor could the boat be recovered unless the way of the frigate was checked. The nearest Spaniard was almost within gun-shot, and perhaps any other man than Nelson would have felt that
the boat, even with Hardy in it, must be sacrificed to the safety of the frigate and all that it meant to Jervis. But Nelson was not made in that mould. "By God, I'll not lose Hardy!" he exclaimed, "back the mizen- topsail." The boat was picked up and Hardy was saved to give that last kiss to his dying chief in one of the great historic moments of the world. In the light of this anecdote are not the words of the dying hero, "Kiss me, Hardy," invested with a sublimer pathos than ever? Again, when returning from the one great failure of his life, at Teneriffe, baffled, disheartened, weak from the loss of blood, with his shattered arm hanging helpless in his sleeve, Nelson refused to be taken on board the Seahorse, the nearest ship to the shore, his own ship, the Theseus, lying much further out to sea. The Seahorse was commanded by Fremantle, who had been left on shore, whether dead or a prisoner no one knew, and Mrs. Fremantle was on board. Nelson was told that it might be death to him to refuse: "Then I will die," he exclaimed. "I would rather suffer death than alarm Mrs. Fremantle by her seeing me in this state and when I can give her no tidings whatever of her husband." He was then taken on board his own ship and there climbed up the side by one man-rope, calling for the surgeon as he reached the quarter-deck to come and take his arm off. None but a Nelson could have acted thus—so mighty and so indomitable and withal so truly gentle was the spirit that found its tenement in that puny and weakling frame.
Incidents such as these might be cited largely from the story of Nelson's life. But two more must suffice. We know how eager he always was in pursuit, how covetous he was of victory, and how jealous in husbanding the resources needed to secure it. Yet on two occasions during his last campaign he restrained those noble impulses altogether, out of consideration for two men, Keats and Calder, one of whom he loved and trusted, while the other he neither liked nor even greatly respected. Keats commanded the Superb, which was so rotten that, during the
blockade of Toulon, Nelson declared that no one but Keats could have kept her afloat. The *Superb*, in spite of her rotten condition, accompanied Nelson in his pursuit of Villeneuve to the West Indies, but she was the slowest ship in the squadron, though Keats had lashed his studding-sail booms to the masts, and obtained permission not to stop when other ships did, but always to carry a press of sail. Nelson feared that Keats might fret at this, for we may be very sure that he fretted at it himself, and it was just this that made him so sympathetic and considerate. "My dear Keats," he wrote, "I am fearful that you may think that the *Superb* does not go as fast as I could wish. However that may be (for if we all went ten knots I should not think we went fast enough), yet I would have you be assured that I know and feel that the *Superb* does all which is possible for a ship to accomplish, and I desire that you will not fret upon the occasion." For Calder, whom he disliked, his consideration was even more magnanimous. Calder, who had failed to bring Villeneuve to a decisive action when he had an opportunity which Nelson would assuredly have seized and improved, was ordered home, and left the fleet about a week before Trafalgar was fought. Nelson had been ordered to remove him from his own flagship and to send him home in another vessel which could better be spared. But though he neither liked Calder nor thought him a good officer, he was so touched by Calder's humiliation and distress that in defiance of orders he allowed him to take his flagship home. "Sir Robert felt so much," he wrote to the First Lord, "even at the idea of being removed from his own ship which he commanded, in the face of the fleet, that I much fear that I shall incur the censure of the Board of Admiralty. . . . I may be thought wrong, as an officer, to disobey the orders of the Admiralty, by not insisting on Sir Robert Calder's quitting the *Prince of Wales* for the *Dreadnought*, and for parting with a 90-gun ship before the force arrives which their lordships have judged necessary; but I trust that
I shall be considered to have done right as a man and to a brother officer in affliction. My heart could not stand it, and so the thing must rest." Accordingly Calder was allowed to take the Prince of Wales home, and Nelson, covetous as he was of victory, and convinced as he was that "numbers only can annihilate," parted with a 90-gun ship when he knew that the enemy's force was superior to his own. Such an act of intrepid generosity, generous even to the verge of quixotism, was characteristic of Nelson alone. No other man would have dared to do it. No other man would have been forgiven for doing it. Nor did it end in spirit even there. As the Victory was going into action, Nelson still thought kindly of the man whose only function in history is to afford a contrast to himself. "Hardy," he said, "what would poor Sir Robert Calder give to be with us now!"
This, his ruling passion of loving-kindness and tenderness of heart, was strong even in death. Just as he would not go on board the Seahorse at Teneriffe lest Mrs. Fremantle should be alarmed, so, as he was carried below at Trafalgar after receiving his death wound, he covered his face and stars with his handkerchief in order that, as Beatty, who tells the story, says, "he might be conveyed to the cock-pit at this crisis unnoticed by the crew." There at this supreme moment, still thinking of others and not of himself, and with "Thank God, I have done my duty" on his lips, let us leave him in all the majesty of a great hero's death. There is but one Nelson.
The following is a list of the most important and influential books in the field of psychology, arranged in chronological order by publication date:
1. *Psychopathia Sexualis* by Richard von Krafft-Ebing (1886)
2. *The Principles of Psychology* by William James (1890)
3. *The Interpretation of Dreams* by Sigmund Freud (1900)
4. *The Behavior of Organisms: An Experimental Analysis* by B.F. Skinner (1938)
5. *The Social Animal* by David Lykken and Richard Bouchard (1967)
6. *The Selfish Gene* by Richard Dawkins (1976)
7. *Theories of Personality* by Robert C. Zuckerman (1980)
8. *The Social Animal* by David Lykken and Richard Bouchard (1980)
9. *The Selfish Gene* by Richard Dawkins (1989)
10. *Theories of Personality* by Robert C. Zuckerman (1990)
11. *The Social Animal* by David Lykken and Richard Bouchard (1990)
12. *The Selfish Gene* by Richard Dawkins (1996)
13. *Theories of Personality* by Robert C. Zuckerman (1996)
14. *The Social Animal* by David Lykken and Richard Bouchard (1996)
15. *The Selfish Gene* by Richard Dawkins (2006)
16. *Theories of Personality* by Robert C. Zuckerman (2006)
17. *The Social Animal* by David Lykken and Richard Bouchard (2006)
18. *The Selfish Gene* by Richard Dawkins (2016)
19. *Theories of Personality* by Robert C. Zuckerman (2016)
20. *The Social Animal* by David Lykken and Richard Bouchard (2016)
ADmiral Duncan
Painted by Hoppner in 1788. Reproduced by permission of the Earl of Camperdown, from the original in his possession
[To face p. 12]
DUNCAN
In the middle of the eighteenth century a Member of Parliament became known to his contemporaries as "Single Speech Hamilton." On the memorable occasion which gave an opposition to the House of Commons, and the seals of a Secretary of State to the elder Fox, while it drew from Pitt one of the most famous of his speeches and quite the most celebrated of his metaphors, William Gerard Hamilton delivered his first and only speech. "He spoke for the first time," says Horace Walpole, who heard him, "and was at once perfection." He never spoke in the House of Commons again. "Yet a volume he has left of maxims for debating in the House of Commons proves," says Lord Stanhope, "how deeply and carefully he had made that subject his study." The unique effort of the debate on the Address in 1755—which placed Hamilton for the moment almost on a level with Pitt—was at once the fruit and the proof of the speaker's mastery of Parliamentary Logic. He spoke well because he had studied the whole art of parliamentary fence and fathomed all its secrets. He seemed to flash across the parliamentary sky like a sudden and brilliant meteor glowing only for a moment. But the Parliamentary Logic reveals the source from which the meteor derived its lustre, and proves that its fuel was not exhausted, though it never glowed again.
As Gerard Hamilton was called "Single Speech Hamilton," so Admiral Duncan, the victor of Camperdown, might well be called "Single Action Duncan." But the parallel must not be pressed too closely. The parlia-
1 Quarterly Review, January 1899.
mentary combatant well equipped for the fray need never wait long for his opportunity. As a rule, he is prompt and even importunate to seize it. The naval commander, on the other hand, cannot make his opportunities. He can only take them when they come. "His object," as Nelson said in a pregnant sentence, "is to embrace the happy moment which now and then offers—it may be this day, not for a month, and perhaps never." For this his whole life must be a preparation. With an instant readiness to perceive, seize, and improve the happy moment when it comes, he must be content even if it never does come. To many a mute, inglorious Nelson it may never come. To Duncan it came at the battle of Camperdown. But it only came when he had been more than fifty years in the service. In this he at once resembles and differs from Hamilton. Each was master of his art. But Hamilton found his opportunity early in life and never sought another, though he might have found them by the score. Opportunity constantly passed Duncan by, and only found him at last when his course was well-nigh run. The two were alike in readiness of preparation, but unlike in felicity of opportunity. Hamilton was "Single Speech Hamilton" by choice; Duncan was "Single Action Duncan" by necessity. Hamilton lives only in a nickname; Duncan lives in the memory of a splendid victory.
And yet he does not all live. No contemporary biographer thought his life worthy of detailed record, and naval historians have for the most part treated his great victory as an insignificant episode in the vast drama of Napoleonic war—an episode which raised no strategic issues of more than subordinate moment. At last, just a hundred years after the battle of Camperdown was fought and won, the present Earl of Camperdown, the great-grandson of the victor who never himself bore the title which commemorates his victory, has laudably sought to place on record such memorials of his great ancestor as may still be salvaged from the wreck of time.
Writing on the hundredth anniversary of the battle which Duncan won, Lord Camperdown says:
Just one hundred years have passed since the sea-fight off Camperdown on October 11, 1797, which decided the fate of the Dutch Navy; and a Centenary seems a not inopportune moment to place on record some incidents in the life and naval career of Admiral Duncan which have hitherto remained unpublished.
He had the honour to be one of the great Sea Commanders whom the perils of Great Britain in the eighteenth century called into existence. Boscawen, Hawke, Keppel, Howe, Rodney, Hood, St. Vincent, Nelson, Collingwood, were of the number. Of all these famous sailors there are written memorials, which will keep their memory green as long as there is a British Empire, and which tell how, in the eighteenth century, superior seamanship and daring time after time warded off and finally brought to naught combinations of Great Britain’s enemies which seemed irresistible.
It is no longer possible to write such a life of Duncan as Southey, still quivering with the emotions of a great national struggle, wrote of Nelson at the beginning of the last century, or as Captain Mahan has written at its close, availing himself of all the materials which an abiding interest in the most romantic and most brilliant of naval careers has amassed in such profusion. Nor does the subject demand a treatment either so classical or so exhaustive. Duncan was not a Nelson. He lacked that dæmonic force of genius, that magnetic charm of personality which made Nelson unique. But he was a great seaman, and he lived in an age of great seamen. He entered the Navy in the year of Culloden and died the year before Trafalgar. He was Keppel’s pupil and afterwards his favourite captain. “He may truly be said to have received his professional education in Keppel’s school, having served under him in the several ranks of midshipman, third, second, and first lieutenant, flag and post captain; indeed, with the exception of a short time
with Captain Barrington, he had no other commander during the Seven Years' War."
At different times he served under Boscawen, Hawke, Rodney, and Howe. Jervis was his contemporary and friend. Nelson himself wrote after the battle of the Nile that he had "profited by his example," and a close resemblance may be traced between the mode of attack adopted by Duncan at Camperdown and that adopted by Nelson at Trafalgar. But though he lived in an age of war and fought in many a famous fight, his career reached no heroic level until his opportunity came at last after fifty years of service. Yet, little as we now can know of the details of his youthful years, it is plain from that little that whenever his opportunity had come he would have been equal to it. It is certain that quite early in his career he acquired a reputation for courage and coolness; and "there is a tradition," says his biographer, "that he was always first to volunteer for the boats or to lead the boarders." After Camperdown a blue-jacket wrote home to his father: "They say as how they are going to make a Lord of our Admiral. They can't make too much of him. He is heart of oak; he is a seaman every inch of him, and as to a bit of a broadside, it only makes the old cock young again." Many anecdotes attest his skill as a seaman, and one in particular deserves to be quoted as showing what seamanship meant in those days:
The Monarch was a notoriously indifferent sailer, and uncoppered when Duncan commanded her; and yet he was able in sailing to hold his own with ships far superior to her, in Rodney's action with Langara off Cape St. Vincent in 1780, and on other occasions. As an instance of her smartness, his nephew, Mr. Haldane, has narrated how on one occasion, when pursuing some French men-of-war, "the Monarch, outsailing the rest of the Squadron, got into the midst of a Convoy, and her discipline was such that boats were let down on each side without swamping, filled with armed crews to take possession of the prizes, whilst the Monarch never slackened her speed,
but with studding sails set, bore down on the flying ships of war."
There is evidence, too, to show that, like all great sea-captains, from Drake to Nelson, Duncan possessed that rare instinct for war which never lets an opportunity slip, is never daunted by mere numbers, and knows when to yield to what Captain Mahan calls "an inspired blindness which at the moment of decisive action sees not the risks but the one only road to possible victory." Perhaps no campaign in which a British fleet has ever engaged is a finer touchstone of this instinct than that which ended so ingloriously when Sir Charles Hardy retreated up the Channel before D'Orvilliers in 1779. Lord Camperdown briefly describes it and Duncan's share in it as follows:
During the summer of 1779 the Monarch was attached to the Channel Fleet, now under the command of Sir Charles Hardy owing to the resignation of Admiral Keppel.
Spain had declared war in the month of June, and on July 9 it was announced by Royal Proclamation that an invasion by a combined French and Spanish force was to be apprehended.
The French fleet sailing from Brest under Count D'Orvilliers was permitted without opposition to unite with the Spanish fleet under Don Luis de Cordova, and on August 16 sixty-six sail of the line were off Plymouth. The Channel Fleet had missed them, and was to the south-west of Scilly.
In the Channel Fleet were men who were burning to engage the enemy. Captain Jervis in the Foudroyant wrote to his sister:
"August 24, twenty leagues south-west of Scilly.
"A long easterly wind has prevented our getting into the Channel, to measure with the combined fleets. What a humiliating state is our country reduced to! Not that I have the smallest doubt of clearing the coast of these proud invaders. The first westerly wind will carry us into the combined fleets. . . . I and all around me have the fullest confidence of success and of acquiring immortal reputation."
On August 29 a strong easterly wind forced the combined fleets down the Channel, and on September 1 they found themselves in presence of the British Fleet a few miles from the Eddystone.
Sir Charles Hardy had only thirty-eight ships, and deciding that it would be imprudent to risk an engagement, he retreated up the Channel, and on September 3 anchored at Spithead, much to the disgust of some of his officers. Captain Jervis, who in the *Foudroyant* was second astern of Sir Charles Hardy in the *Victory*, wrote: "I am in the most humbled state of mind I ever experienced, from the retreat we have made before the combined fleets all yesterday and all this morning."
Captain Duncan told his nephew of his own impotent indignation and shame, and how he could "only stand looking over the stern gallery of the *Monarch*."
This was probably the only occasion on which either of those officers retreated before an enemy. The fundamental article of their nautical creed was that an enemy when once encountered must not be permitted to part company without an action. From this line of conduct neither of them willingly ever deviated one hair's-breadth. It is safe to assert that if either had on that day been in a position to give orders to the Channel Fleet a larger Cape St. Vincent or a larger Camperdown would have been fought off Scilly, though not impossibly with a different result. If, however, the *Foudroyant* and the *Monarch* had been sunk, it is certain from their record that French and Spanish ships would have gone down as well, and that even if the combined fleets had come off victorious, their condition would have been such as to give England no cause for apprehension on the score of invasion.
As events happened, the combined fleets held for some weeks undisputed command of the Channel, but, happily for Great Britain, neglected to make any use of their advantage. The Spaniards wished to effect a landing; the French wished before landing to defeat the British fleet. The crews became sickly; the ships were defective, and the season for equinoctial gales was at hand. The Spanish commander declared to Count D'Orvilliers that he must relinquish the present enterprise and return to the ports of his own country; and the French admiral
had no other course open to him but to acquiesce and to retire to Brest.
This critical episode in our naval history has perhaps never been quite adequately appreciated. The odds were tremendous—thirty-eight British ships of the line against sixty-six in the combined French and Spanish fleets—far greater odds than Nelson encountered when he attacked thirty-three ships of the line with twenty-seven at Trafalgar. The late Admiral Colomb thought that "the only reasonable strategy for Sir Charles Hardy was that adopted so long before by Lord Torrington, a policy of observation and threatening; and such a policy would have left the British fleet at St. Helen's with abundant scouts... to give the earliest information of the enemy's approach." But Hardy adopted neither Torrington's strategy nor that of his critics. For nearly the whole of the month of August he cruised aimlessly in the Soundings—as the region between Ushant and Cape Clear, known as "the Sleeve" to Elizabethan seamen, was then called—leaving D'Orvilliers to the eastward with the whole of the Channel open to him, though he was by no means in "undisputed command" of it. More by good luck than by any skill in tactics or the pursuit of any strategic purpose that can now be discerned, Hardy managed, towards the end of the month, to get to the eastward of an antagonist apparently as supine or else as incapable as himself; and, though the fleets were now in contact, his one thought was retreat. On the evening of September 3, he anchored in comparative safety at Spithead.
These proceedings are quite unintelligible. If Hardy did not intend to risk an action except on his own terms, he never should have been in the Soundings at all. On the other hand, D'Orvilliers' proceedings seem to have been equally inept, and can only be explained by supposing that his fleet was paralysed by sickness, by ill-equipment, and by divided counsels. Now what would
Nelson have done in such a case? He was, says Captain Mahan, "a man with whom moral effect was never in excess of the facts of the case, whose imagination produced in him no paralysing picture of remote contingencies." Shortly before Trafalgar "he expressed with the utmost decision his clear appreciation that even a lost battle would frustrate the ulterior objects of the enemy, by crippling the force upon which they depended." Torrington, we know, would have temporized. He would never have gone to the Soundings. Before all things he would have striven to keep his fleet "in being." "Whilst we observe the French," he said, "they cannot make any attempt on ships or shore without running a great hazard; and if we are beaten all is exposed to their mercy." To have gone to the Soundings would have been to put himself, as Howard of Effingham said on a like occasion, "clean out of the way of any service against" the enemy. He would rather have placed himself where he could best observe the enemy's movements, and would at any rate have taken care never to lose touch of them. This is no doubt the correct strategy of the situation, and had Hardy adopted it none could have blamed him. But it is not necessarily the strategy that would have commended itself to a consummate master of naval war. Nelson would not have been daunted by the mere disparity of numbers. When with eleven ships of the line only he was following Villeneuve back from the West Indies, he said to his captains:
I am thankful that the enemy has been driven from the West India islands with so little loss to our country. I had made up my mind to great sacrifices; for I had determined, notwithstanding his vast superiority, to stop his career, and to put it out of his power to do further mischief. Yet do not imagine that I am one of those hot-brained people who fight at immense disadvantage without an adequate object. My object is partly gained. If we meet them we shall find them not less than eighteen, I rather think twenty sail of the line, and therefore
do not be surprised if I should not fall on them immediately: we won’t part without a battle. I think they will be glad to let me alone, if I will let them alone; which I will do, either till we approach the shores of Europe, or they give me an advantage too tempting to be resisted.
In these memorable words the strategy of Torrington is transfigured, but not superseded, by the genius of Nelson. Had he been in Hardy’s place, Nelson, we may be sure, would never have gone to the Soundings; he would have observed and threatened, as Admiral Colomb said; he would not have “fought at a great disadvantage without an adequate object,” as Nottingham insisted on Torrington’s doing; but he would not have parted without a battle. Had he found D’Orvilliers inclined to “let him alone,” that would have been his reason for not letting D’Orvilliers alone. He would have seen at once that D’Orvilliers’ obvious reluctance to risk a decisive engagement, notwithstanding his vast superiority, was just the reason why he on his side should seize an advantage too tempting to be resisted. He might not know what D’Orvilliers’ precise reasons were for not risking an engagement; but his unerring instinct for war and its opportunities would have told him that this was just one of the occasions on which he might make great sacrifices in order to stop his adversary’s career, and “put it out of his power to do any further mischief.”
It is, indeed, hardly possible to doubt that had Nelson been in Hardy’s place the defeat of D’Orvilliers would have been as crushing as that of the Armada. So much is clear from the general character of the situation viewed in the light of Nelson’s recorded opinions. The conclusion is confirmed and rendered practically certain by the known attitude of Jervis and Duncan. Both were prepared to fight against the odds that had daunted their chief, and both were confident of victory. Both must have satisfied themselves that D’Orvilliers had no stomach for fighting, and each must have felt that that was the
best reason for attempting, at all hazards, out of the nettle danger to pluck the flower safety. Lord North said afterwards in the House of Commons that "had Sir Charles Hardy known then, as he did afterwards, the internal state of the combined fleet, he would have wished and earnestly sought an engagement notwithstanding his inferiority of force." Hardy knew this only when it was too late. Jervis and Duncan knew it or divined it at the time. Nelson's spirit was theirs, and they had not served under Hawke for nothing. The man who wins in battle, said Napoleon, is the man who is last afraid. Bene ausus vana contemnere, as Livy says of Alexander's conquest of Darius, is the eternal secret of triumphant war. This is the temper that wins great victories, and may even defy overwhelming odds. Jervis had it, and it won him his famous victory at St. Vincent, where he fearlessly attacked and vanquished twenty-seven Spanish ships with fifteen British, because, as he said, "a victory is very essential to England at this moment." Duncan showed it at the Texel when, as Mr. Newbolt sings:
Fifteen sail were the Dutchmen bold,
Duncan he had but two;
But he anchored them fast where the Texel shoaled,
And his colours aloft he flew.
"I've taken the depth to a fathom," he cried,
"And I'll sink with a right good will:
For I know when we're all of us under the tide,
My flag will be fluttering still."
Such a man was Duncan in those earlier days of which no full record can now be recovered. We see how skilfully he could handle his ship as a captain, how soundly he could estimate a situation as critical as British naval history presents. In person "he was of size and strength almost gigantic. He is described as six feet four in height, and of corresponding breadth. When a young lieutenant walking through the streets of Chatham his grand figure and handsome face attracted crowds of admirers, and to the last he is spoken of as a singularly
handsome man.” His bodily strength was effectively displayed on a memorable occasion during the mutiny:
On May 13 there was a serious rising on board the Adamant. The Admiral proceeded on board, hoisted his flag, and mustered the ship’s company. “My lads,” he said, “I am not in the smallest degree apprehensive of any violent measures you may have in contemplation; and though I assure you I would much rather acquire your love than incur your fear, I will with my own hand put to death the first man who shall display the slightest signs of rebellious conduct.” He then demanded to know if there was any individual who presumed to dispute his authority or that of the officers. A man came forward and said insolently, “I do.” The Admiral immediately seized him by the collar and thrust him over the side of the ship, where he held him suspended by one arm, and said, “My lads, look at this fellow, he who dares to deprive me of the command of the fleet.”
But in spite of these great qualities, well known to his comrades and superiors and not unknown to his countrymen at large, Duncan never came to the front until the close of his career. He became a captain in 1761, when he was only thirty years of age, and was promoted to flag rank twenty-six years later, in 1787. Of these twenty-six years more than half were spent upon half-pay. Even after he became an admiral he had to endure another period of inactivity, lasting for eight years, until his appointment in 1795 to the command of the North Sea fleet. Political sympathies and antipathies may have had something to do with this, for in those days a man often obtained employment in the Navy, not on account of his professional fitness, but in virtue of his political influence and complexion. But though Duncan belonged to a Whig family and inclined to Whig principles, he “never at any time in his life took any active part in politics,” and his close association with Keppel’s fortunes does not seem to have injured his professional prospects. The truth seems to be, as Lord Camperdown acknowledges, that the alternations of peace and war, of rapid and slow promotion, of frequent and infrequent employment, occurred in Duncan’s career not favourably for his advancement:
It was his ill-luck to be born at the wrong time for advancement as a captain. As a lieutenant he came in for the Seven Years’ War, and took every advantage of his opportunities, but he became a captain just before the peace of 1763, and had only had time for the expedition to Belle-isle and the Havannah.
The years which followed his promotion to flag rank—were likewise years of peace; and a junior rear-admiral could hardly expect a command under such circumstances. Nor does it seem that he would have fared better if he had been born ten or fifteen years sooner or later. If he had been a captain early in the Seven Years’ War, he would have had nothing to do as an admiral. If he had entered the service at the end of the Seven Years’ War he would have had no opportunity of making his name as a lieutenant.
Thus the early promotions of the last century, which naval officers of these days sometimes regard with envy, were no guarantee of a distinguished career. Duncan was a captain at thirty, but he became an admiral only at fifty-six, and he never commanded a fleet at sea until he was sixty-four. The only advantage he had over officers of the present day is that “the blind Fury” of compulsory retirement never came “with th’ abhorred shears and slit the thin-spun life” of his active service. In these days Duncan would have been retired as a captain a year before he was promoted to flag-rank. As a rear-admiral or as a flag-officer who had not hoisted his flag he would again have been retired four years before he took command of the North Sea fleet. Even as a vice-admiral in command of that fleet he would have been retired a year before the battle of Camperdown was fought. Compulsory retirement is no doubt a necessity, but it is not always an advantage. The promotion of a dozen men of the stamp of Sir Charles Hardy would be dearly purchased by the retirement of a single Jervis or a single Duncan.
Duncan has been called, not without reason, one of the "suppressed characters" of naval history. There is another "suppressed character" with whom his name is closely and most honourably associated. Perhaps no man's share in the overthrow of Napoleon and the triumph of British naval arms has been less adequately appreciated by historians in general than that of the second Earl Spencer, Pitt's First Lord of the Admiralty from 1794 to 1801. Assuming office shortly after Howe's victory of the First of June, Lord Spencer remained First Lord of the Admiralty until Pitt resigned at the beginning of the first year of the century. In this period the mutinies at Spithead and the Nore were encountered and composed—we can hardly call them suppressed—and the victories of St. Vincent, Camperdown, and the Nile were won. But this was perhaps as much Spencer's fortune as his merit. His true glory consists in his admirable devotion to the affairs of the navy, in the insight, judgment, and tact with which he selected and supported such men as St. Vincent, Duncan, and Nelson. Some of his own letters are preserved in the correspondence of Nelson and some in the papers of Duncan. But unfortunately the bulk of his private correspondence with these and other great naval heroes was destroyed by accident at Althorp, and thus the world has been deprived of an authentic and detailed record of his administration, though students of naval history will find in the materials we have indicated abundant evidence of its quality. Nor will they fail to appreciate the part played by his gifted wife in furthering the triumphs of his administration. A leader and queen of society, fascinating, generous, and nobly impulsive, Lady Spencer knew how to second her husband's labours by her rare gift of sympathy without
ever attempting to usurp his responsibilities. Her ecstatic letter to Nelson congratulating him on his triumph at the Nile is well known. It has passed into the literature of the battle. Lord Camperdown enables us to compare it with the letter she wrote to Duncan after the battle of Camperdown, and from the comparison to draw the inference, sustained by other letters from the same pen, that no First Lord of the Admiralty was ever happier in the generous sympathies of a wife who knew so well how to touch a sailor's heart:
What shall I say to you, my dear and victorious Admiral? Where shall I find words to convey to you the slightest idea of the enthusiasm created by your glorious, splendid, and memorable achievements? Not in the English Language; and no other is worthy of being used upon so truly British an exploit. As an English woman, as an Irish woman, as Lord Spencer's wife, I cannot express to you my grateful feelings. But amongst the number of delightful sensations which crowd upon me since Friday last, surprise is not included. The man who has struggled thro' all the difficulties of everlasting N. Sea Cruizes, of hardships of every kind, of storms, of cold, of perpetual disappointments, without a murmur, without a regret, and lastly who most unprecedentedly braved an enemy's fleet of sixteen or twenty sail of the line, with only two Men of War in a state of mutiny to oppose them: That Man, acquiring the honour and glory you have done on the 11th of October did not surprize me. But greatly have you been rewarded for your past sufferings. Never will a fairer fame descend to posterity than yours, and the gratitude of a great nation must give you feelings which will thaw away all that remains of your Northern mists and miseries. God, who allowed you to reap so glorious an harvest of honour and glory, who rewarded your well borne toils by such extraordinary success, keep you safe and well to enjoy for many years the fame He enabled you to acquire on this most distinguished occasion.
Ever yours with gratitude and esteem,
LAVINIA SPENCER.
If we except Sir John Laughton, whose notice of Lord Spencer in the Dictionary of National Biography only anticipated by a few weeks the publication of Lord Camperdown’s volume, Lord Camperdown is perhaps the first writer to recognize the full splendour of Lord Spencer’s services and to do tardy justice to his memory. It is due to both to extract the following just and graceful tribute:
It is not possible to allow Lord Spencer to pass off the scene without a word of tribute to his administration. When he became First Lord of the Admiralty he found the Navy sunk in disorder and neglect, and among the Officers a want of confidence in the Administration at home. He succeeded in selecting capable Admirals for every command, with all of whom he by incessant labour maintained intimate and constant relations. He was full of energy and ideas. If he did not always appreciate and realize so fully as they did through their experience the defects of the ships under their command, both in number and quality, he did the best that he could in the way of apportioning and manipulating the forces which were at his disposal, while he never ceased to urge the necessity of an energetic and vigorous policy, and to express his conviction that the British Fleets would prove victorious. All the Admirals felt confidence in him, as their memoirs and letters show, and at the time of his resignation the Navy was animated by a splendid spirit, and contained a large number of Officers whose names afterwards became household words. He performed a great service to his country, which ought always to be kept in remembrance. To use Lady Spencer’s eloquent words, “England, Ireland, and India were all saved by victories won during his term of office,” and in no inconsiderable degree through his means. Taking his administration and policy as a whole he did as much as any man—perhaps more than any one man—to ruin the fortunes of Napoleon upon the ocean.
It was to Lord Spencer’s sagacity that the country owed Duncan’s appointment to the command in the North Sea. It is recorded that “in going over the list
of Admirals with Mr. Henry Dundas, Lord Spencer said, 'What can be the reason that "Keppel's Duncan" has never been brought forward?' Upon this Mr. Dundas said that he thought he would like employment, and added that he had married his niece. The same night he was appointed Commander-in-Chief in the North Sea."
The story is characteristic. Very likely Dundas's recommendation of his niece's husband turned the scale; but he owed at least that much to his kinsman, for before the marriage he had pledged his niece never, directly or indirectly, to use any influence to induce Duncan to give up his profession, and she had faithfully kept the pledge —no difficult task perhaps in the case of a husband so wedded to the sea. In any case it is clear, however, that Spencer had his eye on Duncan before he was made aware of Dundas's interest in him, and certainly no appointment did greater credit to his insight.
Duncan's position was a very difficult one from first to last. The North Sea was no established station for a British fleet. It was improvised for the occasion when Holland fell under the sway of Napoleon and the Dutch fleet became an important factor in the European conflict. As was the station so was the fleet. It was necessary to blockade the Texel, but it was not possible to tell off a fully organized and well equipped fleet for the purpose. Duncan had to take such ships as he could get, and such as he had were constantly ordered about by the Admiralty on detached or independent service without so much as consulting him beforehand. A letter from Sir Charles Middleton—afterwards that Lord Barham who fortunately for his own fame and his country's welfare was First Lord of the Admiralty at the close of the Trafalgar campaign—well serves to illustrate the situation. In August 1795 he wrote:
My own wish is to have your force very strong, but I plainly perceive from the many irons we have in the fire that I shall be overruled. The same cause obliges us to
employ your frigates on many extra services, and which I have charged the secretary to acquaint you with as often as it happens; but necessary as this information is for your guidance I am afraid it is often forgot.
Several letters from Lord Spencer himself are to the same effect, and though very few of Duncan’s own letters are preserved it is plain that the difficulties of the situation weighed heavily upon him. At various times during his command he had a large Russian squadron under his orders. The Russian ships were, however, unfit for winter cruising, and therefore, during the worst season of the year, the brunt of the blockade often fell upon Duncan’s attenuated and overworked squadron. Moreover, the presence of the Russian ships was not without its embarrassments. He had no very high opinion of their quality, and on two occasions at least he went so far as to protest against his being expected to go to sea with Russian ships alone under his command, his own ships being employed on various detached services. In November 1795 he wrote to Lord Spencer:
I never could see any reason for the Russian fleet being detained through the winter, but to be ready early in the spring, and it always was my opinion that they were unfit for winter cruising. Now, as to myself, I will say what I once did before: I am the first British Admiral that ever was ordered on service with foreigners only, and I must beg further to say that I shall look upon it as an indignity if some British ships are not directed to attend me.
It is significant of much that a man of Duncan’s self-possession and sense of discipline should write in this strain. He was not the man to complain needlessly, and his tact, patience, and good sense had reduced to a minimum the friction that inevitably attends the co-operation of allied fleets; but he felt that a great charge had been entrusted to him, and that the means with which he was furnished were inadequate to enable him to satisfy the
country's expectations. But in spite of an occasional complaint, which was assuredly not ill-founded, his whole attitude was that which Torrington long ago expressed in words which the British Navy has often so splendidly justified: "My Lord, I know my business and will do the best with what I have." On the other hand, it may fairly be held that had a Byng, a Hardy, or a Calder been in Duncan's place the country might have had to rue a very different issue from the campaign in the North Sea. Opinions may differ as to the quality and temper of the Dutch fleet. But the quality of any fleet which is preparing to take the sea cannot prudently be taken by its enemy at any estimate but a high one. The war was in its early stages, its area was widening, the contagion of the French Revolution was fast spreading beyond the borders of France, and in the spring of 1795 an alliance was concluded between the French and Batavian Republics, by which it was agreed that Holland should aid France with twelve ships of the line and eighteen frigates, as well as with half the Dutch troops under arms. This was no insignificant addition to the naval forces of a Power which, since the beginning of the war, had only once crossed swords with England in a fleet action at sea, and then, though defeated, had not been overpowered. The "glorious victory" of the First of June acquired that honourable epithet partly from the brilliant results immediately attained by it—the two sides were fairly matched at the outset and Lord Howe captured six French ships of the line—but still more perhaps from the fact that it was the first naval victory of a war which had then lasted more than a year. Though a decisive tactical victory, it was, in a strategic sense, of little moment. Villaret's fleet was not destroyed—as it might have been had not Montagu's squadron been injudiciously detached from Lord Howe's flag—and the great convoy which was coming across the Atlantic to the relief of Brest was not intercepted. In a strategic sense, in fact, Villaret had outmanœuvred his adversary.
Robespierre had told him that if the convoy was captured his head should pay the penalty. He lost the battle, but he saved the convoy and saved his head. Lord Howe missed the main object for which he had manoeuvred and fought.
This was in 1794. A year later the French obtained strategic control of twelve Dutch ships of the line, twice the number they had lost in Lord Howe’s action, and the theatre of war was enlarged by the inclusion of the North Sea. The scenes were now setting for the great drama which ended at Trafalgar, but no one could tell as yet where its main episodes would be enacted, nor who were the actors cast for its leading parts. Near at hand, in the north, Duncan was establishing that firm grip on the Texel which, notwithstanding his slender and fortuitous forces, in spite of the mutiny, and through all the vicissitudes of season, wind, and storm, was never relaxed until the Dutch fleet was defeated off Camperdown, and the Texel itself, together with all that remained of the Dutch fleet, was surrendered in 1799. Far away in the south Hotham was vainly striving to vanquish the fleet which Hood had failed to destroy at Toulon, and Nelson, still a captain, was chafing bitterly at his chief’s repeated failure to do what he knew he could have done himself. Midway in the Atlantic Bridport was showing by his action with Villaret off Ile Groix that he, at least, was not the coming man.
Such was the situation in 1795. There were three fleets of the enemy, at the Texel, at Brest, and at Toulon, to be watched, encountered, and if possible destroyed, and Duncan, Bridport, and Hotham were the three men on whom, for the time, the fate of England depended. Bridport and Hotham each had his opportunity and missed it. Duncan alone remained steadfast to the end, waited for his opportunity, and seized it. Historians, wise after the event, have chosen to assume that Duncan’s position was the least important of the three, but at the time no man could have foretold at which point the stress
of conflict was likely to be felt most urgently. From the Texel a fleet and an expedition might have issued, and could they have evaded Duncan’s watch they might have gained the open either for a descent on Ireland, or for some combination with the other forces of the enemy. From Brest, as we know, a year after Bridport had failed to destroy Villaret at Ile Groix, a fleet and expedition did issue, and, evading Bridport’s watch, effected a descent upon Ireland, which might have succeeded for anything that Bridport did to prevent it. From Toulon, as we also know, long after Hotham had failed to destroy Martin in the Gulf of Lions, a fleet and expedition also issued, which a greater than Hotham finally shattered at the Nile. It needed the untoward fortunes of a Hoch and a Morard de Galles to undo the neglect of Bridport. It needed the splendid genius of Nelson to repair the blunders of Hotham. Duncan neglected no opportunities and made no blunders. He watched the Dutch fleet, fought and defeated it as soon as it put to sea, and compelled its final surrender as soon as troops were sent for a military occupation of the Helder. Yet historians, viewing the whole situation in the light of its final outcome, persist in regarding Duncan’s achievement as a mere episode devoid of strategic moment, and in concentrating their whole attention on the more central theatre of war. It is true that no fleet of the enemy, whether at the Texel, at Brest, or at Toulon, could compass any of the larger ends of naval war except by defeating the British fleet immediately confronting it. Hoche’s expedition failed chiefly through defiance of this inexorable principle. It was an attempt to do by evasion what can only be done with safety and certainty by sea supremacy established beforehand. Napoleon’s expedition failed for the same reason. The projected expedition from the Texel must also have failed for the same reason in the end, could it ever have succeeded in setting out. But of the three men charged in 1795 with the safety and fate of England, Duncan alone proved equal to his trust; Bridport and
Hotham failed. His name should stand in naval history, not merely as the hero of an isolated and barren victory, but as a seaman of like quality with Jervis and Nelson themselves—rather a Hood than a Howe, and far above the level of the Bridports, the Hothams, the Manns, the Ordes, the Keiths, and the Calders.
He had dogged persistency of purpose and a stern sense of discipline, without that inflexible austerity which made the discipline of Jervis' squadron a terror to seamen and a byword to captains trained in a laxer school. With Nelson he shared the rare gift of tempering firmness with kindness, of seeking to do by love what men of the mould of Jervis must fain compass by fear. With both he shared that grasp of the situation before him and its requirements which more than anything else is the note of a native genius for war. He would make no terms with mutiny. Had he commanded at the Nore the rule of Parker would assuredly have been a brief one. "I hear," he wrote, "that people from the ships at Sheerness go ashore in numbers and play the devil. Why are there not troops to lay hold of them and secure all the boats that come from them? As to the Sandwich, you should get her cast adrift in the night and let her go on the sands, that the scoundrels may drown; for until some example is made this will not stop."
This was his attitude towards open mutiny; but he never allowed it to blind him to the fact that the grievances of the seamen were real and serious, and the shortcomings of the Admiralty deplorable. Pitt said that the best service Duncan ever performed for his country was in respect of the mutiny, and no one who reads Lord Camperdown's chapter on the subject can doubt that Pitt was right. The mutiny occurred at the very crisis of the blockade of the Texel, when the Dutch fleet was ready to sail accompanied by troops, and when, if ever, it might have sailed with some prospect of success. Duncan was fully informed of what was happening at Spithead and the Nore. He knew very well that the spirit of discontent there displayed was rife throughout the whole navy, that it rested on solid grounds of grievance, and that it might at any moment break out in his own fleet. It did break out, and for some days only two ships of the line recognized the authority of his flag, the remainder going off to join their revolted comrades at the Nore. Yet he never allowed his own flag to be hauled down, and so quickly and thoroughly did he re-establish his personal ascendency, that although his own ship the Venerable had at the outset shown some alarming signs of disaffection, he was ready, if called upon, to lead it against the mutineers at the Nore, and was assured by his ship’s company that they would obey his orders even in that emergency. “It is with the utmost regret,” they wrote, “we hear of the proceedings of different ships in the squadron, but sincerely hope their present grievances will be redressed as soon as possible, as it would appear unnatural for us to unsheathe the sword against our brethren, notwithstanding we would wish to show ourselves like men in behalf of our Commander should necessity require.”
A few days later, when Duncan set sail for the Texel, all his ships deserted him but two, his own flagship and the Adamant, both of which, as we have seen, had previously been reduced to obedience by his own personal prowess. Nevertheless, he held on for the Texel without a moment’s hesitation, for he knew that the Dutch fleet was ready to sail, that the wind was fair, and that the paralysis which had smitten the British Navy was well known to the enemy. Two or three smaller ships accompanied him, and at least one of these, the Circe, was only kept from open mutiny before the enemy by the splendid fortitude of her captain, who for six days and nights sat back to back on deck with his first lieutenant, “with a loaded carbine in hand and cocked pistols in their belts, issuing orders to the officers and the few men who remained dutiful.” How Duncan bore himself in this crisis has already been told in Mr. Newbolt’s stirring lines,
which are really only a metrical paraphrase of the original narrative:
When the Admiral found himself off the Texel with only one ship of fifty guns besides his own, he quickly made up his mind what to do. "Vice-Admiral Onslow came on board the Venerable and suggested Leith Roads as a retreat of security against either an attack from the Texel or, what was infinitely more to be dreaded, the return of a detachment of the rebel fleet from the Nore. Admiral Duncan instantly declined entering into any measure of this kind, and laughingly said they would suppose he wanted to see his wife and family and would charge him with being home-sick." His plan was of a different kind. The great duty with which he was charged was to keep the Texel closed; and, with ships or without ships, that he intended to do. He sent for Captain Hotham of the Adamant and ordered him to fight her until she sank, as he intended to do with the Venerable. He then mustered the Venerable's ship's company and told them plainly what lay before them, in an address of which only the substance is preserved; that the Venerable was to block the Texel, and that "the soundings were such that his flag would continue to fly above the shoal water after the ship and company had disappeared"; and that if she should survive this performance of her duty in Dutch waters, she was then to sail to the Nore and to reduce "those misguided men" to obedience. The ship's company replied, as was their custom: they said that they understood him and would obey his commands.
Those misguided men were reduced, however, before Duncan's task at the Texel was accomplished, and his splendid audacity and fortitude were rewarded by the complete success with which the Dutch were hoodwinked and prevented from sailing until the crisis was past. He reached the Texel on June 1. For three days and three nights the wind remained in the eastward, and the two ships' crews were kept at their quarters day and night. Then the wind changed, and reinforcements began to come in. It was not until the crisis was over
that the Dutch learnt that two ships alone, the aggrieved but not disloyal remnant of a Navy in open mutiny, had been so handled as to make them believe that a superior force of the enemy had been at hand during the whole time that the wind had remained favourable to their enterprise.
The signals and manoeuvres of the Admiral’s two ships were recalled to him afterwards by Lieutenant Brodie, who had been present in the Rose cutter, in a letter written on February 26, 1798. “You passed the Texel in sight of the Dutch Fleet with a Red Flag, Rear Admiral at the Mizen, this was your First Squadron of two sail of the line: next day you appeared off the Texel with two private ships, the Venerable and Adamant with pendants only. This was two English Squadrons by the Dutch account. A few days after we were joined by the Russel and Sanspareil, when the wind came Easterly. Then the third Squadron of British ships came under their proper Admiral with Blue at the Main, and anchored in the mouth of the Texel, with four sail of the line, to block up sixteen or eighteen sail of the line, Frigates, etc., in all thirty-seven sail. It was then, my Lord, you confirmed your former manoeuvres by throwing out pendants to your ships or imaginary ships in the offing, for the Dutch believed all your Fleet to be there. The next day, my Lord, all was confirmed by an American Brig which I was sent to board, coming out of the Texel. The Master informed me that the Dutchmen positively asserted that the four ships were only come in there for a decoy, and that there was a large fleet in the offing, as they saw the English Admiral making signals to them the evening he came to an anchor.”
Assuredly the victory of Camperdown itself is no juster title to undying fame than the whole of Duncan’s proceedings from the beginning of the mutiny to its close.
“The advantage of time and place,” said Drake, “in all martial actions is half a victory; which being lost is irrecoverable.” The Dutch were soon to realize the truth
of this pregnant saying. The wind was fair during the crisis of the mutiny, but the troops, though at hand, had not been embarked. By the time they were embarked, early in July, it became foul again, and Wolfe Tone, that stormy petrel of Irish disaffection and French aggression, was on board waiting in vain for a favourable turn. But "foul, dead foul"—as Nelson bitterly wrote after Ville-neuve's escape from Toulon—it remained. On July 19 Tone writes, "Wind foul still"; and on July 26, "I am to-day eighteen days on board, and we have not had eighteen minutes of fair wind." Unlike Nelson, who, as Captain Mahan tells us, "never trifled with a fair wind or with time," the Dutch had lost their opportunity. Perhaps they had not been over keen to seize it; for though the Batavian Republic ruled in Holland, and France guided its counsels, the monarchical party was by no means extinct, and its cause had many supporters in the Dutch fleet. On June 10 a British officer was sent into the Texel under a flag of truce. He was very courteously received and entertained, and reported on his return that the officers whom he had seen "expressed their hopes of a speedy peace, and by their conversation appeared very adverse to the war. They, however," he added, "speak very confidently of their force, and they have great confidence in it." The wind remained foul, however, and time wore on. Towards the middle of August the Dutch admiral, De Winter, pointed out to Tone that "Duncan's fleet had increased to seventeen sail of the line, and that the Dutch troops, so long pent up on shipboard, had consumed nearly all the provisions. It would be necessary to relinquish the expedition to Ireland."
The game in fact was up, but Duncan's task was not accomplished. So long as the Dutch fleet lay at the Texel ready for sea it was his duty to watch it, and to fight it, if it ventured out. From the 1st of June, when he appeared before the Texel with his two ships and outwitted the Dutch by "setting on a brag countenance,"
as Howard of Effingham said, until September 20, when he was directed by the Admiralty to return to Yarmouth to refit, fill up with stores and provisions, and again proceed with all despatch to his station, he never relaxed his hold, and never gave the Dutchmen a chance. At times reinforced from home, only to be weakened again by the withdrawal of ships required by the Admiralty to strengthen Jervis in the Mediterranean, harassed by winds which, though they kept the Dutch in port, constantly drove him to leeward of his station, shattered by violent gales which sorely tried his none too seaworthy ships and constantly interrupted his supply of stores, he held on with a tenacity not unworthy of Nelson off Toulon, or of Cornwallis off Brest.
But like Nelson at Toulon, Duncan was destined by an untoward fate to be away from his station when the moment of crisis came at last. Shortly after he was recalled to Yarmouth by the Admiralty, De Winter was ordered to take the Dutch fleet to sea. All thought of a military expedition to be covered by it had now been abandoned. But the Naval Committee at the Hague appear to have thought that the time had come for attempting to destroy or at least to cripple the hostile fleet which had so long blockaded their ports. De Winter's instructions were dated July 10, a time when Wolfe Tone was daily expecting a military expedition to set out, under cover of the fleet, for the invasion of Ireland; but their terms would seem to imply that the Dutch plan was the far sounder one of striving to dispose of Duncan before allowing the troops to start. De Winter was instructed to destroy the enemy's fleet if possible; carefully to avoid a battle "in the case of the enemy's forces being far superior to his own": but at the same time to bear in mind "how frequently the Dutch Admirals had maintained the honour of the Dutch flag, even when the enemy's forces were sometimes superior to theirs"; and "in the case of an approaching engagement, as far as circumstances permit, to try and draw the enemy as near
to the harbours of the Republic as will be found possible in conformity with the rules of prudence and strategy." On October 5 he was ordered to put to sea "as soon as the wind should be favourable," and to act in accordance with these instructions.
Admiral Colomb held that the battle of Camperdown was "wasteful of naval force, and unmeaning as to any possible advantage to be gained. The Dutch fleet had landed all the troops and abandoned the idea of invasion, so that when it was determined to put to sea in the face of a known superior fleet of British ships, the enterprise was objectless." The fact of the troops having been landed can hardly be held to have militated against the success of De Winter's enterprise, since it is difficult to see how the presence of troops either on board or under the wing of the fighting force could in any way have added to its naval strength. So long as Duncan was, in Elizabethan phrase, "on the jacks" of De Winter the latter could do nothing, with or without troops, until he had disposed of his adversary. This was what he was sent out to do. He was instructed to "try and cause as much damage to the enemy as possible," to fight him if he found him not so superior in strength as to destroy all hope of victory, but in the opposite alternative "carefully to avoid a battle." These instructions were, in my judgment, well conceived. They were foiled, not by Duncan's superior force, for on the day of battle the two fleets were approximately equal, but by his superior energy and his brilliant tactical intuition. The issue was by no means foreordained. The forces were equal and the Dutch enjoyed the advantage of position which had been contemplated in De Winter's instructions. The object to be attained, the "possible advantage to be gained," was the destruction of the fleet which for months had paralysed all his undertakings. Could he have compassed that end it might have been cheaply purchased by almost any sacrifice of naval force which left him master of the field. In war, as in loveHe either fears his fate too much,
Or his desert is small,
Who dares not put it to the touch
And win or lose it all.
But it was not to be. The long conflict between the Dutch and the English at sea was destined to end at Camperdown in the final overthrow of the Dutch. De Winter put to sea on October 7. Duncan with the main body of his fleet was still at Yarmouth. But some of his ships were on the watch, and by the morning of the 9th he was informed that the Dutch fleet was at sea. At 11 a.m. on that day he wrote to the Admiralty: "The squadron under my command are unmoored, and I shall put to sea immediately." The next day he was off the Texel with eleven ships of the line, and found that De Winter had not returned. What followed is best told in his own words:
At Nine o'clock in the Morning of the 11th I got Sight of Captain Trollope's Squadron, with Signals flying for an Enemy to Leeward; I immediately bore up, and made the Signal for a general Chace, and so got Sight of them, forming in a Line on the Larboard Tack to receive us, the wind at N.W. As we approached near I made the Signal for the Squadron to shorten sail, in order to connect them; soon after I saw the land between Camperdown and Egmont, about Nine Miles to Leeward of the Enemy, and finding there was no Time to be lost in making the Attack, I made the Signal to bear up, break the Enemy's Line, and engage them to Leeward, each Ship her Opponent, by which I got between them and the Land, whither they were fast approaching. My Signals were obeyed with great Promptitude, and Vice-Admiral Onslow, in the Monarch, bore down on the Enemy's Rear in the most gallant Manner, his Division following his Example; and the Action commenced about Forty Minutes past Twelve o'Clock. The Venerable soon got through the Enemy's Line, and I began a close action, with my Division on their Van, which lasted near Two Hours and a Half, when I observed all the Masts of the Dutch Admiral's Ship to go by the Board; she was,
however, defended for some Time in a most gallant Manner; but being overpressed by Numbers, her Colours were struck, and Admiral De Winter was soon brought on Board the Venerable. On looking around me I observed the Ship bearing the Vice-Admiral’s Flag was also dismasted, and had surrendered to Vice-Admiral Onslow; and that many others had likewise struck. Finding we were in Nine Fathoms Water, and not farther than Five Miles from the Land, my Attention was so much taken up in getting the Heads of the disabled Ships off Shore, that I was not able to distinguish the Number of Ships captured; and the Wind having been constantly on the Land since, we have unavoidably been much dispersed, so that I have not been able to gain an exact Account of them, but we have taken Possession of Eight or Nine; more of them had struck, but taking Advantage of the Night, and being so near their own Coast, they succeeded in getting off, and some of them were seen going into the Texel the next Morning.
Trollope’s squadron, together with other reinforcements which joined before the action, brought the two fleets to an equality; but De Winter still had, on the whole, the advantage of position. He was nearing his port and drawing fast inshore, so that any attempt of Duncan to get between him and the land must prove a very hazardous undertaking. To do him justice he made no attempt to escape, but leisurely forming his line as soon as Duncan was sighted, he ordered his ships to square their mainyards and awaited the enemy’s onslaught. Duncan’s ships, on the other hand, were in a very loose and scattered formation, caused by his bold but judicious order for a general chase at an early stage of the proceedings. A general chase signifies that the ships of a squadron no longer preserve their appointed stations but proceed individually to the attack or pursuit of the enemy, the fastest sailors going to the front. It is a very hazardous proceeding, because it exposes the assailant to the risk of being overpowered in detail, but in certain circumstances it offers the only means of bringing a flying enemy to action, and for this reason its judicious employment is a sure criterion of the tactical capacity of an admiral who resorts to it. Duncan employed it, but countermanded it as soon as he saw that De Winter was awaiting his onslaught. Then he "made the signal for the squadron to shorten sail in order to connect them"—that is, to recover the order disturbed by the general chase. But while he was re-forming his line with the evident intention of attacking in the orthodox fashion, "each ship," as he said in his signal, "to engage her opponent in the enemy's line," he saw that De Winter was gradually drawing closer and closer to the land, so that unless he acted promptly, and without waiting for his line to be accurately formed, he would lose the opportunity of getting inshore of the enemy and cutting off his retreat by forcing him out to sea. Accordingly, as Sir John Laughton puts it, "without waiting for the ships astern to come up, without waiting to form line of battle, and with the fleet in very irregular order of sailing...he made the signal to pass through the enemy's line and engage to leeward." Some of his captains were not a little perplexed by the rapid succession of apparently inconsistent signals. One of them threw the signal-book on the deck, and "exclaimed in broad Scotch: 'D——,' &c. &c. 'Up wi' the hel-lem and gang into the middle o't.'" This was exactly what Duncan meant and wanted. With such followers, a leader so bold, so prompt, and so sagacious might make certain of victory. De Winter afterwards acknowledged to Duncan himself that he was undone by his adversaries' finely calculated but wholly unconventional impetuosity. "Your not waiting to form line ruined me; if I had got nearer to the shore and you had attacked I should probably have drawn both fleets on it, and it would have been a victory to me, being on my own coast."
The Dutch fought gallantly, but all in vain. Duncan's onslaught was irresistible, and its method was an inspiration which places him in the front rank of naval commanders. Had he waited to form his line with precision, De Winter might have given him the slip. Had he fought in the orthodox fashion, not yet abandoned in principle, though discarded with signal effect by Rodney at the battle of the Saints, he might have fought a brilliant action, but could hardly have achieved a decisive victory. De Winter, like Brueys at the Nile, never dreamt that his assailant would venture into the narrow and treacherous waters between his own line and the land. Like Villeneuve at Trafalgar, he had a safe port under his lee, and, more fortunate than Villeneuve, he had a lee shore close at hand. Manifestly his purpose was to make a running fight of it, without surrendering either of these advantages. The only way to defeat this purpose was to break through his line and to attack him from to leeward. There was no time to be lost, and at best the operation was full of hazard, for at the close of the action the British ships were in nine fathoms of water, and not more than five miles from the shore. Even with ample sea room the operation would have been novel, opposed to the tradition of the service, disallowed by the prescription of the Fighting Instructions, and sanctioned by no recent precedent save that of Rodney at the Saints. In the actual conditions of wind, land, and soundings it was bold beyond example. But its boldness was reasoned and calculated, based on a clear grasp of the situation. The manifold disadvantages of the attack from to windward, especially when associated with the traditional British respect for the formal line of battle, had been forcibly pointed out by John Clerk of Eldin, "that celebrated apple of naval discord," as Lord Camperdown aptly calls him. Duncan possessed a copy of Clerk's famous work, and to all appearance had studied it carefully. Yet the naval tradition was still so strong that, in spite of Clerk's teaching, it would seem that, had time permitted, he would have formed his line to windward and attacked in the orthodox fashion. But as soon as he saw that this might enable the enemy to escape he resolved at once
to throw tradition to the winds and to attack in the only way that could make the action decisive. His intuition was as rapid, as unerring, and as triumphant as was that of Nelson a few months before at St. Vincent—a kindred stroke of genius, or a like touch of that "inspired blindness which at the moment of decisive action sees not the risks but the one only road to possible victory." It is instructive to note and contrast the comments of Jervis on the two cases. Of the battle of St. Vincent and Nelson's share in it, I have already\(^1\) told how Calder spoke of Nelson's wearing out of the line as an unauthorized departure from the method of attack prescribed by the admiral. "It certainly was so," replied Jervis, "and if ever you commit such a breach of your orders, I will forgive you also." But of Duncan's action and its method St. Vincent wrote, "Lord Duncan's action was fought pell-mell\(^2\) (without plan or system); he was a gallant officer (but had no idea of tactics, and being soon puzzled by them), and attacked without attention to form or order, trusting that the brave example he set would achieve his object, which it did completely."
Thus was the sure judgment of the quarter-deck superseded by the formalism of the desk. There is a touch of littleness about this criticism of Duncan by his old comrade-in-arms which contrasts painfully with the large generosity of the rebuke to Calder. Duncan's inattention to form and order was the calculated means to an end clearly perceived, instantly pursued, and triumphantly attained. It was not the puzzle-headed impetuosity of the captain who shouted, "Up wi' the hel-lem and gang into the middle o't!" It was the sure insight and splendid intrepidity of a commander who sees the only way to victory and takes it at all risks.
Such a man was Duncan, and such was his one victory,
\(^1\) See p. 37.
\(^2\) Even if Duncan's action was "fought pell-mell," that was, as we have seen, exactly the way in which Nelson, by his own avowal, intended to fight, and did fight, the battle of Trafalgar.
and it ill becomes even a St. Vincent to belittle either. At any rate, those who were there held, with one accord, that the mode of attack adopted, confused and disorderly as it was, was the only one which offered any prospect of a decisive victory. Captain Hotham of the Adamant wrote: "There was no time for tactique or manœuvre: the day was advanced, the wind on shore, the water shoal; and hence the charge against the Admiral of going down in some confusion on the enemy's fleet. Had he done anything else but what he did the day would not have been so decided."
The action was desperately fought on both sides. "I have assured Admiral De Winter, and with justice, nothing could exceed his gallantry," wrote Duncan of his vanquished foe. An officer of the flagship, in his evidence given at a court-martial which arose out of the action, stated that "from the time we beat the States General out of the line until Admiral De Winter's ship was dismasted, the Venerable had seldom less than two and sometimes three line of battle ships upon her, besides a Dutch frigate and a brig who fired as opportunity offered." The Ardent, whose captain was killed, had two ships of the enemy upon her at the beginning of the action, "and about 2 p.m. she had four line of battle ships and a frigate." "Our enemies," wrote De Winter, "respect us on account of the obstinacy of our defence. No action could have been so bloody." Story, another of the Dutch admirals, described the action as "one of the most obstinate engagements, perhaps, that ever took place on the ocean."
The appearance of the British ships at the close of the action [says James] was very unlike what it generally is, when the French or Spaniards have been the opponent of the former. Not a single lower mast, not even a topmast was shot away; nor were the rigging and sails of the ships in their usual tattered state. It was at the hulls of their adversaries that the Dutchmen had directed their shot; and this, not until the former were so near that no aim could well miss.
Eleven ships of the enemy surrendered to the victors, but of these two were lost at sea and a third was driven on shore and recaptured. The remainder, with the whole of Duncan’s fleet, notwithstanding the serious damage the ships had sustained in their hulls, were brought safely into port, although for several days the wind continued to blow on to the Dutch coast, and the lee shore was only avoided with great difficulty. On October 15, Duncan, in the Venerable, anchored off Orfordness, the ship “being so leaky that with all her pumps going we could just keep her free.” On the same day he effectively, though quite undesignedly, disposed of St. Vincent’s criticism beforehand in a letter to his kinsman, the Lord Advocate:
We were obliged, from being so near the land, to be rather rash in our attack, by which we suffered more. Had we been ten leagues at sea none would have escaped. Many, I am sure, had surrendered, that got off in the night, being so near shore. We were much galled by their frigates where we could not act. In short, I feel perfectly satisfied. All was done that could be done. None have any fault to find.
I have said that Hotham in the Mediterranean and Bridport in the Channel were charged with exactly the same duty as was imposed on Duncan in the North Sea. Perhaps the best way to appreciate the brilliancy of his performance is to compare it with theirs. Hotham might have anticipated the Nile. Bridport ought to have destroyed Villaret and saved Ireland from Hoche. Duncan waited more than two years for his opportunity, he never relaxed his grip even at the height of the mutiny, and when at last the enemy ventured to sea, he pounced upon him at once and destroyed him. Well might Lady Spencer write as she did a year later to St. Vincent after the battle of the Nile:
I am sure it must be needless to attempt expressing to your Lordship my delight at the recollection of the last eighteen months. Lord Spencer’s naval administration
has witnessed during that period three victories, which, since naval records have been kept in this or any other country, are not to be equalled. Your magnificent achievement saved this Country; Lord Duncan's saved Ireland; and I must hope Lord Nelson's saves India.
In that illustrious but not unmerited association I may well leave Duncan's name and fame to the tardy appreciation of his countrymen and of history. Nor can I part more impressively with a personality remarkable alike for nobility of presence and for splendour of achievement than by quoting a contemporary account of Duncan's conversation and demeanour at a banquet given on the first anniversary of Camperdown to celebrate the victory of the Nile:
I used the opportunity his affability afforded me, to inquire some particulars of his own state of feeling before and after the action. He said he went upon deck about six o'clock, having had as sound a night's rest as ever he enjoyed in the whole course of his life. The morning was brilliant, with a brisk gale; and he added that he never remembered to have been exalted by so exhilarating a sensation as the sight of the two fleets afforded him. He said, however, that the cares of his duties were too onerous to allow him to think of himself; his whole mind was absorbed in observing and in meeting the occasion by orders; all other feelings were lost in the necessity of action.
The night after the battle he never closed his eyes—his thoughts were still tossing in the turmoil through which he had passed; but his most constant reflection was a profound thankfulness to God for the event of the engagement.
All this was said in so perfectly natural a tone, and with a manner so simple, that its truth was impressed at once, together with veneration for a man who could regard thus humbly an event in which much of human life had been sacrificed, so much of personal honour and so much of national glory and advantage attained. . . .
When the moment arrived for the departure of Lord
Duncan he rose slowly from his seat, drew himself up to his full height, and in a few simple words announced that he must take his leave. A dead silence ensued. He turned to the Russian admiral, and folding his vast arms round him, expressed his farewell in this solemn embrace. It was then that the voices of his companions in arms broke forth, and he was saluted with three such cheers, so hearty, so regular, so true, that they vibrated through every fibre of my frame. The venerable man bent his head upon his breast for a moment, and seemed deeply impressed: he then bowed low and majestically, tucked his triangular gold-laced hat under his huge arm, and walked gravely down the room to the door amid a silence so intense that his measured tread sounded like minute-drops. He stopped; he turned; he again reared himself to his noble height, took his hat from under his arm, waved it over his head, gave three loud, articulate, and distinct hurrahs in return for the former salutation, placed his hat upon his brow, and closed the door. It was the last time I ever beheld him, but the vision still remains with me.
Reproduced by permission of Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons]
PAUL JONES
From a painting by Charles Willson Peale
[To face p. 165]
PAUL JONES
I
IN the United States Paul Jones is universally regarded as the father of the American Navy. His spirit still dominates the great Naval College at Annapolis. His remains were, in 1905, disinterred in Paris, transported to the sea amid the respectful homage of the French nation, embarked on board an American man-of-war with all the honours of the French Navy, and, having once more crossed the Atlantic, were solemnly reinterred with great pomp at Annapolis, the President of the United States himself pronouncing the funeral oration. In this country the estimate generally entertained of his character and achievements has been a very different one. In 1825 a writer of whom I shall have more to say presently spoke of him as follows: "Paul Jones is known as a rebel and a pirate. Five and twenty years have not elapsed since the nurses of Scotland hushed their crying infants by the whisper of his name, and chap-books are even now to be purchased in which he is depicted in all the plenitude of terrific glory, the rival of Blackbeard and the worthy successor of the Buccaneers." It was, moreover, not
---
1 I have to thank the publishers of Mr. Buell's *Paul Jones* for their permission, courteously accorded, to reproduce the portrait of Paul Jones which faces this page. It forms the frontispiece to Mr. Buell's second volume. It is the work of Charles Willson Peale and is stated by Mr. Buell to be one of the only two portraits of Jones which are known to have been painted from sittings. It was painted in America in 1787. A reproduction of the other portrait known to have been painted from sittings stands as a frontispiece to Mr. Buell's first volume. The original is a miniature painted in 1780 by a Dutch artist named Van der Huydt, and now preserved in the Hermitage at St. Petersburg. It is more attractive as a picture, perhaps, but as it bears very little resemblance to the portrait by Peale, here reproduced, I should infer that it is a less faithful presentation of the man as he actually was.
merely in Scotland, nor only at the beginning of the last century, that the name of Paul Jones was still potent in the nurseries. A friend of my own, born at Hull twenty years after the words just quoted were written, tells me that even in his childhood the name of the captor of the Serapis was still one to conjure with on the east coast of England. By the British Government of his day Paul Jones was, of course, denounced as a rebel, and his extradition as a pirate was demanded by its diplomatic representative at the Hague. There is no greater living authority on naval biography than Sir John Knox Laughton. In the Dictionary of National Biography the professor cannot bring himself to describe Paul Jones as anything better than a "naval adventurer," and his final estimate of his character is exceedingly unfavourable. "Jones was a man of distinguished talent and originality, a thorough seaman, and of the most determined and tenacious courage. His faults were due to defective training. Excessive vanity and a desire for 'glory,' which was, as he wrote, 'infinite' and recognised no obstacles, made him a traitor to his country, as it made him quarrelsome, mean, and selfish." This was written in 1892. In an earlier and fuller biographical essay, first published in 1878 and reprinted in 1887 in the professor's Studies in Naval History, the estimate is still more unfavourable: "His moral character may be summed up in one word—detestable. I do not here speak only of the damning fact that, without sense of injury on the one side or of affection on the other, but merely as a matter of vulgar self-interest, he waged war against his native country. . . . I speak equally of his character in its more personal relations. The same selfish vanity which made him a renegade made him a calculating liar, incapable of friendship or love. . . . Whenever his private actions can be examined, they must be pronounced to be discreditable; and as to many others that appear to be so, there is no evidence in his favour, except his own unsubstantiated and worthless testimony."
No evidence in his favour! Franklin loved him as a son; and though Franklin may have been no saint, he did not consort with scoundrels. After Franklin's death his daughter wrote to this despicable and unscrupulous adventurer, assuring him that almost the last utterances of the doctor were expressions of unimpaired confidence in the integrity and of undiminished admiration for the courage of Paul Jones. Lafayette loved him as a brother. In a letter written in 1781, he said, "You so well know my affectionate sentiments and my very great regard for you that I need not add anything on that subject." The rugged Suwaroff addressed him as "my good brother." In England he was respected and entertained by Lord Shelburne, by Fox, by Horace Walpole, and by Sheridan. He won and retained the friendship of Pearson, whom he had vanquished in the Serapis. He was the honoured guest of Lord Barham when the latter was Commander-in-Chief at Portsmouth, and there he met many of the young officers who were afterwards to share the glories of Nelson and his comrades in arms—men such as Troubridge, Foley, Ball, Hood, Harvey, Saumarez, and others. Louis Philippe wrote of him: "One of my proudest memories is that, when a little boy, I enjoyed the society of that wonderful man, to promote whose success was my mother's most ardent ambition." The parents of Louis Philippe, the Duc and Duchesse de Chartres, were his earliest and staunchest friends in France. Louis XVI. decorated him, and treated him with high confidence and respect. He was the darling of that monarch's proud fastidious Court. He was held in high respect by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Morris, and other leaders of the American Revolution. When his conduct in France and his charges against Arthur Lee were investigated by Congress in 1781, that assembly unanimously resolved "that the thanks of the United States, in Congress assembled, be given to Captain Paul Jones for the zeal, prudence, and intrepidity with which he has supported the honour of the American flag; for his bold and successful enterprises to redeem from captivity the citizens of these States who had fallen under the power of the enemy; and in general, for the good conduct and eminent services by which he has added lustre to his character and to the American arms." When this resolution was reported to Washington, he wrote to Paul Jones a highly complimentary letter expressing his concurrence, and concluding with his "sincere wish" that he might long enjoy the reputation he had so justly acquired. All this, to which much more might be added, must surely be taken as at least *prima facie* evidence that Jones's personal character was by no means regarded as "detestable" by some of the most eminent and distinguished of his contemporaries. I am not concerned to present Paul Jones as a paragon of all the virtues. His vanity was excessive, his self-esteem was inordinate, some of his actions were questionable, and much of what he wrote about them is turgid, bombastic, and even ridiculous. But I have found little or nothing in the story of his life to sustain the scathing depreciation of Sir John Laughton, nor can I pay so poor a compliment to the perspicacity and good faith of those who loved, respected, and honoured him in his lifetime as to believe either that they were one and all deceived, or that they gave their outward confidence and esteem to a man whom they knew to be of no moral worth at all.
"His faults," says Sir John Laughton, "were due to defective training." In this judgment I concur. But I cannot reconcile it with the rest of the professor's estimate. Defective training, associated with a native habit of self-assertion, with a vanity never corrected in early years by contact with good society, may explain and excuse many errors of taste, manners, and expression. But it cannot account for sustained moral obliquity such as renders a man's character detestable and turns him into "a calculating liar, incapable of friendship or love." A double dose of original sin is required for such a development as that. And the paradox of it all is that those
who knew Paul Jones best never detected or suspected in him these abysmal profundities of wickedness. But without pursuing this question further at present, I will try to show what manner of man Paul Jones really was; what his origin, circumstances, and early training were; how he rose far above them by sheer force of character and will; how in genius for naval warfare and in sure grasp of the essential conditions of its successful conduct he transcended nearly all his contemporaries, and might, had his opportunities been worthy of his conceptions, have taken high rank among the great sea-captains of all time. It is from this point of view that his title to be regarded as the father of the American Navy is at once unimpeachable and fraught with the loftiest and most enduring inspiration.
II
John Paul, to give him his true patronymic, was of Scottish birth and origin. His father was gardener, fisherman, and perhaps factor to a laird who lived at Arbigland, a seaside hamlet of the parish of Kirkbean in the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright. Here John Paul was born in 1747, the youngest of five sons, and here he spent his childhood, being educated at the parish school, and early taking to the sea in the fishing-boats of his native hamlet. At the age of twelve he was bound apprentice to a shipowner of Whitehaven, and embarked on his first voyage in the brig *Friendship*, bound for Virginia. Thither his eldest brother, William Paul, had already migrated, and, having married the daughter of a planter named William Jones, had assumed the name of his father-in-law and undertaken the management of his business. John Paul first saw his elder brother, his senior by many years, when the *Friendship* anchored in the Rappahannock at no great distance from the landing-stage of William Jones's plantation. William Jones was then alive, and desired to adopt John Paul as he had previously adopted his elder brother. But John was still wedded to the sea
and stuck to his ship, returning in her to Whitehaven early in 1760. He appears to have remained in the service of his original employer for several years, making a succession of voyages and rapidly rising to the positions of second and first mate. In 1766 he took service as first mate in a ship trading to the West Indies, and obtained a sixth share in her ownership. In this ship he subsequently engaged with her captain, who was also part owner, in the slave trade, making at least two voyages between the African Coast and the West Indies. But at the end of the second voyage he sold his share in the ship to her captain, and quitting her in Jamaica he took passage home in a brig bound for Whitehaven. In this brig the captain, mate, and all but five of the crew died of yellow fever during the voyage, and Paul, with the survivors, brought the vessel safely into port. She was owned by the principal shipowners of Whitehaven, and as a reward for his services they gave him the command of one of their newest and finest ships, in which he made three more voyages to the West Indies and the American coasts, visiting his brother William on two occasions. In the course of these voyages he established business relations on his own account with a firm in Tobago, but to judge from a letter written by him some years later, these relations brought him little advantage and much trouble and embarrassment. During one of these voyages, the crew having been reduced by fever to five or six hands, one of the survivors—a powerful mulatto named Maxwell—became mutinous, and Paul, being at the time the only officer able to keep the deck, struck Maxwell with a belaying pin. Maxwell died shortly after the ship reached Tobago, and Paul at once reported the circumstances to the authorities and demanded an immediate trial. He was acquitted in the Colonial Court, the sentence being confirmed by the Governor of Tobago; but on his return to Whitehaven he was again placed on his trial for murder on the high seas. He was again acquitted, and so little did his trial injure his character with his owners—who
bore the now historic name of Donald Currie, Beck & Co.—that they forthwith gave him the command of a new ship, the *Grantully Castle*—another historic name—the largest vessel then trading from Whitehaven. Originally destined for the West Indian trade, like the other ships in which he had served, the *Grantully Castle* was taken up as a transport by the East India Company, and sailed for her eastern destination in 1771. Returning from this voyage in 1772, Paul again took the command of a vessel, once more bound for the West Indian and American ports. This proved to be his last mercantile voyage, for on arriving in the Rappahannock in April 1773, he found his brother William at the point of death, and himself the next heir to the whole of the property which William Jones had bequeathed to his brother in 1760. It has been stated that at one period during his early career Paul had engaged for a year or two in the smuggling trade between the Isle of Man and the Solway Firth. The foregoing record of his almost continuous employment at sea from 1759 to 1773 would seem to disallow this story; but if it were true, it would argue little or no discredit according to the ethical standard of the time. He was certainly engaged for a time in the slave trade, and probably no one in those days thought any the worse of him for it. In like manner no one was likely to think any the worse of him for having been a smuggler.
So far there is little or nothing to show that the career of John Paul differed in any essential respect from that of many a master-mariner of his time. Had he never been heard of again after he settled in Virginia he would have seemed to be no more than a man of energy, resource, and determination, of undaunted courage, of wide maritime experience, and of consummate nautical skill, who, having risen early by his merits to independent command, was nevertheless content to settle down at the age of six and twenty to a modest Colonial competence almost fortuitously bequeathed to him. That would probably have been his obscure history and his undistinguished
fate had George III. been less obstinate and his Ministers wiser men. But *Dis aliter visum*. With John Paul's arrival in the Rappahannock in the spring of 1773 the scene changes altogether, and with it the character and even the name of the actor. Much speculation has been wasted on the reasons for his change of name. There is, however, no sort of mystery about it. His elder brother William had already assumed the surname of his father-in-law, William Jones, when John Paul saw him for the first time in 1759. Even then the old man wanted to adopt the younger brother, and offered to provide for him. But John Paul preferred the sea, and apparently never saw William Jones again. For the latter died in 1760, and by his will he gave John Paul the reversion of the estate he had bequeathed to the elder brother in the event of the latter dying without issue. He had also made it a condition of the bequest that John Paul should follow his brother's example and take the name of Jones in his turn. During one of his visits to his brother, in 1769, John Paul recorded in due legal form his assent to the provisions of the will of William Jones, and thus automatically acquired the surname of Jones on the death of his brother without issue in 1773.
Henceforth, then, until he took service in the new American Navy, we have to deal not with John Paul, master-mariner, of Scottish origin and British nationality, but with John Paul Jones, Esq., planter, of Virginia. On the death of his brother, which occurred within a few hours of his arrival in the Rappahannock, he turned over the command of his ship to his first mate and settled on the estate which had now become his own. It was a small estate as Colonial plantations were then measured, consisting of about three thousand acres, with the usual equipments and buildings and the usual complement of negro slaves. Jones was not ill fitted to enjoy and adorn the society in which he now found himself—the society so graphically depicted in the opening chapters of Thackeray's *Virginians*. His early education had only been
that of a Scottish parish school, which he quitted at the age of twelve. But the scanty leisure of his fourteen years of seafaring life was sedulously employed in supplying the deficiencies of his training at school. He was eminently social in his tastes, but select in the society he frequented. Mariner, skipper, slaver, trader, perhaps smuggler, he devoted himself steadily all through his Wanderjahre to the cultivation of his mind, the extension of his knowledge, and the refinement of his manners. All this is perhaps rather matter of inference than of direct knowledge, but the inference is confirmed by the fact that when he settled in Virginia he had already made many friends among the leading men of the American Colonies, from New York to Charleston; had made himself master of French and acquired a passable knowledge of Spanish; had studied public affairs with keen intelligence and insight; had learnt to express himself on general topics with propriety, vigour, and point; and had thought more deeply and more profitably than most naval officers of his time on the organisation of navies and the principles of naval warfare. This is a truly marvellous achievement for a man of his years, training, and opportunities, but his subsequent history shows that the picture I have drawn is in no sense exaggerated. It may be that the finishing touch to these varied accomplishments was given during the two years he spent in Virginia, of which little or no record is preserved. He gave little attention to the affairs of his plantation, leaving them, as he had found them, in the hands of the faithful and capable Scottish steward who, with his master, William Paul Jones, had served in Braddock's ill-fated expedition and survived its disastrous rout. This enabled him to enjoy such leisure and such social and intellectual converse as life in Virginia then afforded. But books and their study were not greatly to the taste of Virginian planters in those days—Washington himself was probably a rare exception—and it is likely enough that Paul Jones sported and idled with the rest. It is true that he afterwards told Lady
Selkirk in a famous letter that he had "withdrawn from the sea-service in favour of 'calm contemplation and poetic ease.'" But the facts and dates seem to show that Paul Jones owed the greater part of his intellectual culture to the solitude of a merchantman's cabin and not to the more stirring and distracting atmosphere of a plantation in tidewater Virginia.
His espousal of the American side in the great conflict which gave birth to the United States, needs, in my judgment, neither apology nor defence. His adoption of a seafaring life at a very tender age must have cut him adrift from the political passions and even weakened his sympathy with the patriotic sentiments of his native land. During the years of his maritime wanderings he must have seen quite as much of Virginia and the American seaboard as he ever did of the shores of Great Britain. From 1769 onwards he must have regarded his brother's estate in Virginia as his own future home, and, knowing America as he did and its bitter resentment at the passing of the Stamp Act in 1765, it is hardly possible that, when he elected to settle in Virginia in 1773, he had not already taken the side on which were found many of the most upright and honourable of the subjects of the British Crown, both British and Colonial born. To say that he took it "without sense of injury on the one side or of affection on the other, but merely as a matter of vulgar self-interest," is, in my judgment, to go far beyond all warrant of the facts, and to deny to Paul Jones even the criminal's benefit of the doubt. His friends were among the leaders of the American Revolution. He settled in Virginia only a few months before the "Boston Tea Party," and little more than a year before the assembling of the first Congress at Philadelphia. In those days it was hardly possible for any man living in the American Colonies not to take one side or the other. It needed no sense of personal injury on the one hand, and very little of local affection on the other, to compel any and every man who thought for himself to decide
once for all on which side his sympathies lay. If self-interest was the motive, it must have rested on an extremely hazardous calculation of chances, for the prospects of distinction or even of employment in an American Navy, still to be created, must have seemed extremely remote to any man who knew as Paul Jones did the overwhelming might of England on the seas. If Washington, who had fought under the British flag, could take up arms against it, if three of his major-generals were men of British origin and birth and had served in the British Army, if Chatham, who had conquered Canada, would not allow his son to unsheathe his sword for the coercion of the American Colonies, why should it be denied to Paul Jones to share the sympathies of men such as these? To call him a rebel is altogether beside the point. They were all rebels in one sense, and all patriots in another. To call him a traitor is absurd. As Captain Mahan pithily puts it, "If Paul Jones be a traitor, what epithet is left for Benedict Arnold?" It is true that in his more expansive and bombastic moments he disavowed all narrow and exclusive patriotism. "Though I have drawn my sword in the present generous struggle for the rights of men," he wrote to Lady Selkirk, "yet I am not in arms as an American. I profess myself a citizen of the world, totally unfettered by the little mean distinctions which diminish the benevolence of the heart and set bounds to philanthropy." He subsequently used the same language to the French Minister of Marine. But this is merely the philosophic jargon of the eighteenth century. All it means is that, since he could not be neutral in the conflict, Paul Jones had espoused the cause which he deemed to be that of liberty, justice, and humanity. History has at any rate decisively ratified his choice.
"On the library wall of one of the most famous writers of America, there hang two crossed swords, which his relatives wore in the great War of Independence. The one was gallantly worn in the service of the King, the
other was the weapon of a brave and honoured Republican soldier.” So writes Thackeray in the opening chapter of the *Virginians*. The apologue serves to explain the attitude of Paul Jones towards the American conflict. Virginia was divided in sentiment. The planters were mainly Tories and Royalists, yet Washington himself was a Virginian planter. Paul Jones followed Washington. The two years between 1773 and 1775 were apparently spent by him for the most part in the study and observation of public affairs. Yet his sympathies were never disguised. He openly sought the society of the leaders of what was then known as the Continental party. By the end of 1774 it was plain that the issue between the American Colonies and the Crown could only be decided by force, and every man in America was compelled to make his choice for one side or the other. The choice of Paul Jones was already made. Early in 1775, Philip Livingstone of New York visited Virginia for the purpose of conferring with Washington and the other leaders of the Continental party in that State. Jones was present at many of these conferences, a sufficient proof that he already enjoyed the confidence of the Continental leaders. In one of his journals, written in 1782, he says:
Mr. Livingstone had recently been at Boston, and his reports of conferences he had with the Adamses, Mr. Otis, Dr. Warren, and others, were of the utmost gravity. . . . Colonel Washington, Mr. Jefferson, and in fact all the Virginians of note, agreed that whatever the Boston people might do, or whenever they should act, they must be sustained at all hazards. I availed myself of these occasions to assure Colonel Washington, Mr. Jefferson, and all the others, that my services would be at the disposal of the Colonies whenever their cause should require service on my own element, which would, of course, be coincident with the outbreak of regular hostilities on the land.
It was not to grave and serious men such as these that
Paul Jones appeared to be a traitor, a renegade, or a mere self-seeking adventurer.
III
Events were now to move rapidly. The battle of Lexington was fought on April 19, 1775, and that of Bunker's Hill on June 17. Jones was in New York when he heard of the former, and at once wrote to his friends to renew the offer of his services, inviting the Congress to call upon him "in any capacity which your knowledge of my seafaring capacities and your opinion of my qualifications may dictate." The Congress met for its second session on May 10. On June 14 it appointed a Naval Committee to "consider, inquire, and report with respect to the organisation of a naval force." On June 24 this Committee authorised its chairman, Robert Morris, "to invite John Paul Jones, Esquire, gent., of Virginia, Master-Mariner, to lay before the Committee such information and advice as may seem to him useful in assisting the said Committee to discharge its labours." Jones had by this time returned to his plantation, where he had cordially entertained the officers of two French frigates which had put into Hampton Roads under the command of Commodore de Kersaint, with the Duc de Chartres as his second-in-command. This was the beginning of a close friendship with these two famous Frenchmen, which ended only with Jones's life, and exercised no slight influence on his career. It was largely the goodwill of the Duc de Chartres which secured for Paul Jones his footing in French society, and largely the fortune of the Duchesse which enabled him to prosecute many of his undertakings. On receipt of the invitation of the Committee above quoted, Jones at once repaired to Philadelphia and placed himself at the disposal of the Congress. The first task entrusted to him was to serve on a Commission appointed "to survey and report upon
the condition, availability, and the expediency of purchasing certain vessels then in the Delaware at the disposal of the Congress." At the same time he was invited to advise the Committee on two more general questions, namely "The proper qualifications of naval officers," and "The kind or kinds of armed vessels most desirable for the service of the United Colonies, keeping in view the limited resources of the Colonies." The work of the Commission, in which he at once took the leading part, absorbed all Jones's energies for many weeks, and it was not until the middle of September that he was able to lay before the Committee a deeply considered answer to the first of the more general questions addressed to him. This masterly document is still, if I may so call it, the moral and intellectual charter of Annapolis, and the sure and everlasting warrant of Jones's title to be called the Father of the American Navy. I need offer no apology for quoting it almost in full:
As this is to be the foundation—or I may say the first keel-timber—of a new navy, which all patriots must hope shall become amongst the foremost in the world, it should be well begun in the selection of the first list of officers. You will pardon me, I know, if I say that I have enjoyed much opportunity during my sea-life to observe the duties and responsibilities that are put upon naval officers.
It is by no means enough that an officer of the navy should be a capable mariner. He must be that, of course, but also a great deal more. He should be as well a gentleman of liberal education, refined manners, punctilious courtesy, and the nicest sense of personal honour.
He should not only be able to express himself clearly and with force in his own language both with tongue and pen, but he should also be versed in French and Spanish—for an American officer particularly the former—for our relations with France must necessarily soon become exceedingly close in view of the mutual hostility of the two countries toward Great Britain.
The naval officer should be familiar with the principles of international law, and the general practice of admiralty
jurisprudence, because such knowledge may often, when cruising at a distance from home, be necessary to protect his flag from insult or his crew from imposition or injury in foreign ports.
He should also be conversant with the usages of diplomacy, and capable of maintaining, if called upon, a dignified and judicious diplomatic correspondence; because it often happens that sudden emergencies in foreign waters make him the diplomatic as well as military representative of his country, and in such cases he may have to act without opportunity of consulting his civic or ministerial superiors at home, and such action may easily involve the portentous issue of peace or war between great powers. These are general qualifications, and the nearer the officer approaches the full possession of them the more likely he will be to serve his country well and win fame and honors for himself.
Coming now to view the naval officer aboard ship and in relation to those under his command, he should be the soul of tact, patience, justice, firmness, and charity. No meritorious act of a subordinate should escape his attention or be left to pass without its reward, if even the reward be only one word of approval. Conversely he should not be blind to a single fault in any subordinate, though, at the same time, he should be quick and unfailing to distinguish error from malice, thoughtlessness from incompetency, and well-meant shortcoming from heedless or stupid blunder. As he should be universal and impartial in his rewards and approval of merit, so should he be judicial and unbending in his punishment or reproof of misconduct.
In his intercourse with subordinates he should ever maintain the attitude of the commander, but that need by no means prevent him from the amenities of cordiality or the cultivation of good cheer within proper limits. Every commanding officer should hold with his subordinates such relations as will make them constantly anxious to receive invitations to sit at his mess-table, and his bearing toward them should be such as to encourage them to express their feelings to him with freedom and to ask his views without reserve.
It is always for the best interests of the service that a cordial interchange of sentiments and civilities should
subsist between superior and subordinate officers aboard ship. Therefore it is the worst of policy in superiors to behave toward their subordinates with indiscriminate hauteur, as if the latter were of a lower species. Men of liberal minds, themselves accustomed to command, can ill brook being thus set at naught by others who, from temporary authority, may claim a monopoly of power and sense for the time being. If such men experience rude, ungentle treatment from their superiors, it will create such heart-burnings and resentments as are nowise consonant with that cheerful ardor and ambitious spirit that ought ever to be characteristic of officers of all grades. In one word, every commander should keep constantly before him the great truth, that to be well obeyed he must be perfectly esteemed.
But it is not alone with subordinate officers that a commander has to deal. Behind them, and the foundation of all, is the crew. To his men the commanding officer should be Prophet, Priest, and King! His authority when off shore being necessarily absolute, the crew should be as one man impressed that the Captain, like the Sovereign, "can do no wrong!"
This is the most delicate of all the commanding officer's obligations. No rule can be set for meeting it. It must ever be a question of tact and perception of human nature on the spot and to suit the occasion. If an officer fails in this, he cannot make up for such failure by severity, austerity, or cruelty. Use force and apply restraint or punishment as he may, he will always have a sullen crew and an unhappy ship. But force must be used sometimes for the ends of discipline. On such occasions the quality of the commander will be most sorely tried...
When a commander has, by tact, patience, justice, and firmness, each exercised in its proper turn, produced such an impression upon those under his orders in a ship of war, he has only to await the appearance of his enemy's top-sails upon the horizon. He can never tell when that moment may come. But when it does come he may be sure of victory over an equal or somewhat superior force, or honorable defeat by one greatly superior. Or, in rare cases, sometimes justifiable, he may challenge the devotion of his followers to sink with him alongside the more powerful foe, and all go down together with the unstricken
flag of their country still waving defiantly over them in their ocean sepulchre!
No such achievements are possible to an unhappy ship with a sullen crew.
All these considerations pertain to the naval officer afloat. But part, and often an important part, of his career must be in port or on duty ashore. Here he must be of affable temper and a master of civilities. He must meet and mix with his inferiors of rank in society ashore, and on such occasions he must have tact to be easy and gracious with them, particularly when ladies are present; at the same time without the least air of patronage or affected condescension, though constantly preserving the distinction of rank. . . .
In old established navies like, for example, those of Britain and France, generations are bred and specially educated to the duties and responsibilities of officers. In land forces generals may and sometimes do rise from the ranks. But I have not yet heard of an Admiral coming aft from a forecastle.
Even in the merchant service, master-mariners almost invariably start as cabin apprentices. In all my wide acquaintance with the merchant service I can now think of but three competent master-mariners who made their first appearance on board ship "through the hawse-hole," as the saying is.
A navy is essentially and necessarily autocratic. True as may be the political principles for which we are now contending, they can never be practically applied on board ship, out of port or off soundings. This may seem a hardship, but it is nevertheless the simplest of truths. Whilst the ships sent forth by the Congress may and must fight for the principles of human rights and republican freedom, the ships themselves must be ruled and commanded at sea under a system of absolute despotism. . . .
It should be borne in mind that when this memorable State Paper was penned, Paul Jones had never served on board a man-of-war. His life, his education, and his experiences had only been such as I have in briefest outline described. Yet I venture to affirm that no naval officer then living—and few naval officers of any agecould have better defined the essential duties of a naval officer and the moral qualities which fit him to discharge those duties with loyalty, dignity, and distinction, than this master-mariner whom fortune had made by no seeking of his own a Virginia planter, and who, though born a British subject, like every other American "rebel," had espoused the cause which even in this country enlisted the sympathies of a Chatham, a Burke, and a Fox, and in America was not unworthy to be served by men such as Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Jefferson, and many others whom he reckoned among his familiar friends. It was not men such as these that would admit a mere self-seeking adventurer to their intimacy. It was not to a man who knew so well what a naval officer ought to be and to do that the loyalty and devotion of comrades in arms who shared his own spirit was ever denied. It is true that he quarrelled with many of his associates and subordinates. But many of them were rogues, traitors, cowards, scoundrels, "scallywags." For these he had no use and with them he had no patience. With men of his own temper he lived, like Nelson, as with "a band of brothers."
The report of Paul Jones was at once adopted by the Committee to which it was made, but not before it had been submitted by Hewes to Washington, who made the following comment on it: "Mr. Jones is clearly not only a master-mariner within the scope of the art of navigation, but he also holds a strong and profound sense of the military weight of command on the sea. His powers of usefulness are great, and must be constantly kept in view." But his powers of usefulness were not confined to the survey of ships suitable for the Continental navy and the preparation of the foregoing report. He reported also on the nature of the matériel required for such a navy and the best method of employing it. This report was presented to the Committee on October 3, 1775. It displays no less sure an insight into the true conditions and requirements of such a warfare on the
seas as was open to the Continental forces than its predecessor did into the essential requirements of the personnel. For political, strategic, mechanical, and financial reasons, Paul Jones strongly and wisely deprecated the construction of ships of the line:
Such vessels are too large and costly both in building and keeping in commission, and require too many men for our present resources. Their use is mainly strategical, for which purpose they must operate in fleets and squadrons, calculated to fight ranged battles, or to make extensive demonstrations, or to protect military expeditions over sea, or to overawe inferior powers. The posture of our affairs does not present such requirements. We cannot hope to contend with Britain for mastery of the sea on a grand scale. We cannot now for a long time hope for conditions admitting of such an attitude. As it is, only four powers are able to maintain fleets of the line capable of standing up in ranged battle. They are England, France, Spain, and the Netherlands, and their fleets are the growth of centuries.
Moreover, America had no dockyards, no accumulation of seasoned timber of scantling suitable for capital ships, no money to build such ships, no guns wherewithal to arm them, and no means of obtaining such guns. On the other hand, Paul Jones would not "go to the other extreme and counsel the fitting out of small vessels able only to harass the enemy's commerce. That character of sea warfare may, I think, be left in the main to the enterprise or cupidity, or both, of private individuals or associations who will take out letters-of-marque or equip privateers." He knew well the vital importance of offensive warfare, even of such offensive warfare as alone can be conducted by a belligerent who does not seek "to contend for mastery of the sea on a grand scale." He will not peddle with coast defence, nor with any such restricted form of offence as is conducted in home waters by vessels having only a limited radius of action. He wants, at all hazards, to harry the enemy's coasts and
attack his commerce in his own waters. For this purpose he desires frigates at least as large and as heavily armed as those then being employed by England and France, and as many as he can get—"at least six" carrying thirty-six twelve-pounders. "I would not counsel smaller ones, such as twenty-eights or even thirty-twos; because the drift of progress is to make frigates heavier all the time, and anything inferior to the twelve-pounder thirty-six gun frigate is now behind the times. On the other hand I would take a step further than the English and French have yet gone in frigate design. I would create a class of eighteen-pounder frigates to rate thirty-eight or forty guns. . . . By this means we shall have a ship of frigate build and rate, but one-half again stronger than any other frigate now afloat. In addition to the six already proposed to carry twelve-pounders, it would be wise to provide for at least four of the new class of eighteen-pounder frigates I propose, and if possible six." There is a modern ring about these remarks which may well suggest to the reflective reader that the conditions of naval warfare, and their expression in terms of matériel, vary rather in degree than in kind from age to age, and that the solution of the problems presented by them is essentially identical in all ages. Not less modern nor, I will add, less happily inspired, are the views of Paul Jones on the use to be made in warfare of the matériel he recommends:
We should, at the earliest moment, have a squadron of four, five, or six frigates like the above—either or both classes—constantly in British waters, harbouring and refitting in the ports of France, which nation must, from self-interest alone, lean toward us from the start, and must sooner or later openly espouse our cause.
Keeping such a squadron in British waters, alarming their coasts, intercepting their trade, and descending now and then upon their least protected ports, is the only way that we, with our slender resources, can sensibly affect our enemy by sea-warfare.
Rates of insurance will rise; necessary supplies from abroad, particularly naval stores for the British dockyards, will be cut off; transports carrying troops and supply-ships bringing military stores for land operations against us will be captured; and last, but not least, a considerable force of their ships and seamen will be kept watching or searching for our frigates.
In planning and building our new frigates I would keep fast sailing, on all points, in view as a prime quality. But no officer of true spirit would conceive it his duty to use the speed of his ship in escape from an enemy of like or nearly like force. If I had an eighteen-pounder frigate of the class above described, I should not consider myself justified in showing her heels to a forty-four of the present time, or even to a fifty-gun ship built ten years ago.
A sharp battle now and then, or the capture and carrying as prize into a French port of one or two of their crack frigates, would raise us more in the estimation of Europe, where we now most of all need countenance, than could the defeat or even capture of one of their armies on the land here in America. And at the same time it would fill all England with dismay. If we show to the world that we can beat them afloat with an equal force, ship to ship, it will be more than any one else has been able to do in modern times, and it will create a great and most desirable sentiment of respect and favour towards us on the Continent of Europe, where really, I think, the question of our fate must ultimately be determined.
Beyond this, if by exceedingly desperate fighting, one of our ships shall conquer one of theirs of markedly superior force, we shall be hailed as the pioneers of a new power on the sea, with untold prospects of development, and the prestige, if not the substance of English dominion over the ocean, will be forever broken. Happy, indeed, will be the lot of the American captain upon whom fortune shall confer the honor of fighting that battle!
Thus, alike in personnel and in matériel, Paul Jones became the first author and only begetter of the American Navy—its father in every sense of the word. Nor was it long before he found employment in the great service he
had thus created. In December 1775 the Committee above mentioned recommended the appointment of five captains, five first lieutenants, and eleven second lieutenants, Paul Jones being placed not, as he might have expected, among the captains, but at the head of the list of lieutenants. He accepted the situation with dignity, but not without disappointment, and was nominated first lieutenant of the *Alfred*, one of the ships he had surveyed and recommended for purchase, under the command of Captain Dudley Saltonstall. He received his commission forthwith, and going on board the *Alfred*, with several members of the Committee, he, in the absence of Saltonstall, who had not yet reached Philadelphia, was directed by John Hancock, one of the Committee, to take command of the ship and break her pendant. This was the "Pine Tree and Rattlesnake" emblem, with the motto "Don’t tread on me," which was worn for a few months only by Continental ships in commission. It was afterwards replaced by the historic "Stars and Stripes," and this flag, too, Paul Jones had the honour of first hoisting when he took command of the *Ranger*.
IV
The first exploit of the new navy was no very glorious one. In February 1776 a squadron of four vessels, of which the *Alfred* was one, set forth under the command of Commodore Ezekiel Hopkins on an expedition against the Bahamas and British commerce in those waters. It returned early in April, having captured Fort Nassau in New Providence, and failed to capture a British sloop, the *Glasgow*, which made good its escape although assailed and chased by the whole squadron. The result was a series of courts-martial, official censures, and dismissals from the service, the Commodore being cashiered, and Saltonstall placed in retirement, which unhappily for his own fame, proved to be only temporary. That Jones
himself incurred no blame is shown by the fact that barely a month after his return in the *Alfred* he was appointed to the command of the *Providence* sloop-of-war, and sailed in her, in June, on a general cruise ranging from Bermuda to the Banks of Newfoundland. I need not record the incidents of this cruise, though they showed Paul Jones at his best as a seaman of consummate daring and infinite resource. On his return to port in the autumn he was promoted to the rank of captain, receiving his commission from the hands of Thomas Jefferson, and heard for the first time of the utter ravaging of his plantation in Virginia, at the close of the previous year, by Lord Dunmore, the British Governor of the Colony. Lord Dunmore had been driven from his residence in Virginia and taken refuge on board a British man-of-war. "There were," says Lecky, "no English soldiers in the province, but with the assistance of some British frigates, of some hundreds of loyalists who followed his fortunes, and of a few runaway negroes, he equipped a marine force which spread terror along the Virginian coast and kept up a harassing though almost useless predatory war. Two incidents in the struggle excited deep resentment throughout America. The first was a proclamation by which freedom was promised to all slaves who took arms against the rebels. The second was the burning of the important town of Norfolk, which had been occupied by the provincials, had fired on the King's ships, and had refused to supply them with provisions. It was impossible by such means to subdue the province."
Jones was one of the principal sufferers by this ill-starred enterprise of Lord Dunmore's. His plantation was ruined, all his buildings burned to the ground, his wharf demolished, his live stock killed, and every one of his able-bodied slaves of both sexes carried off to Jamaica to be sold. But he did not repine or complain. "This is, of course, a part of the fortune of war," he wrote to his friend Hewes. "I accept the extreme animosity displayed by Lord Dunmore as a compliment to the sincerity of my attachment to the cause of liberty. His lordship is entitled to his own conception of civilized warfare. He and his know where I am and what I am doing. They can affect me only by ravage behind my back. I do not complain of that." But he did deplore the fate of his negroes, and he acknowledged that all his worldly resources were destroyed. "I have," as he said in the same letter, "no fortune left but my sword, and no prospect except of getting alongside the enemy." A few weeks later he was again at sea, this time in command of the Alfred, with the Providence in company and under his command. The cruise lasted about a month. Jones returned to port with seven prizes, two of which were transports fully laden with clothing and other supplies for the King's troops. The loss of these supplies to the British forces was serious enough; to the Continental forces, ill-equipped and impoverished as they were, the gain was incalculable.
This cruise was the last of the services rendered by Paul Jones to the American cause in American waters. Henceforth he plays his part on the larger stage of European warfare and diplomacy. I have dealt in some detail with his early years and his early services to the cause of his choice, because it is this portion of his life, too often ignored or misunderstood by his English biographers, which has operated most to his discredit. For example, Sir John Laughton, writing in 1878, reads the story I have told in outline above in a widely different sense:
I have been thus particular in tracing the early life of John Paul, because its detail, uninteresting in itself, appears to offer some explanation of both his character and his choice of a career. A peasant lad, who had been knocking about the world in small trading ships from the time he was twelve years old; who had served during five or six years, as he was growing from boyhood into manhood, on board a slaver; a Manx smuggler, a ruined merchant, possibly a fraudulent bankrupt, or too clever executor, is not the man whose path we should expect to
find hampered by needless or even customary scruples. The world was his oyster, with his sword he would open it. He felt himself capable of achieving distinction, if only he had a field for his talents; and he had seen enough to make him believe that in the war then breaking out, the revolutionary side would give him the greatest opportunities. To him country was an idle word, patriotism an unknown idea. Through life the one object of his worship and admiration was himself.
My readers must choose for themselves between this picture and that which I have drawn. I will, moreover, cite an independent witness to character in the writer whom I have already mentioned as having written a *Life of Paul Jones*, as early as 1825. This writer, I am assured by my friend Mr. John Murray, is no other than the illustrious Benjamin Disraeli, afterwards Earl of Beaconsfield, and Prime Minister of England.\(^1\) He at any rate, whether from sympathy of temperament or from greater generosity of appreciation, saw Paul Jones and his career in a much kindlier light than has been common among his countrymen; and since the volume is now rare and little known, I need offer no apology for citing his final appreciation:
That by law he was a pirate and a rebel, I shall not deny; since by the same law Washington would have
\(^1\) The work is entitled *The Life of Paul Jones, from Original Documents in the Possession of John Henry Sherburne, Esq., Register of the Navy of the United States*. London, John Murray, Albemarle Street, MDCCXXV. The present Mr. John Murray has very kindly allowed me to inspect and consult a copy of this work which has never passed out of the possession of his firm. He assures me that there is no doubt that it is substantially the work of Disraeli, who was at this period in the literary employ of his grandfather. Disraeli's name does not appear on the title-page any more than it does on another work published by John Murray in 1832, and entitled *England and France; or a Cure for the Ministerial Gallomania*. But the records and traditions of the firm attest that both were Disraeli's handiwork, and that if he was not the actual writer of every line and every word, he was at any rate the superintending and largely contributory editor. This attribution is confirmed by abundant internal evidence of style and treatment. In a private letter to Mr. Murray the late Sir Spencer Walpole pronounced parts of the *England and France* volume to be "very dizzy-ish." My readers will judge for themselves of the extract here given.
been drawn and quartered, and Franklin had already been denounced as "a hoary-headed traitor." But we have seen that nothing can be more erroneous than the prevalent history of his character and fortunes. As to his moral conduct it would seem that few characters have been more subject to scrutiny and less to condemnation. His very faults were the consequences of feelings which possess our admiration, and his weaknesses were allied to a kindly nature. He was courageous, generous, and humane; and he appears to have been the only one in this age of revolutions whose profession of philanthropy was not disgraced by his practice. As to his mental capacity, it cannot be denied that his was a most ardent and extraordinary genius. Born in the lowest rank of life, and deprived by his mode of existence from even the common education which every Scotchman inherits, Paul Jones was an enthusiastic student, and succeeded in forming a style which cannot be sufficiently admired for its pure and strenuous eloquence. His plans also were not the crude conceptions of a vigorous but untutored intellect, but the matured systems which could only have been generated by calm observation and patient study. His plan for attacking the coast of England was most successful in execution, though conceived on the banks of the Delaware; and we cannot but perceive a schooled and philosophic intellect in his hints for the formation of the navy of a new nation. Accident had made him a republican, but the cold spirit of his republicanism had not tainted his chivalric soul, and his political principles were not the offspring of the specious theories of a dangerous age. There was nothing in the nature of his mind which would have prevented him from being the commander instead of the conqueror of the Serapis. He delighted in the pomp and circumstance of royalty, and we scarcely know when to deem him happiest—when the venerable Franklin congratulated him for having freed all his suffering countrymen from the dungeons of Great Britain, or when he received a golden-hilted sword from the "protector of the rights of human nature." Although he died in his forty-fifth year, his public life was not a short one, and by his exertions at the different Courts of Europe he mainly contributed to the success of the American cause. Now that the fever of party prejudice
has subsided, England wishes not to withhold from him the tribute of her admiration. America, "the country of his fond election," must ever rank him not only among the firmest, but among the ablest of her patriots.
V
In June 1777 Jones was appointed by Congress to command the *Ranger*, a new vessel of 308 tons, designed to carry an armament of twenty long six-pounder guns, which had just been launched from the navy yard at Portsmouth in New Hampshire. Jones fitted her out and reported her as ready for sea on October 15. But as her destination was to carry the war into the enemy's waters in accordance with the views which Jones had, as we have seen, already advanced, he was directed to wait for despatches of importance which Congress expected to be in a position to transmit to France in a few days. In other words, the surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga was known to be imminent—it took place on October 17—and Congress desired to employ the *Ranger* to carry the news to Europe and especially to France, whose friendship for the United States was shortly to ripen into an alliance. Jones received his despatches about midnight on October 31, and set sail at once, declaring that he would spread the news in France in thirty days. He did not quite fulfil his promise, but he landed at Nantes on December 2, and, posting forthwith to Paris, he placed the despatches in Franklin's hands on the morning of December 5. "On February 6, 1778," says Mr. A. C. Buell, Paul Jones's latest biographer, "the Treaty of Alliance that assured American Independence was signed and sealed at Versailles—just two months after the arrival of the news."
It had been intended that on his arrival in France Jones should hand over the *Ranger* to Simpson, his second-in-command, and himself take command of a new frigate building at Amsterdam for the United States Government. But the British Government got wind of the transaction, an embargo was laid on the ship, and before Jones landed at Nantes, she had been sold by Franklin to the French Government. Jones therefore remained for a time in command of the Ranger, and, after refitting her at L'Orient, he put in at Brest, where the French Grand Fleet was lying under the command of D'Orvilliers. Here, on February 14, 1771, after some politic negotiation on Jones's part, the United States flag, which he had been the first to hoist on board the Ranger, received the first salute ever offered to it by a foreign naval power. Jones was detained at Brest for nearly two months, owing to differences of opinion among the American Commissioners in Paris as to his ulterior destination. In the end the views of Franklin, who desired to keep Jones in European waters, prevailed, and at last, on April 10, the Ranger sailed to try her fortunes in British waters. Baffled by the weather Jones entered the Irish Channel from the southward, having originally intended to pass to the west of Ireland and enter it from the northward. It was well for him that he did so, for, before he left Brest, the British Government had got wind of his intentions and had promptly despatched from Plymouth a frigate and two sloops to look after him on the west coast of Ireland. They were detained at Falmouth by the same gale which kept him out of the Atlantic, and they never got on his tracks. Jones made straight for his native haunts; and, learning that Whitehaven, the cradle of his maritime career, was then full of shipping, he resolved to make a descent on it, relying on his intimate knowledge of the harbour and its approaches, and hoping to be able to destroy all the shipping assembled there. Delayed for some days by contrary winds, he at length got near to the port on the night of April 22, and made his attack. It was not successful in its attempt on the shipping, the attack having been made too late in the night, owing to the wind having dropped before he had got as near in as he desired, and at daybreak he was compelled to withdraw his small landing party after a sharp skirmish with the local militia. His own comment on this adventure is as follows:
Its actual results were of little moment, for the intended destruction of shipping was limited to a single vessel. But the moral effect of it was very great, as it taught the English that the fancied security of their coasts was a myth, and thereby compelled their Government to take expensive measures for the defence of numerous ports hitherto relying for protection wholly on the vigilance and supposed omnipotence of their navy. It also doubled or more the rates of insurance, which in the long run proved the most grievous damage of all.
This is amply corroborated by Disraeli, who says:
The descent at Whitehaven produced consternation all over the kingdom. Expresses were immediately despatched to all the capital seaports; all strangers in Whitehaven were immediately ordered to be arrested; similar directions were forwarded throughout the country. Look-out vessels were appointed at every port; continual meetings were held all down the coast; companies were raised by subscription; and all forts and guns were immediately put into condition.
A nation which relies on sea power is peculiarly sensitive to alarms of this kind. Jones had discovered the secret of getting on its nerves. His next adventure was of a more equivocal character, though his own motives were generous and his subsequent action was even chivalrous after a certain florid fashion of his own. Paul Jones shared to the full the sentiments of all Americans and of not a few Englishmen concerning the harsh treatment by the English authorities of American prisoners of war. By way of remedy for the evils complained of, he conceived the idea of seizing some Englishman of rank and repute and holding him as a hostage until the condition of the prisoners was ameliorated. The time and the place seemed favourable to his design. Baffled at Whitehaven, and yet having spread terror and consternation far and wide, he struck across to the Bay of Kirkcudbright, and there anchored off St. Mary's Isle, the seat of the Earl of Selkirk. He desired by this prompt change of scene to spread the impression abroad that there was more than one American warship on the coast, but he had also another purpose in view. This, together with the proceedings which ensued, are perhaps best described in a very characteristic letter—bombastic or chivalrous according as we view it, and certainly highflown in any view of it—which he wrote to Lady Selkirk on the day of his return to Brest:
Madam,—It cannot be too much lamented, that, in the profession of arms, the officer of fine feelings and real sensibility should be under the necessity of winking at any action of persons under his command, which his heart cannot approve, but the reflection is doubly severe, when he finds himself obliged in appearance to countenance such acts by his authority.
This hard case was mine, when on the 23rd of April last, I landed on St. Mary's Isle. Knowing Lord Selkirk's influence with the King, and esteeming as I do his private character, I wished to make him the happy instrument of alleviating the horrors of hopeless captivity, when the brave are overpowered and made prisoners of war. It was perhaps fortunate for you, madam, that he was from home; for it was my intention to have taken him on board the Ranger and to have detained him until, through his means, a general and fair exchange of prisoners, as well in Europe as in America, had been effected. When I was informed by some men whom I met at landing, that his lordship was absent, I walked back to my boat, determined to leave the island. By the way, however, some officers, who were with me, could not forbear expressing their discontent, observing that, in America, no delicacy was shown by the English, who took away all sorts of moveable property; setting fire, not only to towns, but to the houses of the rich, without distinction, and not even sparing the wretched hamlets and milch-cows of the poor and helpless at the approach of an inclement winter.
That party had been with me, the same morning, at Whitehaven; some complaisance, therefore, was their due. I had but a moment to think how I might gratify them, and at the same time do your ladyship the least injury. I charged the two officers to permit none of the seamen to enter the house, or to hurt anything about it; to treat you, madam, with the utmost respect; to accept of the plate which was offered, and to come away without making a search, or demanding anything else. I am induced to believe that I was punctually obeyed. . . . I have gratified my men; and when the plate is sold, I shall become the purchaser, and will gratify my own feelings by restoring it to you, by such conveyance as you shall please to direct.
The rest of the letter need not be quoted at length; one or two sentences of it have been cited already. It contains a bombastic description of the action, shortly to be mentioned, between the Ranger and the Drake, and concludes with a rhetorical appeal to Lady Selkirk, "to use your persuasive arts, with your husband's, to endeavour to stop this cruel and destructive war in which Britain can never succeed." As to the plate, Jones redeemed his pledge, and it ultimately found its way, after many vicissitudes, back to St. Mary's Isle. It is said that Jones expended some £140 out of his own pocket over the transaction.
Before his descent on Whitehaven, Jones had attempted to surprise and capture the Drake, an ill-manned and ill-equipped sloop of war which was serving as guardship off Carrickfergus in Belfast Lough. He intended to anchor alongside and carry the Drake by boarding; but owing to some miscarriage with the anchor, the attempt failed and the Ranger stood out to sea. The morning after the raid on St. Mary's Isle, the Ranger was again cruising off Belfast Lough and, this time, the Drake was not slow to accept the challenge. Working out of the Lough against a contrary wind, she came within hail of the Ranger late in the afternoon, and the action immediately began. In a little more than an hour the Drake
was reduced to a wreck by the Ranger's fire at close range, her commanding officer was dead, her second-in-command was dying, and she hauled down her flag. It was not a very glorious victory in itself, for though the two ships were about equal in armament,¹ the Drake was ill prepared for the fight; and though she was very gallantly fought, she was overpowered by the superior gunnery of the Ranger. In the biography of Jones, contributed by Sir John Laughton to the Dictionary of National Biography, it is stated that "in reality the Drake was no match for the Ranger; and at this time her crew was mainly composed of newly raised men without any officers except her captain and the registering lieutenant of the district, who came on board at the last moment as a volunteer. She had no gunner, no cartridges filled, and no preparation for handing the powder." Nevertheless, since she left her anchorage for the purpose of challenging and fighting the Ranger, it must be presumed that she was stationed there for fighting purposes. If she was too ill equipped to fight a ship of her own size and armament, she had no business to be there at all. It is remarked by Captain Mahan that the capital fault of the strategic policy of England during the War of American Independence was that she "tried to protect all parts of her scattered empire by dividing the fleet among them." On a small scale we have a significant illustration of this faulty distribution in the stationing of the Drake off Carrickfergus. The illustration is not without warning when the policy of "showing the flag" by scattering war-ships of little or no fighting value all
¹ It was stated at the court-martial on the Drake's survivors that her twenty guns were only four-pounders. But the archives of the French Admiralty contain evidence that when she was sold as a prize at Brest, her battery was described as "seize pièces de neuf livres de balle et quatre pièces de quatre." This is corroborated by Jones's own account of the engagement. The Ranger's armament, as altered by Jones while fitting her out, was fourteen long nine-pounders and four six-pounders. Her complement was 126 officers and men; that of the Drake was, according to Jones, 157. But several of these were hastily drafted from the shore.
over the world is still advocated by naval authorities of no mean repute. If—quod absit—we were ever to be at war with the United States again, of what use would it be to have stationed in the Western Atlantic a squadron so weak that it must abandon its station as soon as hostilities were imminent? To "show the flag" in any quarter, by means of weak and practically non-combatant war-ships, is just as futile, and just as likely to lead to humiliation in the event of serious hostilities.
For the capture of the *Drake* was a humiliation to British naval arms even if it was a foregone conclusion in the circumstances. It was the first blow—shortly to be followed by a still more mortifying one—struck by the American Navy on this side of the Atlantic, and in what might well have been regarded as the least accessible of British waters. It was a proof that the views of Paul Jones concerning the best mode of conducting the war at sea were as sound as they were original. It showed that the British Navy was not invulnerable to skill and daring even in its own waters. It consolidated the alliance between France and the United States. Its direct effects, moreover, were not disproportionate to these its larger consequences. To quote Disraeli again, it produced
a consternation in the minds of the inhabitants of the surrounding coasts quite unparalleled. The descent upon Whitehaven—the expedition to St. Mary's, and the boldness of its avowed object—the capture of the *Drake* followed with such rapidity, that the public mind was perfectly thunderstruck. Rumour increased the terror for which there was but good reason. The daily journals teemed hourly with circumstantial accounts of strange seventy-fours seen in the Channel—of expeditions which were never planned—and destruction which never occurred! In one night Paul Jones was in all parts of England, and his dreadful name was sufficient reason for surveys of fortifications, and subscriptions to build them. At Whitehaven they subscribed upwards of a thousand pounds, and engineers were immediately ordered down to take a survey of the harbour, in order to erect some
works on the north side of it. Four companies were immediately ordered to Whitehaven, and a company of Gentleman Volunteers was also formed there.
Jones forthwith repaired his own damages and patched up those of his prize, and as the alarm had now been thoroughly given and it was certain that a superior British force would very soon be on his tracks, he made the best of his way round the west coast of Ireland, making for Brest. He reached that port on May 8, and was received with every mark of honour by the naval authorities of the port. Shortly afterwards Jones turned over the Ranger to his second-in-command, and she was ordered back to the United States. Jones then spent several months in France, and mainly in Paris, endeavouring to obtain a more important command, either directly under the French Government, now allied with the United States, or, through its agency, under the flag of the United States. In these endeavours he experienced frequent disappointments. He was not generally popular in the French Navy, though he had many warm friends among its superior officers, and the French Ministry constantly deluded him with promises which it had very little intention of fulfilling. But Jones was not to be baffled by official indifference. He had many friends at Court, among whom the most devoted were the Duc and Duchesse de Chartres, especially the latter. Whatever may have been Jones's defects, moral and personal, in society he was irresistible—even in the fastidious and exclusive society of the ancien régime in France. This we have on the testimony of Franklin himself, who, in 1780, introduced Jones to the Comtesse d'Houdetot in the following terms: "No matter what the faults of Commodore Jones may be... I must confess to your ladyship that when face to face with him no man, nor, so far as I can learn, woman, can for a moment resist the strange magnetism of his presence, the indescribable charm of his manner; a commingling of the most compliant deference with the
most perfect self-esteem I have ever seen in a man; and above all, the sweetness of his voice and the purity of his language." A man so gifted could afford to smile at official indifference and knew how to counteract it. On the suggestion of the Duc de Chartres he drafted a letter to the King of France, bespeaking his countenance and assistance. This draft he submitted to Franklin, who returned it without comment or sanction, and, in fact, disclaimed all official responsibility, though he did not forbid Jones to present the letter nor in any way seek to persuade him not to present it. The letter was presented to the King by the Duchesse de Chartres early in December, and on December 17, Jones was received in audience. The result was that de Sartine, the French Minister of Marine, who had hitherto baffled all Jones's attempts to obtain employment afloat, wrote to Jones on February 4, 1779, to tell him that "His Majesty has thought proper to place under your command the ship Le Duras, of forty guns, now lying at L'Orient." The ship was to be armed and fitted out at the cost of the French Government, and Jones was authorized to enlist French volunteers for her crew should he find it impossible to obtain American subjects in sufficient numbers to complete her complement. The Duchesse de Chartres, whose private fortune was immense, now again showed her friendship for Jones by insisting on placing a sum of 10,000 louis—not far short of equivalent to the same number of pounds sterling—to his credit. Jones accepted it reluctantly, and resolved to regard it as a loan. But when, some years later, his circumstances would have enabled him to repay the loan, he asked the Duc d'Orléans, as the Duc de Chartres had then become, if the Duchesse would allow him to do so, the Duc replied, "Not unless you wish her to dismiss you from her esteem and banish you from her salon. She did not lend it to you; she gave it to the cause."
The Duras was a worn-out East Indiaman which the French Government had purchased and partially refitted
as an armed transport. It took Jones several months to get her into fighting trim as a man-of-war. He renamed her the *Bon Homme Richard*, out of compliment to Franklin, his revered friend and patron, who had employed the pseudonym of "Poor Richard" for several of his publications. Her burden was about 1,000 tons, and when Jones put to sea in her she carried an armament of forty-two guns, namely six eighteen-pounders on a lower gun-deck, twenty-eight long twelve-pounders on the gun-deck proper, and eight long nine-pounders on the quarter-deck. This, said Jones, "made her, with the eighteen-pounders, a fair equivalent of a thirty-six gun frigate; or without them, the equal of a thirty-two as usually rated in the regular rate-lists of the English and French Navies." Her crew was a very miscellaneous one, for Jones had to man her as best he could. "Not more than fifty," he records, "including officers, were Americans. A hundred and ninety odd were aliens, partly recruited from British prisoners of war, partly Portuguese, and a few French sailors and fishermen. In addition to these 240 seamen, I shipped 122 French soldiers who were allowed to volunteer from the garrison, few or none of whom had before served aboard ship, and the commandant of the dockyard loaned me twelve regular marines, whom I made non-commissioned officers. . . . My reason for shipping such a large number was that I meditated descents on the enemy's coasts, and also that I wished to be sure of force enough to keep my mixed and motley crew of seamen in order."
¹ The *Bon Homme Richard*
¹ It is not pleasant to note that English subjects should have shipped under an enemy's flag, even though they obtained release from captivity by so doing. But otherwise the miscellaneous character of the crew of the *Bon Homme Richard* will cause little surprise to students of naval history. Thirty years later, in 1808, Captain, afterwards Admiral, Sir Byam Martin, who commanded the *Implacable* in the Baltic, gave the following description of the crew of that ship. "I have just now been amusing myself in ascertaining the diversity of human beings which compose the crew of a British man-of-war, and, as I think you will be entertained with a statement of the ridiculous medley, it shall follow precisely as their place of nativity is inserted in the
was to be the flag-ship of a small squadron, of which Jones, flying the American flag, was commodore, the other ships being the *Alliance*, commanded by Pierre Landais, also bearing an American commission, a new American frigate carrying a gun-deck battery of twenty-six long twelve-pounders and ten long nine-pounders above; the *Pallas*, a smaller frigate, commanded by a French officer named Cottineau, and armed with twenty-two long nine-pounders, and ten long six-pounders; and the *Vengeance*, a twelve-gun brig carrying six-pounders, commanded by a Frenchman named Ricot. Landais was a reckless and unscrupulous adventurer who had been cashiered from the French Navy, and having made his way to America had foisted himself on the United States naval authorities as an officer of high distinction. Accepted at his own valuation, he was given the command of the *Alliance* which brought Lafayette back to France. Disloyal, insubordinate, quarrelsome, self-willed, and self-seeking, Landais proved a traitor to his adopted flag during the cruise of the squadron, and on its arrival at the Texel, after the famous fight with the *Serapis* in which he bore a very equivocal part, he was deprived of his command by Jones and ordered by Franklin to report himself in Paris. Later, through the machinations of Arthur Lee, one of the American Commissioners in Europe, he was restored to the command of the *Alliance*, in which Arthur Lee, having ceased to be a member of the European Commission, was to take passage to the United States. Franklin stoutly contested this arrangement, and peremptorily forbade Landais, who had been ordered
ship’s books: English 285, Irish 130, Welsh 25, Isle of Man 6, Scots 29, Shetland 3, Orkneys 2, Guernsey 2, Canada 1, Jamaica 1, Trinidad 1, St. Domingo 2, St. Kitts 1, Martinique 1, Santa Cruz 1, Bermuda 1, Swedes 8, Danes 7, Prussians 8, Dutch 1, Germans 3, Corsica 1, Portuguese 5, Sicily 1, Minorca 1, Ragusa 1, Brazils 1, Spanish 2, Madeira 1, Americans 28, West Indies 2, Bengal 2. This statement does not include officers of any description, and may be considered applicable to every British ship with the exception that very few of them have so many native subjects.”—Letters of Sir T. Byam Martin, vol. ii., Navy Records Society, 1898.
for trial by court-martial on his arrival in the United States, to "usurp command of the Alliance." The French Government gave orders that if the ship attempted to leave L'Orient under the command of Landais the commandant of the port was to stop her at all hazards, even if it was necessary to sink her by a cannonade from the forts. Jones, who was in Paris at the time, was informed of this order, and forthwith proceeded with all haste to L'Orient, where he succeeded in persuading the commandant to suspend the orders to fire. "M. de Thevenard," he reported to Franklin, "had made every necessary preparation to stop the Alliance. . . . He had the evening before sent orders to the forts to fire on the Alliance, and, if necessary, to sink her to the bottom if they attempted to pass or even approach the barrier across the entrance of the port. Had I remained silent an hour longer the dreadful work would have been done. Your humanity will, I know, justify the part I acted in preventing a scene that would have rendered me miserable for the rest of my life. At my request, and on my agreeing to take the whole responsibility, the Chevalier de Thevenard suspended the orders to fire, and the Alliance was permitted to be warped and towed through the rocks, and is now at anchor in the outer roads." The Alliance sailed the next day, with Lee on board and Landais in command. But the latter soon showed his cross-grained and even crazy disposition by shaping a course for the Azores, and declaring his intention of cruising in the West Indies. Lee, thereupon, resuming his resigned authority as a Commissioner of the United States, took upon himself to declare Landais insane—he had graduated M.D. at Edinburgh—and ordered the second-in-command to take charge of the ship. On the arrival of the Alliance in Boston, a court of inquiry was held and Landais was declared unfit to command. He never served in the American Navy again. Jones has often been represented as quarrelsome, headstrong, vindictive, and relentless. He knew that Landais was a knave and a traitor; he
knew also that Lee was bitterly hostile to himself, and he believed him to be a traitor to his country. He had only to remain passive, and the French guns of L'Orient would have rid the world of both. But he entertained no thought of private vengeance when the public interests were at stake. He knew that the destruction of the Alliance would not only sacrifice the lives of more than two hundred valiant and loyal seamen, but might gravely prejudice that alliance between France and the United States on which so much was to depend, and of which the very name of the ship was the commemorative symbol. When all this is considered, it must, I think, be conceded that Jones was, at any rate, no mere swashbuckler.
The little squadron first put to sea on June 19, but returned to port within a few days, the Bon Homme Richard and the Alliance having fouled each other in a violent storm off Cape Finisterre. Landais was afterwards charged with having wilfully caused this misadventure, but his guilt was never judicially established. Six weeks were occupied in repairing the damaged ships, but the delay was not disadvantageous in the end. An exchange had just been arranged between certain American prisoners confined in England and the English prisoners whom Jones had brought to France after the capture of the Drake. Nearly all the American prisoners liberated were enlisted by Jones for service in his squadron, and a corresponding number of the aliens originally shipped were discharged. Jones thus acquired the services of many officers and petty officers who afterwards fought so gallantly and even desperately in the fight with the Serapis. Prisoners of war received no very gentle treatment in England in those days, and American prisoners in particular, being regarded as rebels rather than prisoners, were probably treated more harshly than the rest. Jones, in one of his letters, speaks of a certain Captain Cunningham, an American naval officer who was "confined at Plymouth, in a dungeon and in fetters." It was, as we have seen, in order to secure a hostage for
the better treatment of American prisoners in England that Jones had planned to carry off the Earl of Selkirk from St. Mary's Isle. Anyhow, the liberated Americans were animated by a bitter spirit of resentment; and when one of them, John Mayrant, led the boarders of the Bon Homme Richard over the side of the Serapis, he did so to the cry of "Remember Portsea jail!" Naturally enough they fought with desperation when the time came. At the court-martial which was held on the surrender of the Serapis, her captain was asked to what he attributed the "extraordinary and unheard-of desperate stubbornness" of his adversaries. "I do not know, sir," was his reply, "unless it was because our Government, in its inscrutable wisdom, had allowed, if it did not cause, the impression to be spread abroad that Captain Jones and his crew would be held pirates or, at least, not entitled to the usages of civilized war." There is, indeed, little doubt that, had Jones been worsted in that memorable encounter, he and his followers might have ended their days on a British gallows. On his arrival at the Texel after the battle he was denounced to the States-General by the British Ambassador at the Hague as "a certain Paul Jones, a subject of the King, who, according to treaties and the laws of war, can only be considered as a rebel and a pirate."
Early in August the squadron was again ready for sea. Just before it set sail on August 14 Jones was compelled—apparently at the instance of Le Ray de Chaumont, the French naval commissary of the squadron—to sign a so-called "Concordat," which placed the control of the squadron under a sort of council of war composed of all the captains. In a letter to his friend Hewes, Jones denounced this Concordat—which out of politic regard for the exigencies of the French alliance Franklin had sanctioned and induced Jones to accept—as "the most amazing document that the putative commander of a naval force in time of war was ever forced to sign on the eve of weighing anchor;" and declared that, by signing it, he
was unable to see that he had done less than "surrender all military right of seniority, or that he had any real right to consider his flag-ship anything more than a convenient rendezvous where the captains of the other ships may assemble, whenever it pleases them to do so, for the purpose of talking over and agreeing—if they can agree—upon a course of sailing or a plan of operations from time to time." Nevertheless he signed it. It added greatly to his difficulties, but it did not prevent his triumphing over them in the end. Indeed, by lending some cloak to the disloyalty of Landais, it may have averted an open rupture between the choleric commodore and his intractable lieutenant, though it certainly put little or no restraint upon the insubordination and independence of the latter. Be this as it may, it is, as Mr. Buell truly says, by no means the least merit of Jones's famous achievement off Flamborough Head, "that his genius, sorely tried as it had been by other obstacles, finally rose superior to even Le Ray de Chaumont's 'Concordat.'"
VI
The moment was not ill-chosen for a raid in British waters. Jones had clearly before his mind the advantages of a diversion effected at this particular juncture. England was already fighting at sea in two hemispheres, and was hard put to it to hold her own. Spain had concluded an alliance with France, and had declared war against England on June 16, 1779. D'Orvilliers, with a fleet of twenty-eight sail of the line—the fleet with which he had baffled Keppel the year before—had put out from Brest unopposed, and before the end of July he had effected his junction with the Spanish fleet off the Peninsula and made at once for the Channel with a combined fleet of no fewer than sixty-six sail of the line. By August 16 he was off Plymouth, Admiral Sir Charles Hardy, who was on the look-out for him with the Channel Fleet of only thirty-eight ships, having missed him by taking
station too far to the westward and southward of Scilly. I have examined this situation at some length in the preceding essay on Duncan.\(^1\) For many days D’Orvilliers remained unchallenged in the Channel, and it was not until September 1 that the two fleets came in sight of each other near the Eddystone. But Hardy declined to risk an action, and D’Orvilliers did not attempt to force one. Divided counsels, distracted and vacillating plans of campaign, the indifferent equipment of both the allied fleets and a raging sickness among their crews compelled, or at any rate induced, him to retreat, and Hardy, not less ingloriously, anchored his fleet at Spithead on September 3. It was just at this very time that Jones entered the North Sea with his squadron, having passed to the westward outside Ireland and the Hebrides. On the morning of the 17th he was off the Firth of Forth, and this was probably the first intimation of his proceedings and whereabouts that was likely to reach the British Government. It was not merely luck that thus gave him his opportunity. It was, at least in some measure, astute calculation as well. He knew that so long as D’Orvilliers was at sea and aiming at the Channel there would be very few ships to spare to cruise at large in remoter British waters.
The first part of the cruise was comparatively uneventful save for the occasional capture of prizes, which were sent into various ports, French, Danish, and Dutch, their crews being detained as prisoners on board the *Bon Homme Richard*. It thus came about that when Jones engaged the *Serapis* he had more than two hundred British prisoners confined under hatches.\(^2\) Off the west coast of Ireland the
\(^1\) See pp. 133–8.
\(^2\) The recovery of the prize-money due for these prizes and others taken in his earlier cruise gave rise to much tedious and intricate negotiation, in which Jones took an active part in later years as a Special Commissioner appointed by the United States for the purpose. I do not propose to deal at any length with this part of Jones’s career, and need only remark here that in the conduct of the negotiations Jones displayed remarkable patience, perseverance, and diplomatic address, and handled the many difficult questions of international and maritime law involved with the touch of a master.
squadron encountered a gale, and the *Alliance* became detached. But on September 1 she was sighted off Cape Wrath, having just taken one prize and being then in pursuit of another, which Jones helped her to capture. Jones ordered Landais to send these prizes to Brest or L’Orient, but Landais, after nightfall, directed them to make for Bergen, where they were forthwith seized and restored to the British Government, the Kingdom of Denmark, which at that time included Norway, not having recognised the United States and being wholly under the influence of England. Jones subsequently expended much tedious and fruitless negotiation in an endeavour to obtain compensation from the Danish Government for the seizure of these prizes.
The squadron now cruised along the east coast of Scotland, taking a few small prizes, and on September 16 it was off the Firth of Forth. Jones here attempted to make a descent on Leith, but was baffled by a gale which sprang up just as his boats were being lowered for the attack, and drove him out to sea. In this attempt the *Alliance* took no part, Landais having by this time ceased to attend to the commodore’s signals, and begun to maintain an entirely independent attitude. Baffled at Leith by the weather, Jones pursued his course to the southward, giving Spurn Head as his rendezvous. He knew that a British convoy from the Baltic was due about this season of the year, and that it generally made its landfall at Flamborough Head after crossing the North Sea. He intended to intercept it if he could, but his intentions were only partially fulfilled, for the convoy escaped. He got news of the convoy on the evening of September 22, when he was off the Spurn and intending the next morning to attack a fleet of colliers windbound and anchored in the mouth of the Humber. The *Vengeance* brought him word that the Baltic convoy had put into Bridlington Bay and was there awaiting a favourable wind to carry it to the Downs. The *Pallas* was then in company, and the *Alliance* was hull down to the southward. Jones at once
sent the Vengeance to give Landais a rendezvous off Flamborough Head, and forthwith made sail thither with the Pallas in company. He reached the rendezvous before daylight, and there hove to for a time to enable his consorts to come up with him. The morning was occupied in successive manoeuvres for position, which need not be recounted in detail. It suffices to say that the convoy was so handled that it had weathered Flamborough Head so as to fetch Scarborough before Jones could get into position to intercept it, and that its escorting men-of-war, the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough, had occupied a covering position between Jones and his intended prey. But Jones was not to be baffled. If he could not reach the convoy itself, he would try conclusions with its escort. The Serapis, having seen the convoy safe to leeward, awaited his onslaught, with the Countess of Scarborough under her lee. Jones ordered the Pallas to attack the latter, and prepared himself to attack the Serapis, ordering the Vengeance at the same time to keep out of harm's way. "You are not big enough," he said, "to bear a hand in this." The Countess of Scarborough was a hired vessel, temporarily commissioned as a man-of-war, carrying twenty-four guns. She was no match for the Pallas, and was overpowered by the latter and compelled to surrender, after a gallant action in which both vessels suffered severely. The Alliance was in the offing, but her treacherous captain took very little share in the action—enough, indeed, to afford the captain of the Serapis some colourable pretext of having surrendered to a superior force, and more than enough to furnish proof of his malignant treachery by firing only when he was much more likely to hurt the Richard than to hit the Serapis. Soon after 7 p.m. the two chief combatants, the Serapis and the Richard, were within short range of each other abeam, some seven miles due east of Flamborough Head, the wind being light from the S.S.W. and veering to the westward, the sea smooth, the sky clear, and the moon full, both ships going free on the same tack and heading
approximately N.W., the *Richard* holding the weather-gage. The *Serapis* twice hailed the *Richard*, and the second time was answered with a broadside.
VII
Then ensued a conflict the like of which has seldom been seen on the seas.
"The *Serapis*, forty guns," says Disraeli, "was one of the finest frigates in his Majesty's Navy, and had been off the stocks only a few months. Her crew were picked men, and she was commanded by Captain Richard Pearson, an officer celebrated even in the British Navy for his undaunted courage and exemplary conduct. The *Bon Homme Richard* was an old ship with decayed timbers, and had made four voyages to the East Indies. Many of her guns were useless, and all were ancient. Her crew consisted partly of Americans, partly of French, and partly of Maltese, Portugueze, and even Malays; and this crew was weak also in numbers, for two boats' crews had been lost on the coast of Ireland. . . . The Portugueze and the other foreigners could speak neither French nor English, and chattering in their native tongues, without ceasing, added not a little to the difficulties which presented themselves. The American commander had nothing to trust to but his own undaunted courage and extraordinary skill."
There are some slight inaccuracies, and even some picturesque exaggerations in this contrast, but in the main it is just. Perhaps no man who ever lived except Jones could have handled such a crew as he did. This, indeed, is the generous and unsolicited testimony of Pearson himself, who stated in his evidence before the court-martial which tried and acquitted him for the loss of his ship, that although more than half the crew of the *Bon Homme Richard* "were French—or at any rate not Americans," yet "long before the close of the action it became clearly apparent that the American ship was
dominated by a commanding will of the most unalterable resolution, and there could be no doubt that the intention of her commander was, if he could not conquer, to sink alongside. And this desperate resolve of the American captain was fully shared and fiercely seconded by every one of his ship’s company. And, if the Honourable Court may be pleased to entertain an expression of opinion, I will venture to say that if French seamen can ever be induced by their own officers to fight in their own ships as Captain Jones induced them to fight in his American ship, the future burdens of his Majesty’s Navy will be heavier than they have heretofore been.” ¹
The broadside of the Richard was answered almost simultaneously by that of the Serapis, and the firing continued with fury on both sides. In a very short time the Richard’s lower tier of eighteen-pounders was put out of action, some of the guns being dismounted and the rest disabled in various ways, not without grave injury to the structure of the ship. They were old guns, which had been condemned as of no further use in the French Navy,
¹ It is worth while to record on the testimony of one of his own officers. Henry Gardner, how Jones achieved this result. Gardner says:
I sailed, in my time, with many captains; but with only one Paul Jones. He was the captain of captains. Any other commander I sailed with had some kind of method or fixed rule which he exerted towards all those under him alike. It suited some, and others not; but it was the same rule all the time and to everybody. Not so Paul Jones. He always knew every officer or man in his crew as one friend knows another. Those big black eyes of his would look right through a new man at first sight, and, maybe, see something behind him! At any rate, he knew every man, and always dealt with each according to his notion. I have seen him one hour teaching the French language to his midshipmen, and the next hour showing an apprentice how to knot a “Turk’s-head” or make a neat coil-down of a painter. He was in everybody’s watch, and everybody’s mess all the time. In fact, I may say that any ship Paul Jones commanded was full of him, himself, all the time. The men used to get crazy about him when he was with them and talking to them. It was only when his back was turned that any one could wean them away from him. If you heard peals of laughter from the forecastle, it was likely that he was there spinning funny yarns for Jack off watch. If you heard a roar of merriment at the cabin-table, it was likely that his never-failing wit had overwhelmed the officers’ mess.
He was very strict. I have seen him sternly reprove a young sailor, who approached him, for what he called “a lubber’s walk”; say to him, “See here, this is the way to walk.” And then, after putting the novice through his paces two or three times, he would say to him: “Ah, that’s better!
and they only fired eight shots in all. "Three of them," says Jones, "burst at the first fire, killing almost all the men who were stationed to manage them." The remaining guns on the main and upper decks of the Richard were serviceable and were very well served. But they were overmatched by the superior armament of the Serapis. After about half an hour of this furious cannonade Pearson tried to get athwart the Richard's hawse, so as to rake her and possibly to secure the weather-gage on the opposite tack. But this attempt failed, baffled apparently by the veering of the wind. Pearson accordingly bore up again to leeward, but not soon enough to prevent the Richard fouling the Serapis, the jib-boom of the former engaging with the mizen-rigging of the latter. Jones at once attempted to grapple, but though his grapnels caught they failed to hold, and the ships fell apart again. The cannonade was then renewed as furiously as ever, and it was very soon plain enough that the Richard was getting by far the worst of it. "Dick," said Jones to Richard
You'll be a blue-water sailor before you know it, my boy!" And then he would give the shipmate a guinea out of his own pocket.
Above all things he hated the cat-o'-nine-tails. In two of his ships—the Providence and the Ranger—he threw it overboard the first day out. There was one in the Alfred that he never allowed to be used, and two in the Richard that were never used but twice. He consented to flog the lookout forward when the Richard fouled the Alliance the second day out from L'Orient; and also he allowed old Jack Robinson to persuade him that two foretop-men ought to be whipped for laying from aloft without orders when the squall struck us in the Richard off Leith. But when he consented to this he strictly enjoined upon old Jack that the men must be flogged with their shirts on, which, of course, made a farce of the whole proceeding. He said at this time: "I have no use for the cat. Whenever a sailor of mine gets vicious beyond my persuasion or control, the cheapest thing in the long run is to kill him right away. If you do that, the others will understand it. But if you trice him up and flog him, all the other bad fellows in the ship will sympathise with him and hate you."
All the men under his command soon learned this trait in his character. One Sunday when we were off the west coast of Ireland, just after we had lost the barge and Mr. Lunt, he addressed the crew on the subject of discipline. He told them that, many years before, when he was a boy in the merchant-service, he had seen a man "flogged round the fleet" at Port Royal, Jamaica. He said the man died under the lash; and he then made up his mind that Paul Jones and the cat-o'-nine-tails would part company. "I tell you, my men," he said, "once for all, that when I become convinced that a sailor of mine must be killed, I will not leave it to be done by boatswain's mates under slow torture of the lash! But I will do it myself—and so G—d—quick that it will make your heads swim!"
Dale, his first lieutenant in command of the gun-deck, "his metal is too heavy for us at this business. He is hammering us all to pieces. We must close with him; we must get hold of him! Be prepared at any moment to abandon this deck and bring what men you have left on the spar-deck—and give them the small arms for boarding when you come up." Already there were three or four feet of water in the hold, and the ship had sunk to at least two feet below her ordinary trim. But a change was at hand. The wind continued to veer, and to freshen as it veered, the Richard getting the advantage of it first so as to weather the Serapis and stop her way by taking the wind out of her sails. Meanwhile the cannonade continued, and the gun-deck of the Richard was in turn abandoned, so that she could now only fire with a few of her quarter-deck guns. Gradually the Richard forged ahead and began to wear across the bows of the Serapis. If she could complete this manœuvre before the Serapis recovered her way, she would have another opportunity to grapple, and should that manœuvre succeed, the fortune of the day might still be reversed.
It was at this critical juncture that Landais thought proper to take a hand in the game. The Alliance came up to windward, and when on the Richard's port-quarter, about two cables away, she fired a couple of broadsides which in the relative position of the three ships could hardly have hit the Serapis and hardly have missed the Richard. She then sheered off out of gunshot, having done all the mischief she could. All this time Jones was pursuing his manœuvre of getting ahead of the Serapis, crossing her bows, and rounding to on the opposite tack so as to lay his ship close alongside, and, since his guns were now mostly silenced, to bring his musketry into play. In this he succeeded, aided by a fortunate puff and favourable slant of the wind, which from the position of the two ships could not reach the sails of his adversary. Pearson thus describes the situation in his despatch to the Admiralty: "I backed our topsails in order to get square
with him again, which as soon as he observed, he then filled, put his helm a-weather and laid us athwart hawse; his mizen shrouds took our jib-boom, which hung him for some time, till it at last gave way, and we dropt alongside of each other, head and stern, when the fluke of our spare anchor, hooking his quarter, we became so close, fore and aft, that the muzzles of our guns touched each other's sides. In this position we engaged from half-past eight to half-past ten; during which time, from the great quantity and variety of combustible matters which they threw in upon our decks, chains, and in short into every part of the ship, we were on fire no less than ten or twelve times in different parts of the ship, and it was with the greatest difficulty and exertion imaginable at times that we were able to get it extinguished. At the same time the largest of the two frigates kept sailing round us the whole action, and raking us fore and aft, by which means she killed or wounded almost every man on the quarter-and main-decks." It is only right to quote this testimony in regard to the action of Landais in the Alliance, though it may be observed that it was manifestly Pearson's interest to make out that he was defeated by two ships and not by one. There is, on the other hand, abundant American testimony to show that Landais' action was not continuous, and that on the two successive occasions when he opened fire he did so with little or no regard to the immunity of the Richard, and with no chance at all of doing the Serapis more harm than he actually did to the Richard.
No sooner had the anchor of the Serapis caught in the mizen-chains of the Richard than Jones had it securely lashed there, passing, it is said, some of the lashings with his own hand. The main-deck of the Richard had now been abandoned, for Jones had determined, as soon as he could grapple, to fight the battle out with musketry and hand-grenades. Only two or three guns on his quarter-deck were still serviceable, and these were trained on the mainmast of the Serapis. It was otherwise with
the Serapis. Her starboard broadside was now brought into action; the gun's crews were shifted over, and as the starboard port-sills had been lowered and could not be triced up because the ships were so close together, they were blown out by the first discharge of the broadside. Thus the material destruction of the Richard went on apace. Nevertheless, Jones was now beginning to get the upper hand on deck. He kept up such a murderous fire from his small arms that scarcely a man could live on the deck of the Serapis, and in particular he directed his personal efforts to frustrating every attempt made by the crew of the Serapis to cast loose the fastenings of the anchor which held her to the Richard. Nevertheless, the Richard was fast getting lower in the water, and was frequently set on fire. "I had," says Jones, "two enemies to contend with besides the English—fire and water." It was probably at this stage of the action, though Pearson puts it later, that some one on board the Richard called for quarter. Thereupon, as Pearson said at the court-martial, "Hearing, or thinking that I heard, a call for quarter from the enemy, I hailed to ask if he had struck his colours. I did not myself hear the reply; but one of my midshipmen, Mr. Hood, did hear it, and soon reported it to me. It was to the effect that he was just beginning to fight. This I at first thought to be mere bravado on his part. But I soon perceived that it was the defiance of a man desperate enough, if he could not conquer, to sink with his ship alongside." But Jones was not going to sink until he had conquered the Serapis. The guns of the Serapis continued to pound the timbers of the Richard, but the musketry of the Richard continued to clear the decks of the Serapis. The ships were now drifting and swinging, and by this time, about half-past nine, the Serapis was nearly head to wind,—the wind being now at W.N.W.,—and still paying off to leeward. It was in this situation that the master-at-arms of the Richard, believing that the ship was about to sink, opened the hatch below which the prisoners were confined and
bade them come on deck. Jones, who was at hand—he seems to have been ubiquitous during the fight—knocked the master-at-arms down and ordered the hatch to be again secured. Those who had escaped were ordered to man the pumps. One who refused was shot dead by Pierre Gérard, the commodore’s French orderly, subsequently a captain in the French Navy, who was second-in-command of the *Neptune* at Trafalgar.
All this time the struggle for the mastery of the deck of the *Serapis* was proceeding with unabated fury, and Jones now sent up a supply of hand grenades into the main-top. These he directed the officers and men in the top to drop, if they could, from the yard-arm through the enemy’s main-hatch. The expedient was successful, and practically decided the conflict. At the third attempt a midshipman named Fanning, who was outermost on the yard-arm, managed to drop his grenade through the hatch on to the main-deck of the *Serapis*, where it ignited and exploded a row of cartridges ranged all along the deck. “About half-past nine,” says Pearson in his despatch, “either from a hand grenade being thrown in at one of our lower-deck ports, or from some other accident, a cartridge of powder was set on fire, the flames of which, running from cartridge to cartridge all the way aft, blew up the whole of the people and officers that were quartered abaft the mainmast; from which unfortunate circumstance all those guns were rendered useless for the remainder of the action, and I fear the greatest part of the people will lose their lives.” Throughout this period of the action the two ships still continued
---
1 Jones was afterwards accused of murdering his prisoners. At a court of inquiry held by order of the French Minister of Marine at Jones’s request, Gérard explicitly stated that he killed the man on his own responsibility and without any orders from the commodore, who was standing by at the time. Asked further why he did this in the immediate presence of his commanding officer and without his orders, he replied: “Pour éviter les désagrémens, monsieur; aussi pour encourager les autres prisonniers; ainsi pour subvenir au Commodore les besoins d’un devoir assez pénible.” Evidently Gérard had not been his commodore’s orderly for nothing. Also he had apparently read his Voltaire.
swinging until, about ten o'clock, the Serapis was heading nearly due south. Here the Alliance again put in an appearance. She returned from the northward, running down again to leeward, and, as Jones stated in the formal charges he subsequently preferred against Landais, "in crossing the Richard's bows Captain Landais raked her with a third broadside, after being constantly called to from the Richard not to fire but to lay the enemy alongside." Pearson stated in his despatch that the Serapis also suffered heavily from this broadside of the Alliance, "without our being able to bring a gun to bear on her." This testimony is unimpeachable, but so also is the testimony which avers that the Richard received a full share of the same broadside. Anyhow, the Alliance, without attempting "to lay the enemy alongside," ran off to leeward and took no further part in the action, nor did she attempt to destroy or capture any of the ships of the convoy.
Before this, Pearson, according to his despatch, had attempted to board the Richard, but his boarders had been repulsed by a superior number of the enemy "laying under cover with pikes in their hands ready to receive them." He now anchored his ship, hoping that the enemy might drift clear as soon as the strain came on the cable. It was his last chance, but the lashings still held. It was now Jones's turn to board. He had collected a numerous boarding party of his best American seamen—men fresh from imprisonment in England—under the break of the quarter-deck, and bidden John Mayrant to lead them over the side as soon as he gave the signal. There was now very little fight left in the Serapis. Henry Gardner records that "after the battle the prisoners said, without exception, they had no more stomach for fighting after the explosion, and were induced to return to their guns and resume firing only by their strict discipline and the example of their first lieutenant, who told them that if they would hold out a few minutes longer, the Richard would surely sink." Jones, perceiving that their fire
was slackening, and their spirit waning, shouted to Mayrant, "Now is your time, John. Go in!" Instantly, with a cry of "Remember Portsea jail," Mayrant sprang over the netting, followed by his men, and began fighting his way aft. There was little resistance, though Mayrant himself, at the moment of onslaught, was wounded in the thigh by a pike. He shot his opponent down, and this was the last casualty of the action. Pearson, seeing that the boarders were steadily making their way aft and that further resistance was useless, now struck his flag. Some accounts say that he hauled it down with his own hands. Anyhow, he says himself, "I found it in vain, and in short impracticable, from the situation we were in, to stand out any longer with the least prospect of success; I therefore struck (our mainmast at the same time went by the board)." It is true that he attributes his surrender mainly to the fire of the Alliance, and does not mention the onslaught of Mayrant and his men. But, however the result may have been brought about, he frankly acknowledged himself beaten. He had fought manfully and skilfully to the finish, and with all the tenacity and endurance of British seamen at their best. But Jones had fought, as Pearson acknowledged at the court-martial, "with extraordinary and unheard-of desperate stubbornness"; and this, he added, "had so depressed the spirits of my people that when more than two hundred had been slain or disabled out of three hundred and seventeen all told, I could not urge the remnant to further resistance." Of course it may be urged that Jones and all his men fought with halters round their necks, and that this was the secret of their "extraordinary and unheard-of desperate stubbornness." But it were more generous to acknowledge that Jones fought as he did because, being the man that he was, a man of Nelson's mould, he knew no other way of fighting.
The cost of victory was appalling. I have quoted Pearson's account of the condition of his own ship when he hauled down his flag. Here is his account of the
Richard: "On my going on board the Bon Homme Richard, I found her in great distress; her quarters and counter on the lower deck entirely drove in, and the whole of her lower-deck guns dismounted; she was also on fire in two places, and six or seven feet of water in her hold, which kept increasing upon them all night and next day, till they were obliged to quit her, and she sunk, with a great number of her wounded people on board of her. She had three hundred and six men killed and wounded in the action; our loss in the Serapis was also very great." Jones himself, in a letter to Franklin, describes the condition of his ship at a moment when after the final broadside of the Alliance he was advised to surrender by some of his comrades "of whose courage and good sense he entertained the highest opinion." He rejected their advice, but he acknowledges that the situation was well-nigh desperate. "Our rudder was entirely off; the stern-frame and transomes were almost entirely cut away; the timbers by the lower deck, especially from the mainmast to the stern, being greatly decayed by age, were mangled beyond every power of description; and a person must have been an eye-witness to have formed a just idea of the tremendous scene of carnage, wreck, and ruin that everywhere appeared." Nevertheless, he was the victor, the victor in spite of Landais, and perhaps, after all, mainly because the Alliance was still "in being" and still intact. Pearson seems to have held that even if the Richard surrendered or sank, the Serapis, in her battered and dispirited condition, must have fallen an immediate prey to the Alliance, which had only fired three broadsides at times when the Serapis could not possibly reply. There is evidence to show that this was also the calculation of Landais himself.
1 The best account of Landais's conduct as it appeared to the officers of Jones's squadron is given by Disraeli. It is as follows: "His gross disrespect to the commodore, his disobedience of signals, his refusal to answer them, his unauthorized and mischievous separation from the squadron, his impudent and arrant cowardice, formed the subject of ten distinct accusations, which were proved by all the officers who could bear witness to the facts. His
tainly not have been sorry to see the Richard sink with Jones on board, knowing full well that should that happen the laurels of the victory, albeit wholly unearned, would be his alone. But fate and the fortitude of Jones decreed that this reward of his treachery, at any rate, he should not reap. Balked of his prey, he stood aloof as soon as he saw that the Serapis had surrendered, and gave no help whatever in the overpowering task which now confronted Jones of saving what he could from the wreck. The Richard was slowly but inevitably sinking. She remained afloat for some thirty hours after the end of the battle. In the short interval Jones had to provide first for the safety and sea-worthiness of the Serapis, which had lost her mainmast and otherwise suffered severely in the action; next to transfer to her over two hundred prisoners held in the Richard and over one hundred wounded of his own men; to take care of these latter as well as of about the same number of men wounded in the Serapis; and to guard the unwounded remainder of the crew of the latter, numbering one hundred and eleven. To carry out all this he had only about one hundred and fifty of his own men left fit for service, and many of these had been injured slightly in action. The ships had been cut adrift as soon as the action ceased, so that the transfer of wounded and prisoners to the Serapis had to be effected by boats, of which there were only three available. Fortunately the wind had died away during the night and the
conduct during the engagement with the Serapis, and his ruinous neglect in not destroying and capturing the Baltic fleet, were the subject of fifteen other accusations, and were proved in the same manner. The chief officers of the Alliance bore witness to the ill-conduct of their commander. Among other facts De Cottineau averred that when the Bon Homme (? Serapis) appeared off Flamborough Head, Landais distinctly stated to him that if, as it appeared to be, it were a ship of fifty guns, 'he should decidedly run away,' although he knew the Pallas, from her heavy sailing, must have fallen a sacrifice. It was also distinctly proved that Landais had stated that he should not have cared had the Bon Homme struck, as then, from the shattered state of the Serapis, he should have had both ships for prizes." A man of this character and in this mood would assuredly not be very careful to spare his consort when he opened fire on her adversary.
sea fell dead calm, or the *Richard* must have sunk with many of the wounded and prisoners still on board. The *Pallas* rendered some assistance, and about one hundred of the unwounded prisoners—including Pearson himself—were ultimately berthed on board her, but not before the *Richard* had foundered. It is not recorded what became of the *Vengeance*, but as much fog prevailed for a day or two after the action she may have lost touch with the commodore, as the *Alliance* certainly did with much less excuse. The *Alliance*, at any rate, had not been ordered as the *Vengeance* was to keep out of the way. On the contrary, she had been ordered, as we have seen, to "lay the enemy alongside." Anyhow, she was not seen after the battle, and with the *Vengeance* she reached the Texel before the *Serapis* and *Pallas* did with the *Countess of Scarborough* in company. This was natural enough, for neither had any serious damages to repair.
Pearson, as we have seen, reported that the *Richard* sank "with a great number of her wounded people on board of her." This is at variance with the American accounts, which declare that all the wounded were transferred to the *Serapis*, though some died in the boats. Jones's own narrative is quite explicit on this point. It was, however, written some years afterwards, and it is also so characteristic that it may well serve as an epilogue to this heroic conflict:
No one was now left aboard the *Richard* but our dead. To them I gave the good old ship for their coffin, and in her they found a sublime sepulchre. She rolled heavily in the long swell, her gun-deck awash to the port-sills, settled slowly by the head, and sank peacefully in about forty fathoms.
The ensign-gaff, shot away in the action, had been fished and put in place soon after the firing ceased, and our torn and tattered flag was left flying when we abandoned her. As she plunged down by the head at the last, her taffrail momentarily rose in the air; so the very last vestige mortal eyes ever saw of the *Bon Homme*
Richard was the defiant waving of her unconquered and unstricken flag as she went down. And as I had given them the good old ship for their sepulchre, I now bequeathed to my immortal dead the flag they had so desperately defended for their winding-sheet!¹
VIII
The calm lasted until the forenoon of September 25, when the Serapis, with the Pallas and Countess of Scarborough in company, was about seventy miles east of Flamborough Head. Fogs and fortune had screened them from several British men-of-war which by this time were on the look-out for them. Jones had hoped to take his ships into Dunkirk; but a stiff south-westerly wind now sprang up and freshened into a gale by the 27th. The battered Serapis could make no head against it, and Jones let her drive before it. The Pallas and her prize were more weatherly, but Cottineau and his officers would
¹ This flag had its own romantic history. On June 14, 1777, Congress passed two resolutions. The first was, "That the flag of the thirteen United States of America be thirteen stripes alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars in a blue field, representing a new constellation"; the second, "That Captain Paul Jones be appointed to command the ship Ranger." While Jones was fitting out the Ranger at Portsmouth, some girls of his acquaintance offered to hold a "quilting party," and to make him a flag for his new command from slices of their best silk gowns. Jones accepted the offer, and supplied the specification for the flag in accordance with the recent resolution of Congress. It is said that the thirteen white stars of the "new constellation" were cut out of the wedding dress of one of the girls, named Helen Seavey, who had just been married. The flag was first hoisted on board the Ranger on July 4, 1777. If it was not the first specimen of the "Stars and Stripes" ever hoisted, it was certainly the first ever seen in Europe and the first ever saluted by a foreign power. When Jones quitted the Ranger, he took the flag with him, regarding it as his personal property, and he commissioned the Richard with it. When he returned to America, he apologised to one of the makers of the flag for not having brought it back to them with all its glories. "I could not," he said, "deny to my dead on her decks, who had given their lives to keep it flying, the glory of taking it with them." "You did exactly right, commodore," the lady replied. "That flag is just where we all wish it to be—flying at the bottom of the sea over the only ship that ever sunk in victory. If you had taken it from her and brought it back to us, we would hate you!"
not desert their commodore, although Jones more than once signalled to them to bear up for port and leave him to take care of himself. On the 29th the wind shifted to N.W., and Jones again attempted to shape a course for Dunkirk. The remainder of the voyage may best be described in the words of Nathaniel Fanning, one of the surviving officers of the Richard:
During this time the scenes on board beggared description. There were but few cots, and not even hammocks enough for the wounded, so that many of them had to lie on the hard decks, where they died in numbers day by day. The British officers, with watches of their men, took almost the whole charge of the wounded, and so left us free to work the ship. Our surgeon, Dr. Brooke, and Drs. Bannatyne and Edgerley, the English surgeons, performed prodigious work, and by their skill and ceaseless care saved many lives. In the common danger enmity was forgotten, and every one who could walk worked with a will to save the ship and their own lives. Finally, on the fifth day, the wind abated and hauled to the northwest, when we ran down to the coast of Holland, and made the entrance of the Helder, through which we made our way into the Texel, where we anchored about 3 p.m., October 3, finding there the Alliance and Vengeance, which came in the day before. During these few days, including those not wounded who died from sheer exhaustion, we buried not less than forty of the two crews. Neither the commodore nor the brave British officers ever slept more than two or three hours at a time, and were sometimes up for two days at a time.
On his arrival at the Texel Jones was at once surrounded with a fresh crop of difficulties. First he had to deal with what he regarded as the treachery and mutiny of Landais. He forthwith sent to Franklin a formal indictment of Landais' conduct and suspended him from his command. But Landais at first paid no attention to the order. Jones then sent Cottineau to warn him that Jones himself would enforce the order within twenty-four
hours, and Landais thereupon challenged Cottineau to a duel and went on shore. The duel took place, and Cottineau was wounded. Landais then withdrew to Amsterdam and challenged Jones himself; but before the preliminaries could be settled Landais thought proper to go to the Hague and seek to enlist the sympathy of the French Ambassador at that place. The latter declined to see him. Landais then sent him a written memorial, which the ambassador again declined to receive, taking care to inform him at the same time that he had received a despatch from the French Government to the effect that Franklin had notified Landais of the charges preferred against him, and had ordered him "to render himself forthwith into Dr. Franklin's presence to answer them." Landais then thought proper to obey Franklin's order and left the Hague for Paris. With this he passes out of my story, as I have already related all that needs to be related concerning his subsequent career.
Next, Jones had to make the best provision he could for the wounded prisoners on board the Serapis. Of these there were one hundred and fifty in all still surviving, some of them having been wounded in the Countess of Scarborough. As the Serapis had also over one hundred wounded of the Richard's crew, and the Pallas had a dozen or more wounded of her own, it was clearly to the interest of all parties to land at least the British wounded as soon as possible. At first the Dutch authorities refused to allow any one to be landed. But Jones's request to be allowed to land his wounded prisoners was warmly seconded by Sir Joseph Yorke, the British Ambassador at the Hague, and this powerful influence induced the Dutch authorities to relent. All the wounded prisoners were landed and housed in barracks at the Texel, where Jones continued to furnish them with such hospital supplies and medical attendance as he could obtain. Jones was also allowed to take command of the fort in which they were housed, and to place a guard there. All the prisoners, wounded and unwounded, were, after much
tedious and intricate negotiation, ultimately handed over to the French Government. The French Government claimed also not only the *Pallas* and the *Vengeance*—which were commanded by French officers—and the *Countess of Scarborough*, the prize of the former, but even the *Serapis* herself. The claim was enforced, greatly to the chagrin of Jones, and for diplomatic reasons Franklin himself had supported it. "This deprivation of the *Serapis*," writes Jones, "was the sorest of all my wounds. . . . The *Serapis* had been taken by an American ship under the American flag, and commanded by virtue of an American commission. I could not conceive by what shadow of right M. de Sartine could claim her as a French prize, and he made no attempt to set up any." But the action of the French Government was probably the best way out of a serious diplomatic difficulty, and in any case, neither Franklin nor Jones could resist it, lest by so doing they should prejudice the French alliance, which was all-important to the United States. The *Alliance*, being an American ship, was not claimed by the French Government. She was left to Jones, as he bitterly said, "to do what I pleased or what I could with" her. We shall shortly see what he could do with her.
The diplomatic difficulty above mentioned was only a part of a much greater difficulty with which Jones was confronted and perplexed during his harassed stay at the Texel. We have seen that the British Ambassador at the Hague had supported Jones's request to the Dutch Government to be allowed to land his wounded prisoners; but at the same time, or immediately afterwards, Sir Joseph Yorke represented to the Dutch Government that "a certain Paul Jones," being a subject of the King, "could only be considered as a rebel and a pirate," and that, in consequence, he and all his men should be given up. In a subsequent despatch, written some three weeks later, he repeated the same demand. Jones was now to show that his diplomatic address was no unworthy a complement to his fighting capacity. Under date November 4, 1779, he addressed the following letter to the States General:
HIGH AND MIGHTY LORDS:
Begging your gracious and condescending consideration, I, Paul Jones, Captain of the United States Navy, represent and humbly relate that before me has been laid copy of a letter addressed to your High Mightinesses, under date of the 9th of the month of October, by His Excellency Sir Joseph Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Great Britain. That in the said letter the said Sir Joseph Yorke states that "two of His Majesty's ships, the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough, arrived some days ago in the Texel, having been attacked and taken by force, by a certain Paul Jones, a subject of the King, who, according to treaties and the laws of war, can only be considered as a rebel and a pirate."
And on this ground His Excellency Sir Joseph Yorke demands that the ships and crews be given up.
Also has been laid before me copy of memorial of the said Sir Joseph Yorke, under date of the 29th of October, just past, renewing the said demand "most strong and urgent for the seizure and restitution of the said vessels as well as for the enlargement of their crews, who have been seized by the pirate Paul Jones, a Scotchman, a rebellious subject, and a state criminal." Also conjuring your High Mightinesses to "treat as pirates those whose letters (commissions) are found to be illegal for not being issued by a sovereign power."
May it please Your High Mightinesses, I conceive from the foregoing that the only question in dispute between His Excellency Sir Joseph Yorke and myself is the question whether my commission has been "issued by a sovereign power." If my commission has been issued by a sovereign power, then Sir Joseph Yorke's contention that I am a "pirate," etc., must fall.
The commission I hold, of which I transmit herewith a true copy and hold the original subject to examination by Your High Mightinesses or your authorized envoy for that purpose, and which original I have already exhibited to His Excellency Commodore Riemersma, commanding the fleet of Your High Hightinesses, now at anchor in
these Roads, is issued by the Congress of the United States of America in due form, signed by the President thereof and attested with the seal.
Such being true, the only question left to decide is the question whether the United States of America is a sovereign power.
On this question, I take it for granted that Your High Mightinesses will agree with me that neither Sir Joseph Yorke nor his master, the King of Great Britain, can be considered competent sole judge of last resort. If they could be so considered, then all questions of every description would be subject to ex parte decision by the arbitrary will of one party, in any contest—a doctrine which must, in the estimation of every judicial mind, be too preposterous to contemplate without levity.
Your High Mightinesses cannot fail to be aware that the question of the sovereignty of the United States of America has been passed upon by qualified and competent judges. That sovereignty has been recognized by His Most Christian Majesty the King of France and Navarre, in the form of a solemn treaty of amity and alliance done at Versailles nearly a year ago and now a casus belli in the estimation of His Majesty the King of Great Britain. The independence of the United States, and with it their rightful sovereignty, has been recognized by His Most Catholic Majesty the King of Spain and the Indies. The belligerent rights of the United States have been acknowledged by His Majesty Frederick II., King of Prussia, and by Her Imperial Majesty Catharine II., Empress of all the Russias.
It does not become me, who am only a naval officer of command rank, to enter upon discussion of the motives of statecraft which may have induced such attitudes or such action on the part of the august potentates mentioned; but Your High Mightinesses will, I do not doubt, agree that it is within my province, humble as it may be, to invite attention to existing facts of common notoriety and concealed from no one. In the face of so much evidence, there is before us, by way of rebuttal, nothing but the ex parte declaration of His Excellency Sir Joseph Yorke, in behalf of his master the King of Great Britain, a party principal in the case to be adjudicated.
And now, if I may for one moment further beg the
patient indulgence of Your High Mightinesses, I recur to the language of His Excellency Sir Joseph Yorke, wherein, to fortify, apparently, his contention that I am "a rebellious subject and state criminal," he declares that I am not only "the pirate Paul Jones," but also that I am "a Scotchman."
Candor compels me, may it please Your High Mightinesses, to admit that this last, alone of all Sir Joseph's allegations, is true and indisputable. But while admitting the truth of Sir Joseph's assertion of my Scottish birth, I deny the validity of his inference made plain by his context. That, under the circumstances now being considered, the fact of Scottish birth should be held to constitute the character of a "rebellious subject and state criminal," more than birth elsewhere within the dominions of the King of Great Britain, I do not conceive to be a tenable theory. It cannot have escaped the attention of Your High Mightinesses that every man now giving fealty to the cause of American Independence was born a British subject. I do not comprehend, nor can I conceive, a difference in this respect between birth as a British subject in Scotland and birth as a British subject in Virginia, Pennsylvania, New York, New England, or elsewhere on British soil, there being in the eyes of British law no difference between the soil of the parent realm and the soil of colonies in respect to the relations or the rights of the subject.
If the reasoning of Sir Joseph Yorke be sound, then General Washington, Dr. Franklin, and all other patriots of birth on the soil of America when a British colony, must be, equally with me, "state criminals." No formal proclamation has been made to that effect, within my knowledge, by due authority of the King and his Ministers. Whatever may be the impression of exigency, it is clear that the Government of His Britannic Majesty has not yet undertaken to proclaim wholesale outlawry against nearly three millions of people in America now in arms for the cause of Independence. Such proclamation seems to have been reserved for my especial honour, in a port of a neutral state, and on the ipse dixit of an ambassador without express authority from Crown, Ministers, or Commons. It is inconceivable that so unauthorized a proceeding can have weight or that so unexampled an
exception can prevail with the reason of so judicial a body as the Assembly of Your High Mightinesses.
With these humble representations I confidently repose trust in the traditional candor and in the infallible justice of the High and Mighty Lords of the States General of the Netherlands.
(Signed) PAUL JONES,
Captain U. S. Navy.
On Board the U. S. Ship Serapis,
November 4, 1779.
This must have been the letter of which Horace Walpole wrote to the Countess of Ossory on October 1, 1782: "Have you seen in the papers the excellent letter of Paul Jones to Sir Joseph Yorke? Elle nous dit bien des vérités. I doubt Sir Joseph can answer them. Dr. Franklin himself, I should think, was the author. It was certainly written by a first-rate pen...." It is true that the letter was not written to Sir Joseph Yorke, but was addressed to the States General. But it was a direct reply to two letters which Sir Joseph Yorke had, as Jones knew, addressed to the States General concerning the legality of Jones's commission and the international status of his flag, and it might very well have been loosely designated by Walpole as "the letter of Paul Jones to Sir Joseph Yorke." Jones left the Texel before the end of 1779, and by that time his indirect controversy with Sir Joseph Yorke was at an end. He is not likely to have addressed that diplomatist on any public matter at any subsequent date, and indeed there does not seem to be extant any letter of any kind addressed by Paul Jones to Sir Joseph Yorke at any date. On the other hand, the letter to the States General was published in an English Blue Book in 1782, shortly before the date of Walpole's letter to Lady Ossory, together with other official correspondence relating to the rupture between England and Holland, which took place at the end of 1780. If this was the letter in question, however, Walpole is clearly wrong in attributing its composition to Franklin.
It is dated November 4, and it refers to a memorial addressed by Sir Joseph Yorke to the States General on October 29. Between these dates there was no time for a copy of this memorial to have reached Franklin in Paris and for Franklin to have drafted a reply to it and sent it to Jones at the Texel. Besides, Franklin did not entirely approve of the line taken by Jones in this matter.
It is thus certain that Franklin had no hand in the letter to the States General; and even if this is not the letter so highly commended by Horace Walpole, it is at any rate a document which no one can read without acknowledging that "it is certainly written by a first-rate pen." Jones was in a very difficult, not to say a very equivocal, diplomatic position. He had no diplomatic authority, he could not afford to offend France, nor would Franklin have sanctioned any action of his that was likely to do so. There were influences at work in France which were by no means friendly to him, and were in fact so potent that they ultimately succeeded in enforcing the claim of the French Government to the Serapis. He had therefore to be very circumspect in that direction. On the other hand, so far as he had any voice in the matter, it was manifestly quite impossible for him to acquiesce for a single moment in the demand of Sir Joseph Yorke that he should be treated by the States General "as a rebel and a pirate." He could not expect to persuade the States General to recognize the United States as an independent sovereign power. They had so far declined to do so, and were not at all disposed to incur the enmity of England by doing it at this juncture. But he did hope to induce them to show equal discretion towards France by declining to treat as a rebel and a pirate a man who had sailed from a French port with the sanction of the French Government and with French officers under his command; and he knew that if he did so induce them, the relations between Holland and England, already none too friendly, would be, as he wished them to be, still further embittered. This hope was not
disappointed. After a long debate on the question raised by Sir Joseph Yorke, the States General, on November 19, passed a resolution declaring: 1. That they "decline to consider any question affecting the legality of Paul Jones's commission or his status as a person." 2. That it is "not their intention to do anything from which it might lawfully be inferred that they recognize the independence of the American Colonies." 3. "That . . . it shall be signified to Paul Jones, that, having put in to place his injured vessels in shelter from the dangers of the sea . . . he shall make sail as soon as possible when the wind and weather shall be favourable, and withdraw from this country."
Thus, by the first clause of this resolution, the only question to which Jones had addressed himself in his letter to the States General was decided practically in his favour and to the complete discomfiture of Sir Joseph Yorke, who in one of his communications to the States General had pompously declared that "the eyes of all Europe are on your resolution." The second clause merely left the situation in statu quo, and astute as his diplomacy was, Jones could hardly have expected that unaided he could do that which the combined diplomacy of France and the United States had failed to do, namely, induce Holland to "recognize the independence of the American Colonies." But though the status quo was unchanged in appearance, the refusal of the States General to treat Jones as a rebel and a pirate did so far alter the situation that within little more than a year England declared war against Holland on December 20, 1780, alleging as the chief among the causes of the war "that in violation of treaty the States General suffered an American Pirate (one Paul Jones, a Rebel and State Criminal) to remain several weeks in one of their ports; and even permitted a part of his crew to mount guard (with arms and munitions, under his authority) in one of their Forts in the Texel." As to embroil Holland and England was, rightly or wrongly, one of the main objects which Jones avowedly
aimed at, this result too must be set down to the credit of his diplomatic address. He also succeeded in attaining this object without putting any additional strain on the relations of Holland with the United States. As to the third clause of the resolution of the States General, though it was stringent and even peremptory in terms, it was not very stringently enforced. Jones remained at the Texel, undisturbed, for more than a month after the States General had formally decreed his expulsion. There must have been considerable complaisance on the part of the Dutch executive authorities to enable him to do this. An English squadron was cruising outside the Texel, intent on his capture whenever the Dutch should thrust him out. They allowed him to wait until an easterly gale had driven this squadron off the coast, and when he did leave he got away unharmed.
In truth he had still much to do before he could leave the Texel. The question of what to do with the prisoners was still unsettled, as was also that of the status of his flag. The action of the French Government, which Franklin did not and Jones could not resist, ultimately settled both, though as regards the flag in a manner very mortifying to Jones, and, as he contended, without a shadow of right. An attempt was first made to evade the difficulty by giving Jones a commission in the French Navy, and authorizing him to hoist the French flag in the Serapis in token of his right, thus acquired, to command the squadron without further question. But Jones flatly declined to be a party to this transaction. It would, he contended, completely stultify the argument he had addressed to the States General in reply to Sir Joseph Yorke, and he pointed out that "on his arrival in the Texel he had publicly declared himself an officer of the United States of America; that he was not authorized by his Government to receive the proffered commission; and that he conceived, moreover, that, under existing circumstances, it would be dishonourable to himself and disadvantageous to America to change his flag." He was
prepared to allow Cottineau to hoist the French flag in the Pallas, the Vengeance, and the Countess of Scarborough, which was the prize of the former. But the Serapis, which was his own prize, and the Alliance, which was an American ship built and commissioned in America, he insisted on retaining under his own command and under the American flag. But de Sartine, the French Minister of Marine, was inexorable as regards the Serapis, prompted, as Jones believed, by Le Ray de Chaumont, the French Commissary of the squadron, who desired to have the fingering of the prize-money. Franklin, perhaps nolens volens, was fain to support de Sartine, and Jones had to give way. He was left, as he said, to do what he pleased or what he could with the Alliance.
On the other hand, the solution of the difficulty as regards the prisoners was far more satisfactory. The French Government, when it took over the ships, also took over the custody of the prisoners. They were formally handed over to the French Ambassador at the Hague, and placed on board the ships which by the same authority now hoisted the French flag, namely, the Serapis, the Pallas, the Vengeance, and the Countess of Scarborough. These ships then left the Texel under convoy of the Dutch fleet. At an earlier date, Franklin had written to Jones: "I am uneasy about your prisoners, and wish they were safe in France; you will then have completed the glorious work of giving liberty to all the Americans that have so long languished for it in the British prisons, for there are not so many there as you have now taken." When their safety was assured, Jones wrote to Le Ray de Chaumont: "It is the greatest triumph which a good man can boast—a thousand times more flattering to me than victory." Let those scoff at this who will as turgid and insincere. For my part I prefer the more generous appreciation of Disraeli, who writes as follows concerning the general attitude of Jones on this question:
These prisoners were Jones's great pride. Early in
life his feelings had been excited by the description of the sufferings of his countrymen who were imprisoned in the mother country. His objects in removing the war to Europe were mainly to retaliate on the English for the scenes of havoc he had witnessed in "the country of his fond election" and to deliver the imprisoned Americans from their dungeons. On his arrival in France, intent upon this grand purpose, Jones met with a congenial spirit in the most illustrious of the American Commissioners. Franklin, that mighty master of the human mind, soon dived into the innermost recesses of Jones's soul. He was struck with his daring courage, his manly frankness, and his enthusiastic sentiments. He perceived him bold in purpose, systematic in conception, and firm in execution. The wily politician smiled at the chivalric and romantic sentiments of his youthful friend; but the practical philosopher felt that, to perform extraordinary actions, a man must often entertain extraordinary sentiments, and that in the busiest scenes of human life enthusiasm is not always vain, nor romance always a fable.
Jones was now left alone at the Texel with the Alliance, still flying the American flag, to do what he pleased or what he could with. Sir Joseph Yorke was baffled, though if he was no match for Jones in diplomacy, he was, to do him justice, equally anxious for the well-being of the wounded prisoners, and even co-operated with Jones in securing for them suitable housing together with proper medical care and comforts. Jones met him once at the house of Van Berckel, the Grand Pensionary. They maintained a ceremonious courtesy towards each other, but soon came to a friendly understanding concerning supplies for the prisoners. Sir Joseph offered to obtain these supplies and consign them to Jones himself; but Jones warily declined this proposal, "for fear," as he frankly told Sir Joseph, "that malicious enemies might accuse me of appropriating them," and he requested that they might be consigned to Dr. Edgerly, the late surgeon of the Countess of Scarborough. "Two days later," says Jones, "Sir Joseph sent by a hoy from Amsterdam a
goodly supply of medicines, blankets, food, tobacco, with considerable wine and some liquors. And with the consignment of these articles to Dr. Edgerly, as I had requested, he sent also a private letter to that gentleman, requesting him to inform me that if, as he (Sir Joseph) suspected, the wounded Americans might also be in need of such supplies as he had sent, they should have an impartial share; 'because,' said Sir Joseph in his letter to Dr. Edgerly, 'we all know that old England can never tell the difference between friends and foes among brave men wounded in battle, even if some of them may, peradventure, be rebels.'" It is pleasant to record these courtesies between two such antagonists. Even Sir Joseph Yorke, it would seem, could not resist the charm of Jones's personal fascination.
The Dutch authorities at the Texel do not seem to have been in any hurry to enforce the order of the States General for Jones's expulsion from that anchorage. That order was, as we have seen, sanctioned by the States General on November 19. But it was not until December 26 that the Alliance finally took her departure. No attempt seems to have been made to thrust her out at a time when she could hardly avoid falling into the clutches of the British squadron cruising outside. On the contrary, she was allowed to wait until an easterly gale which arose on Christmas Day had driven the squadron quite off the coast, leaving only one or two frigates behind. The wind abated the next day, and Jones, seizing the opportunity while the coast was clear, put to sea about 10 p.m. and, eluding the vigilance of the British frigates still on the watch for him, shaped a course for the Straits of Dover. "He now," says Nathaniel Fanning, "ran through the Straits of Dover and down the English Channel, passing close enough in to fire a shot at the Channel Fleet anchored off Spithead, and then cruised as far south as Corunna, where he remained two weeks, watering and victualling his ship. Spain being at that time at war with England, the Alliance was most cordially
received, and the civilities of the town were exhausted in entertaining Commodore Jones and his officers. . . . On January 28, 1780, having refitted, watered, and victualled the Alliance, Jones sailed from Corunna for L'Orient." Here he anchored on February 14. Except when he returned to America in the Ariel—which he did in December 1780—he never hoisted the United States flag at sea again, though he lived until 1792, dying in Paris on July 18 in that year, at the age of forty-five.
IX
Here, then, ends the active career of Paul Jones as a fighting seaman, and here ends my story. The rest is merely epilogue. It is true that Jones subsequently took service in the Russian Navy at the invitation of the Empress Catherine, who gave him the rank of Rear-Admiral, and afterwards promoted him to that of Vice-Admiral. But this episode in his life affords little additional material for the appreciation of his quality as a great sea-officer. He commanded a Russian squadron in the Liman at the time of the siege of Oezakoff in 1788, and in the engagement known as the Battle of the Liman on June 17 in that year he inflicted a severe defeat on the Turkish fleet. But he was very treacherously served by Nassau-Siegen, who commanded a flotilla of gunboats nominally under his orders, and the laurels of his victory were filched away from him by Potemkin, who presented to the Empress a fabricated report of the engagement, in which Jones's services were ignored. Alike in the Liman and at St. Petersburg he was made the object of incessant and unscrupulous intrigues, which finally drove him out of the Russian service. Suwaroff alone appreciated him and stood his constant friend. If it be held that he demeaned himself by taking mercenary service under the Russian flag, the argument can only be sustained by condemning at the same time the large number
of British naval officers at that time serving in the Russian Navy, many of whom did not disdain to take part in the intrigues against him, while others more honourably, but not less ungenerously, resigned their commissions sooner than accept him as a comrade. He withdrew from Russia broken in health and, for a time, blasted in reputation. But his fair fame was subsequently vindicated by the efforts of his friend the Comte de Ségur, the French Ambassador at St. Petersburg. I extract from the pages of Disraeli the following letter from Ségur to the French Ministers at Berlin and Hamburg:
St. Petersburg, 26th August, 1789.
Sir,
The Vice-Admiral Paul Jones, who will have the honour to deliver this letter, commanded during the last campaign a Russian squadron stationed on the Liman. The Empress has decorated him on this occasion, with the order of St. Anne. He had a right, by his actions, to a promotion and to a recompense, but this celebrated sailor, knowing better how to conduct himself in battles than in courts, has offended, by his frankness, some of the most powerful people, and amongst others Prince Potemkin. His enemies and his rivals have profited by his momentary disgrace to hasten his destruction. Calumny has served their purposes; they have given credit to reports absolutely false. They have accused him of violating a girl. The Empress, being deceived, has forbid him the court, and wished to bring him to trial. Every person has abandoned him; I alone have upheld and defended him. The country to which he belongs, the order of military merit which he bears, and which he has so nobly acquired, his brilliant reputation, and, above all, our long acquaintance, have made it a law to me. My cares have not been in vain. I have caused his innocence to be acknowledged. He has repaired to court, and has kissed the hand of the sovereign, but he will not remain in a country where he believes himself to have been treated with injustice. . . . I beg you, Sir, to render to this brave man, as interesting by the reverses of fortune which he has met with as by his past success, every service which
may be in your power. It will lay me under a true obligation, and I shall share, in a lively manner, his gratitude.
It is no part of my purpose to portray what I may call the civil career of Paul Jones, except so far as it has incidentally served to illustrate his character and the estimation in which he was held by some of the most distinguished of his contemporaries in two hemispheres. My sole object has been to draw a faithful portrait of his career as a fighting seaman, and that purpose has now been fulfilled. I have shown him rising from the village school and the hard apprenticeship of the merchant service to the command of ships and the inherited ownership of a plantation in Virginia. I have shown him equipping himself, during that hard apprenticeship and its subsequent arduous voyagings, with manners and education which afterwards enabled him to shine in the most fastidious society in Europe. I have shown him taking his side in a quarrel which divided brother from brother in both hemispheres, and I have no apology to offer for his choice. I should as soon think of apologizing for Washington or for Franklin. I have shown him founding an infant navy and laying down imperishable principles for the governance and guidance of its officers. I have shown him teaching his comrades how to fight in their own waters, and how to carry the war, even with their diminutive resources, into the enemy's waters with tremendous and unexampled effect. I have shown him waging one of the most desperate battles that ever were fought on the seas, and snatching victory out of the very jaws of defeat by his own unquenchable stubbornness of fight and in spite of the treachery, fully attested and almost openly avowed, of his principal lieutenant. I have shown him waging and winning, not less brilliantly, a diplomatic battle, if not single-handed, at any rate with little countenance and no assistance at all from the accredited representatives of the two Governments he
served. If these achievements and accomplishments are not the notes of a personality cast in truly heroic mould, I know not where to look for them, nor can I refuse to recognize them because Paul Jones had to the full some of the most characteristic defects of his qualities—an inordinate self-esteem, a propensity for grandiloquence, and a very manifest reluctance to hide his candle under a bushel. Let us remember that Nelson himself was not without like defects, and that the impression made on the cold and dispassionate Wellington by the only talk he ever had with him was that, until Nelson found out who Wellington was, "the conversation was almost all on his side and all about himself, and in, really, a style so vain and so silly as to surprise and almost disgust me." There are many Englishmen who have never carried their acquaintance with Paul Jones and his character any further than this initial stage of Wellington's memorable interview with Nelson. If I have enabled even a few of them to reconsider their original impression, as Wellington did his, I shall not have written in vain.
I need hardly say that the foregoing comparison implies no sort of pretence to place Paul Jones on a level with Nelson as a sea-commander. To do so would be preposterous. "There is but one Nelson," and Jones's lack of opportunity would forbid the comparison, if nothing else did. Except in the Liman Jones never commanded a fleet in action, and no man knew better than he did that the highest sea-capacity is neither displayed nor called for in the conflict of single ships. I find in Disraeli some very significant extracts from a memorandum on this subject which he addressed to the United States Government in 1782, while he was superintending the fitting out of the America, the first line-of-battle ship ever built by the United States.¹ I subjoin these extracts here:
The beginning of our navy, as navies now rank, was
¹ Jones was to have commanded this vessel; but during the autumn of 1782 a French man-of-war was lost in the harbour of Boston, and Congress
so singularly small, that, I am of opinion, it has no precedent in history. Was it a proof of madness in the first corps of sea-officers to have, at so critical a period, launched out on the ocean with only two armed merchant ships, two armed brigantines, and one armed sloop, to make war against such a power as Great Britain? To be diffident is not always a proof of ignorance. I had sailed before this revolution in armed ships and frigates, yet, when I came to try my skill, I am not ashamed to own I did not find myself perfect in the duties of a first lieutenant. If midnight study and the instruction of the greatest and most learned sea-officers, can have given me advantages, I am not without them. I confess, however, I have yet to learn; it is the work of many years' study and experience to acquire the high degree of science necessary for a great sea-officer. Cruising after merchant ships, the service in which our frigates have generally been employed, affords, I may say, no part of the knowledge necessary for conducting fleets and their operations. There is now, perhaps, as much difference between a battle between two ships, and an engagement between two fleets, as there is between a duel and a ranged battle between two armies. The English, who boast so much of their navy, never fought a ranged battle on the ocean before the war that is now ended. The battle off Ushant was, on their part, like their former ones, irregular; and Admiral Keppel could only justify himself by the example of Hawke in our remembrance, and of Russel in the last century. From that moment the English were forced to study, and to imitate, the French in their evolutions. They never gained any advantage when they had to do with equal force, and the unfortunate defeat of Count de Grasse was owing more to the unfavourable circumstances of the wind coming a-head four points at the beginning of the battle, which put his fleet into the order of echiquier when it was too late to tack, and of calm and currents afterwards, which brought on an entire disorder, than to the admiralship or even the vast superiority of Rodney, who had forty sail of the line against thirty, and five three-deckers against one. By the account passed a resolution presenting the America to the King of France in place of the Magnifique which was lost, and she passed into the French Navy under the name of the Franklin.
of some of the French officers, Rodney might as well have been asleep, not having made a second signal during the battle, so that every captain did as he pleased.
The English are very deficient in signals, as well as in naval tactics. This I know, having in my possession their present fighting and sailing instructions, which comprehend all their signals and evolutions. Lord Howe has, indeed, made some improvements by borrowing from the French. But, Kempenfelt, who seems to have been a more promising officer, had made a still greater improvement by the same means. It was said of Kempenfelt, when he was drowned in the *Royal George*, England had lost her du Pavillion. That great man, the Chevalier du Pavillion, commanded the *Triumphant*, and was killed in the last battle of Count de Grasse. France lost in him one of her greatest naval tacticians, and a man who had, besides, the honour (in 1773) to invent the new system of naval signals, by which sixteen hundred orders, questions, answers, and informations can, without confusion or misconstruction, and with the greatest celerity, be communicated through a great fleet. It was his fixed opinion that a smaller number of signals would be insufficient. A captain of the line at this day must be a tactician. A captain of a cruising frigate may make shift without ever having heard of naval tactics. Until I arrived in France, and became acquainted with that great tactician Count D'Orvilliers, and his judicious assistant the Chevalier du Pavillion, who, each of them, honoured me with instructions respecting the science of governing the operations, etc., of a fleet, I confess I was not sensible how ignorant I had been, before that time, of naval tactics.
There are several points of extreme interest in this remarkable memorandum. When Jones says that "the English... never fought a ranged battle on the ocean before the war that is now ended," he is moving by anticipation in the same order of ideas as that which inspired Clerk of Eldin in his famous *Essay on Naval Tactics*, which was printed in the same year but not published until later. Clerk's exordium, which was written in 1781, is as follows:
Upon inquiring into the transactions of the British Navy, during the last two wars, as well as the present, it is remarkable that, when single ships have encountered one another, or when two, or even three have been engaged of a side, British seamen, if not victorious on every occasion, have never failed to exhibit instances of skilful seamanship, intrepidity, and perseverance; yet when ten, twenty, or thirty great ships have been assembled, and formed in line of battle, it is equally remarkable that, in no one instance, has ever a proper exertion been made, anything memorable achieved, or even a ship lost or won on either side.\(^1\)
Again, Jones’s reference to Howe and Kempenfelt exhibits an acquaintance with the contemporary history of the British Navy and with the special attainments of two of its leading personalities—one of whom is now almost forgotten except for his tragic and untimely death—which is little short of amazing in a man with his limited opportunities of study and observation. In truth he might well say, “If midnight study and the instruction of the greatest and most learned sea-officers can have given me advantages, I am not without them.” I will cite further testimony to the profundity and acumen of his studies of naval warfare from the pages of Mr. Buell. It relates to the time when Jones, in command of the Ranger, first put into Brest just before his raid upon Whitehaven:
The Duchess of Chartres instantly took a fancy to the dark, slender, distingué “Chevalier, sans titre, de la mer,”—“the untitled knight of the sea,” as she used to call him: and Paul Jones at once became a welcome visitor at her cottage-palace at Brest. The afternoon before the Ranger sailed, the Duchess gave a luncheon to
\(^1\) Clerk, in a note, explains that “neither the gallant manoeuvres off St. Christopher’s, nor the memorable 12th of April, took place till the spring following.” These two actions are of course Hood’s brilliant encounter with De Grasse in January 1782, and Rodney’s famous victory over the same French Admiral off Dominica on April 12, 1782.
Captain Jones, at which the Count D'Orvilliers was present. The Duchess was granddaughter of the Count de Toulouse, son of Louis XIV., by Madame de Montespan; and her grandfather had commanded the French fleet in the great battle with the allied English and Dutch fleets off Malaga, August 24 and 25, 1704.
That battle was, up to that time, the most creditable, or, perhaps, least discreditable, to the French Navy of all its encounters with the fleets of England; and the Duchess took infinite pride in the exploit of her ancestor. In some way the subject of the battle off Malaga was brought up at this luncheon. Jones, whose studies of naval history fully equipped him for the discussion, made bold to traverse a criticism offered by D'Orvilliers on the failure of de Toulouse to follow the Anglo-Dutch fleets under Sir George Rooke when they retreated towards Gibraltar after two days' fighting. In this debate, Jones, who took the side of de Toulouse, displayed knowledge of the strategy and tactics of that great combat which challenged the admiration of D'Orvilliers himself, as well as that of all the other French officers present. In the course of his review of the event, he showed that he knew to a ship, to a gun, and almost to a man, the strength of the respective fleets. He also exhibited comprehensive knowledge of the grand strategy of the campaign as a whole, and an accurate understanding of the political bearing of the operations upon the dynastic questions involved in the war of the Spanish succession. This amazed D'Orvilliers, who had previously regarded him with a sort of patronizing interest as a Yankee skipper of something more than usual dash and cleverness.
But my final and most convincing testimony is still to be cited. It is contained in a letter addressed by Paul Jones in 1791, the year before his death, to his friend Vice-Admiral the Comte de Kersaint, one of the most distinguished French naval officers of his time. I quote it as it is given by Mr. Buell. If I call this letter an epitome of the teaching of Clerk of Eldin at the end of the eighteenth century and of that of Captain Mahan at the end of the nineteenth, I hardly think I shall overestimate its extraordinary penetration, sagacity, and breadth of view. It runs as follows:
It has not been my habit to indulge in comment upon French naval tactics as I have read of them in history or observed them in the last war. But my long and happy personal acquaintance with your Excellency, dating from our first accidental meeting in the Chesapeake in 1775, emboldens me to offer a few observations of a character that I have hitherto withheld.
I have noticed—and no reader of the naval history of France can have failed to notice it—that the underlying principle of operation and rule of action in the French Navy have always been calculated to subordinate immediate or instant opportunities to ulterior if not distant objects. In general I may say that it has been the policy of French admirals in the past to neutralize the power of their adversaries, if possible, by grand manoeuvres rather than to destroy it by grand attacks.
A case in point of this kind is the campaign of the Count de Grasse in his conjoint operation with the land forces of General Washington and the Count de Rochambeau, which so happily resulted in the capitulation of Cornwallis at Yorktown. It is well-known to you, as an officer of important command in the French fleet on that occasion, that for at least three days—that is to say, from the moment when Admiral Graves appeared off the Capes (of the Chesapeake) until he beat his final retreat to New York—it was in the power of the Count de Grasse to bring him to close and decisive action with a superiority of force that could have left no doubt as to the issue. It is true, as may be said, that the ulterior object of the grand strategy in that operation, viewed by land as well as by sea, was accomplished by the skilful manoeuvring, the imposing demonstration, and the distant cannonade practised by the Count de Grasse, without determined attack or persistent pursuit. It may also be urged—which I have heard from the Marquis de Vaudreuil and the Chevalier de Barras—that de Grasse was hampered in this respect by the nature of his agreement with de Rochambeau, approved by Washington, that it should be the policy to preserve the French fleet from the contingencies of close action, so far as might be done without
sacrificing its efficiency in the adjunctory sense to the operations by land.
Yet, admitting all this in full force, it has always seemed to me that there was a moment when the—perhaps unexpected—development of weakness and incertitude on the part of Admiral Graves afforded de Grasse abundant justification for revision if not momentary discarding of the terms of any prior understanding he may have had with de Rochambeau and Washington. De Grasse had more ships, more men, and more guns than Graves had. His ships were better found and sailed faster, either ship for ship, or measuring the manoeuvring power of the fleet by the slowest or dullest of all, than the ships of Graves. In my judgment, there has never been an occasion in all the naval wars between France and England when the opportunity was so distinctly and so overwhelmingly on the side of France as in those few October days in 1781, off the Capes of the Chesapeake—when France actually had, for the moment, command of the sea.
Now, my dear Kersaint, you know me too well to accuse me of self-vaunting. You will not consider me vain, in view of your knowledge of what happened in the past off Carrickfergus, off Old Flamboro' Head, and off the Liman in the Black Sea, if I say that, had I stood—fortunately or unfortunately—in the shoes of de Grasse, there would have been disaster to some one off the Capes of the Chesapeake; disaster of more lasting significance than an orderly retreat of a beaten fleet to a safe port. To put it a little more strongly, there was a moment when the chance to destroy the enemy's fleet would have driven from me all thought of the conjoint strategy of the campaign as a whole.
I could not have helped it.
And I have never since ceased to mourn the failure of the Count de Grasse to be as imprudent as I could not have helped being on that grandest of all occasions.
Howbeit, as I have already said, the object of grand strategy in that operation was accomplished by the manoeuvring of the Count de Grasse without general action-in-line. But I confess that, under similar conditions, the temptation to destroy as well as repulse the fleet of the enemy would have been resistless, had I been the commander. It would have cost more men and perhaps a
ship or two; but, in my opinion, success in naval warfare is measured more perfectly by the extent to which you can capture or sink the ships and kill the seamen of the enemy than by the promptness with which you can force him, by skilful manoeuvre or distant cannonade, to sheer off and thereby, with your consent, avoid a conflict that could hardly result otherwise than in conquest for you and destruction to him.
It is recorded that, in battle some years ago, when the English Guards and the French Guards came in contact, one said to the other, "Gentlemen, fire first, if you please." Chivalrous as that may appear in history, I frankly confess that it represents an imagination of the amenities of warfare which I not only do not entertain but which I cannot conceive of.
The year after the operations of the Count de Grasse off the Capes, I was cruising in the West Indies, having the honour to be the guest of the Marquis de Vaudreuil on board his flag-ship, the Triomphante, and I offered for his consideration some reflections similar to the above. I am happy to say, that the noble Marquis did not disagree with me. And I am sure that, had the noble Marquis on that occasion enjoyed opportunity to bring to action the fleet of Admiral Pigott before it was reinforced by the other division just at the moment peace was proclaimed, other tactics would have been pursued.
You will by no means infer from these cursory observations that I fail to appreciate, within my limited capacity, the grandeur of the tactical combinations, the skill of the intricate manoeuvres, and the far-sighted, long thought-out demonstrations by which the Count de Toulouse drove Rooke out of the Mediterranean in August 1704, with no more ado than the comparatively bloodless battle off Malaga; or the address with which La Galissonière repulsed Byng from Minorca in 1756 by a long-range battle of which the only notable casualty was the subsequent execution of Byng by his own Government for the alleged crime of failing to destroy the fleet opposed to him! or the brilliant campaign of my noble friend, the Count D'Orvilliers, off Ushant in July 1778, when he forced Keppel to retreat ignominiously to England; not by stress of defeat, but by the cunningly planned and adroitly executed expedient of avoiding, on any terms but his
own, the battle which Keppel vainly tried to force upon him. Let me assure you that none of these great events has been lost upon my sense of admiration.
Most impressive to me of all the triumphs of the French Navy is the matchless signal-system of the great Pavillon, with the portentous secrets of which I had the honour of being the first foreign officer to be entrusted when the full code was placed in my hands by D'Orvilliers in person, on the eve of my sailing from Brest in the little Ranger, April 1778.
And yet, my dear Kersaint, one reflection persecutes me, to mar all my memories and baffle all my admiration. This is the undeniable fact that the English ships and English sailors whom La Galissonière manoeuvred away from Minorca, under Byng, in 1756, remained intact and lived to ruin Conflans in Quiberon Bay three years later under Sir Edward Hawke; and the ships and seamen of Graves, whom de Grasse permitted to escape from his clutches off the Capes of the Chesapeake in October 1781, were left intact, and lived to discomfit de Grasse himself off Santa Lucia and Dominica in April 1782, under Rodney.
You know, of course, my dear Kersaint, that my own opportunities in naval warfare have been but few and feeble in comparison with such as I have mentioned. But I do not doubt your ready agreement with me if I say that the hostile ships and commanders that I have thus far enjoyed the opportunity of meeting, did not give any one much trouble thereafter. True, this has been on a small scale; but that was no fault of mine. I did my best with the weapons given to me. The rules of conduct, the maxims of action, and the tactical instincts that serve to gain small victories may always be expanded into the winning of great ones with suitable opportunity; because in human affairs the sources of success are ever to be found in the fountains of quick resolve and swift stroke; and it seems to be a law inflexible and inexorable that he who will not risk cannot win.
Thus, from my point of view, it has been the besetting weakness of French naval tactics to consider the evolutions of certain masters of the art of naval warfare as the art itself. Their evolutions, as such, have been magnificent; their combinations have been superb; but as I look at them, they have not been harmful enough; they have
not been calculated to do as much capturing or sinking of ships, and as much crippling or killing of seamen, as true and lasting success in naval warfare seems to me to demand.
This may be a rude—even a cruel—view; but I cannot help it. The French tactical system partakes of the gentle chivalry of the French people. On the wave as on the field of honour, they wish, as it were, to wound with the delicate and polished rapier, rather than kill with the clumsy—you may say the brutal—pistol. I frankly—or if so be it humbly—confess that my fibre is not fine enough to realize that conception. To me war is the sternest and the gloomiest of all human realities, and battle the cruelest and most forbidding of all human practices. Therefore I think that the true duty of every one concerned in them is to make them most destructive while they last, in order that the cause of real humanity may be gained by making them soonest ended. I have never been able to contemplate with composure the theory of the purely defensive in naval tactics. With all due respect to the sensibilities of Frenchmen, I make bold to say that better models of action are to be found in Hawke at Quiberon Bay, and in Rodney off Santa Lucia and Dominica than in de Grasse, either when successful in the Chesapeake or when beaten in the West Indies. . . .
But, my friend, I fear that I weary you. Let me thank you again for your compliments and kind wishes. I hope that France, in her struggle for liberty, may, as America did, find use for me, no matter in what capacity or what grade of my profession—from a sloop-of-war to a fleet—on the high seas. But, should France thus honour me, it must be with the unqualified understanding that I am not to be restricted by the traditions of her naval tactics; but with full consent that I may, on suitable occasion, to be decreed by my judgment on the spot, try conclusions with her foes to the bitter end or to death at shorter range and at closer quarters than have hitherto been sanctioned by her tactical authorities.
Nelson’s favourite signal in action was, it will be remembered, “Engage the enemy more closely.”¹ In like
¹ The device on the cover of this volume shows, in heraldic symbolism, the flags used by Nelson in making this signal at his three great battles of
manner it was Paul Jones's fixed aspiration and resolve that if he was ever called upon to carry the flag of France into a fleet action, it would only be on the unqualified understanding "that I may, on suitable occasion, to be decreed by my judgment on the spot, try conclusions with her foes to the bitter end or to death, at shorter range and at closer quarters than have hitherto been sanctioned by her tactical authorities." That is the very spirit of Nelson. Napoleon, with his unerring insight, saw this and said: "Our admirals are always talking about pelagic conditions and ulterior objects, as if there was any condition or any object in war except to get in contact with the enemy and destroy him. That was Paul Jones's view of the conditions and objects of naval warfare. It was also Nelson's." Is it too much to say, on the strength of these testimonies, that had his opportunities been equal to those of Nelson, Paul Jones might have shown that he was cast in the same mould? At any rate, no one can blame the American people if they think so, and none can gainsay them.
the Nile, Copenhagen, and Trafalgar. The meaning of the signal was the same in each case, but it so happens that the flags denoting it were changed between 1798 and 1801, and again between 1801 and 1805. Full information on the subject will be found in a very interesting official publication, entitled *Nelson's Signals: The Evolution of the Signal Flags*, written by the Admiralty Librarian, and issued by the Naval Intelligence Department under the authority of the Admiralty.
THE DOGGER BANK AND ITS LESSONS
It will best serve the purpose of the following paper—which is in no sense to discuss the affair of the Dogger Bank controversially from an international point of view, but only to point its moral for future guidance and warning—to accept the conclusions of the International Commission of Inquiry and to state the facts, as far as possible, in the language of its report. The French text of the report will be quoted where necessary.
While anchored at the Skaw, and indeed previously since the departure of the fleet under his command from Reval, Admiral Rozhdestvensky had received "nombreuses informations des Agents du Gouvernement Impérial au sujet de tentatives hostiles à redouter, et qui, selon toutes vraisemblances, devaient se produire sous la forme d'attaques de torpilleurs; en outre pendant son séjour à Skagen, l'Amiral Rojdestvensky avait été averti de la présence de bâtiments suspects sur la côte de Norvège." One of his transports coming from the north also reported having seen four torpedo craft exhibiting only a single masthead light. This information naturally induced the Commander-in-Chief to take every possible precaution for the protection of the ships under his command against torpedo attack. He left the Skaw twenty-four hours earlier than he originally intended, sending off his fleet in six separate "échelons," his own échelon, consisting of the battleships Suvaroff, Alexander III, Borodino and Orel, and the transport Anadyr, leaving last at
1 Naval Annual, 1905.
10 p.m. on October 20. The two leading échelons were ordered to steam at twelve knots, and the remainder at ten. The course prescribed appears to have led close to the Dogger Bank, well known to all pilots and mariners as a place where fishing vessels of many nations are likely to be met with in large numbers. This is not the direct course from the Skaw to the English Channel, but an Admiral having any reason to expect a torpedo attack would naturally avoid the course on which his assailants would be most likely to look for him. On the other hand, a navigator who sets his course so as to pass near the Dogger Bank must be assumed to know that he will find there a large assemblage of fishing craft.
One of the échelons, preceding that under the Admiral's immediate command, consisted of the transport Kamchatka, escorted by the cruisers Dmitri Donskoi and Aurora. Owing to "une avarie de machine," the Kamchatka fell astern, while her escorting cruisers went on at the prescribed speed, with the result that by 8 p.m. on October 21 she was some fifty miles astern of the rear échelon of the fleet. In this position she met the Swedish vessel Aldebaran and several other craft, and, mistaking them for torpedo craft, she opened fire upon them, sending a wireless message to the Commander-in-Chief at 8.45 to the effect that she was "attaqué de tous côtés par des torpilleurs." This message was duly received by Admiral Rozhdestvensky, and naturally put him still more on the alert, inducing him "à signaler à ses bâtiments vers 10 heures du soir de redoubler de vigilance et de s'attendre à une attaque de torpilleurs." The significance of this warning would be emphasized by the fact that the Commander-in-Chief had previously issued a standing order whereby each "officier chef de quart" had been authorized "à ouvrir le feu dans le cas d'une attaque évidente et imminente de torpilleurs. Si l'attaque venait de l'avant il devait le faire de sa propre initiative, et, dans le cas contraire, beaucoup moins pressant, il devait en référer à son Commandant." A majority of the Commissioners
considered that, having regard to all the circumstances, there was nothing excessive in these orders.
The Kamchatka having reported herself as some fifty miles astern, when she believed herself to be attacked between 8 and 9 p.m., Admiral Rozhdestvensky might very well calculate that the torpedo craft reported by her would overtake his own squadron about 1 a.m. on the following morning, October 21. His course was south-westerly, and this brought him towards that hour into close proximity to the Dogger Bank and its fishing craft. There were some thirty vessels there, spread over a space of several miles, and the Commissioners state without reserve, that all the vessels "portaient leurs feux réglementaires et chalutaient conformément à leurs règles usuelles, sous la conduite de leur maître de pêche, suivant les indications de fusées conventionnelles." Of the preceding échelons which had passed near them, none had reported by wireless telegraphy anything suspicious or unusual in their proceedings, and in particular Admiral Fölkersahm, who had passed with his échelon to the northward of them, had examined them closely with his searchlights, "et, les ayant reconnus ainsi pour des bâtiments inoffensifs, continua tranquillement sa route." Shortly after Admiral Fölkersahm had passed, the last échelon arrived in the neighbourhood of the fishing fleet. "La route de cet échelon le conduisait à peu près sur le gros de la flottille des chalutiers, qu'il allait donc être obligé de contourner, mais dans le sud." This would seem to imply that instead of passing round the fishing fleet on the north, as Admiral Fölkersahm had done, Admiral Rozhdestvensky found that his course would take him "sur le gros de la flottille," and would have altered course accordingly to the southward, so as to leave the flotilla on his starboard hand, but for a series of occurrences which at the moment began to arrest his attention, and apparently induced him to keep his course and pass through the flotilla, though more to the southward than the northward. He would therefore have
fishing-boats both to port and to starboard of him throughout the subsequent proceedings. By the first of these occurrences—the firing of a green rocket, to wit—the already tense apprehension of the officers on the bridge of the flagship was still further quickened. Such an occurrence in such circumstances might well seem to wear an aspect of menace to officers who were at the moment on the look-out for an immediate attack by torpedo craft; but in reality this fatal rocket was merely the regular signal by which the admiral of the fishing fleet indicated to his consorts that they were to shoot their trawls to starboard.
Very shortly after the display of this alarming but wholly innocent signal the officers of the Suvaroff, eagerly scanning the horizon through their night glasses, discerned "sur la crête des lames dans la direction du bossoir à tribord"—that is, over the starboard cathead—"et à une distance de 18 à 20 encablures un bâtiment qui leur parut suspect parce qu’ils ne lui voyaient aucun feu et que ce bâtiment leur semblaient se diriger vers eux à contrebord." This is their own deposition. Twenty cables are 4,000 yards, or two nautical miles. The extreme beam of the largest torpedo craft is less than 24 feet or 8 yards, and the vessel now entering on the scene is reported to have been advancing end on "à contrebord." The Commissioners report that at the time "la nuit était à demi obscure, un peu voilée par une brume légère et basse." To have discovered so small an object at so great a distance on such a night reflects infinite credit on the vigilance of the discoverers and their keenness of vision, but it also shows that they could not well have overlooked such of the fishing boats as were nearer to them, and were all carrying their regulation lights. Anyhow, "lorsque le navire suspect fut éclairé par un projecteur les observateurs crurent reconnaître un torpilleur à grande allure." The speed of the Suvaroff was ten knots. "Grande allure" for a torpedo craft advancing to the attack can hardly be put at less than
twenty knots. The two craft were thus approaching each other at the rate of thirty knots—that is, a nautical mile in every two minutes. As they were only two nautical miles apart when the "navire suspect" was first sighted, they would be abreast of each other in four minutes. All who have any practical experience of the use of the searchlight in such circumstances must acknowledge that it was handled with consummate skill by the officers of the Suvaroff on this occasion, but at the same time they will draw the irresistible inference that the speed of the advancing vessel must have served to differentiate it absolutely from any of the fishing craft in its neighbourhood. Be this as it may, the Commissioners go on to say, "C'est d'après ces apparences que l'Amiral Rojdestvensky fit ouvrir le feu sur ce navire inconnu"; and to this they append the following comment: "La majorité des Commissaires exprime à ce sujet l'opinion que la responsabilité de cet acte et les résultats de la cannonade essuyée par la flottille de pêche incombent à l'Amiral Rojdestvensky."
Almost immediately fire was opened a small vessel was observed right ahead of the Suvaroff, and so close that course had to be altered to port to avoid her. Illuminated by a searchlight this vessel was seen to be a trawler. Accordingly, "pour empêcher que le tir des vaisseaux fut dirigé sur ce bâtiment inoffensif, l'axe du projecteur fut aussitôt relevé à 45° vers le ciel"—this being apparently a signal preconcerted for the purpose. "Ensuite l'Amiral fit adresser par signal à l'escadre l'ordre de ne pas tirer sur les chalutiers."
It may not here be amiss to recapitulate the succession of events, all of which must have taken place within four minutes, if the suspicious vessel which caused the Suvaroff to open fire was steaming at twenty knots, while two minutes more at the same speed would have taken her astern of the whole squadron. These are,—(1) discovery of a suspicious vessel on the starboard bow at a distance of eighteen or twenty cables; (2) her recognition by means
of the searchlight as a torpedo craft steaming at high speed; (3) order given to open fire on her; (4) discovery of a small vessel right ahead of the Suvaroff; (5) course altered to port in order to avoid her; (6) her recognition as a trawler by means of the searchlight; (7) signal made not to fire on the trawlers. The outside allowance of time within which all these things must have happened is from seven to eight minutes, even if the speed of the suspicious vessel was not more than fifteen knots, and at the end of that period the vessel in question must have been well astern of the rear ship of the Russian line, having towards the close of it passed the latter on its starboard side, and therefore between it and such vessels of the fishing fleet as were situated to the northward. It would have been little short of a miracle in the circumstances for all the vessels of the fishing fleet so situated to have escaped injury, however unintentionally inflicted; and as the fire of the Russian squadron lasted, according to the Commissioners, from ten to twelve minutes, it would seem that the conclusion at which a majority of them arrived can hardly be seriously disputed: "La durée du tir à tribord, même en se plaçant au point de vue Russe, a semblé à la majorité des Commissaires avoir été plus longue qu'elle ne paraissait nécessaire." There is nothing to show that any order was given by the Admiral to fire on any vessel other than that which originally aroused his suspicions and caused him to open fire. It does not appear that any other suspicious vessel was observed on the starboard hand. The suspicious vessel in question must, as we have seen—"d'après les dépositions des témoins," to borrow a convenient phrase of the Commissioners—have passed well astern of the Russian line in less than eight minutes. Yet the fire was continued for ten or twelve minutes in all. Unless, therefore, the Russian ships were firing entirely at random—as they easily might have been, for the thing has been done over and over again in manœuvres—they must have been firing, however unwittingly and unintentionally, at
the unoffending trawlers on their starboard hand and at nothing else.
What the suspicious vessel was the Commissioners do not attempt to determine. The Aurora was certainly hit several times in the course of the firing. But beyond suggesting that the Aurora, steaming in the same direction as the fleet and showing no lights astern, may have been the vessel which originally aroused suspicion on board the Suvaroff and induced Admiral Rozhdestvensky to open fire, the Commissioners were apparently unable to ascertain where she was or how she came there. The Dmitri Donskoi was also present, since her identification by the Commander-in-Chief, after she had made her number, induced the latter to make a general signal to cease fire. But the precise position of the Dmitri Donskoi, whether to port or starboard of the Russian line, is not determined by the Commissioners. It only remains to add at this stage of the narrative that if the conjecture of the Commissioners that the Aurora was the suspicious vessel in question is well founded, and if as they also suggest she was steaming in the same direction as the fleet, her relative bearing and distance could not have changed materially, so that the original belief of the Commander-in-Chief and his staff that the suspicious vessel was a torpedo craft steaming towards the fleet "à contrebord," and "à grande allure," must have been promptly disallowed by the event. In that case the continuance of the starboard firing for ten or twelve minutes becomes more incomprehensible than ever.
So much for the starboard firing. The cause of the firing to port is even more obscure. Just as the trawler above-mentioned was discerned right ahead of the Suvaroff and course was altered in order to avoid her, "les observateurs du Suvaroff aperçurent à bâbord un autre bâtiment qui leur parut suspect, à cause de ses apparences de même nature de celle de l'objectif du tir par tribord. Le feu fut aussitôt ouvert sur ce deuxième but et se trouva ainsi engagé des deux bords." It is here stated by the
Commissioners that, according to the standing orders previously issued to the squadron, "l'amiral indiquait les buts sur lesquels devait être dirigé le tir des vaisseaux en fixant sur eux ses projecteurs." Every one who has any practical experience of torpedo operations will recognize at once that such a method of indication is exceedingly vague and very apt to be misleading, even when the searchlights are worked from the flagship alone. If other ships in company are working their searchlights more or less at random at the same time confusion and misunderstanding are inevitable; at least, such is the opinion of the Commissioners, and no naval officer will dispute it. "Mais comme chaque vaisseau balayait l'horizon en tout sens autour de lui avec ses propres projecteurs pour se garer d'une surprise, il était difficile qu'il ne se produisit pas de confusion." In this confusion, either by sheer accident or through a mistake, quite intelligible and far from inexcusable in the circumstances, the majority of the injuries sustained by the trawlers would seem to have been inflicted. It is clear that Admiral Rozhdestvensky personally did all he could from first to last to prevent the fire of his squadron being directed on any of the trawlers distinctly recognized as such, and the Commissioners record their unanimous opinion to this effect. But had he been an angel from heaven his efforts must have been unavailing in the situation as described by the Commissioners.
The majority of the latter declare that the starboard fire was, in their judgment, unduly prolonged. They hesitate to record the same opinion regarding the firing to port, on the ground that their information on the subject was insufficient, and it must be acknowledged that on this and several other points the Russian case was allowed to go by default. None of the logs of any of the ships engaged were produced. The Russian witnesses were few, and their testimony threw little light on the more obscure aspects of the situation. Nevertheless a majority of the Commissioners recorded their conclusion
in no ambiguous terms: "La majorité des Commissaires constate qu'elle manque d'éléments précis pour reconnaître sur quel but ont tiré les vaisseaux, mais les Commissaires reconnaissent unanimement que les bateaux de la flottille n'ont commis aucun acte hostile; et la majorité des Commissaires étant d'opinion qu'il n'y avait, ni parmi les chalutiers, ni sur les lieux aucun torpilleur, l'ouverture du feu par l'Amiral Rozdestvensky n'était pas justifiable." This opinion, however, was not shared by the Russian Commissioner, who, on the contrary, recorded his opinion "que ce sont précisément les bâtiments suspects s'approchant de l'escadre dans un but hostile qui ont provoqué le feu." The two conclusions are not irreconcilable. The majority of the Commissioners content themselves with recording the fact that no torpedo craft was present. The Russian Commissioner does not appear to dispute this, but contends that the approach of "bâtiments suspects" sufficed to justify the Russian flagship in opening fire. It will be seen in the sequel that his view is not wholly without justification from the history of manoeuvres.
The order to cease fire was given as soon as the Dmitri Donskoi was identified by Admiral Rozhdestvensky, and the "la file des vaisseaux continua sa route et disparut dans le sud-ouest sans avoir stoppé." The fact that they did not stop to ascertain what damage had been done, and to render such assistance as might be required by the innocent victims of the cannonade, was naturally criticized in many quarters. But the Commissioners exonerate Admiral Rozhdestvensky on this point: "Les Commissaires sont unanimes à reconnaître, qu'après les circonstances qui ont précédé l'incident et celles qui l'ont produit, il y avait à la fin du tir assez d'incertitudes au sujet du danger que courait l'échelon des vaisseaux pour décider l'Amiral à continuer sa route." Notwithstanding this, however, the majority of the Commissioners express their regret that Admiral Rozhdestvensky "n'aît pas eu la préoccupation, en franchissant le Pas de Calais, d'informer les
autorités des Puissances maritimes voisines qu'ayant été amené à ouvrir le feu près d'un groupe de chalutiers, ces bateaux, de nationalité inconnue, avaient besoin de secours." Though this regret was not unanimous at the Commission it will hardly find a dissentient elsewhere. The stern and urgent necessities of war may, as the Commissioners acknowledge, take precedence of the claims of humanity at the moment of conflict. They cannot excuse or even extenuate indifference to those claims after the emergency is past.
Finally, the Commissioners declare "que leurs appréciations... ne sont pas dans leur esprit de nature à jeter aucune déconsidération sur la valeur militaire ni sur les sentiments d'humanité de l'Amiral Rozhdestvensky et du personnel de son escadre." If my purpose were controversial this conclusion, apparently so inconsistent with the previous findings, might invite some criticism. But the Commission was neither a judicial tribunal nor a diplomatic conference. It combined some of the characteristics of both. Its abnormal composition is reflected in the several paragraphs of its report. On essential points judgment is given against Admiral Rozhdestvensky. The trawlers are exonerated altogether. Their conduct was unimpeachable throughout. There was nothing in it to arouse a shadow of suspicion. The responsibility for opening fire and for all that ensued is thrown upon Admiral Rozhdestvensky. There were no torpedo craft "ni parmi les chalutiers ni sur les lieux." Admiral Rozhdestvensky was not, therefore, justified in opening fire. Even on his own showing the starboard fire was unduly prolonged. As to the firing to port, the evidence produced—by no means all that might have been produced—is insufficient to sustain a similar conclusion, so that "not proven" is here the verdict rather than "not guilty." Admiral Rozhdestvensky did all he could to prevent injury to fishing-boats, but in the confusion caused by his opening fire without adequate justification his efforts were unavailing. He was not called upon to stop in the midst of what
he regarded as imminent danger, but he was called upon to report the incident to the Powers interested at the earliest possible moment. These are the judicial aspects of the Commission's finding. Then diplomacy steps in and seeks to soothe military and national susceptibilities by declaring that Admiral Rozhdestvensky's "valeur militaire" is unimpaired, and his "sentiments d'humanité" unimpeachable. Those who are best qualified to appreciate the full weight of the judicial censure will probably be the last to demur to the diplomatic gloss.
Now, the problem which still awaits solution is to determine what it was that first provoked the Russian fire. It cannot have been the fishing fleet—that is quite clear. When Admiral Rozhdestvensky set his course so as to pass close to the Dogger Bank, he must have known that at that point he would probably come across a large assemblage of trawlers. The green rocket may well have puzzled him, but it should not have made him see torpedo-craft or other hostile vessels where there were none to be seen. The majority of the Commissioners record their conviction that no torpedo craft were there. The Russian Commissioner, on the other hand, stoutly adhered to his conviction "que ce sont précisément les bâtiments suspects s'approchant de l'escadre qui ont provoqué le feu." The Dmitri Donskoi and the Aurora do not answer to this description, because the only way in which the Commissioners attempted to explain the Aurora's being mistaken "par une illusion d'optique nocturne" for torpedo craft, was by supposing that she was not "s'approchant de l'escadre" but steaming in the same direction.
Yet the presence of any torpedo craft other than Russian is absolutely excluded by the evidence laid before the Commissioners. The absence of Russian torpedo craft on the other hand seems rather to have been taken for granted than established by positive evidence. Their presence is highly improbable, no doubt, but not perhaps more improbable a priori than the presence of the Dmitri Donskoi and the Aurora, which must have been wholly
unexpected by Admiral Rozhdestvensky, or he would not have fired on them. If, then, the possible, albeit unavowed, presence of Russian torpedo craft is not excluded by any of the positive evidence presented, it would furnish an hypothesis which explains more of the facts than any other yet suggested, and goes far to reconcile the view taken by the Russian Commissioner with that taken by his colleagues. It is difficult to say why, if Russian torpedo craft were present, their presence should not have been acknowledged; but it is not more easy to explain the persistent economy of evidence in the presentation of the Russian case—an economy which baffled the majority of the Commissioners and provoked comments scarcely to be distinguished from remonstrances.
If this hypothesis could be entertained the whole incident would be explained. Admiral Rozhdestvensky, having discovered two torpedo boats, opened fire on them before they were seen to be his own, and in the confusion that ensued the other ships fired on anything they could see, and continued their fire for several minutes after they ought to have realized that they were firing on unoffending fishing craft. No other hypothesis so completely vindicates the "valeur militaire" of the personnel of the Russian squadron, nor can any other be suggested which does not bring the judicial findings of the Commission into somewhat sharp conflict with its diplomatic conclusion.
Passing now from the judicial, diplomatic, and naval aspects of the case, we have next to consider its psychological aspects. How was it that the Russian Admiral and his officers were brought into a state of mind which predisposed them to make a mistake so deplorable in its nature, and so terrible in its consequences? That they did make a mistake is beyond all question. It was a mistake if they fired on the Aurora and Dmitri Donskoi. It was a mistake if they fired on their own torpedo craft. It was a mistake if they fired on nothing at all. It was the worst mistake of all if they fired on the fishing boats.
believing them to be torpedo craft. Whatever its nature, then, this mistake requires explanation. In the first place there were the "nombreuses informations des Agents du Gouvernement Impérial." The weight attached to this information reflects little credit on the Russian Naval Intelligence Department. Admiral Rozhdestvensky was bound of course to give due heed to information received from official or other well-authenticated sources. But the Russian Naval Intelligence Department must have known, as every other Naval Intelligence Department knew, or might have known, that there were no Japanese torpedo craft in European waters. The information received by Admiral Rozhdestvensky is not stated to have come from the Russian Admiralty. It came from "agents of the Imperial Government." It would appear that the Russian Admiralty had no such information, for if it is hardly conceivable that such information would not have been laid before the Commission. If it had none, the inference is that there was none to be had, and in that case, unless the Russian Naval Intelligence Department is to be regarded as wholly incompetent, it might surely have been expected to instruct Admiral Rozhdestvensky that the unsifted warnings of local agents were not to be taken for more than they were worth—which must have been very little indeed.
However, Admiral Rozhdestvensky did believe these warnings and made his dispositions accordingly. This was the first stage in the formation of the "psychological atmosphere," which alone accounts for the tragedy of the Dogger Bank. An attitude of expectancy had been created even before the squadron left the Skaw. It was accentuated by the adventures of the Kamchatka, herself manifestly enveloped in the same psychological atmosphere. It was brought to a state of extreme tension by the green rocket of the fishing fleet. It passed into action premature, disastrous, and unjustifiable when the appearance of the suspicious vessels liberated all that pent-up expectancy and fired a train which had been laid
many hours and perhaps several days before. The Russian officers saw what they expected to see and took action accordingly.
What they saw is from this point of view immaterial. It may have been nothing at all. It may have been a torpedo craft, as they undoubtedly believed at the time, and as apparently they still believed when their evidence was tendered to the Commission. In that case it can only have been a Russian torpedo craft. It may have been the Aurora, as the Commissioners seem to suggest. It may have been a fishing boat. The point is that whatever it was, whether it was anything or nothing, it was taken for a torpedo craft because that was what it was expected to be. There is nothing at all surprising in this, and there would not be much fault to find with it if the fire had not been unjustifiably opened, unjustifiably prolonged, and very inadequately controlled, with the deplorable result now known to all the world, a result which cost at least three lives—one Russian and two British—and very nearly plunged two great nations into war. There are so many officers in the British Navy who have made the same mistake that there is probably no officer of any experience in the service who does not know how easy it is to make it, and how much more difficult it is to avoid it. In other words, the experience of British naval officers would lead them to assume, almost as a matter of course, that such a mistake was actually made by the officers of the Baltic Fleet, and at the same time to make every reasonable allowance for its being made. But to make a mistake is one thing. All men are liable to it. It is quite another thing to persist in it beyond all reason or precedent, and to make no such efforts to repair it as humanity must needs dictate, so far as they are consistent with the legitimate accomplishment of the military duties of a commander in time of war. The more ready British officers may be to make allowance for the original mistake the more fully will they concur in the censure passed by a majority of the Commission on the conduct
of the Russian Admiral at subsequent stages of the proceedings.
It will surprise many perhaps to learn that naval opinion in this country is quite ready to make all reasonable allowance for the original mistake. Yet it can be shown from authentic records that if, with the Commissioners, we set aside the hypothesis that hostile torpedo craft were actually present at the Dogger Bank on the night of October 21, there is no possible explanation of what occurred on that occasion which cannot be paralleled by what has happened over and over again in the course of the naval manoeuvres and other sea exercises of the British Fleet. In his evidence before the Commission Commander Keyes, an officer of large experience in the operations of torpedo craft, mentioned several recorded cases at manoeuvres, including, as reported in The Times, "one in which a flagship leading the Mediterranean Fleet mistook a battleship for a destroyer. . . . Another case occurred at the manoeuvres in 1902. The Doris observed through glasses what she thought to be a four-funnelled destroyer. The searchlight was directed on her, but failed to reveal anything. Yet in reality the boat thus taken for a destroyer was the four-funnelled cruiser Andromeda." A very close parallel to these cases is to be found in the Naval Annual for 1901, where it is stated that "on one occasion a destroyer was said to have passed, at night, six friendly battleships steaming without lights, and to have mistaken them for torpedo boats." The opposite mistake, that of taking torpedo craft for battleships or other large craft, has also been made. In the Naval Annual for 1900 it is recorded that "Admiral Domville had received circumstantial reports from the commanding officer of his destroyers that the A Fleet or a considerable portion of it had been observed during the night steering southward in the neighbourhood of Holyhead. It would seem that a flotilla of A's torpedo boats was mistaken by the officer in question for the main body of the A fleet, and reported as such to headquarters." If then the Russian officers mistook the Aurora for a torpedo craft they are not without justification in the records of British manoeuvres. Even if they mistook nothing at all for a torpedo craft the same justification may be pleaded. In the Naval Annual for 1892 the official report on the manoeuvres of 1891 is cited for a remark of Captain, now Admiral, Durnford on "the extraordinary way people think they see torpedo boats when none are there." Even if they mistook fishing vessels for torpedo craft there is an approximate parallel to be cited. In the Naval Annual for 1901 I myself recorded the incident as follows:
The Minerva, scouting off the west coast of Ireland, got amongst a fleet of fishing boats off the Skelligs, on the night of July 27. Mistaking them for torpedo-boats and remaining among them for some hours, she persuaded herself that she must have been torpedoed, and loyally hoisting the "Blue Peter"—the signal for being out of action—she proceeded quietly to Milford, there to await the decision of the umpires. As no torpedo boats were, nor, under Admiral Rawson's orders, could have been engaged, the decision was naturally given in her favour. . . . Such an incident could not, of course, happen in war, but, even in war, cruisers which mistake fishing boats for torpedo-boats are likely to meet with strange adventures.
Lastly, if, as has been suggested above, the Russians fired on their own torpedo craft, this is an incident of no infrequent occurrence in manoeuvres, British and foreign. A French incident may be cited. In the Naval Annual for 1894 it is related that "the Isly came in sight and the Turco"—a "torpilleur de haute mer"—"was sent ahead to communicate with her; but not being recognized by the Furieux and the Épervier, the Turco was fired on by these vessels. About the same time a friendly torpedo-boat was fired on by the Buffle, in spite of the private signals displayed by the former." The latter
instance is an extreme case, perhaps; but it shows, at any rate, how easy it is to make the mistake in question, even in circumstances which might be expected to render such a mistake almost impossible. Manœuvres are not war, of course, nor should the analogy be pressed unduly. In manœuvres there is a definite field of operations prescribed, and within that field, and more especially at certain positions, designated beforehand by the strategic and tactical characteristics of the area, every ship on both sides knows that it must be on the look out for torpedo attack. Here the psychological atmosphere which generates a state of acute mental expectancy must needs exist, and may easily lead to mistakes which, if not excusable, are at least intelligible. But if in manœuvres an admiral were to go outside the manœuvre area to a position where the probable presence of fishing vessels in large numbers was a matter of maritime notoriety, he would hardly be entitled to plead the psychological atmosphere and its concomitant state of expectancy as a valid and sufficient excuse for any mistake that he made in consequence. Now the analogy of the Dogger Bank incident is in large measure of this latter character. The actual theatre of war was thousands of miles away. The presence of hostile torpedo craft was so improbable in the circumstances, that the suspicion of it should never have been allowed to take so firm a hold as it did on the minds of Admiral Rozhdestvensky and his officers. On the other hand, the presence of innocent fishing boats was almost a certainty. It is the duty of a naval officer who knows his business to weigh these alternative probabilities, and to draw a sound conclusion from them. It would seem that Admiral Fölkersahm did this, while Admiral Rozhdestvensky did exactly the reverse.
Nevertheless, the significance of the whole story and the lessons it has to teach belong rather to the future than to the past. Whatever may be the value of the torpedo in war—a question not relevant to the present discussion—there can be no doubt that the torpedo
craft is a weapon of such tremendous and peculiar menace that it creates a psychological atmosphere of its own. In the case of Admiral Rozhdestvensky and his officers, it was able to create that atmosphere at the distance of nearly half the globe. Such a remarkable case of action at a distance is not perhaps likely to be repeated. But when the two belligerents are separated by no greater distance than, to avoid indiscreet analogies, let us say that which in ancient warfare separated the Romans from the Carthaginians, the experience of the Dogger Bank is not at all unlikely to be repeated, unless its lessons are taken seriously and learnt betimes. Two things are almost certain. Innocent vessels will often be mistaken for torpedo craft, and torpedo craft will always be fired on at sight. About the latter proposition there seems to be no sort of doubt. In the *Naval Annual* for 1896 Captain Bacon—one of the highest authorities on torpedo warfare in the Navy—wrote as follows:
The danger to the country is so great, if boats are allowed to rove about without definite orders, that too much stress cannot be laid on the following points. The boat...is of no value compared with the ship, and therefore the onus of sinking a friendly ship should lie entirely on the boat. A boat at night is a pariah to every ship afloat....A ship should always fire on any boat—whether suspected of being a friend or an enemy—that approaches her at night, since it is far better to sink a friendly boat than risk losing a ship by mistaking the identity of an enemy's boat. Since, therefore, every ship should fire on every approaching boat, no boat should take the fact of a ship firing on her as evidence that she is an enemy. The only safe way yet known of conducting an attack on a doubtful ship is for the boat to challenge the ship by a signalling method, and to allow a reasonably safe time for reply. The time occupied in approaching will ordinarily be sufficient, so that no real delay is caused to the boat....A procedure such as the above cannot be too strongly insisted on if boats are to be used with safety in waters where both enemy's and
friendly ships may be met with. Moreover, a torpedo attack should be a deliberate attack.
This, then, is the rationale of torpedo attack and defence, as formulated by one of the highest authorities on the subject in our own naval service. Captain Bacon, however, is only an individual, it may be objected, and the official theory may be different. The official theory is identical. In the Naval Annual for 1903 it is related how, during manoeuvres in the Mediterranean, the Implacable was attacked by a destroyer of her own side, and the official narrative of the operations is cited as remarking, "it is most unlikely that this would have happened in war, for the destroyer, which was in sight long before she attacked, would have been fired on without waiting to ascertain whether she was friend or foe." It is clear, then, that Captain Bacon's views cannot be denied the authority of official sanction. It may thus be taken for granted that in war all torpedo craft will be fired on at sight unless they have previously disclosed their identity. It follows that if a friendly torpedo craft is not to be spared, except on terms with which a neutral cannot comply, a neutral torpedo craft will fare still worse. A neutral torpedo craft, however, has clearly no business to be there at all. If she sights a belligerent fleet, the best thing she can do is to show it a clean pair of heels at once. Nothing on earth can save her if she once allows herself to be caught within the range of belligerent fire. In the abstract, of course, she has just as much right to use the sea as any other vessel that floats. In like manner a husbandman has every right to till his fields, if he chooses, under the fire of two contending armies. But if he is killed it is his own fault.
So far, then, there is no great difficulty. The neutral torpedo craft must take her chance. She has no business to be there intentionally, and if she is there by accident, she must do her best not to be there as soon as possible. But the neutral trading vessel, whether fishing boat or
larger craft, stands on quite a different footing. In the clash of war she is innocent, defenceless, and helpless, and yet experience shows that she runs a very appreciable risk of being mistaken for a torpedo craft, and, as such, of being fired on at sight. How is this to be prevented? If Dogger Bank incidents were likely to become common, the situation would be rendered intolerable to a neutral Power possessing a large mercantile marine and a navy adequate to its protection. It must be made clear to the belligerent that he cannot make with impunity such disastrous mistakes as Admiral Rozhdestvensky made at the Dogger Bank, that it is safer for him to run the risk of a not very probable torpedo attack than by making a mistake to incur the much more probable and much more serious risk of having the fleets of a powerful neutral added to the fleets of an adversary with whom he is already at war. In other words, the commander of a belligerent fleet or ship must show the real quality of his "valeur militaire." He must not allow his military judgment to be sophisticated by a psychological atmosphere mainly of his own creation. The right of firing on a torpedo craft at sight carries with it the correlative duty of not mistaking an innocent vessel for a torpedo craft. Such a mistake may occasionally be made in circumstances which go far to excuse it; but such circumstances must needs be very rare, and were not to be found, in the judgment of the Commission, in the situation at the Dogger Bank. "A torpedo attack," says Captain Bacon, "should be a deliberate attack." The defence against such an attack must be equally circumspect. The psychological atmosphere must be distrusted, the state of expectancy must be controlled. The sea is the common highway of peaceful commerce and industry. The belligerent commander must never forget this, nor allow himself to open fire on whatever looks like a torpedo craft on a dark night without waiting to ascertain whether what he is attacking is a furtive and insidious assailant or only a flock of defenceless and unoffending sheep, such as Quixote
mistook for the troops of "the infidel, Alifanfaron of Taprobana." If he acts in this heedless fashion, he discredits his own "valeur militaire," and runs the risk of turning neutrals, wholly against their will, into his country's enemies. These are lessons which it behoves all maritime Powers to learn. It was because Admiral Rozhdestvensky had not learnt them that innocent lives were sacrificed on the Dogger Bank, and the world was brought within a hair's breadth of almost universal war.
THE STRATEGY OF POSITION
"WAR," said Napoleon, "is an affair of positions." This is especially true of naval war. It is the principle which governs the conflict of fleets, and it determines their distribution. The essence of all naval warfare will be found to consist in the effort of each belligerent to interrupt the maritime communications of the other and to secure his own. When either belligerent has succeeded in establishing a complete and unassailable control over the maritime communications of his adversary, and has thereby obtained complete security for his own, the object of naval warfare is attained. There is nothing more for the victorious fleet to do except to hold what it has won; and that is comparatively easy, because the situation supposed implies that the enemy no longer possesses any naval force which is capable of challenging its hold. The history of naval warfare is an almost unbroken succession of illustrations of this broad principle, and there is no illustration of it more impressive, more instructive, nor more conclusive than the great naval campaign which ended at Trafalgar. Trafalgar was the closing scene of the long maritime struggle between England and Napoleon. It put an end once for all to Napoleon's plans for the invasion of England, and it opened the way for the great counter-stroke against him in the Peninsula which ended at last in his overthrow.
It is only another way of stating the same broad principle, to say that naval warfare is essentially a struggle for the command of the sea. Command of the sea means
1 *The United Service Magazine*, October 1905.
the control, absolute and unassailable, of the enemy's maritime communications, and it means nothing else. Meaning that, it means everything that naval warfare, as such, can attain. In the case of an island, it means that such an island cannot be invaded, starved out, or otherwise injured from the sea so long as its sea defence is unimpaired. In the case of two Powers not possessing a common frontier, it means that neither can assail the other without first making its communications across the sea secure. The Crimea, for example, could never have been invaded if the Russian fleet had been able to "impeach" the fleets of England and France upon the seas. Had the naval resources of Russia been sufficient to enable her to try conclusions with England and France upon the seas, the armies of England and France could not have been landed in the Crimea until the naval issue had been decided, nor could they even have been transported to Varna.
Now England, being an island, can only be assailed from the sea. The British Empire, being an assemblage of far-flung possessions, acknowledging a common sovereignty and separated from the seat of that sovereignty and from each other by vast stretches of ocean distance, can only be held together by secure maritime communications. The United Kingdom, being an industrial and mercantile community, sending the products of its industry across the seas to all parts of the world, and receiving payment for them in food and other imported commodities, is the centre of a vascular system which is essential to its wholesome nourishment and even to its very existence. It has been calculated, I think, that the interchange of commodities between these islands and the parts across the seas is carried on without ceasing, day and night, from year-end to year-end, at the rate of some two tons per minute. The loss of the command of the sea by England, or, to speak more accurately, the failure to secure it in the event of war, would mean the suspension of this interchange with all its incalculable consequences. It means more. It means that an enemy who by depriving this country of the command of the sea—which we must hold if we are to exist—had established the security of his own maritime communications, could invade this country with just as many troops as he could equip, transport, land, and maintain, choosing his own point of descent, and taking care so to choose it as to take our defensive forces on land at the greatest possible disadvantage. It means more again. It means that the Empire would be destroyed by the total severance of the only material ties which bind it together, the ties of communication and intercourse, as well as by leaving every part of it at the mercy of the master of its communications.
Now, war being an affair of positions, it follows that he begins war best who holds the best positions at the outset, and that the British Empire being what it is, essentially a maritime empire, this country can never allow itself to dispense with the full advantage of occupying the best positions for its defence upon the seas. It is on this principle that the naval forces of Great Britain have always been distributed. In early times, when ships were small and their capacity for keeping the sea was limited, and when this country had few possessions and no naval stations abroad, naval operations of any magnitude or duration were of necessity confined to home waters. The great dockyards and naval arsenals grew up on the southern shores of the kingdom, partly because the ports in which they were established were specially convenient for the purpose, but still more because they were nearest to the shores of the enemies with whom we were likely to contend. Portsmouth, in mid-channel, not only stands over against France, but gives equal facility of exit through either outlet of the Channel. Chatham looks towards the North Sea and the coasts of Holland. Plymouth stands over against Brest, and looks across the Bay of Biscay to the coasts of Spain. Gradually, as the Empire expanded and ships became more self-supporting and more capable
of keeping the sea during the winter, the several stations of the British Fleet abroad were successively established, each representing a more or less well-marked phase either of the naval history of the country or of the development of its maritime trade and other transmarine interests. If we think of the great battles at sea, from the battle of Sluys in 1340 to the battle of Trafalgar in 1805, and consider them in relation to their geographical position, we shall recognize at once the significance of Napoleon’s saying that war is an affair of positions, and perceive, as on a chart, the historical origin and co-ordination of British naval stations at home and abroad.
These stations were determined, then, by the experience of great wars. But practically a century and more has passed since our experience of great wars on the sea came to an end—for the Crimean War had no new experience of the kind to yield, because the sea power of England and France was so overwhelming in that conflict that all its battles were fought on land. Many things have happened during the hundred and more years which have elapsed since England was last called upon to defend her position on the seas. Immense changes have taken place. Ships are no longer propelled by sails, nor dependent on the wind for the direction in which they can move. They can now move at great speed in any direction, and to any point at which their presence is required. On the other hand, their mobility being dependent on a continuous supply of fuel, they are no longer so self-supporting as they formerly were. They can move faster from place to place, but they cannot go so far without replenishing their fuel, nor can they keep the sea for so long. The telegraph now links all parts of the earth together, reducing the time required for communication to a negligible quantity practically independent of distance, and this, combined with rapidity and certainty of movement, makes it easier to summon a ship or a squadron from the Channel or the Mediterranean to any part of the Caribbean Sea, for example, than it was a hundred years
ago to summon them from Barbados or Bermuda to Jamaica. The development of wireless telegraphy greatly enlarges facilities of this kind. Above all, the balance and distribution of naval power throughout the world has undergone unprecedented changes. For all these reasons, and others which might be adduced, the traditional distribution of the naval forces of England—a survival of the great war modified from time to time in detail rather than in principle by the growth of new interests and conditions—has gradually become more and more antiquated, and was recognized by the Admiralty a few years ago as in large measure obsolete.
There are now six great naval Powers strong enough, actually or prospectively, to challenge the position of England on the seas, either singly or in some combination of two or more of them. These are France, Germany, Italy, Russia, the United States, and Japan. In the abstract these must all be regarded as possible enemies, since no one can forecast the vicissitudes of international relations, nor the issues which may from time to time bring into antagonism or conflict nations which at this moment are full of friendship for each other. The friendships of nations are, unhappily, more precarious than those of individuals, and we see constantly among individuals and families how the closest friendship and even affection may be turned to the bitterest hatred by misunderstanding, divergence of interest, real or supposed, alleged misconduct on one side or the other, quarrels, litigations, and conflicts. If, on the other hand, we consider in the concrete the existing relations between England and the several Powers enumerated, we may, and do, find differences of attitude and of sentiment in different cases, but we shall find no certain or even immediately probable causes of war with any one of them. Hence the disposition of the naval forces of this country must be adjusted, not to this or that contingency of war, whether regarded as imminent or as proximate, not to this exacerbation nor to that rapprochement—both possibly ephemeral—of international sentiment, but to the large and permanent conditions of the situation, and in this sense to all the reasonably probable contingencies of international conflict. By so regarding the problem we get rid, once for all, of the idea, as mischievous as it is ill-founded, that the general disposition of the naval forces of England is based on suspicion of or antagonism to this Power or that. We regard all the Powers enumerated as, in the abstract, possible competitors, either singly or in conjunction, for that mastery of the seas which is essential to the security of the British Empire, and we make our dispositions accordingly, without prejudice to our concrete relations with any one of them. Every Power which means to hold its own does this, both on sea and on land; and every Power must do it. Any Power which refrained from doing it might as well dispense with a Navy and an Army altogether. The possibility of war implies the necessity of preparation for war; and as war is an affair of positions, it also implies the occupation, within the limits of international right, of the positions which are most conducive to the successful conduct of such wars as are possible, however unlikely or remote.
One broad distinction may, however, be made. Of the six Powers enumerated, four are essentially, though not exclusively, European Powers, while the other two, the United States and Japan, are extra-European altogether. With Japan England is in alliance, and so long as that alliance endures the disposition of England’s naval forces will be in some measure affected by the consideration that so far from England and Japan being likely to meet in arms, the Japanese fleet may be regarded as a factor of no small moment in England’s distribution of her forces. The United States will be considered separately hereafter. Of the four European Powers, one, Italy, is essentially, though not quite exclusively, a Mediterranean Power. Another, Germany, is in like manner essentially a Northern Power. The other two, France and Russia,
are both Northern and Mediterranean Powers. It is true that recent events have practically erased Russia for a time from the list of great naval Powers. But we are here dealing not so much with the situation of the moment as with the permanent geographical grouping of the European Powers, and we have to consider not merely the present but the future.
Now, the characteristic of the four European Powers under consideration is that the bulk of their naval forces is concentrated in European waters. It follows that if ever we have to fight any or all of them, we shall have to fight them, in the first instance, in European waters. We shall find their fleets there, and we must fight them there. Where we shall find them, or whether we shall find them at all outside their own ports, depends upon the amount of force they can, either singly or in concert, put into the field. But if ever we are at war with one or more of this group of Powers, it will be from some European port or ports that their fleets will put to sea. It follows that the bulk of the naval forces of this country must be concentrated in European waters. We must always be ready to wage war on two fronts, the Northern front and the Mediterranean front. This is a condition inherent in the situation, since the naval forces of our possible enemies in Europe are some in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, some in the Atlantic, the Channel, the North Sea, and the Baltic, while those of two of them, France and Russia, are by geographical necessity distributed between the two regions. We have only to think of the sites of the great sea-fights of modern times in relation to the situation thus defined to see how completely history illustrates the thesis here propounded—Solebay, Copenhagen, Camperdown, Gravelines, the Downs, Beachy Head, Cape La Hogue, Ushant, Quiberon Bay, the offing of Cape Finisterre, Cape St. Vincent, Lagos Bay, Trafalgar, Gibraltar, Malaga, Toulon, Minorca, the Nile. These names are an epitome of the naval history of England since the defeat of the Armada,
and they show how regularly the stress of conflict ranges from the North Sea to the Mediterranean, according to the strategic and political distribution of naval force from time to time. The political connection between Spain and the Netherlands determined the place of the battle of Gravelines. The Dutch wars attracted the centre of strategic moment to the North Sea and the Channel; the French and Spanish wars drew it back again to the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. It is idle to conjecture what political combinations the future may have in store. But it is certain that the growth of a powerful German Navy, with its bases on the North Sea, must have the effect of once more withdrawing the centre of strategic moment farther away from the Mediterranean, and placing it nearer to the waters which surround the British Isles.
Nevertheless, the strategic importance of the Mediterranean, although diminished in some measure by recent changes in the balance and distribution of naval power, is very far indeed from being extinguished. The Mediterranean station has long been regarded as the premier station of the British Navy. It is so no longer, though its importance is still immense. The premier station is now that which comprises the North Sea and the Channel. This was illustrated in a very significant manner towards the close of 1904. For a short period during the autumn, England and Russia were brought within measurable distance of war by the Dogger Bank incident. France being the ally of Russia, it was not impossible that, had a casus belli arisen, it might have involved France in the quarrel. Naval dispositions suitable to the occasion were made by the British Admiralty, but these did not involve any reinforcement of the British Fleet in the Mediterranean. The following account of what was done appeared in *The Times* of December 31, 1904:
Lord Charles Beresford, with the Channel (now called Atlantic) Fleet was ready at Gibraltar, and Sir Compton
Domvile's ships made their way from Venice and Fiume to Malta. These two fleets were more than enough to deal with the Russians, had occasion arisen. But an important detail, kept very secret at the time, has since become known. Four battleships were detached from Lord Charles Beresford's fleet and sent north, the report being that they had gone to "shadow" the Russians at Vigo. They did not do so, but steamed at full speed to Portland. At the same time, all available submarines were sent to Dover, and other measures were taken not common in time of peace.
It appears from this that the Home (since called the Channel) Fleet was concentrated at Portland, and heavily reinforced from Gibraltar. Its advanced guard of torpedo craft was placed still farther to the eastward. The whole of the immediately available naval forces of France and Russia were well to the westward of these positions. Yet it is evident that the available British naval forces in Home waters were looking quite as much to the eastward as to the westward. This does not mean, of course, that war with Germany was regarded as imminent. It is not conceivable that Germany should have attacked this country because this country had protested against the action of the Russian Fleet at the Dogger Bank, and failing to obtain reparation had enforced its protest at the point of the sword. But it does mean that the existence of a strong naval Power in the North Sea—whether well-affected to this country or not is immaterial—is a factor in the general situation which this country can never, at any time, overlook, and must take seriously into account whenever war with any other naval Power seems to be so imminent as to involve the strategic movement and disposition of fleets, squadrons, and flotillas. This principle is fully recognized in the military dispositions of the Continental Powers. Germany is compelled by her geographical position always to stand on guard, alike on her eastern and on her western frontier. It is well known that in 1870 a friendly understanding with
Russia relieved Prussia of all serious anxiety for the security of her eastern frontier, and thus enabled her to exert her full strength against France. Thus does war operate in many unexpected ways and often in regions far removed from the actual theatre of hostilities. To these, its indirect effects, improbable it may be at the outset, but always to be reckoned in the category of future contingencies, no prudent nation can allow itself to be blind. The dispositions made in the autumn of 1904 were no menace to any neutral Power, and implied no undue suspicion of any such Power. But they were signs of England’s resolve to be ready at all points, if war should unhappily overtake her.
They were also an object-lesson in the strategy of position. They illustrated in the most impressive manner the true meaning of that permanent redistribution of the naval forces of this country, which has since been carried into effect with the object of securing in full measure the initial advantage of well-selected positions in the event of war. War with Russia was the immediate contingency of the moment. The obligations imposed on France by her alliance with Russia were such as must, in any case, impose an immense strain on her neutrality, and might compel her, however reluctantly, to make common cause with her ally. The neutrality of Germany was not to be taken for granted. Hence this country was brought face to face with contingencies of international conflict as serious as almost any with which she is ever likely to be confronted. The dispositions then adopted, under the stress of exceedingly strained relations, were precisely those which have since been made permanent by the subsequent redistribution of the Fleet. The main fleets were écheloned, as it were, between the North Sea and the Mediterranean in accordance with the paramount condition which requires this country to be ready on two fronts and to deny the passage of “the Straits” to any hostile force. The Channel Fleet was at Gibraltar, and there it is now permanently based, its designation being changed
to that of the Atlantic Fleet to indicate its true position and function. In the circumstances of the moment it was compelled to detach half its battleship force for the purpose of reinforcing what was then called the Home Fleet, and has now once more reverted to that title. This movement of concentration was strictly in accordance with the principle enunciated above, that, owing to changes in the balance of naval power in Europe, and a consequential transfer of the centre of strategic moment to the northward, the premier Fleet of this country is now the Fleet in home waters, and no longer the Mediterranean Fleet. But in future it will not be necessary, as it was at the moment under consideration, to weaken the Atlantic Fleet for the purpose of reinforcing the Home Fleet. The former is still partially based on Gibraltar, and this disposition indicates that, when it is not required to act independently, it is to be regarded as a potential reinforcement of the Mediterranean Fleet not less than of the Home Fleet. In any case, it is the connecting link between the two, the centre of a broad front, one flank of which covers the North Sea and the other the Mediterranean. For immediate reinforcement, whenever occasion may require, the Fleets in home waters will, henceforth, look to that portion of the Home Fleet proper, which under the title of "Fleet in Commission in Reserve," was brought into existence simultaneously with the new scheme of distribution, and was then so organized, as it still is in part, as to be ready to take the sea at any moment with reduced but sufficient and fully trained crews, as soon as steam can be raised in the boilers—and to take the sea with full complements as soon as the necessary ratings can be drafted on board. Even as early as July, 1905, a most imposing demonstration was given of the vast potentialities for immediate reinforcement then enjoyed by the Channel Fleet, by the assembling in Torbay and in the offing of nearly two hundred pendants, representing exclusively the Channel Fleet and the Fleet in Commission in Reserve, as it was then called,
with their affiliated squadrons and flotillas; and before reaching Torbay their fighting efficiency had been tested by a succession of tactical and strategic exercises. The recent development of the Home Fleet, which now contains the newest and most powerful ships in the Navy, and is kept at all times fully manned and constantly exercised at sea, is a still more impressive manifestation of the principles which determined the redistribution of 1904.
Enough has now been said, perhaps, concerning the strategy of position as it affects the distribution of the main fleets, which are still, as they always have been, the controlling factor in naval war. The "capital ships" are henceforth to be concentrated exclusively in European waters—the former concentration of battleships in Far Eastern waters having been due to exceptional and transient circumstances—and are to be so distributed as to be ready for instant action, with every advantage of position in all probable contingencies of European warfare. Nothing could more fully justify the new scheme of distribution than what happened at the time of the Dogger Bank incident, which immediately preceded its promulgation. That incident was wholly unexpected, and no foresight could have anticipated it. The Mediterranean Fleet was scattered over the Adriatic and the Levant, the Channel Fleet (then known as the Home Fleet) was cruising round the British Isles. Yet instantly, and to all appearance automatically, the naval forces of this country fell into the positions assigned to them under the new scheme of distribution, these positions being thus shown to be those best adapted to the strategic requirements of a very grave international complication. It remains to consider the proper distribution, as determined by the strategy of position, of the "cruiser" element of naval force. Naval warfare has two main purposes—to destroy the main fleets of the enemy, and to protect, or to assail, maritime commerce. Broadly speaking, the former purpose is the function of "capital
ships," the latter is the function of the "cruiser" properly so called. I purposely refrain from employing the term "battleships" for the former class, because the distinction between the battleship and the cruiser would seem to be rapidly disappearing. But the distinction between "capital ships" and cruisers is primordial and fundamental. "Capital ships" are ships which are "fit to lie in a line," as our forefathers used to say. If a cruiser is fit to lie in a line—and Togo showed that in his judgment some armoured cruisers are, or were—it becomes a "capital ship" whenever it is employed as a tactical unit in the line of battle. But "cruisers" proper are those ships which, whether fit to lie in a line or not, are not so employed, but are separately employed, either singly or in squadrons, not in the contest with the main fleets of the enemy, but in the protection or the destruction of commerce, or more generally, in the control of sea communications. The distinction is thus one rather of employment than of constructive type. The cruiser is no longer to be defined positively by its structure and armament; it is rather to be defined negatively by its not being employed as a "capital ship," even though it may be in every way "fit to lie in a line." There is also another and most important function of cruisers proper, which is that of collecting and transmitting intelligence, of acting as the eyes and ears of a fighting fleet. But this function is rather tactical than strategic. It is not materially affected by the strategy of position, with which alone I am here concerned. I assume, as a matter of course, that the main fleets, when placed in position, are provided with a contingent of cruisers sufficient for the effective discharge of this indispensable function.
Now, it might at first sight appear that whereas the main principle in the disposition of fighting fleets is concentration, the main principle in the disposition of cruisers proper is dispersion. In a certain sense and up to a certain point this is true, and the maintenance and disposition of naval forces by this country in extra-European waters is still largely governed by this consideration. The amount of force required in those waters is determined by the amount of force maintained by other Powers there, and its disposition, in time of war, is determined in like manner by the dispositions of the enemy. Under the new scheme of distribution, outlying squadrons, consisting mainly of ships of little or no fighting value, and employed chiefly for police or diplomatic purposes, have been disestablished, provision being otherwise made for such police and diplomatic services as cannot be dispensed with. "Care has been taken," said the First Lord of the Admiralty in his memorandum of December 6, 1904, "to leave enough ships on every station for the adequate performance of what I may call peace duties of Imperial police, and the four cruiser squadrons will be employed to show the Flag in imposing force wherever it may be deemed to be politically or strategically desirable." For the rest, the cruisers working in extra-European waters are now organized in three groups as follows, to quote again the same memorandum: "The Eastern group will comprise the cruisers of the China, Australia, and East Indies stations. The responsibility will rest on the Commander-in-Chief of the China station for the strategical distribution of those cruisers in time of war, so that they may at the earliest possible moment deal with all ships of the enemy to be found in those waters. The Cape of Good Hope Squadron will be a connecting link between either the Eastern group and the Mediterranean cruisers, or the Eastern group and the Western group. The Western group of cruisers will consist of the cruisers under the command of the Commander-in-Chief of the North American and West Indian station, and the mobilized cruisers with which he will be reinforced in time of war." The constitution and disposition of this latter group will be considered presently. It suffices to remark here that the whole organization is manifestly and avowedly based on a clear perception of the strategy of position.
Its essential principle is embodied in the words, "so that they may at the earliest possible moment deal with all ships of the enemy to be found in those waters." To deal with them effectively is to prevent their preying upon commerce, and thereby to secure the maritime communications of the Empire throughout the waters affected. How far they will be concentrated and how far dispersed depends entirely on the dispositions of the enemy, their sole business being to "deal with" all his ships and give a good account of them.
But how about the cruisers in European waters? Should they be concentrated or dispersed? That, again, depends largely on circumstances. For the present they are concentrated and organized in so many several squadrons, one being affiliated, but not attached, to each of the main fleets, which is also furnished with "a sufficient number of attendant cruisers" for scouting purposes. "These cruiser squadrons will be detachable from the fleets to which they are affiliated for special cruiser exercises or for special cruises." That is their peace disposition. How they will be employed in war depends upon circumstances, and chiefly on the dispositions of the enemy. Will the enemy seek to attack British maritime commerce by means of detached cruisers or by means of organized squadrons? That is a question which only experience can answer. What seems to be certain is that he will use powerful armoured cruisers for the purpose, and probably use such vessels only. In that case we can only employ armoured cruisers to impeach him. Small cruisers, slow in speed, weak in armament, and inadequately protected against gun-fire, will apparently be out of court on both sides, certainly on the enemy's side if we employ armoured cruisers against them, and not less certainly on our side if he does the same. If he concentrates, we must concentrate. If he disperses, we must disperse; but in either case we must take care to be in superior force at the critical point. The question is far too large to be considered fully
here, and it only concerns the strategy of position, in so far as the guerre de course is now much more largely an affair of position than it was in the wars of the sailing-ship period. It is an affair of position in two ways. In the first place, ships which seek to prey upon commerce must issue from certain ports, and are therefore best impeached in the neighbourhood of those ports. They must also make frequently for certain ports to replenish their fuel—not necessarily the same ports; but still only certain ports, which again defines their position within ascertainable limits. All this makes for concentration. In the old days, when privateering was permitted, ships could leave almost any port of the enemy, and return to any other port, and this made for dispersion on both sides, especially as the disparity between privateer and frigate in those days was much less than the disparity between small unarmoured cruiser and large armoured cruiser in these days, the advantage of speed being nearly always on the side of the privateer. In the second place, maritime commerce is no longer distributed almost at random over the ocean as it was in the old sailing days. It takes certain definite courses, and it converges on certain definite points—namely, the ports of clearance and delivery. The courses can be changed and varied almost indefinitely within such wide limits as would greatly embarrass the enemy without greatly increasing the duration of the transit, so that, regard being had to the limited coal-supply of modern warships, especially when cruising at high speed, it would seem that only at the points of convergence would a modern commerce-destroyer be likely to destroy enough commerce to liquidate its own coal-bill. But the points of convergence are known and rigidly determined by geographical conditions. Concentration of the defence at these points, necessarily within easy reach of British naval bases, would go far to checkmate the depredations of the assailant. On the other hand, if the enemy disperses, the defence need no longer
1 It is more fully considered in the next following essay, pp. 293-330.
be concentrated, adequate preponderance of force being presupposed in either case. I do not pretend that the foregoing is an exhaustive or even an adequate discussion of this great subject. Its sole purpose is to point out the relation between the strategy of position and the guerre de course, and to suggest that the problems presented by the latter in these days are of quite a different and of a much more complicated order than those presented by it in the days of sailing-ships.
It only remains to consider the relation of the strategy of position to the navy of the United States. It seems at first sight a paradox that the rise of the United States into the position of one of the great naval Powers of the world should coincide in point of time with the disestablishment of the North American and Pacific stations, and the demobilization of the naval bases associated with them. But the reason is not far to seek, being partly strategic and partly political. When the American navy was weak in the Atlantic and still weaker in the Pacific, the squadrons maintained by England in those regions were quite adequate to deal with it in the unhappy event of war. But now that the American navy is strong in both seas, the maintenance of such squadrons as were formerly maintained by this country in those regions would be a violation of the very first principles of the strategy of position, since in the event of war these weak and detached squadrons would be confronted by an overwhelming force of the enemy operating with the great advantage of having its bases and the central sources of national power at hand. There would thus be no alternative for a weak squadron in those waters but to retire precipitately the moment war became imminent. It could take no offensive action whatever, and could not even defend the West Indian possessions of the Crown. Canada, in such a contingency, must be defended mainly on land, though of course the command of the sea is essential to the military defence of Canada.
If ever England and the United States do unhappily
go to war, the issue will be decided, not by such ships as were formerly stationed on either side of the North American Continent, but by the "capital ships" of both Powers. If, therefore, we are to maintain any permanent naval force in the North Atlantic or the Pacific, it must be in the one case such a force as is capable of giving a good account of the main fleet of the supposed enemy, and in the other, such as is capable of dealing "at the earliest possible moment with all ships of the enemy to be found in those waters." The latter condition is, as matters stand at present, potentially satisfied by the general disposition and organization, as described above, of the British naval forces in the Pacific. The former could not be satisfied without gravely weakening and practically paralysing the naval defences of this country in European waters; and even then it would be a very questionable disposition for the particular contingency under consideration. There is no more reason why this country should keep a large moiety of its naval forces in American waters to meet the remote contingency of a war with the United States, than there is why the United States should keep the bulk of its naval forces in European waters to meet the same remote contingency. The elements of time and distance here take precedence of the mere strategy of position, and they operate equally on both sides. For the two Powers to keep their respective naval forces on their own side of the Atlantic is at once a sign of mutual good-will and the best assurance of its permanence.
For this reason, then, the North American and West Indian Squadron has practically disappeared as a factor in the strategy of position. But the British possessions on the other side of the Atlantic are not to be wholly deprived of the countenance and comfort of the British flag afloat. In place of the disestablished squadron, a fourth cruiser squadron—designated above as the western group of cruisers—has been organized, consisting mainly of ships allocated to the training service afloat.
This squadron is henceforth to consist of valuable modern fighting ships, and though its base will be in Home waters, its cruising ground will include the whole of the former North American station—a station which, "extending as it does from the Pole to the Equator, will give the admiral in command opportunities of organizing the training of his crews under better climatic conditions than can be found anywhere else. . . . In time of war it will only be necessary to remove from those ships cadets, or youths, or boys still under training, and to complete the crews with the small additions required for war." The squadron will also be reinforced in time of war with a contingent of mobilized cruisers. The essence of the change is that this squadron now takes its organic place in a general scheme of distribution, based on the strategy of position, and no longer occupies a station which has been rendered isolated and untenable by the rise of the American navy, and even obsolete by the growing friendship between this country and the United States.
For it is this, after all, which really governs the whole situation as between these two great and kindred naval Powers. "Blood is thicker than water." The two navies found that out long ago, when Commodore Tatnall first uttered the words in the China seas. It has taken the two nations longer to discover it, but they have found it out at last. At Bermuda, in 1899, I had the privilege of meeting the late Admiral Sampson, who was visiting the island with his squadron still fresh from the honours of the Cuban War. The American fleet was received with the utmost cordiality, and the birthday of Washington, which occurred during the visit, was honoured by a salute from the flagship of the British Commander-in-Chief. I have often thought since that that salute may have been, in its symbolic aspect, as significant an event in the world's history as even the Boston tea-party. For, whereas the one marked the beginning of national estrangement, the other was, perhaps, the first overt sign of a growing national reconciliation. Admiral Sampson himself was deeply impressed by it, as well as by the whole character of his reception in Bermuda. He told me that it had impressed on him the conviction that the friendly feeling towards England then beginning to be entertained by the people of the United States was abundantly reciprocated on the English side. I ventured to assure him that this feeling on the part of England was no new or ephemeral growth, but that in spite of occasional interruptions, not arising in England, and deeply regretted by the mass of the English people, it had existed for many years. He replied, "That may be, but the feeling in the United States has been, I acknowledge, of quite a different character, until a very recent date. We in the United States have been accustomed to regard England as the only European Power with which our relations, being close and sometimes critical, were likely to give rise to serious differences. England is the only European Power with which, up to last year, we have ever fought. The traditions of our revolution and of our war of 1812 have sunk deep into the national mind, and have for a long time stood in the way of any cordial and permanent understanding. In common with the great mass of my countrymen, I shared these feelings myself until quite lately. But for some reason or another, which I cannot assign with confidence, though it is probably connected directly and indirectly with the recent war between the United States and Spain, a vast and marvellous change, to me as welcome as it was unexpected, has now come over the feelings of the people of the United States. Whether it is likely to be permanent or not I cannot say with confidence, but I sincerely hope it is. Instead of regarding England as our only probable enemy in Europe, we now regard her as our best and perhaps our only friend, and at any rate as the friend best worth having. The deeper sentiment of a common origin and faith, a common literature and history, of common laws and kindred institutions, has finally overpowered what still survived of the revolutionary sentiment of
antagonism. We feel that the result of the war has brought us into contact and possible conflict with more than one European Power. We feel also that with England our friend and the British Fleet on our side we have nothing to fear from any other Power, or even from two or three of the Powers of Europe combined. An alliance would perhaps be premature, nor is it needed so long as the feeling on both sides remains what it is at present. Possibly we could not hope in the first instance for more than the moral support of England in any conflict with a Continental Power. But that would suffice, and in times of real difficulty it would ripen sooner or later into a defensive alliance. I say frankly that in my opinion the United States have more to gain from such an alliance than England has, though the moral and even material advantage to England is manifestly not inconsiderable, and is likely to grow with time. For this reason I rejoice unfeignedly at the change of sentiment which has lately come over public opinion on this side of the Atlantic. I am not less gratified by the assurance that no such change is needed on the other, and if any words of mine can cement a friendship which would, I believe, make for the welfare of the whole world, it is at once a pleasure to myself and a duty to my country to utter them."
That was now ten years ago. Admiral Sampson's words were prophetic, for no one on either side of the Atlantic can doubt that the relation between England and the United States is now closer and more friendly than that between any two other Powers in the world. In fact, the difference is one of kind and not merely of degree; and on both sides of the Atlantic it is now fully recognized that the relation between the two nations is really that which Plato thought ought to subsist between Greek state and Greek state as contrasted with that between any Greek state and the world outside Hellas. Plato refused to give the name "war" to any difference between two Greek states. He would only call it "discord," the word used by Greek writers to describe the
internal conflicts—often, unhappily, armed conflicts—of Greek political parties. "There is," he said, "a difference in the names 'discord' and 'war,' and I imagine that there is also a difference in their natures; the one is expressive of what is internal and domestic, and the other of what is external and foreign, . . . and any difference that arises among Hellenes will be regarded by them as discord only—a quarrel among friends, which is not to be called a war; . . . they will quarrel as those who intend some day to be reconciled." If we translate this into modern phraseology, it means simply that two nations so situated will never quarrel at all, in the sense of going to war. Just as political parties nowadays compose their "discords" without resort to arms, so two kindred nations, like England and the United States, will find some way out of their differences without attempting to destroy each other. It is a far cry from the *Republic* of Plato to the *New York Tribune* and its whilom editor, now Ambassador of the United States to the Court of King Edward VII., but the distance is bridged over in a few words uttered by Mr. Whitelaw Reid at a banquet given to welcome him on his arrival in England: "You would be less than kind if, at this date and after all that has gone before, you should expect from me this evening a long speech on the expediency or necessity for friendly relations between our two countries. Now, if ever, is surely a time when one need not weary you by saying at length such an undisputed thing in such a solemn way. Of course we ought to be on good terms. Why not? Let me put it a little differently. Of course we are on good terms. Why not? What conceivable reason is there now why the two great branches of the English-speaking family should not be, as they are, actually enjoying the friendly relations we are told it is our duty night and day to bring about. That is their normal state—that has been increasingly for a good many years their historical state. It is the thing that now comes naturally. The opposite is what would be unnatural, difficult, against
instinct, monstrous.” That is the idea of Plato expressed in the language of modern men of the world. It explains why the strategy of position has no practical application to the case of the United States, since both nations are now fast learning to exclude war altogether from the purview of their international relations.
THE ATTACK AND DEFENCE OF COMMERCE
"The harassment and distress caused to a country by serious interference with its commerce will be conceded by all. It is, doubtless, a most important secondary operation of naval war, and is not likely to be abandoned till war itself shall cease; but, regarded as a primary and fundamental measure, sufficient in itself to crush an enemy, it is probably a delusion, and a most dangerous delusion when presented in the fascinating garb of cheapness to the representatives of a people. Especially is it misleading when the nation against whom it is to be directed possesses, as Great Britain did and does, the two requisites of a strong sea-Power—a widespread healthy commerce and a powerful Navy." Such is the considered judgment of Captain Mahan on the subject which is to be discussed in this essay. The same great writer has shown that during the war of the French Revolution and Empire the direct loss to this country "by the operation of hostile cruisers did not exceed 2½ per cent. of the commerce of the Empire; and that this loss was partially made good by the prize-ships and merchandise taken by its own naval vessels and privateers." During the same period the French mercantile flag disappeared entirely from the seas, while the volume of British maritime commerce was more than doubled. In a former war, when the British supremacy at sea was more seriously challenged, premiums of fifteen guineas per cent. were paid in 1782 on ships trading to the Far
¹ Naval Annual, 1906.
East. From the spring of 1793 to the end of the great struggle with Napoleon no premiums exceeding half that rate were paid. From all this it would seem to follow that of two belligerents in a naval war, that one which establishes and maintains an effective command of the seas will be absolute master of the maritime commerce of the other, while his own maritime commerce, though not entirely immune, will suffer no such decisive losses as will determine or even materially affect the course and issue of war, and may, indeed, emerge from the war much stronger and more prosperous than it was at the beginning.
Such is the ascertained and undisputed teaching of history in the past. But history deals only with the past, and the past, to which appeal is made above, differs so widely from the present in respect of the methods, opportunities, implements, and international conventions of naval war, as well as in respect of the conditions, volume, and national importance of maritime commerce in these days, that we must needs be very warily on our guard against taking the history of the past as an unconditional guide in the naval warfare of the present and the future. The teaching of the late war in the Far East, which was waged entirely under modern conditions, has not yet been sufficiently studied, its data have not yet been sufficiently sifted, to justify any detailed and critical examination. But certain broad principles seem to emerge from it. It has been said above that an effective command of the sea is the condition precedent of the comparative immunity of the maritime commerce of a belligerent. The Japanese command of the sea was never fully established until after the battle of Tsu-Shima. For that reason it was impossible for Russian maritime commerce to be seriously assailed by Japan anywhere outside the area of immediate conflict; it may be added that the volume of Russian maritime commerce is so insignificant that, even had it been possible for Japan to assail it in the open and at a distance, it would have been scarcely worth
her while to do so. But within the area of immediate conflict—the only area that counted for practical purposes—the effective, but not absolute, command of the sea was secured by Japan from the very outset. This is proved by the fact that the transport of the Japanese armies in unprecedented numbers across the sea to Manchuria, their maintenance and continuous reinforcement there with all the supplies that a modern army in the field requires, though not entirely unmolested, was never seriously interrupted. A command of the sea which, though not absolute, is effective enough to secure the transport, supply, and reinforcement of great armies—that is, to maintain the continuous flow of a stream of immense volume—must needs be more than effective enough to furnish a corresponding immunity to the much smaller, though doubtless more widely diffused, stream of private maritime commerce, and even of neutral commerce engaged in the transport of contraband. A certain amount of damage was done, no doubt, from time to time, by Russian cruisers, which possessed, in Vladivostock, a secure and unmolested base. But it was comparatively insignificant, and it had no appreciable effect on the course and issue of the war.
The teaching of the Cuban War between Spain and the United States need not be considered. Maritime commerce, its defence and attack, hardly came into view in connection with it. Spain had too little commerce to be worth the attention of the United States, and no warships at all that could be employed against the commerce of the United States. But the case is somewhat different with the American War of Secession. This was waged in the period of transition from the old warfare to the new. Navies already consisted almost exclusively of steamships, but these steamships still possessed considerable sail-power, and many of them employed steam only as an occasional auxiliary, while the mercantile marine of all countries, and more especially of the United States, still consisted very largely of sailing-ships. Now, an
armed steamship, even if only furnished with auxiliary steam-power, must needs be master of every unarmed sailing-ship it meets, and, being possessed of sail-power, it is endowed with a mobility, a range of action, and a power of keeping the sea which are far greater than those of any warship which, being propelled by steam alone, can go no further afield than its coal endurance allows. These considerations go far to explain the relatively very large amount of damage done by the Alabama and other commerce-destroying cruisers fitted out by the Southern States during the American War of Secession. The naval forces of the North were very greatly superior to those of the South; so much so, that they were able to maintain a fairly effective blockade of the Confederate ports over a very wide extent of sea-board. But, concentrating their attention almost exclusively on the maintenance of that blockade, they were not able, or were adjudged by the naval authorities to be not able, to afford adequate protection to the sea-going mercantile marine of the North. The consequence was that the Alabama and her consorts had things nearly all their own way for many months, and that the mercantile flag of the North disappeared almost entirely from the seas. This, however, was due quite as much to faults of strategic disposition as to deficiency of naval force. The career of the Alabama very quickly came to an end when effective measures were taken to bring her to book. Had these measures been taken, as they should have been, at the outset, her depredations would have been comparatively insignificant. Her career is a very instructive object-lesson—applicable, however, for the most part, only to her own peculiar and very exceptional period of transition—in the methods of commerce-destruction; but, rightly regarded, it is a still more instructive object-lesson in the wrong methods of commerce defence. It proves only what really needs no proof, that a single armed steamship can do immense damage to a mercantile marine consisting almost entirely of sailing-ships wholly unarmed if no attempt is made
to bring her to book. The attempt to forecast what would happen in a naval war in these days to the British mercantile marine from the depredations of the *Alabama* during the War of Secession is a very unintelligent one, and quite a foolish one, if the real facts of the case are either entirely ignored or sedulously misinterpreted.
For, after all, apart from the very exceptional circumstances and conditions of the time, these depredations, though very serious and almost ruinous in their indirect effects, were not so extensive as has often been represented. The damages wrought by the *Alabama* and such of her consorts as came within the purview of the Geneva Tribunal were assessed by that Tribunal at some £3,000,000 sterling; and it has often been said that the Government of the United States experienced some difficulty in discovering claimants for the whole of that amount—which was really a very insignificant sum compared with the total cost of the war to the North. In a Memorandum communicated by the Admiralty to the Royal Commission on Supply of Food and Raw Materials in War, it is stated that, "even the *Alabama* herself only averaged three prizes per month during her career, and the *Shenandoah*, which met with no opposition in her attack on the American whalers, only averaged 3·8 per month, and the average number of prizes for the whole thirteen Confederate Government commerce-destroyers only amounted to 2·7 per month, and some of these appear to have been small fishing craft and insignificant coasters." The Report of the Commission further states, on the authority of information supplied to it—though whether by the Admiralty or not is not stated—that "the Confederate cruisers were eight in number, and that at different times they fitted out captured sailing-ships as tenders to the total number of four. The former captured three steamers and 208 sailing-ships, and the latter captured nineteen sailing-ships. It also appears that of the eight cruisers three were steamers without sail-power, and their career was short, and five were steamers with
good sail-power, of which the three best sailors (Alabama, Florida, and Shenandoah) had the longest careers. The Alabama once cruised for five months without coaling, and four times for three months." Thus the steamers without sail-power were ineffective and their careers were short, although the efforts of the North were intermittent, and strategically often ill-conceived. Those which possessed good sail-power were able to keep the sea for a much longer period than any modern vessel, whether warship proper or merchant ship armed for the occasion, could do. It is thus manifest that any inferences drawn from the depredations of the Alabama and her consorts must be drawn in accordance with these authentic and very significant facts and figures.
Nor, again, must too great stress be laid on the fact that the depredations of the Alabama and her consorts practically drove the Federal mercantile flag from the seas for the time being. This is entirely in accordance with the teaching and experience of naval history. A single cruiser unmolested and unpursued is practically in command of the whole area of sea left undefended against her depredations. The hostile mercantile flag cannot, therefore, exist within that area. It is not so much the certainty of capture, but the appreciable risk of capture, which drives the ships flying that flag home, and they will not quit their shelter again until the assailant is disposed of, any more than birds scared by a hawk will quit their hiding-places until the hawk is out of sight. But this is quite a different thing from the actual captures made by the assailant. Floating commerce disappears and its profits vanish so long as the assailant is unmolested and undisposed of, but in ordinary circumstances it would reappear as soon as that consummation was reached. It did not reappear in anything like the same volume, either during the War of Secession after the Alabama was disposed of, nor afterwards when the war was over. But the Alabama and her consorts counted for very little in this result. We learn from the Admiralty
Memorandum already quoted above that "a Select Committee of the American Congress in 1869 reported that the decline in American tonnage due to the war amounted to a loss of less than 5 per cent. of the whole from captures, together with a further loss of about 32 per cent. of vessels either sold or transferred temporarily to neutral flags; and they concluded that American shipping did not revive after the war, owing to the burdens of taxation which the war had left imposed on all the industries of the country, but which operated with peculiar hardness on the shipping interest, inasmuch as it was thereby subjected to the unrestricted competition of foreign rivals, not only in home ports, but in all parts of the world." We have seen that the loss to British maritime commerce during the wars of the French Revolution and Empire did not exceed an average of $2\frac{1}{2}$ per cent. annually during the whole of the period of conflict, and that at the end of that period the volume of commerce, in spite of its losses, was at least doubled. The direct loss to the maritime commerce of the Northern States of the Union during the War of Secession was about twice as much under conditions which deprived the Federal Government of that effective command of the sea which is essential to the defence of commerce. In addition, the maritime commerce of the United States suspended during the war did not revive afterwards; but that was due to economic and fiscal causes, with which the *Alabama* and her consorts had little or nothing to do. Surely in the light of these facts and figures it is time that the *Alabama* myth should be taken as finally exploded.
It would thus appear that there is nothing in the history of the recent past to disallow the teaching of the more distant past, to the effect that the command of the sea is essential for the successful attack upon commerce, and that an adverse command of the sea is a sure safeguard against such an attack. Still it is not to be denied that the conditions of modern naval warfare and of modern maritime commerce differ very materially
from those which prevailed in the wars of the past. British maritime commerce, with which we are mainly concerned, is vastly greater now that it was in the wars of the eighteenth century, and it is also immeasurably more important to the welfare and even to the very existence of the country. Then it was mainly a source of wealth; now it is an absolute necessity of bare existence. If we lost it in those days we were the poorer, but we were still able to feed ourselves and to maintain the bulk of our internal industries. War would have been infinitely more burdensome in those conditions, but unless or until the country was successfully invaded it would not have been destructive to the nation. In these days the total destruction of our maritime commerce would, even without invasion, mean national destitution and collapse. There is no need to labour this point. It is accepted on all hands without dispute. A fleet in effective command of the sea is the only thing in these days that stands or can stand between this nation and its destruction.
On the other hand, British maritime commerce, though now so vastly greater in volume and vital importance, is in many respects less assailable than it was in the days of old. Not only has the substitution—now so largely effected—of steam for sails endowed the modern merchant vessel with a much higher average speed, but it has enabled it to take much more direct courses, and, what is much more important, to vary those courses within very wide limits, almost at discretion. In the old days the courses open to a sailing-vessel were rigidly circumscribed within 18 points of the compass out of 32—or 20 points at the outside—according to the direction of the wind. Hence, in order to reach her destination, a sailing-vessel was often compelled to steer a very indirect course, so as, by taking advantage of the prevailing wind, to enable her to get towards her destination by a succession of oblique courses determined by the wind alone, and therefore not calculable beforehand. A steamship can at all times steer towards any prescribed point of the compass. Hence, the maritime commerce of the world is now for the most part confined to certain well-defined "trade routes," so insignificant in width that, even when traced on a globe of considerable dimensions, they are little more than lines. Outside the areas bounded by these lines it is hardly too much to say that a hostile cruiser seeking to prey upon commerce would be hard put to it to find so much commerce to prey upon as would pay her own coal-bill. It follows that hostile cruisers engaged in a guerre de course must, to make their warfare effective, lie in wait for their prey on or in the immediate neighbourhood of the trade routes. It is there, then, that the belligerent in command of the sea will send his cruisers to intercept them. He can also in many cases give instructions by telegraph to merchant vessels of his own nationality to take for a time some divergent course, sufficiently removed from the ordinary trade route to throw the assailant off the scent. In these circumstances the havoc wrought by the raiding cruiser, though vexatious and costly for the moment, is not likely to be ruinous in the long-run.
Now as far as British maritime commerce is concerned the only trade routes which need be considered are those which traverse the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. These all converge finally in the area of sea defined by the Land's End, Cape Clear, and Cape Finisterre, and it is manifest that within that area it is most likely that British naval force will at all times be found supreme. The subsidiary route which leads to British ports round the North of Ireland might also be assailed, and would therefore have to be guarded; but here again the point of attack is much nearer to the centres of British naval power than it is to the naval bases of any other nation. The case is different in the Mediterranean, but not so different as to constitute an exception to the general rule, so long as the British command of that sea is unimpaired. In any case the defence of commerce which follows a clearly defined trade route must needs be a simpler matter
than it was when routes were varied indefinitely according to the wind, and when therefore there was not very much more reason for finding the ships to be assailed in one position than in another, except, indeed, at the points of concentration; and at these, of course, the defence was much stronger and more highly organized than anywhere else. "War," said Napoleon, "is an affair of positions." When the positions are known beforehand they can, of course, be much more easily assailed than when they are not. On the other hand they can also be much more easily defended. The best way to defend them is, if possible, to catch the assailant as he leaves his port. If that fails, the next best thing is to keep a sharp look-out for him at each of the comparatively few positions for which he must make. Even if his speed, vigilance, and ingenuity enable him to evade capture there, two results must inevitably follow. He will do little damage so long as he is constantly being hunted off the trade route, and within a very short time his coal will be exhausted and his powers of offence will be paralysed until he can replenish his bunkers. Then the whole proceeding will be repeated *da capo*. The hunter will become the hunted. The last thing that a commerce-destroyer wants to do is to fight engagements with his equals. He may prove victorious in the engagement, but, even so, he is not likely to come off scot-free, or in any condition to pursue his enterprises with effect.
In his evidence before the Food Supply Commission, Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge, an expert strategist, a former Director of Naval Intelligence, an experienced Commander-in-Chief afloat, and a profound student of naval history, stated "that it would be a liberal estimate to allow fourteen days without replenishing coal bunkers for a commerce-destroyer proceeding at any considerable speed." That represents the extreme tether of such a vessel. If she has a long way to go before reaching her hunting ground, much of her coal will be burnt before she can set to work, since she must go at high speed in order
to minimize the risks of observation and capture by the way. More will have to be reserved to enable her to reach a friendly coaling station or some secure and secluded position at sea for the purpose of replenishing her bunkers. How many days will be left to her for the prosecution of her marauding purpose under conditions which imply that she must be prepared at any moment either to fight an action which must bring her career as a commerce-destroyer to an end, or to run away as fast as she can, well knowing that unless she can give her pursuers the slip she will never be left until she has been hunted down? The Food Supply Commission was officially assured by the Admiralty that if the enemy should merely detach one or two cruisers from his main forces for the purpose of harassing our commerce we could always spare a superior number of vessels to follow them. Such a superior number should make assurance doubly sure; for Admiral Bridge pointed out to the Commission that, "even if only one of our cruisers were in pursuit, it could be made too dangerous for a hostile cruiser to remain on or about a trade route." He added, however, that in his opinion protection could be best assured "by keeping the enemy's commerce-destroyers continually on the lookout for their own safety." The whole strategy of the situation is here succinctly defined. If the enemy's cruisers are concentrated, being confronted, as, ex hypothesi, they must be, by a similar concentration in superior numbers on our part, they cannot be destroying commerce, this being essentially an operation which involves dispersion. If, on the other hand, the enemy disperses his cruisers for the purpose of preying upon commerce, there is nothing to prevent our detaching a superior number of cruisers to pursue them; that required superiority of numbers being implied not only in the "two-Power standard," but also in the fundamental proposition that the safety of this country depends absolutely on an assured command of the sea.
The next point to be considered is that, whereas the
volume of maritime commerce to be attacked has increased enormously, the number of its possible assailants has very materially diminished. The number of the sheep is vastly greater, but the wolves are less numerous, and the watch-dogs are more than their match. The tendency of modern naval development has been to increase altogether beyond comparison the power of the individual units of naval force, but to diminish their aggregate numbers. In the year of Trafalgar there were 556 British sea-going warships in commission, of which 106 were ships of the line and the remainder cruisers large and small, including frigates other than ships of the line. Thirty-two more, twelve being ships of the line, were "in ordinary"—that is, available for sea-service. There were also built or building 130 more, of which twenty-six were ships of the line. The total tonnage of all these ships was 634,278 tons; that of the sea-going and fighting ships actually available for sea-service was 430,115 tons, or far less than the tonnage of forty modern battleships. The tonnage of the ships of the line in commission and in ordinary was 208,817 tons, or far less than the tonnage of a dozen modern battleships.\(^1\) The British Navy is now far stronger than it ever was in time of peace or war, and its annual cost has in recent years reached an unprecedented figure. Its effective fighting units are now all in commission either afloat or in reserve, with the exception of a small number of not very modern ships which are kept in readiness for emergency, though not in commission. In the *Navy List* for January, 1909, the total number of ships mostly in commission, and all either available for the pendant or in a more or less advanced stage of preparation, is given as 179, of which 59 are battleships, 39 armoured cruisers, 21 protected first-class cruisers, 35 and 17 protected cruisers of the second and third classes re-
\(^1\) These figures, with the exception of the tonnage for modern battleships, are taken from a paper read at the Institution of Naval Architects on July 19, 1905, by the Chief Constructor of the Navy. Sir Philip Watts explained in a note that the tonnage of 1805 ships is given in "builders' old measurement."
spectively, and 8 scouts. These 179 pendants are of course immeasurably superior in offensive and defensive force to the 700 odd pendants of 1805; but as commerce-destroying is essentially an affair of the dispersion of naval force, and does not—or did not in the old days—require any considerable weight of armament in the individual assailant, it stands to reason that out of an aggregate of 700 pendants many more could be spared for dispersion than can possibly be the case out of an aggregate of 179 pendants in all. Torpedo craft are not reckoned in the foregoing enumeration, because, as will be shown presently, torpedo craft are very inefficient vessels for the prosecution of a guerre de course, except in special circumstances and within a very limited range of action. But for the purposes of full comparison it may be mentioned that the number of British destroyers is given in the Naval Annual for 1908 as 155, and of first-class torpedo-boats as 115, thus raising the total number of pendants to 449, as against 700 odd in 1805. As the British Navy is more than equal to those of any two other Powers, it follows that the total number of available pendants possessed by any other single Power cannot be more than half of this total.
There is moreover another point of very great importance in this connection. "Privateering is and remains abolished" was a clause in the Declaration of Paris formulated in 1856, but not accepted either then or since by all the maritime Powers. It may be urged, perhaps, that the Declaration of Paris is a mere paper convention which some Powers have not formally accepted, and that it might not be respected by a belligerent who found it his interest to disregard it. If it rested on the comparatively feeble sanction of International Law alone this argument would not be without weight. But privateering is not merely forbidden by International Law; it is also largely disallowed and put out of date by the changes that have taken place in the materials and methods of naval warfare. In the old days a privateer could be
built and armed in almost any port of the enemy; she could obtain supplies and execute necessary repairs in almost any other port. She required a very moderate armament, her chief defence against the warships of the enemy being her capacity to show a clean pair of heels. In many cases it was not even necessary to build a vessel for the purpose. For longshore warfare against the enemy's ships traversing narrow waters, and often forced by the wind to hug the shore, any handy vessel, a fishing smack or even a row-boat, would sometimes serve; and this kind of warfare against the slow and unhandy craft of those days was often very destructive. Thus, both in the narrow seas and in the open, the privateer was almost ubiquitous and withal exceedingly elusive. It is recorded of one famous French sea-going privateer that the value of her prizes amounted to something like a million sterling before she was captured. All this kind of warfare is now manifestly obsolete; no row-boat, fishing smack, or small craft of any kind, such as might easily overpower a ship becalmed or overhaul a slow sailer near the shore, would have much chance even against a modern "tramp," which is never becalmed, need never approach the coast, and can generally steam some ten knots at a pinch. Their occupation is gone without the aid of International Law at all. The sea-going privateer, on the other hand, must needs be a vessel of very high speed, and therefore of considerable size. In these days of rapid communication her construction could hardly escape observation, and her first exit from port would rarely be unmolested or even unobserved by an enemy who knew his business. Even the *Alabama* game is probably played out. Her construction was perfectly well known to the Federal Government, and though she left this country without her armament, she would certainly have been stopped by the British Government but for a concurrence of untoward circumstances—the chief of which was the sudden illness of the law officer to whom the papers were referred—which are very unlikely to occur
in the same combination again. The consequences to this country were such that a weak neutral in any future war is not likely to care to face them. Nor will it be at all a promising speculation to build a fast sea-going privateer even in a belligerent country; her construction is almost certain to be detected, and she is likely to have a very short shrift as soon as she puts to sea. If the country of her origin is one which has adhered to the Declaration of Paris, her crew if captured will assuredly be treated as pirates. Thus privateering is practically a thing of the past; the imperfect sanctions of International Law might not have been strong enough to abolish it if circumstances had not already practically put an end to it, as indeed the Declaration of Paris itself admits. "Privateering is and remains abolished."
We may thus conclude with some confidence that the commerce-destroying of the future will be conducted by the regular and recognized warships of a belligerent, with the possible addition of exceptionally fast merchant steamers armed and commissioned for the time being as regular warships. But these latter, being no match, except in speed, for any sea-going warship proper, must needs take to flight whenever a hostile cruiser is sighted, so that on a trade route, properly guarded, their depredations would have to be conducted under very untoward conditions. It is probable, too, that the struggle for existence, of which war is one of the extremest forms, would lead rapidly to the elimination from the ranks of commerce-destroyers of all warships except large, fast, and powerful armoured cruisers, since the employment of even one of this type of vessel would, sooner or later, place at her mercy every unarmoured vessel of speed inferior to her own. Now, as against any single antagonist, this country possesses an ample supply of armoured cruisers for the protection of her trade routes, and even as against any two Powers her position is still one of assured superiority, especially when it is considered that no antagonist, whether single or combined, who was attempting
to dispute the command of the sea with this country, would ever dream of fatally impairing the strategic and tactical efficiency of his fighting fleet by sending off all or any considerable proportion of the comparatively few armoured cruisers he possesses to prey upon British commerce. If he takes the sea at all it must be for the purpose of trying conclusions with the British fleets in the open, in which case he will want all the available units of effective force that he can scrape together for the purpose, or for the purpose of some distant and hazardous combination—how hazardous let the story of the Trafalgar campaign bear witness—in which case all the armoured cruisers he can lay his hands on will not be more than sufficient for the indispensable work of scouting. If, on the other hand, recognizing that he is not strong enough to try conclusions in the open, he remains within the shelter of his fortified bases, then every cruiser which manages to make its escape must and will be shadowed, pursued, and harried to the bitter end by a superior force of British cruisers detached from the main fleets for the purpose. The main fleets will of course be strategically so placed as to have the best chance of bringing the enemy to an action as soon as possible whenever he takes the sea. Their positions will be so chosen as to be just beyond the range of nocturnal torpedo attack, and yet not so far afield but that intelligence of the enemy's movements can be very rapidly transmitted to them. Togo has shown how the thing can be done, and what Togo did no British admiral need fear being unable to do. Close and vigilant as the watch on the enemy's ports may be, however, it is probable that single cruisers may make their escape from time to time, and even get clear away; but if they are bent on commerce-destroying, their destination must needs be known within such narrow limits of approximation as have been indicated above. There they must be looked for, picked up, shadowed and harried until they are finally brought to an action. Before that is done they will very probably have made a
few captures or even many if our naval forces are insufficient or ill-disposed. But no one need suppose that any nation can go to war without incurring losses. The thing is to reduce the losses to a minimum, and that is done by a sufficiency of naval force, by strategic wisdom in its disposition, by incessant vigilance and tactical skill in its handling. The Admiralty has declared that if one or two cruisers should escape the surveillance of our squadrons we could always spare a superior number to follow them. There is no reason to fear that any future Alabama will be left unpursued for even as much time as her bunkers will allow her to keep the sea.
The conclusions here reached are closely in accord with the view taken by the Admiralty in its communications with the Food Supply Commission. Some of these communications were confidential and have not been made public, but in a memorandum printed by the Commission the Admiralty laid down two broad general principles as deduced from the teaching of naval history: "1. That the command of the sea is essential to the successful attack or defence of commerce, and should therefore be the primary aim. 2. That the attack or defence of commerce is best effected by concentration of force, and that a dispersion of force for either of those objects is the strategy of the weak, and cannot materially influence the ultimate result of the war." With the strategy and dispositions best adapted for securing and maintaining the command of the sea—which must always be not merely the primary but the paramount aim of this country—I am not here concerned. Concentration of force must, according to the Admiralty, be its indefeasible condition. The dispersion of force for the purpose of attacking commerce is, we are told, the strategy of the weak, and, it is added, that it would be not less the strategy of the weak to disperse force, in the first instance, for the defence of commerce. This might seem to imply that the stronger naval Power might safely and even, in certain circumstances, with advantage leave its commerce to take care
of itself until it is attacked. Paradoxical as this conclusion may seem, there is nevertheless no small element of truth in it. If it be true that an attack upon commerce by a Power which does not command the sea cannot materially influence the ultimate result of the war, that belligerent would be a fool who jeopardized his own command of the sea by dispersing his forces for the defence of commerce to such an extent as to give his adversary an advantage in the main conflict. Conversely, the other belligerent would be still more a fool if, when his only hope, and that a slender one, of securing the command of the sea lay in the combination and concentration of all his available forces, he dispersed any of them in pursuit of a strategic object which could not materially affect the ultimate result of the war. From this point of view there is no little wisdom in leaving commerce to take care of itself until it is attacked—first, because it cannot be attacked by the enemy without weakening his chance of obtaining the command of the sea; and, secondly, because if it is attacked the stronger belligerent will always be able to dispose of its assailants before they have done any irreparable damage. The strategic question here involved is not, however, to be settled by merely abstract considerations. It depends upon the concrete conditions of the particular conflict in hand. If the naval forces of this country are so superior to those of the adversary that the latter cannot hope to secure the command of the sea, and will not risk all in contending for it, he will naturally turn to the alternative of attempting to harass British maritime commerce as much as possible. In that case it might be expedient to guard the trade routes from the outset, but always and only on the condition that the main fleets are not thereby so weakened as to place their command of the sea in any jeopardy. If, on the other hand, the enemy's naval forces are so powerful as to compel this country to use all its forces to overawe or overpower them, then, since the defence of commerce is merely a secondary object, and the command
of the sea always the primary, and to this country the paramount, object of naval warfare, it stands to reason that the primary object must not in any way or to any degree be sacrificed to the secondary. The same reasoning applies to the weaker belligerent. So long as he has any chance, or thinks he has any chance, of obtaining the command of the sea he will be exceedingly chary of detaching from his main fleets, which alone can enable him to compass his purpose, any ship, either fit to lie in the line or qualified to serve him by scouting, for the purpose of preying on commerce; and if she does not answer to one or other of these descriptions she will be a very inefficient commerce-destroyer at the best. The ship which is to prey upon commerce with any effect in these days will always have to be appreciably superior in speed, or else at least not inferior in armament, to any of those which are likely to be told off to defend it.
Let us now consider how it will fare with a commerce-destroyer thus detached, and compare the conditions of her warfare with those of her predecessors in the days of old. It may be presumed that she will start from the port or station in which the main forces of the enemy, or some considerable portion of them, are concentrated for the purposes of the main conflict—for if she is known to be isolated and detached already, the port in which she is stationed is not likely to be left unobserved. The first thing she has to do is to get away undetected, or at least unmolested, and it must be assumed as a matter of course that any port in which a main fleet of the enemy is concentrated will be closely watched by a superior force of the British Fleet. Evasion is not easy in these circumstances, but it will now and again, perhaps not infrequently, be successfully accomplished. Having regard to the port from which she issues, the trade routes which are nearest to it, and the limits of her coal-supply, it will not be difficult to determine her probable destination; and even if she has escaped entirely undetected, her presence in this or that locality will soon be known by the
non-arrival at home of merchant vessels she has captured, if not by the arrival in one of her own ports of her prizes for adjudication. In these days of telegraphs and universal publicity, proceedings such as these cannot long be kept secret. So far in the hypothetical case under consideration every advantage has been given to the commerce-destroyer. She has been allowed to escape undetected, to reach her cruising ground without mishap, and there to be unmolested until such time as the news of her depredations have reached this country. It need hardly be said that these favourable conditions will very rarely prevail in practice, but if we consider the worst case that could happen and see what it comes to, we shall be in a better position for considering any less extreme cases.
Next, having got our commerce-destroyer on to her cruising station, let us consider what she can do there. It is by no means so easy a thing for a commerce-destroyer in these days to capture a merchant vessel and send her into port for adjudication as it was in former times. The mere capture will, of course, be effected without difficulty. An unarmed merchant vessel has no choice but to surrender when summoned by an armed warship, and here it may be remarked parenthetically, that to arm a merchant vessel with a view to enabling her to resist must always be a very questionable policy in these days. She cannot by any feasible method of armament be made equal to the feeblest of cruisers likely to be employed in the attack on commerce, and any show of armed resistance will entitle her assailant to send her to the bottom without further parley. But assuming that she surrenders when summoned, what is the assailant then to do? In the old days, any half-dozen seamen commanded by a midshipman or a warrant officer were competent to navigate the prize into port. They had only to disarm the crew and put them under hatches and the thing was done. Nowadays the complement of a man-of-war is very highly specialized, and, as a rule, no man-of-war carries
more stokers and engine-room specialists than are required for the efficient working of the engines. As the assailant of commerce must always be ready to put forth her extreme speed in the very probable event of coming across an enemy, she will only part with any portion of her engine-room complement with very great reluctance. Every prize she makes in these circumstances materially impairs her own efficiency, and it is safe to say that she will make very few before she is at the end of her tether in this respect. It may be that very large cruisers will be able to provide in some measure against this contingency by shipping an extra complement at the outset. But their resources in this respect are strictly limited, not only by inexorable conditions of space, but also by the consideration that the supply of skilled stokers and other engine-room specialists is by no means inexhaustible, and that their employment in this subsidiary operation of warfare must needs pro tanto impair the efficiency of the main fighting fleets. If a commerce-destroyer must carry the engine-room complement of some three or four ordinary men-of-war for the purpose of capturing about a dozen merchant ships of the enemy, and must run an appreciable risk of having them all taken prisoners or sent to the bottom before she has made a single capture, it may well be questioned whether the game will be found to be worth the candle.
But, it may be suggested, there is another alternative. Instead of capturing the prizes and sending them into port for adjudication, the assailant may sink them without further ado. International Law sanctions this in certain contingencies, and no doubt it will sometimes be done even in defiance of International Law. But the proceeding is not without its difficulties and disadvantages. It entails the loss of all prize-money in respect of the ships so dealt with, and thereby it eliminates one of the strongest motives which actuated the commerce-destruction of the past. But besides this it requires the assailant to offer the hospitality of an already overcrowded ship to the
crews of the vessels thus disposed of. There will be no great consideration shown to such prisoners, of course. But in any case they must be fed, and they must be accorded as much cubic space as will suffice, if only barely, to keep them alive until they can be disembarked. The crew of a single tramp will cause very little difficulty. But if the assailant happens to come across an Atlantic liner with 2,000 or 3,000 persons on board, she is likely to find herself in a very awkward dilemma. If she determines to send her prize into port, she will have to provide an adequate prize crew for the purpose. If she determines to send her to the bottom, she must take on board, feed, and house all those 2,000 or 3,000 persons, and then her position if she has to fight an action will be no very enviable one. Perhaps the best thing for her to do would be to escort her prize into port. But this is to risk her own destruction as well as the recapture of the prize—which must be faced in any case—and it also withdraws her from her hunting ground.
There is yet another respect in which the modern commerce-destroyer is sharply differentiated from her predecessors in the past. They were propelled by sails and could keep the sea as long as their supply of food and other stores lasted, and this period may be put at not less than six months on the average. It is true that the supply of water was limited and could only be replenished by a visit to the shore. But a fully equipped naval base was not necessary for this purpose, and there were many secluded places on neutral coasts where water could be clandestinely obtained by a belligerent ship with very little risk of prevention, or even of detection. The modern commerce-destroyer, on the other hand, depends solely on steam, and must replenish her bunkers at least once a fortnight. Neutral ports are closed to her, for none but a very powerful and very benevolent neutral would risk the displeasure and possible retaliation of a belligerent in command of the sea by supplying the ships of the other belligerent with fuel to be immediately used in the further
prosecution of their belligerent enterprises. If the commerce-destroyer’s own ports are far distant, she will use up no small percentage of her total coal-supply in going to and fro; and broadly it may be stated that if the distance from her base to her cruising ground is much more than a quarter of her radius of action as measured by her coal-supply, she will be very slow to engage in the enterprise at all. Let us suppose that it takes her three and a half days to get to her cruising ground, and, of course, the same time to get back. Allowing her fourteen days’ total coal-supply, how long will she be able to stay there? Certainly less than seven days, because she must always keep an appreciable amount of coal in reserve to meet the contingency of a sustained pursuit at topmost speed by an adversary, neither weaker nor slower than herself. It is hazardous to attempt to evaluate the amount of this reserve in exact figures, but it could hardly be less than two days’ supply at normal speed, because at high speed the consumption of coal increases much more nearly in a geometrical than in an arithmetical ratio to the increment of speed attained. No captain of a man-of-war in his senses would ever allow his coal-supply in time of war to run down to a point at which it would only just suffice to take him back to his nearest port at economical speed. Hence, in the case supposed, the number of days for which a commerce-destroyer with a supply of coal for fourteen days on board could engage in her enterprise at a distance of three and a half days’ steaming from her base would be five at the outside. Her only alternative would be to coal at sea. But this cannot be done in all localities, nor in any but the finest weather. The colliers must meet her at a prearranged rendezvous, and they are liable to capture in transit. If she takes them with her they may still be captured by an enemy who puts her to flight; and even if at last she finds a place and a time at which she can coal without great difficulty, she is liable at any and every moment to be surprised by an enemy just
when she is in the very worst trim either for fighting or for running away.
It remains to consider the part likely to be played by torpedo-craft in the work of commerce-destruction. In the first place a torpedo-craft is incapable either of furnishing a prize crew to a captured vessel or of taking on board the crew of a merchant vessel of any but the smallest size. Her radius of action is also extremely limited, because in the daytime she is no match for any sea-going warship except in speed. Hence she will for the most part confine her operations to half the distance she can cover between dusk and dawn, and the limits of her cruising ground being thus defined, it will not be difficult for a belligerent in command of the sea to organize an offensive defence against her attacks which will render her operations, to say the least, extremely hazardous. It is true that there are certain regions of the Mediterranean in which British merchant vessels might, in certain contingencies, be exposed to assault from hostile torpedo-craft. But the limits of these regions are determined by the radius of action of the torpedo-craft as above defined, and until the menace of the torpedo-craft within these limits is abated by the offensive defence above mentioned, it may be necessary to direct British merchant vessels to keep outside them. This question was very fully considered by the Food Supply Commission in view of an opinion advanced in his evidence by Admiral Sir John Hopkins to the effect that "on the assumption of our Channel and Mediterranean Fleets being masters of the situation to a certain extent . . . it is certain that a British ship could not go through the Mediterranean in those circumstances." The phrase "being masters of the situation to a certain extent" is not very happily chosen. If it means that the fleets in question are in effective command of the sea, then it also must mean, ex vi termini, that the operations of any commerce-destroyer, whether cruiser or torpedo-craft, will assuredly be extremely hazardous within the area of command. If, on the other
hand, it means anything less than this, then the assumption is totally at variance with the fundamental postulate that in any maritime war this country must command the sea or perish. It may be, indeed, that even when an effective command of the sea is established, it will be impossible, as Sir John Hopkins said, "to safeguard every route so minutely that hostile cruisers could not creep in on some part of it and molest our mercantile marine." So far as this is so it may perhaps serve in some measure to sustain the modified opinion subsequently expressed by Sir John Hopkins, to the effect that "a British ship could not go through the Mediterranean under the circumstances cited without running great risks." But on this it may be observed, first, that the risks run by the marauding cruisers are likely to be at least as great as those run by the mercantile marine; and, secondly, that the more effective way of safeguarding the route threatened may very well be to watch the ports of exit of the marauders, with a sufficient force properly disposed and adapted for the purpose, rather than to patrol the route itself and wait for the marauders to appear. Be this as it may, it is worthy of note that Admiral Bridge, on being asked if he concurred in the opinion of Sir John Hopkins, replied, "Not at all"; and that the Commission itself summed up the whole controversy as follows: "We may point out that in view of the geographical position of the principal maritime countries, British ships could scarcely be in any serious danger, except in the case of a war with France"—now, happily, a much more remote contingency than it was when the Commission was conducting its inquiries—"where they would be threatened with attack from the French torpedo-boat stations on the North African coast. Moreover, in this case the danger to commerce seems to be considerably less than would appear at first sight, when it is remembered that British vessels need not pass within one hundred miles of these stations, and that torpedo-craft are singularly ill-adapted for preying upon commerce. Such craft can neither spare prizecrews nor accommodate any one above their complement number, so that, if employed against commerce, they could only compel vessels to follow them into port on pain of being torpedoed. A French torpedo-boat which had captured a grain-ship in the Mediterranean would very likely have had to steam two hundred miles, the speed on the return journey being limited, of course, by the speed of the captured ship." It may be added that in this process of convoying the prize into port the torpedo-craft would run great risk of capture, with very little chance of escape. The only other waters which might seem to afford good hunting ground for torpedo-craft bent on commerce-destroying are the English Channel and its approaches. But these are precisely the regions in which the British command of the sea is likely to be most effective and ubiquitous. Indeed, it may be affirmed, with some confidence, that so long as this country holds the effective command of the sea, hostile warships of any kind will be very chary of entering the Channel at all, and not very eager to approach it. Even in the contingency, now happily so remote, of a war with France, it must be remembered that torpedo-craft issuing from French ports in the Channel will be met by a sustained offensive defence on our part. If the experience, frequently repeated, of manoeuvres is any guide it would seem that such an offensive defence, skilfully organized and relentlessly pursued, very soon results in effectually abating the menace of hostile torpedo-craft. At Port Arthur, again, the Russian torpedo-craft did next to nothing, being completely overmatched by the offensive defence of the Japanese.
It results, from the foregoing investigation, that, so long as this country retains an effective command of the sea, the maritime commerce of the whole Empire, though not entirely immune to injury and loss, will, on the whole, be exposed to far less risk than British maritime commerce had to incur in the war of the French Revolution and Empire. That risk has been estimated at not more
than 2½ per cent. per annum on the total value of the commerce involved. This conclusion is established by the following considerations:
1. All experience shows that commerce-destroying never has been, and never can be, a primary object of naval war.
2. There is nothing in the changes which modern times have witnessed in the methods and appliances of naval warfare to suggest that the experience of former wars is no longer applicable.
3. Such experience as there is of modern war points to the same conclusion and enforces it.
4. The case of the *Alabama*, rightly understood, does not disallow this conclusion, but on the whole rather confirms it.
5. Though the volume of maritime commerce has vastly increased, the number of units of naval force capable of assailing it has decreased in far greater proportion.
6. Privateering is, and remains, abolished, not merely by the fiat of International Law, but by changes in the methods and appliances of navigation and naval warfare which have rendered the privateer entirely obsolete.
7. Maritime commerce is much less assailable than in former times, because the introduction of steam has confined its course to definite trade routes of extremely narrow width, and has almost denuded the sea of commerce outside these limits. The trade routes being defined, they are much more easy to defend, and much more difficult to assail.
8. The modern commerce-destroyer is confined to a comparatively narrow radius of action by the inexorable limits of her coal-supply. If she destroys her prizes she must forgo the prize-money and find accommodation for the crews and passengers of the ships destroyed. If she sends them into port she must deplete her own engineroom complement, and thereby gravely impair her efficiency.
9. Torpedo-craft are of little or no use for the purposes of commerce-destruction except in certain well-defined areas where special measures can be taken for checking their depredations.
Of course, all this depends on the one fundamental assumption that the commerce to be defended belongs to a Power which can, and does, command the sea. On no other condition can maritime commerce be defended at all. But on no other condition can the British Empire exist.
The foregoing essay was written early in 1906, and published in the Naval Annual in the spring of that year. In the summer of the same year the Admiralty organized a scheme of manoeuvres, the main purpose of which was to elucidate the problems involved in the attack and defence of commerce by experiment on a large scale at sea, so far as such experimental examination of them could be prosecuted under the limiting conditions necessarily incidental to a state of peace. Two great fleets—the Red and the Blue—were opposed to each other, and their relative strength is sufficiently indicated for my purpose in the table given below of their comparative losses throughout the operations.
The "General Idea" of the operations was expounded by the Admiralty as follows:
The co-operation of the mercantile marine has been invited.
The general idea of the manoeuvres is based upon the assumption (for manoeuvre purposes) that war has broken out between a stronger naval power (Red), and a weaker but still formidable naval power (Blue).
Although under such circumstances the primary object of the Red Commander-in-Chief would be to seek out and defeat the Blue Fleet wherever it appeared, it is not to be expected that the Blue Commander-in-Chief would risk a general engagement with the Red Fleet unless he could bring to action a portion at a time, and under conditions favourable to himself.
Among the steps that he would be likely to take to cause a dispersion of the Red Fleet, with a view to obtaining such an opportunity, the most likely to succeed would be an attack on the Red trade.
In adopting this course he would count not only on the actual loss he would be able to inflict on his enemy, but also, if the Red nation was one largely dependent on its commerce, he would be able to reckon on creating a national panic which might compel the Red Commander-in-Chief to disperse his forces to an extent that neither the actual risk to commerce nor sound strategy would justify.
The investigation of the actual risks to which the trade is likely to be exposed under these conditions, and of the best means of affording it protection without sacrificing the main object of taking every opportunity of bringing the enemy's fleet to action, is evidently of great importance not only to those who have to conduct the operations, but also to the mercantile community.
An under-estimate of the risk to the trade, and a too great concentration of the Red forces, might give the enemy the chance of inflicting great and avoidable loss on the merchant shipping, while, on the other hand, an over-estimate of the risk might lead to a great rise in the rate of insurance and an almost complete stoppage of trade, which would be more injurious to the country than any losses likely to be inflicted directly by the enemy.
In either case a demand would probably arise on the part of the Red community for an injudicious dispersion of the Red forces on expeditions for the direct protection of trade, which would render them liable to be defeated in detail, and greatly reduce the chance of bringing the enemy's main fleet to action.
In the *Naval Annual* for 1907 I reviewed the results of these operations. I append here such extracts from
the remarks I then made as will enable my readers to judge how far my theoretical examination of the problem was or was not corroborated by a subsequent experimental study of it in the conditions prescribed by the Admiralty.
The operations of the Blue side were very narrowly restricted. Practically they could be directed only against merchant vessels plying to and from Mediterranean and South Atlantic ports, and even within these limits the Blue forces were not allowed to attack the trade at the points of its greatest concentration—that is, in the immediate neighbourhood of its home ports or within the Gut of Gibraltar. Hence, for practical purposes, some position on the trade route between Ushant and Cape St. Vincent was designated and virtually prescribed as that which the main body of the Blue Fleet should take up in the pursuit of its purpose of preying upon British maritime commerce. Moreover, only a fraction—considerably less than 25 per cent.—of the total amount of commerce travelling the trade route within the period of the operations was really assailable by the Blue forces. The trade route was traversed by upwards of four hundred vessels—either merchant steamers or warships representing merchant steamers—during the period in question. Of these only ninety-four in all—sixty merchant steamers and thirty-four warships—were liable to capture or destruction, and fifty-two of them, or 55 per cent., were actually captured before the operations came to an end. . . .
Of the several squadrons and divisions assigned to the Blue side, the Battle Squadron and Second and Fifth Cruiser Squadrons were told off by the Blue Commander-in-Chief to operate off the coast of Portugal in what may be called an oceanic attack on the trade. The Sixth Cruiser Squadron and all the Destroyer Divisions, except that at Lagos, together with the Submarine Flotilla, were left to operate nearer home with the Blue home ports as their bases. Their fate was significant, and may be here recorded. . . . Of the Fifth Cruiser Squadron the five
torpedo-gunboats were put out of action during the course of the operations without having made any captures at all. The Sappho and Scylla alone survived. The Sappho captured three merchant vessels and the Scylla seven. These two ships afford a striking illustration of the amount of damage to commerce that isolated vessels can do—so long as they are unmolested—even in waters strongly occupied by a greatly superior naval force. Their captures were all effected either at the mouth of the English Channel or within about a hundred miles south-west of Ushant. It seems probable that they managed to hit some point on the "clearly defined route" outside the ordinary trade route which was assigned by the Red Commander-in-Chief to merchant vessels associated in groups; and their success seems to suggest that a guerre de course conducted by isolated ships engaged on a roving cruise is by no means out of date yet. Between them the Sappho and the Scylla account for very nearly one-fifth, that is little less than 20 per cent., of all the captures effected by the Blue side. Both survived to the end, the Sappho making the first capture of the war, and very nearly the last. It must be added, however, that had the war been a real and a lasting one these two vessels would very soon have reached the end of their tether. The low enduring mobility—that is, the limited coal capacity—of the modern warship compels it to return very frequently to a base for coal. It is more than probable that, when the Sappho and the Scylla reached this point, they would have found the access to their base closely barred by the already victorious forces of the enemy.
Of the thirty-one destroyers assigned to the Blue side, five stationed at Lagos and the rest in Blue home ports, eighteen, or 58 per cent., were lost in the course of the operations, and only thirteen survived. Of the five destroyers at Lagos, three were lost, but not before they had captured four merchant vessels, and their loss was more than counterbalanced by the loss to the Red side
of four out of the five Mediterranean destroyers operating off Lagos. Of the twenty-six Blue destroyers operating from home ports, fifteen were lost, but the several flotillas accounted for the capture of nine merchant vessels, while of the Red forces, two cruisers and five destroyers were adjudged to have been put out of action by Blue destroyers. The Submarine Flotilla did nothing, and suffered no damage throughout the operations. Its opportunity might have come if any of the Blue ports had been blockaded by the Red side. But that phase of the operations was never reached, though it was well in sight before the manoeuvres came to an end.
It is a fact of no little significance that of the fifty-two merchant vessels finally captured or sunk by the Blue side, nine were captured or sunk by two cruisers operating singly, and twelve were captured or sunk by a few destroyers operating in pairs or in small groups. In other words, the guerre de course proper prosecuted by these insignificant vessels—for the two cruisers were unarmoured third-class cruisers—accounted for twenty-one out of fifty-two captures in all—that is, for just over 40 per cent. These figures might at first sight be taken to imply that the guerre de course is still best conducted in this way, and that the comparatively slow, weak, unarmoured cruiser may still, as Admiral Custance, the distinguished author of Naval Policy, contends, have an important function to discharge in war. But before these conclusions are accepted we have to look at the operations as a whole, and to bear in mind that the time assigned to them was not sufficient to afford a complete view of the strategic conditions involved, nor of the final results to which these conditions must inevitably have led. It is the recorded opinion of the chief umpire that "it is practically certain that the commencement of the third week of the war would have seen all commerce-destroying ships either captured or blockaded in defended ports." If that is so, it is clear that the rate of capture maintained for a few days by the cruisers and destroyers in question
must in a few days longer have fallen to zero. We have also to consider that the Red Commander-in-Chief very properly made it his chief and primary business to seek out and engage the main body of the Blue Fleet, well knowing that, as Nelson said, if the trunk was destroyed, the branches would perish with it. With this task in hand he could well afford to neglect the sporadic guerre de course of his adversaries, in the assured confidence that as soon as his own command of the sea was firmly established the marauding vessels would very quickly be disposed of. In the opinion of the chief umpire this confidence was justified. It may further be doubted whether in real war the capture or destruction of merchant vessels by destroyers will be found to be as feasible as it was made to appear during the manoeuvres. But this question is fully discussed in the preceding essay, and need not here be reopened.
"The Blue Commander-in-Chief," says the comment of the Admiralty on the operations, "was directed to carry out a plan of campaign which is generally allowed to be strategically unsound." The meaning of this seems to be that it was suggested in the "General Idea" that he would probably seek to cause a dispersion of the Red Fleet, and with that object he would organize an attack on the Red trade as the best means available to tempt the Red side to divide its forces and so give him a chance of engaging a portion of it at a time. As a rule, it may be said that an inferior naval force will not take the sea unless it means to fight. It is clear that the Blue Commander-in-Chief did not mean to fight if he could help it, or unless he could encounter a detached force of the enemy over which he could gain a decisive advantage before the latter could be reinforced. It would, therefore, be strategically unsound for him to take the sea at all with his Battle Squadron, unless he held, as apparently he did, that the instructions of the Admiralty required him to use his whole force in an organized and simultaneous attack on the Red trade. On that assumption practically only one course was open to him—to occupy some portion of the trade route sufficiently removed from the Red bases to give him at least a chance of maintaining his position long enough to enable him to create a panic at home by the interruption and destruction of the floating trade. Such a position could not be near the entrance to the Channel, because that region was sure to be occupied in overwhelming force by the Red forces opposed to him. It must, therefore, be off the coast of the Peninsula, and not south of Cape St. Vincent, because the South Atlantic trade was not to be molested south of that latitude, and Cape St. Vincent was, moreover, in the immediate neighbourhood of his protected base at Lagos. Hence, if he adopted this plan of campaign, it was practically certain that his main force would, sooner or later, be found in the occupation of the trade route off the coast of Portugal. He did adopt this plan, and, viewing the situation as he did, it may be conceded, with the Admiralty, that, "he achieved his mission with great ability." It is, however, as the same authority points out, "open to question whether he might not have achieved a greater measure of success by the employment of his cruisers only for the guerre de course, and the concentration of his battleships for attacks upon the line of the Red Admiral's communications."
Regarded in the abstract as a means for the interception and destruction of floating commerce, nothing could be better than the disposition adopted by the Blue Commander-in-Chief, the nature of which may be gathered from the annexed chart reproduced from the official report on the operations. It spread a net through which no merchant vessel could pass without being detected in ordinary weather, because if any one line was passed in the night, the next, which was about a hundred and thirty miles distant, must be passed in the daytime. It permitted of rapid concentration by one line or another if the merchant vessels were accompanied by warships,
and though it exposed the battleship line to some risk of being overpowered in detail before the ships could be effectively concentrated for action, yet it placed a screen of cruisers so far ahead and astern of this line as to render such a risk almost infinitesimal in these days of wireless telegraphy. But, regarded in the concrete, the disposition is open to the fatal criticism that it must forthwith be dislocated and broken up as soon as the enemy appears in force. If the proof of the pudding is in the eating, this criticism is conclusive and final. It was not until the morning of June 27 that the ships were all in their stations. Before dark on that same day scarcely one of them remained there. The Battle Squadron was partly concentrated and partly captured or dispersed. The Fifth Cruiser Squadron was flying in all directions. The Second Cruiser Squadron was steaming as hard as it could for Lagos.
In making this ill-fated disposition the Blue Commander-in-Chief was no doubt largely influenced by the instructions he had received from the Admiralty, which were in effect—as defined by myself as the correspondent of *The Times* attached to the Blue side—"to endeavour to use his fleets, as a real enemy would in like circumstances, for the purpose of causing a commercial crisis in England by the destruction rather than the capture of British merchant steamers, with a view to employing his fleets to advantage at a later stage if this measure had the desired effect of causing any dispersal of the British forces." But if this was his purpose it was not fulfilled. The dispositions made off the coast of Portugal were very ineffectual for the destruction of commerce, as may be seen from the list of captures, and very disastrous to the ships and squadrons taking part in them. Nor had they any appreciable effect in causing a dispersal of the British forces. Hence there is no little force in the suggestion of the Admiralty that the Blue Commander-in-Chief might have "achieved a greater measure of success by the employment of his cruisers only for the guerre de course,"
and the concentration of his battleships for attacks upon the Red Admiral's communications."
It remains to give the results of the campaign as tabulated in the official "Summary of Red and Blue losses," and then, to quote the comments of the Admiralty. The comparative losses of the two sides are given in the following table:
| Class of Ship | RED | BLUE |
|------------------------|----------------------|---------------------|
| | Number at commencement of hostilities. | Losses. | Remaining. | Per cent. lost. | Number at commencement of hostilities. | Losses. | Remaining. | Per cent. lost. |
| Battleships | 20 | .9 | 19·1 | 4·5 | 9 | 2 | 7 | 22·2 |
| Armoured Cruisers | 19 | 4 | 15 | 21·0 | 7 | 4 | 3 | 57·1 |
| Other Cruisers | 24 | 8 | 16 | 33·3 | 10 | 4 | 6 | 40·0 |
| Scouts | 8 | Nil | 8 | Nil | Nil | — | — | — |
| Torpedo Gunboats | Nil | — | — | — | 5 | 5 | Nil | 100 |
| Destroyers | 41 | 13 | 28 | 31·7 | 31 | 18 | 13 | 58·0 |
These figures speak for themselves. The official comments also speak for themselves; the only remark to be made on them is that the destruction of commerce in the face of a hostile command of the sea would probably be found in actual war to be a much more difficult business than the manoeuvres made it appear. If that is so, it would seem that the risks involved are not likely to be greater than could be covered by insurance, if only owners and underwriters can be induced to keep their heads.
**Admiralty Remarks**
The manoeuvres were deprived of much of their value owing to the small proportion of merchant vessels which accepted the Admiralty terms for taking part.
The percentage of loss of merchant vessels was high (55 per cent.), and would appear alarming were it not for the fact that this success of Blue was only achieved at the
expense of the complete disorganisation of his fighting forces, and that, as stated by the chief umpire, had hostilities continued, "it is practically certain that the commencement of the third week of the war would have seen all commerce-destroying ships either captured or blockaded in their defended ports."
It is probable also that the percentage of loss would have been very considerably lower had it been possible for all the merchant ships traversing the manoeuvre area, to the number of upwards of four hundred, to take a part in the proceedings. As it was, the attack of the twenty-seven battleships and cruisers and thirty destroyers of the Blue Fleet was concentrated upon the inadequate number of sixty merchant steamers and thirty-four gunboats and destroyers representing merchant steamers; in consequence, the actual percentage of loss is misleading, and affords little or no basis for calculation of the risks of shipping in time of war. It should also be noted that considerations of expense and the fact that the attacking fleet was on the seaward flank of the trade routes prevented wide detours being made for the purpose of avoiding capture.
The summary of Red and Blue losses will show the cost of a guerre de course against a superior naval power, and proves that, although a temporary commercial crisis might possibly be caused in London by this form of attack, the complete defeat of the aggressor could not be long delayed, with the result that public confidence would be quickly re-established and the security of British trade assured.
To make an enemy's trade the main object of attack, while endeavouring to elude his fighting ships, is generally recognized as being strategically incorrect from the purely naval point of view, and this procedure could only be justified if there were reason to suppose the hostile Government could by such action be coerced into a misdirection of their strategy or premature negotiations for conclusion of hostilities.
As it was considered desirable, however, that the risks to British shipping should be examined, under the most unfavourable conditions conceivable, the Blue Commander-in-Chief was directed to carry out a plan of campaign which is generally allowed to be strategically unsound, and there is no doubt that, fettered as he was by these
limitations, he achieved his mission with great ability, though it is open to question whether he might not have achieved a greater measure of success by the employment of his cruisers only for the guerre de course and the concentration of his battleships for attacks upon the line of the Red Admiral's communications.
THE HIGHER POLICY OF DEFENCE
I MUST begin my lecture with an acknowledgment and an apology—an acknowledgment of the high honour done me by your commandant and your professor of military history in inviting me to address so well-informed and, I hope, so critical a professional audience as yourselves on a subject connected with your profession; and an apology for my audacity in accepting their invitation. I am neither a sailor nor a soldier; I am an outsider to both those noble professions, though I have devoted some time and thought to the study of their higher functions and relations. You will bear with me if I say many things which you know as well as I do, and some things which may provoke your dissent. I have no dogmas to propound. My sole object is to offer you some food for reflection and, perhaps, some material for profitable discussion among yourselves. If I can attain that object I shall not regret my audacity, and I am sure you will forgive it.
The subject of my lecture is what has been called "The Higher Policy of Defence." By this I understand the due co-ordination of all the agencies of warfare, naval and military, offensive and defensive, and their intelligent adaptation to the conditions historical, geographical, political, and economical, of the countries, states, or Powers supposed to be engaged in war. It will be seen at once that the problem of defence so conceived cannot be studied in the abstract. We cannot disengage it from
1 A lecture delivered by request at the Royal Staff College, Camberley, on December 9, 1902, and printed in the National Review, January, 1903.
its circumstances and conditions. For instance, the problem of defence for a country like Switzerland, which has no seaboard, must differ fundamentally from the problem of defence for a Power like the British Empire, which is essentially a maritime Power, having no land frontiers except such as are in the last resort defensible only through the agency of sea power. These two cases are perhaps the extreme limits within which the problem of defence varies for different countries. On the one hand we have a country which has no direct interest in the sea at all, which has nothing but land frontiers to defend and nothing but land forces to defend them withal; on the other, we have a country with vital interests in every quarter and on all the seas of the earth, which can neither defend itself nor attack its enemies without crossing the sea. I say it cannot defend itself without crossing the sea because that is a very poor conception of national, to say nothing of Imperial defence, which regards its primary object as the defence of our own shores. That might be, and, indeed, would be, our ultimate object if all else were lost. But before that object could even come into view our Empire would be at an end. The British Empire, it has been well said, is the gift of sea power. By sea power it has been won, by sea power it must be defended. This is not to say that it must or can be defended by naval force alone. On the contrary, that would be as fatal a mistake as to say that the problem of defence for England is concerned primarily with the defence of these shores. A few years ago we had to defend ourselves in South Africa. We should never have effected our purpose if we had relied on naval force alone. On the other hand, we should never even have begun to effect it if the seas had not been open to us. Sea power and naval force are not convertible terms. Naval force is that particular agency of warfare which takes the sea for its field of operations; military force is that particular agency of warfare which takes the land for its field of operations. Both are essential elements
of sea power. Both are equally indispensable factors in any rational study of the problem of defence presented by the British Empire. The whole problem consists in co-ordinating their respective and characteristic functions, and in so applying their respective and characteristic agencies as to obtain the greatest effect from the least expenditure of energy. The higher policy of defence is, in fact, a problem in the economics of warfare.
I cannot pretend to offer anything like a complete solution of this tremendous problem within the limits of a lecture. I can only attempt to determine a few of its fundamental data, and, if it may be, to indicate the direction in which its solution must be looked for. I am confronted at the outset with a difficulty of nomenclature. For my particular purpose the word "defence" is, I must acknowledge, not very well chosen. From a political point of view it is, indeed, not only correct but indispensable. Of purely aggressive warfare, of wanton and unprovoked attacks on the rights, liberties, or territories of other nations I am not here to speak at all. Such warfare finds no place in the higher policy of defence. From a military point of view, on the other hand, the word "defence" tends unduly to confine our attention to only one branch, and that by no means the more important branch, of the operations of warfare. It is hardly a paradox to say that all defence is attack. It is nothing but the truth to say that attack is by far the most effective form of defence. "The more you hurt the enemy," said Farragut, "the less likely he is to hurt you"; and all operations of warfare between belligerents of anything like equal power are conducted on this principle. The belligerent who acts purely on the defensive is already more than half beaten, and is probably only holding out in the hope either of receiving assistance from without or of his assailant becoming exhausted. In either case the offensive is resumed the moment it becomes possible. In any other case, the issue is fore-ordained. For this reason no two nations are likely to go to war unless each expects
to overcome the other. For any object less paramount than national existence no nation will go to war well knowing beforehand that it must be beaten. If national existence is at stake it will, of course, prefer to perish fighting. That is the only case in which from a military point of view a belligerent will act on the defensive, and then only so far as he needs must. From a political point of view, on the other hand, defence, and defence only, is the sole object of all warlike preparation; but even so, as soon as issue is joined, defence will always in the first instance take the form of attack.
Beware
Of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in,
Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee.
This, then, is one fundamental datum of the higher policy of defence, and from it we may proceed with little dispute or difficulty to another. War reduces human relations to their simplest and most primitive form. It is a conflict of wills ending in a trial of strength. Each belligerent seeks to invade the territory of the other for the purpose of attacking his armed forces, and, if it may be, of defeating them. No conflict can take place until the common frontier has been passed by one belligerent or the other, and, as the fortune of war decides, the more successful of the two must needs advance further and further into the territory of the other, his ultimate object being to occupy the capital in which are concentrated the powers of government and the control of the state's resources. But no army can advance for a single day's march into an enemy's territory unless either it carries its own supplies, or can exact them from the enemy, or can organize a secure and continuous system of transport whereby its daily needs can be satisfied. To carry its own supplies for a lengthened campaign is impracticable. To exact them from the enemy in any sufficient measure is out of the question, and in respect of munitions of war quite impossible. Hence a system of continuous supply
along a secure line of communication is the only practicable expedient. It follows from this again that the line of advance into an enemy's territory must be determined by the indefeasible necessity of checking and, if it may be, of defeating the armed forces of the enemy, and thereby of making it impossible for them to interrupt the communications of the assailant. In the war of 1870 the Prussian armies had contained one French army at Metz and compelled another to surrender at Sedan before they advanced on Paris. I suppose no one will contend that until this had been done Paris could have been invested.
I have started with an analysis of the simplest conditions of warfare on land because that is the kind of warfare with which soldiers are professionally most familiar, and because, addressing an audience of soldiers, I shall hope to carry you more readily with me along the line of advance I propose to follow if I make no assumptions to begin with to which you are likely to take exception. We have seen first that attack is the most effective form of defence, and secondly that the further the attack is pushed the more absolutely does it depend on the security of the line of communication. There is a third condition, equally fundamental, perhaps, but much more difficult to determine in the abstract. "War," said Napoleon, "is an affair of positions." It is the special function of the strategic faculty to determine first, what is the most advantageous line of advance for an army seeking to invade an enemy's territory; secondly, what are the positions which make one line of advance more advantageous than another; and thirdly, what is the best way of seizing those positions and turning them to full advantage. All this would be simple enough if the armed forces of the enemy could be left out of account. But it must be assumed, of course, that he on his part is seeking to do precisely the same thing, so that at every stage of the campaign the position and probable intentions of the enemy are the dominant factors in the situation.
So much being premised, let us consider how far and in what way these fundamental conditions are affected by transferring the initial stages of the conflict from the land to the sea. I will assume, for simplicity's sake, that the two belligerents have no common land frontier, so that neither can attack the other or any of the other's possessions without first crossing the sea. I will assume further that both are largely engaged in maritime commerce, and that this commerce is carried on, for the most part, in ships flying their own flags. It is obvious that if both have navies, the first contact and conflict between two such belligerents must take place on the sea, and the question is, in what position each belligerent would desire it to take place—war being an affair of positions—if the choice lay with him? It will hardly be disputed that each belligerent would desire it to take place as near as possible to the shores of the other. He would desire to place his fleets in effective contact with the ports in which the enemy's fleets were lying, holding himself in readiness at all times to fight the latter if they came out, and making all practicable dispositions for preventing their exit without being compelled to fight. By this means, so long as they remained in port he would secure his own shores from assault and his own maritime commerce from attack, and he could employ such naval force of his own as remained available after providing for an effective watch on the enemy's ports in attacking the enemy's commerce so far as it remained at large. If he is not strong enough to do this he is not strong enough to act offensively on the seas, still less to attack his enemy across the seas. He must be content to see his fleets sealed up in their ports by the superior fleets of his enemy, and his maritime commerce either transferred to a neutral flag or else swept from the seas altogether. There is in the nature of things no other way of opening a war between two belligerents which have no common land frontier. If each thinks himself stronger than the other both may take the sea at once, but even then no military enterprise
of any moment is likely to be undertaken until the naval issue is decided, however long it takes to decide it. If either falters or hesitates to take the sea until it is too late the other will take care that, if ever he does take the sea, he will do so under every disadvantage of position.
If I have carried you with me so far, I hope I may now ask you to go with me a step further and to assent to the proposition that the operations of warfare on land and at sea are essentially identical in purpose, though their methods and appliances differ very materially and, at first sight, fundamentally. What is it that a nation aims at, and must of necessity aim at, when it goes to war? It is, and must be, to bend its enemy's will to its own, to exact what it holds to be its right, to obtain that which the enemy has refused to concede except on the compulsion of force. There is only one way of doing this, and that is by overcoming the armed forces of the enemy, which are the symbol, and in the last resort, the instrument, of his authority. Now, to overcome these armed forces you must attack them, and to attack them you must reach them. That is why the first overt act of warfare between two countries which have a common land frontier is the crossing of the frontier by the armed forces of one belligerent or the other. The procedure and the purpose are essentially the same when the two countries are separated by the sea. If one of the two belligerents has no naval force at all, the other will invade his territory and attack his armed forces on land. This, however, is not naval warfare; it is land warfare conducted across the sea. Such was essentially the character of the late war in South Africa. Naval force in this case operated on its own element only indirectly, so as to guarantee the security of transit and communication, but it operated most powerfully, nevertheless, because, if the naval force available had been insufficient, the security of transit and communication necessary to the success of our troops might have been fatally impaired by the intervention of some other naval power which sympathized and
might have sided with the enemy. The condition of naval warfare proper, however, only arises when both belligerents are equipped with naval force. In that case, though the ulterior purpose of hostilities remains unchanged, it will be found that no operations on land can be undertaken by either belligerent until the naval issue has been virtually decided—the assumption still being, of course, that the two belligerents have no common land frontier. This, I think, follows irresistibly from the foregoing premises. We have seen that in order to obtain the objects for which he goes to war one belligerent or the other must advance into the territory of his opponent, and must come to close quarters with the armed forces of the latter. We have seen that he cannot do this unless his communications are secure, and that his advance must instantly be arrested and turned into a retreat with capitulation as his only alternative if his communications are severed. The absolute dependence on its communications of an armed force in an enemy's country is, I believe, a commonplace with all soldiers—an axiom of the military art. This axiom loses not a jot of its validity when applied to offensive warfare across the sea. Before an armed force of any magnitude can land on an enemy's territory across the seas, there must be no hostile naval force at large strong enough to interrupt its communications. Any such force must be found, fought, and beaten if it is at large, or else it must be securely sealed within its own ports by an opposing force strong enough to keep it there and ready to fight it if it comes out.
There is one great historical example which seems
1 It may be objected that a close military blockade of the enemy's ports, such as was maintained by the British fleets during the Napoleonic war, is no longer possible owing to the development of torpedo-craft and submarine mines. The objection is a valid one so far as it goes. But the difficulties, though formidable, are not insurmountable. Togo surmounted them throughout the war in the Far East, as I have pointed out in the preceding essay. The so-called blockade will be of a character different from that which was maintained in the Great War, but Togo's example shows that it need not be less effective.
at first sight to violate this axiom. Napoleon did succeed in reaching Egypt with his army across the Mediterranean without having first disposed of the British naval force in the Mediterranean. But he only did so at tremendous risk, and he only succeeded—so far as he did succeed—by an accident. A few more frigates at Nelson's disposal would have placed his fleet across the path of the expedition, and in that case it is safe to say that no single French soldier would ever have landed in Egypt. The whole scheme of campaign was radically faulty, and nothing but the destruction of Nelson's fleet by Brueys—either before the expedition had started or immediately after it had landed—could have given it a chance of success. But after the battle of the Nile had been fought and won by Nelson, the French army in Egypt was doomed. It was a Frenchman in Egypt who wrote that the battle of the Nile "is a calamity which leaves us here as children totally lost to the mother country. Nothing but peace can restore us to her." Nothing but peace did restore them. Baffled at Acre, deserted by Napoleon and Desaix, cut off from supplies, ammunition, and reinforcements, they finally capitulated to the number of three-and-twenty thousand, and were carried back to France in British transports just before the conclusion of the Peace of Amiens.
It may be that Napoleon was warned by this bitter experience not to attempt the invasion of England without first securing the naval command of the Channel. Certainly he made this at all times a sine qua non. Sometimes it was a few weeks he required, sometimes only a few hours, but at no time did he think that he could safely carry his troops across the Channel in the face of a hostile naval force. He was, as Sir Vesey Hamilton has shown, confronted at all times with a British naval force in the waters adjacent to his ports of exit sufficient to make the enterprise of invasion exceedingly hazardous, if not absolutely hopeless. He could do nothing until this opposing force was swept away. Of course, if the
outlying fleets opposed to him—those off Toulon, Brest, and the other French arsenals—could have been defeated, the victorious French fleets might have advanced up the Channel and have covered his transit. But this he was never able to bring about. Or, as a much more hazardous alternative, he may have hoped that the outlying French fleets, without defeating the British fleets opposed to them, might be able to give them the slip, and, getting the start of them, to give him the time he needed to get his army across. This, however, proved equally impracticable. There was a moment, as he saw himself, when Villeneuve might have given him the opportunity he desired. But Villeneuve's nerve failed him; he could not rise to the height of Napoleon's bold conceptions. He withdrew to Cadiz instead of either fighting or stealing his way into the Channel. It was then and many weeks before Trafalgar was fought that the Army of Boulogne was broken up and its columns were directed upon Austria to crush that Power at Austerlitz.
But while the great fleets of both belligerents were far away—none nearer than Brest, and two of them for a time in the West Indies—and while they were preoccupied with their own immediate objects, strategic and tactical, why, it may be asked, did not Napoleon seize the opportunity of their absence and preoccupation to transport his invading army across the Channel? For two reasons. Napoleon could not ignore the presence of a formidable naval force in home waters, although nearly all the commentators on the campaign have ignored it, and some even have denied its existence. Napoleon must have felt and acknowledged that this force denied him access to the shores of England, and that unless he could get rid of it for a time it was not possible for him even to embark his troops, to say nothing of landing them. The situation was exactly the same at the time of the Armada. There was Parma in Flanders with his army, and, like Napoleon, Parma had collected abundance of transport to carry his troops over to England. But
between him and the coast of England there lay a Dutch fleet, not always directly in the way, but never altogether out of the way, and Parma, like Napoleon, found it impossible to move. He awaited the arrival of Sidonia with the Armada to cover his passage, and as Sidonia was defeated as soon as he arrived—if not before—the whole enterprise came to nought. This, moreover, gives us the second reason why Napoleon could not move. The hazard was too great, and the memory of Egypt was too fresh. It was barely possible, though it was never very likely, that Villeneuve, had he been a better man, might have evaded the outlying British fleets and might have swept and kept the Channel for such a time as would have enabled Napoleon and his army to cross. But this would only have been a repetition of the Egyptian campaign, and Napoleon was not likely to forget how that had ended. It must have taught him that a military expedition which crosses the sea without having first made its communications secure is never likely to recross it except by favour of its enemies. The decisive naval battle might, in the case supposed, have been fought in the Channel and not at Trafalgar; but we know from the result of Trafalgar how it must have ended. At any rate, we may safely assume that Napoleon held two conditions to be essential not only to the success of his enterprise, but even to its prudent initiation—first, that the Channel should be free, if only for a time; and, second, that his communications should be secure, if not absolutely, then at least for so much time as he might deem sufficient to enable him to dictate peace in London before they were seriously assailed. As neither condition was ever fulfilled, the enterprise was never undertaken. Is it too much to assume that what Napoleon never dared no other man ever will dare?
Perhaps no man, save one, ever has dared a like enterprise with impunity. That man was Julius Caesar; and Napoleon, as we know, was a great admirer of Caesar's genius and a great student of his campaigns. Caesar in
his final campaign against Pompey had little or no naval force of his own; certainly none that could make head for a moment against the Pompeian fleet, which was in undisputed command of the Adriatic. Yet although he was blockaded at Brundusium, he managed to escape with half his army, and, landing on the coast of Epirus, he established himself there to the southward of Dyrrhachium, a Pompeian stronghold which he was never able to reduce. His transports were sent back to bring over the remainder of his army under Mark Antony, but they were all captured on the way and destroyed. For some time Antony was blockaded in Brundusium, but, like Cæsar, he effected his escape in the end and landed to the northward of Dyrrhachium, the army of Pompey resting on that stronghold and intervening between the two detached portions of Cæsar’s force. A junction was effected, however, and for a time Cæsar invested Dyrrhachium on the landward side. The sea being open to Pompey, his supplies were abundant and secure, whereas Cæsar, being cut off from it, was compelled to live on the country, and his troops fared hardly enough. An untoward reverse having compromised Cæsar’s position at Dyrrhachium, he marched into Thessaly, whither Pompey tardily followed him. The campaign ended with the battle of Pharsalus, where Pompey was finally overthrown.
It has been suggested that Napoleon’s plans for the invasion of England were inspired by a study of this campaign, and that he persuaded himself that he could do what Cæsar had done. But the analogy halts in at least three important respects. Cæsar had no alternative. If he could not destroy Pompey it was certain that Pompey would destroy him. He could not remain in Italy and rest content with his possession of Gaul and his conquests of Spain and Sicily, because Pompey, being in command of the sea and in possession of the resources of the East, would sooner or later have attacked him there, and Cæsar was too good a soldier to remain on the defensive so long as the offensive was open to him in any way—even
in the most desperate way. Secondly, the war was a civil one, in which the inhabitants of the invaded country were practically neutral, as is shown by the readiness with which they furnished Caesar with such supplies as they had. Thirdly, so long as the Roman soldier retained his sword, he carried his ammunition with him. I need not point out to an audience of soldiers how greatly the problem of transport is simplified, and even how largely the necessity for secure communications is abated, for an army which needs no ammunition save what it carries as a matter of course, and does not expend in fighting, and no food beyond what the inhabitants of the country in which it is fighting are willing and able to supply. If Napoleon thought of the example of Caesar at all, we may be quite sure that he did not overlook considerations of this kind.
The proposition that oversea attack of a military character is best prevented by naval force, and can with certainty be prevented by adequate naval force properly disposed for the purpose, is, I think, more familiar and more acceptable to sailors than it is to soldiers; and for this reason I have thought it expedient not merely to advance it but to illustrate it by historical examples. It is in reality an indefeasible deduction from the axiom that an army cannot pursue the offensive unless its communications are secure. "A modern army," says Lord Wolseley, "is such a very complicated organism that any interruption in the line of communications tends to break up and destroy its very life." Hence, where the geographical relations of two belligerents are such that neither can reach the other without crossing the sea, it follows irresistibly that the belligerent who is unable to establish a secure line of communication across the sea is ipso facto debarred from undertaking an invasion of his adversary's territory. Conversely, by denying the sea to your adversary you establish at the same time your own freedom of transit across it. This was clearly shown in the expedition to the Crimea. Both aspects of the matter were
illustrated not less clearly in quite recent times by the war between Spain and the United States. So long as the four Spanish warships in the Atlantic were at large no attempt was made to land American troops in Cuba. It was only when they were known for certain to be in Santiago and were there blockaded by a naval force irresistibly superior to them that the military expedition was allowed to proceed. This is, perhaps, the most extreme case on record, and it is also one of the most significant. At a very early period of naval warfare we have Cæsar's bold and successful defiance of a superior naval force which sought to bar his passage, but which happened to be out of the way when he actually embarked and set sail. In that case, however, the difference between a transport full of armed men and a warship proper was not very great. Each carried the same kind of armament—namely, a complement of armed men, and each could manoeuvre with approximately the same freedom and mobility when either could manoeuvre at all. Hence the disparity between a warship and a transport was in those days comparatively insignificant except in conditions of weather which enabled the ram to be brought into play. In these days, on the other hand, it is immense and incalculable, the warship being armed with long-range weapons of deadly precision, whereas the transport carries no effective armament at all. No wonder, then, that in one of the latest phases of naval warfare the mere menace of a couple of warships and a few destroyers at large was held by the American naval authorities to be an absolute bar to the transit of a military expedition from the ports of Florida to the southern coast of Cuba. There is no sort of doubt about the matter. Even when two Spanish cruisers and two destroyers were known to be in Santiago, the Secretary of the United States navy telegraphed to Admiral Sampson: "Essential to know if all four Spanish armoured cruisers in Santiago. Military expedition must wait this information." This is one of the last words of practical
naval warfare on the subject. And if it be thought that the American naval authorities were unduly timorous in the matter, let it be remembered that Captain Mahan, the highest living authority on naval warfare, was a member of the War Board which organized and controlled the campaign.\(^1\)
We have now reached this point, then—that a military force which seeks to cross the sea for the purpose of acting on the offensive in its enemy’s territory is even more dependent on the security of its communications than the same force acting across a land frontier; that its communications are more assailable by sea than on land; that the forces capable of assailing it are less easily located and countered; and that, if its communications are once severed, its retreat in the event of a reverse is rendered impossible. You may make good your retreat until you reach the sea, but there you must stand and face your victorious foe, unless you have transport ready to take you away. It would have been no use for Sir John Moore to retreat to Coruña if the French fleets had been in command of the adjacent seas. It follows from all this that the first thing for each of two belligerents which have no common land frontier to do must be to endeavour to destroy the naval forces of its adversary, and if that proves to be impossible to seal them up in their ports. In the absence of a common land frontier this is precisely equivalent at sea to the crossing of a common frontier on land by the army of one belligerent or the other, and until the naval issue is decided
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\(^1\) Since my lecture was originally delivered a later and still more emphatic word has been uttered during the war in the Far East; but it was practically the same word. The first stroke of the war was the elimination of the only “fleet in being” which Russia possessed in the Far East, to be followed at once by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Its last stroke was the destruction of the only other “fleet in being” which Russia was able to send to the Far East. Could this latter fleet have established an effective command of the waters in dispute, either Japan must have sued for peace or the Japanese invasion of Manchuria must sooner or later have been followed by a Russian invasion of Japan.
all military operations of an offensive character must be in abeyance on both sides. Naval operations are thus, in the case supposed, essentially preliminary to military operations, but for that very reason they are rarely conclusive in themselves. The utmost that naval force can do is to drive the enemy's flag from the seas. If that does not compel him to yield, military force must be employed to complete the work which naval force has begun.
Let us now consider the defence of the British Empire, and the problems it presents, in the light of the conclusions we have reached. The British Empire, I need scarcely remind you, consists of an insular nucleus where the powers of government are concentrated, and of transmarine possessions in all parts of the world. It has grown from within outwards. Its growth has at all times been associated with freedom to cross the seas, and must have been arrested at once if that freedom had at any time been denied to the merchants and people, and, in the last resort, to the warships and troops of this country. It is this freedom of maritime transit, associated with the commercial enterprise which is its foundation, and with the political power which is its result, that has given us in succession the East and West Indies, the North American Continent—half of which we lost mainly through a temporary default of sea-power—the whole of Australasia, so much of Africa as is now subject to our hegemony, together with all the other transmarine possessions of the Crown. An insular State endowed with commercial aptitudes and ambitions must needs trade across the seas, and to that end must secure respect for its flag and free transit for its ships. For this reason, even when the power of England was wholly confined within the four seas, she claimed and asserted the sovereignty of those seas. On the cover of the volumes published by the Navy Records Society you will find the figure of a gold coin issued by Edward III. in 1344. On it is represented a ship of the period, in which is seated
a crowned Sovereign, bearing in one hand a sword and in the other a shield displaying the Royal arms of England, thus typifying the armed strength and sovereignty of England resting on the sea. Even so early as the reign of Henry VI. this symbolism of Edward III.'s noble was recorded in the following lines:
For four things our noble sheweth to me—
King, ship, and sword, and power of the sea.
"It was no mere coincidence," says Sir John Laughton, "which led to the adoption of such a device in 1344, four years after the most bloody and decisive victory of Western war—the battle of Sluys—which, by giving England the command of the sea, determined the course of the great war which followed, determined that Crécy and Poitiers should be fought on French soil, not on English." What was determined then by the battle of Sluys has been determined ever since by the offensive prowess of the same defensive arm. Freedom of transit across the seas secured to ourselves and denied to our enemies—secured and denied by one and the same agency, that of supremacy at sea—has kept these islands from invasion and expanded our Empire into the uttermost parts of the earth. Is it presumptuous to believe that what has made the Empire will keep it? Is it to slight the Army to insist that the prowess of the sister service alone has enabled it to achieve so glorious and so ubiquitous a record? Surely it is much more unworthy of both services to insist that, as the Navy may no longer be able to do what it always has done for more than 800 years—namely, to keep the seas open—the army must now be prepared to do what it never has done throughout the same long period—namely, to defend its native soil. No, no. The Navy to keep the seas, the Army to fight across them, is the policy that has made the Empire. It is the only policy that can keep it.
For let us not deceive ourselves. The freedom of
transit across the seas which has made the Empire is also essential to its continued existence and cohesion. It matters not by what agency this freedom is interrupted. If it is once interrupted the Empire is at an end. The Empire does not consist merely of the British Islands and the many Britains across the seas. It is a living organism, not a mere geographical skeleton. Its nervous system consists of the lines of communication which link all its parts together, its vascular system of the commerce which flows incessantly along those lines. Its vital principle is the sentiment of common nationality, of community in race, language, literature, history, and institutions. But just as life itself becomes extinct if the nervous system is paralysed and the vascular system obstructed, so the living organism which we call the Empire could not survive a similar catastrophe. If, for instance, the specific gravity of the sea were to be so changed that no ship could float on it, we can all see that two consequences must immediately follow. These islands would be impregnable to human assault, but the British Empire would cease to exist. We should never communicate with any part of it again except by telegraph. Every detached portion of it would be thrown entirely on its own resources, and human intercourse would be circumscribed for ever by the boundaries of sea and land. Precisely the same result as regards the Empire would follow from such a change in the balance of naval power as should drive the British flag from the seas. Such a change could only come about in one way—namely, by the overthrow, complete, final, and irretrievable, of our supremacy at sea. In this case it needs no argument to show that with the destruction of its nervous and vascular system the Empire itself would perish. The wants of its several parts might be supplied by the ships and traders of other nations, but we could send no single man to defend them, and they would one and all be liable to invasion and conquest except so far as they were able to defend themselves. It is not less plain that the effect on these islands
would be equally disastrous and irretrievable. They would be liable to invasion, of course, for not six Army Corps nor six times that number would enable us to withstand the vast military forces of the Continental Powers if there were no British warships afloat to prevent their reaching our shores. But they might not even be worth invading. When the German armies invested Paris their leaders never dreamt of attempting to take it by assault. They knew that by interrupting its communications and by cutting off its supplies it must sooner or later be reduced, and in the meanwhile they had work to do in France which, if it could be successfully accomplished, was certain to bring about the advent of the "psychological moment" of surrender. A similar policy applied to these islands in the case supposed would inevitably produce the same result in time, and it is rather an economic than a military problem to determine whether reduction by maritime investment would or would not be a more efficient and less costly way of effecting the desired result than reduction by invasion in irresistible force. I shall not attempt to solve this problem. I cannot believe that the people of this country and their rulers will ever be so unmindful of the things which belong to their peace as to allow it to become a practical one. I have shown that it never can become a practical one until the Empire is at an end. If it ever does become a practical one it will hardly matter the toss of a half-penny whether the enemy invests or invades. In either alternative he will conquer, and the sun of England will set for ever. I do not mean that maritime investment will starve us out. There is always food in this country for many months, and there is never at any moment much more food in the world than would keep its inhabitants alive until after the next harvest or a little longer. It is, moreover, impossible to blockade these islands so completely that neutral nations anxious to trade with us would recognize the blockade as effective; and therefore sufficient food to keep us alive at famine
prices might always be expected to reach us in neutral bottoms. But this country does not live by bread alone. It lives by maritime commerce so vast, so ubiquitous, and so complicated in its international dealings and relations, that if the British flag were driven from the seas the neutral tonnage remaining available would be quite insufficient to carry the world's commerce. In that case all countries would suffer in proportion to the volume of their maritime trade and the amount of it carried in British ships. But this country would suffer far more than any other, because the volume of our maritime trade is not far from equal to that of all the rest of the world, and nearly all of it is carried in British ships. These ships incessantly moving to and fro, representing a money value of at least two hundred millions always afloat, and a capital employed in the industries they sustain at home of many times that amount, cannot be driven from the seas without entailing an economic crisis of unexampled magnitude and severity. It would mean, as I have said elsewhere, that our mills were standing, our forges silent, our furnaces cold, and our mines closed. It is, in fact, no more possible to conceive of this country subsisting without maritime commerce than it is of a steam-engine working without water in the boiler.
Thus, even if there were no risk of invasion, it would still be necessary for us to keep the seas open for the security of our maritime commerce, which is our very life blood. Moreover, the naval force which suffices for this paramount purpose is also sufficient to protect these shores from invasion and *a fortiori* to protect from serious attack the outlying possessions of the Crown. The maritime commerce of the British Empire cannot be suppressed by a few Alabamas. It could only be suppressed by a naval force more powerful than our own. "It is not," says Captain Mahan, "the taking of individual ships or convoys, be they few or many, that strikes down the money power of the nation; it is the possession of that overbearing power on the sea which drives the enemy's
flag from it, and allows it to appear only as a fugitive, and which, by controlling the great common, closes the highways by which commerce moves to or from the enemy's shores. That overbearing power can only be exercised by great navies." It is this "overbearing power on the sea"—I should prefer to call it "overmastering" myself, for there is nothing arrogant nor aggressive about it—which this country has always sought to exercise, and, as a matter of fact, nearly always has exercised, from the battle of Sluys onwards. Our claim to exercise it is no menace to other nations. It is merely the assertion of our right to exist as a nation ourselves, the expression in strategic terms of our insular position and of our mercantile necessities as affected thereby. Every Continental nation makes essentially the same claim when it takes such measures as it thinks fit for defending its own frontiers. The frontiers of the British Empire lie on the further side of the seas which wash its territories, not on the hither side. The sea, it is true, is "the great common," as Captain Mahan calls it. In time of peace every flag which represents a civilized Power and a peaceful purpose has as much right to every part of it as any other. But it is a common over which run the highways of the world's commerce. In time of war every naval Power seeks to deny the use of those highways, whether for military or for commercial purposes, to the ships flying its enemy's flag. In the war between France and Prussia in 1870 the superiority of France at sea was so great that the Prussian flag practically disappeared for a time from the seas. This was disadvantage to Prussia, but was at that time almost cause her maritime inferiority at sea was far more than balanced by her triumphant superiority on land. But the case is very different with this country. England can assert no superiority on land except by virtue of an assured superiority at sea. She could not even defend her two land frontiers in India and in North
America unless the seas were open to the transport of troops and supplies. Of the ships which frequent the ocean highways of the world's commerce some 50 per cent. carry the British flag. To deny them the use of those highways would be to dismember the Empire by severing its communications, and, in the words of the late Lord Carnarvon, to reduce this country, in a very short time, to "a pauperized, discontented, overpopulated island in the North Sea." The only way to avert these calamities, calamities so crushing and so universal that even the invasion of these islands could add little to their effect, is to regard the whole extent of the ocean highways—that is, all the navigable seas of the globe—as so much territory to be held and defended, and to be defended with as much preparation, forethought, and tenacity as a Continental Power devotes to the defences of its land frontier.
The thing is impossible, you will perhaps say. That may be, and of course must be if the forces opposed to us are overwhelming and irresistible. But so far as it is impossible and in whatever circumstances it may become impossible the defence of the British Empire is also impossible. In all reasonably probable contingencies of warfare, however, it is not only possible, but imperative. Let us admit at once that if all the great naval Powers of the world were combined against us we should perish. We might hold out for a time, as Denmark held out against Prussia and Austria, but the issue would be certain and inevitable. But the combination of all the great naval Powers of the world against this country is said of the only probable contingency of warfare. Curran unanimous they would have pulled him out of bed, but his safety lay in the fact that they were not unanimous. We must be either very wicked or very foolish, if not both, if we ever give to all the Powers of the world such simultaneous provocation as would endow them with the unanimity denied to Curran's fleas. The reasonably
probable contingencies of warfare extend only to conflicts with this or that Great Power or with a limited combination of Great Powers. For such contingencies we must be prepared. The higher policy of defence consists in preparing for them adequately, intelligently, and with rational regard to the inexorable conditions of the case.
Now the broad outlines of this policy are clearly set forth in the whole course of our naval history from the battle of Sluys onwards. They have only been obscured and obliterated for a time when the conduct of this or that campaign has been taken out of the hands of the seamen who knew their business and undertaken by politicians who had never mastered the secret of the sea. The campaign of the Armada is perhaps the most famous illustration of this perilous proceeding. It is well known that if the great sea-captains of Elizabeth had had their way they would never have allowed the Armada to quit the shores of Spain. Drake, the greatest of them all, wrote to the Council, "With fifty sail of shipping we shall do more good upon their own coast than a great many more will do here at home; and the sooner we are gone, the better we shall be able to impeach them." Later he wrote to the Queen herself: "These great preparation of the Spaniard may be speedily prevented as much as in your Majesty lieth, by sending your forces to encounter them somewhat far off, and more near their own coasts, which will be the better cheap for your Majesty and people, and much the dearer for the enemy." Later still Howard wrote in exactly the same sense: "The opinion of Sir Francis Drake, Mr. Hawkyns, and others that be men of experience as of concurring with them in the same, is that the surest way to meet with the Spanish fleet is upon their own coast, or in any harbour of their own, and there to defeat them." This is the true policy of offensive defence displayed in all its fulness. But the Queen and her Council would have none of it. They thought it, as Walsyngham wrote to Howard, "not convenient that
your Lordship should go so far to the south as the Isles of Bayona, but to ply up and down in some indifferent place between the coast of Spain and this realm, so that you may be able to answer any attempt that the said fleet shall make against this realm, Ireland, or Scotland." They could not understand, as I have said elsewhere, that if you wish to impeach a hostile fleet with certainty you must go where it is certain to be found, not wait for it to appear in some one or other of half a dozen places where, after all, it may never be found, and where, if it does appear, you may not be at hand to impeach it. Hence Howard was forbidden to go and look for the Spaniard on his own coast, and practically compelled to await his advent in British waters. He triumphed in the end, as we know. But to pursue such a policy in these days would be fatal. It would leave the seas open and the British mercantile flag at the mercy of the enemy. In other words, the policy of passive defence spells disaster.
Thus, after a long circuit, I have come back to the point from which we started. We have now ascertained where the frontiers of the British Empire are. Broadly speaking, they lie on the further side of all the seas frequented by British shipping—that is, of all the navigable seas of the globe; and the critical frontier for the time being is the coast-line of the enemy's territory, because there only can access be gained to his territory by a Power which, like England, must cross the sea before it can fight on land; and there also must the enemy be impeached—to borrow the expressive Elizabethan word or invading any port—the sea for the purpose of assailing assailing British commerce afloat. There are two exceptions to this general definition. The British Empire has two land frontiers, one in India and another in North America, each of which is assailable by a Power having the resources of a great State and a vast territory at its command. But except so far as these two frontiers are
defensible by local forces and local resources, reinforced as far as may be by Imperial forces transported thither or stationed there in anticipation of hostilities, it stands to reason that they are not defensible at all unless the seas are open, because on that condition alone can they derive any further strength or defence from the resources either of this country or of any other part of the Empire. I do not include in the same category our land frontiers in Africa, because they are not, like our frontiers in India and North America, directly assailable by a Power of the first rank. No such Power can assail them seriously without first crossing the sea, and no such Power will or can cross the sea to assail them so long as England commands the sea—that is, so long as her real frontiers, those which lie on the sea itself, are inviolate. Thus all our frontiers, whether on land or on sea, are in the last resort defensible by the power of the sea, and by the power of the sea alone. Two only are assailable by military forces which have not crossed the sea, and even those are defensible only by military forces which have crossed the sea. In point of fact, the power of the sea is never more impressively manifested than when, as it did in South Africa, and as it has done from the first in India, it enables military forces to operate at thousands of miles from their own shores. Every soldier in the British Army is in this sense as real and as essential an instrument of sea power as are the ships of His Majesty's Fleet. He will never be called upon to defend his native soil until our power at sea is overthrown. So long as our power at sea is maintained he may have to defend his country either hemisphere or on either side shores.
It may be thought, perhaps, that the defence of so vast a maritime territory as is defined by the further shores of the navigable seas of the globe is beyond the compass of a single naval Power, that the sovereignty of the four seas which our forefathers asserted and maintained is a very different thing from the command of the sea
in general and much easier to maintain. A little consideration will show, however, that this argument is unsound. The sea is all one, as Lord Selborne told the Colonial Conference, and the command of it once established is in large measure independent of the area to be covered. The true measure of the naval strength required to establish an effective command of the sea is determined not so much by the area to be covered as by the naval strength of the enemy to be encountered. In the Crimean War the naval forces of Russia were locked up in Kronstadt and in Sevastopol by the superior naval forces of her adversaries, and the command of the sea enjoyed by England and France in consequence was absolute in all parts of the world, though it was only directly operative in the waters immediately in dispute. No Russian merchant vessel could venture afloat, while the merchant vessels of England and France traversed the seas in all directions as safely as if the whole world had been at peace. I do not know that history affords a more striking illustration of the meaning, extent, and effect of an assured command of the sea. The local command established and maintained at the critical points became by the very nature of the case universal, absolute, and complete in all parts of the sea. By preventing the Russian naval forces from crossing the sea-frontiers as defined above, the English and French fleets made it impossible for Russia to do any harm whatever beyond those frontiers. The maritime commerce of England and France enjoyed complete immunity from attack, their armies were free to move in any direction across the seas without the disputed communications, and did move across territory. This was only possible, it may be said, because the available seaboard of Russia was very limited in extent, and because the naval forces of Russia were completely overmatched by those of England and France. This is true, of course, but it does not vitally affect the argument. The available seaboard of any naval Power
consists mainly of the arsenals and anchorages in which its warships are equipped and sheltered, and of any other ports in which a military expedition may be preparing. Be these few or many, they are known beforehand, and the mobile forces they contain are also approximately known at all times. There is no certain way of preventing these forces from crossing the frontier to be defended except by placing a superior force in a position to impeach them. If this cannot be done there is no command of the sea such as England needs unless her Empire is to be overthrown. But if it can be done her effective command of the sea will be unshaken until each one of her fleets in position has been challenged, defeated, and driven back into port by the fleets of the enemy. That it ought to be done, that it is, indeed, the fixed policy of this country to do it, is made perfectly clear by the famous declaration of the Duke of Devonshire in 1896: "The maintenance of sea-supremacy has been assumed as the basis of the system of Imperial defence against attacks from over the sea. This is the determining factor in fixing the whole defensive policy of the Empire."
Let me here take a homely illustration. If you have a large farm adjacent to a rabbit warren it is certain that your crops will be ravaged by the rabbits unless you can confine them within the limits of their proper territory and keep them off your crops altogether. Where, in that case, would you put the frontier of their territory? Obviously you would put it at the further side of your cultivated fields. Your farmhouse may be a mile away from the warren. But if you stop at home with a gun in your hand—or a whole armoury for that matter—you will kill very few rabbits, while a great many rabbits will ravage your crops in all directions and will in time eat you out of house and home. But if you surround the warren with a fence which the rabbits cannot pass, your crops will be unmolested, and you may cultivate your fields as freely as if there were no rabbits in the world. Here and there,
perhaps, a hole will be made in the fence and one or two rabbits will get through. But a very modest share of sporting strategy will enable you to dispose of these rare and fugitive marauders. Your terriers will make their life a burden to them, even if your gun does not make an end of them, and at the worst the harm they could do would be little more than trifling. Of course, if you choose to neglect your fence, your crops will be ravaged and your farm ruined. But that is your look-out. You can keep the rabbits out if you choose to take the trouble and pay for a proper fence. Otherwise you must take the consequences. There is no alternative between closing the warren and losing the crops. In like manner there is no alternative between command of the sea and the loss of the Empire.
Of course, as warships are not rabbits, there is always the possibility that the fence may be broken down and the rabbits escape in a body. In that case, to drop the illustration, your sea-frontier is invaded and you must take measures accordingly. This opens out the whole field of naval strategy, and, as I am not writing a treatise on the methods of naval warfare, I must leave it in large measure unexplored. The broad principle was admirably stated by the late Admiral Colomb, and I quote his words with the more satisfaction because they apply sound military analogies to the elucidation of the naval problem. "The British Navy," he says, "like the French or German armies on the defensive, must in the first instance guard the frontier and keep their territory—in this case water and not land—free to lawful passage and barred to non-reach of enemies. Should they fail to keep the and endeavour to beat back within the water territory it over the frontier again. Should they fail in this—as France failed in the last war—the Empire is conquered, even as the French Empire was, notwithstanding that a sea-girt Metz or a water-surrounded Paris of the British Empire should prove so strong in local defence that investment, and not assault, must be the tactic employed to reduce them." There are thus three possible phases in which the command of the sea may be considered, and no more. First, where it is complete, as it was in the Crimean War. In this case the military forces of the Power which commands the sea are as free to act against any portion of the enemy's seaboard as if an undefended land frontier were alone in question. For, as Raleigh said nearly three hundred years ago, "A strong army in a good fleet which neither foot nor horse is able to follow cannot be denied to land where it list in England, France, or elsewhere, unless it be hindered, encountered, or shuffled together by a fleet of equal or of answerable strength." The second phase is when the command of the sea is disputed, as it was when Villeneuve gave Nelson the slip at Toulon, and making a wide sweep to the westward, sought to join hands with the other French fleets beleaguered in the Atlantic ports. "Falling back within the water-territory," Nelson pursued the absolutely correct strategy. He was not decoyed away, as has too often been represented. His fleet was at all times a far more potent factor in the defence of this country than if it had been guarding these shores. Wherever it went in pursuit of Villeneuve it was where every British fleet ought to be in time of war—namely, in the position most advantageous in the circumstances for bringing its immediate adversary to book. Finding that his frontier had been crossed and that the water-territory he was set to guard had thereby been invaded, Nelson pursued the single and supreme purpose of "endeavouring to beat the enemies which had invaded it over the frontier again." He effected that purpose and conquered at Trafalgar.
The third and last phase is where the command of the sea is overthrown. Happily we have no experience in this country of this last phase later than the Norman Conquest. If we ever do experience it again Admiral Colomb has pithily told us what it means—"The Empire is conquered." Or, in the famous words of the three admirals
who reported on the naval manoeuvres of 1888: "England ranks among the great Powers of the world by virtue of the naval position she has acquired in the past. . . . The defeat of her Navy means to her the loss of India and her colonies, and of her place among the nations. . . . Under the conditions in which it would be possible for a great Power successfully to invade England, nothing could avail her, as, the command of the sea once being lost, it would not require the landing of a single man on her shores to bring her to an ignominious capitulation, for by her Navy she must stand or fall."
We thus see how pregnant and profound is Napoleon's maxim—that war is an affair of positions—when applied to naval warfare. The proper position for the fleets of England in any possible war with a naval Power capable of coping with her on the seas is in front of the ports and arsenals of the enemy. If that position cannot be maintained the war enters at once on a new phase—that of a disputed command of the sea, wherein the chosen frontier is crossed and the water-territory is invaded, but it remains essentially an affair of positions. It would carry me too far to develop this proposition in detail, and it is the less necessary to do so because the whole subject has quite lately been treated in masterly fashion by Captain Mahan, whose volume, entitled *Retrospect and Prospect*, contains one of his best papers, "Considerations Governing the Disposition of Navies." It must suffice to have directed your attention to this most authoritative exposition of the subject. I will only add a single remark. The occupation of positions in any given war is no matter of arbitrary choice. Dispositions in relation to the strategic skill and insight of the commander employed; but the positions themselves are determined by the fact that they must at the outset be on the sea-frontier of the enemy. If, notwithstanding, the enemy succeeds in crossing the frontier, new positions will have to be occupied, but they will still be determined by considerations, geographical in the main, which leave to neither belligerent very much room for choice. These propositions, at once elementary and fundamental, are too often ignored by heedless and inconsequent thinkers. How often do we hear that we cannot trust to naval defence for a country which can only be reached across the sea, because, forsooth, the Navy, however strong, may chance to be in the wrong place at the critical moment? Why should it be in the wrong place when its one business and duty is to be in the right place? Do you ever plan military campaigns on this preposterous assumption? Was Napoleon III. likely to mass his armies in the Pyrenees when the German armies were advancing towards his eastern frontier? When an enemy is seeking to invade this country, are our fleets at all likely to be found anywhere but where they can best impeach the enterprise? "I will conquer India on the banks of the Vistula," said Napoleon. It was a vain boast. It is no vain boast, but a plain statement of inexorable strategic fact, that England can best defend all parts of her Empire on the sea-frontier of the enemy who seeks to attack them.
You will perhaps ask me at this point—perhaps, indeed, you have been asking all along—where in all this does the Army come in? I can only answer that in this, the preliminary defensive stage—defensive in purpose, but offensive in method—of a great war to be waged across the seas, the Army does not, and cannot, come in at all. It cannot come in for the defence of these islands, because so long as the sea-frontier is inviolate, and, indeed, until the naval forces entrusted with its occupation and defence are not only driven back, but finally ousted from the intervening water-territory—the seas to attack the territory of the enemy, or any of his outlying possessions, until the command thereof by the British naval forces is so firmly established that its transit and communications are secure from all serious attack. These are the only conditions in which the Army can come in for the defence
of an Empire which can only be defended by crossing the sea, and they are also the conditions in which it always has come in throughout the whole course of its history. This is why no British regiment bears on its colours the record of any military achievement on its native soil, while all are justly proud to associate their glories with nearly every land but their own. If this is not a record and a function with which the Army can be content I can assign it no other, nor as regards function can I think of a higher one to assign it. I cannot even think of the Army as defending these islands, because before I can do so I must think of the Empire as destroyed. I can only think of the Army as doing what it always has done, training itself at home for faithful service abroad, garrisoning the Empire's outposts in all parts of the world, occupying in far-flung échelons the long lines of communication which lead to the confines of the Empire—and lead also in time of war to weak points in an enemy's armour—ready at all times to move in any direction at the call of duty and the nation's needs. But when I think of the Army as doing all this I must also think of the Navy as alone enabling it to do all this. The functions of the two arms, the naval and the military, are not to be enclosed in separate watertight compartments with no communication between them. They are correlative and inseparable. The Army must not attempt to do what the Navy alone can do—namely, keep the invader at bay; the Navy must not attempt to do what the Army alone can do—namely, attack the enemy wherever he is assailable on land. If the Navy relieves the Army of the duty of defending these islands, it also imposes on the Army the duty, and provides it with the services are required. Fifty years ago, when the higher policy of defence was little understood and less appreciated, a special military force was organized for the defence of this country against the invader. Fifty years ago I was a member of that force myself, and I shared the
ideas which inspired its formation. Those ideas were largely false, and if fortune had so willed it, they might have been fatal to the Empire. But patriotism is justified of all her children. I have the utmost respect for the Volunteers, and their successors of the Territorial Force, as a valuable auxiliary and reserve—never more valuable than in these days—for a mobile Army, for an Army which so long as the Empire endures will always be, not a forlorn hope for the defence of these shores, but the offensive and ubiquitous weapon of a sea-supremacy co-extensive with the Empire; and I congratulate the sons and the grandsons of my comrades-in-arms of 1859 that the facts of war have revealed to them what was hidden from us by the fallacies of peace, and that the only foe they have ever met in the field was encountered at a distance of 6,000 miles from the shores they were enrolled to defend.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science. It is not exhaustive, but rather a selection of terms that are essential for understanding the basics of computer science.
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure to solve a problem or perform a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data in a computer program.
3. Database: A collection of data organized in a structured manner.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software system that manages databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can access it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters.
7. Interface: A way for users to interact with a computer program.
8. Programming Language: A set of instructions that a computer can understand and execute.
9. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
10. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to perform a specific task.
11. User: An individual who uses a computer program or system.
12. Virtual Machine: A software implementation of a computer system that allows multiple operating systems to run on a single physical machine.
13. Web Application: A computer program that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
14. Web Server: A computer that hosts web applications and serves them to clients.
15. XML: A markup language used to structure and organize data in a web application.
INDEX
Achilles, British ship of the line, Trafalgar, 46, 62
Adamant, British ship of the line, Insubordination in, 139; at the Texel, 150-152
Advance, The, at Trafalgar, 43-54
Alabama, The, destruction caused by, in the American War of Secession, 296-299; in modern warfare, 306-319
Aldebaran, The, Swedish vessel, Dogger Bank incident, 250
Alexander III, Russian battleship, 249
Alfred, The, one of the first ships in the American navy, under command of Paul Jones, 186
Alliance, The, American navy under command of Pierre Landais, 201-203; in the North Sea, 206, 207; the capture of the Serapis, 213-216, 218, 219; in the Texel, 222, 224; her departure from the Texel, 232-234
America, and Paul Jones, 167-176, 186; birth of her navy, 176-186; her flag, 186, 192, 221 n., 222 n.; her first battleship, 238; her present naval position, 286, 287; The War of Secession, 295-300; The Cuban War, 295, 344
America, The, first American line of battleship, 238
Anadyr, The, Russian transport, Dogger Bank incident, 249
Andrews, Miss, and Nelson, 86
Annapolis, burial-place of Paul Jones, 165
Arbigland, birthplace of Paul Jones, 169
Ardent, The, at the battle of Camperdown, 161
Armada, The, 115, 353
Atkinson, Thomas, Master of the Victory, 49
Attack, The, at Trafalgar, 55-67; attack and defence of commerce, 293-330
Aurora, The, Russian cruiser, Dogger Bank incident, 250, 255, 259-264
Bacon, Captain, on torpedo attack, 266, 268
Bannatyne, Dr., British surgeon, 222
Barham, Lord, First Lord of the Admiralty, Trafalgar, 76, 118; and Paul Jones, 167
Bastia, Siege and reduction of, 106
Bear down, sailing term explained, 11
Bear up, sailing term explained, 9, 11
Beatty, Dr., surgeon of the Victory, on Nelson, 16, 128
Belleisle, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 61
Bellerophon, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 62
Berckel, Van, the Grand Pensionary, 233
Beresford, Lord Charles, Naval Dispositions of 1904, 277, 278
Blackwood, British Captain, battle of Trafalgar, 56, 58, 69
Bonaparte, see Napoleon
Bon Homme Richard, see Richard
Borodino, Russian battleship, Dogger Bank incident, 249
Boscawen, Admiral, 131, 132
"Boston Tea Party," 174
Brest, French fleet at, 148; Paul Jones at, 192, 198
Bridge, Admiral Sir Cyprian, on Nelson's tactics at Trafalgar, 13, 14, 39, 43, 44, 55, 60, 71, 75, 77; on Nelson, 117, 121; on attack and defence of commerce, 302
Bridport, Viscount, his missed opportunity, 147, 162
Britannia, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 47
Brodie, Lieut., describes Duncan's signals and manoeuvres, 152
Brooke, Dr., American surgeon, 222
Browning, Robert, *Home Thoughts from the Sea*, 2, 3
Bruix, French Admiral, Nelson fails to intercept, 98, 102
*Bucentaure*, French flagship at Trafalgar; Nelson's encounter with, 63–66
Buell, A. C., *Life of Paul Jones*, 165 n, 191, 205, 241
Bunker's Hill, Battle of, 177
Burgoyne, John, British General, his surrender at Saratoga, 191
Byng, John, British Admiral, 94; his execution, 245, 246
Caesar, Julius, compared with Napoleon, 342
Calder, Sir Robert, British Admiral, Captain of the fleet at the battle of St. Vincent, and Nelson's breach of orders, 37, 160; and Napoleon's attempt on England, 115; and Villeneuve, 118; Nelson's kindness to, 126, 127
Calvi, a town in Corsica, Siege of, 106
Camperdown, Battle of, Admiral Duncan the victor of, 129–131, 152; description of the battle, 156–164
Camperdown, Earl of, on Admiral Duncan, 130, 131, 133, 149; and Lord Spencer, 143, 144; and John Clerk of Eldin, 159
Capital ships, meaning of term, 281, 282
Captured vessels, difficulties with, 314
Caracciolo, Francesco, Commodore in Neapolitan navy, Nelson's share in trial and execution of, 90, 98, 99
Carnarvon, Earl of, quoted, 352
Chatham, Earl of, an anecdote of, 103; and the American colonies, 175
Chesapeake, The Capes of, 243–244
*Circe*, British ship, Insubordination in, 150
Clerk of Eldin, John, *Naval Tactics*, 16, 25–32, 122, 240; Lord Camperdown on, 159
Codrington, Edward, British Captain; on the tactics at Trafalgar, 44, 64
Collingwood, Cuthbert, British Admiral, Nelson's memorandum at the battle of Trafalgar, 15, 17–20, 35; the order of sailing, 46, 47; the attack, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54 n, 55, 57, 62, 63; his signals, 60, 61; Nelson's pledge to, 66, 67, 69, 70; and Napoleon, 118
Colomb, Admiral, and Nelson's tactics at Trafalgar, 13, 71, 76; on the fleet in being, 105; on Nelson's courage and disposition, 123, 124; on Sir Charles Hardy's incapacity, 135, 137; on the battle of Camperdown, 155; how to guard the sea frontier, 358, 359
*Colossus*, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 62
Command, The second in, duties of, 35
Commerce, The attack and defence of, 293–330, British maritime, 350
Communications, Security of, 335
Compass, Points of, explained, 7, 8
Concentration, Necessity for, 309
*Concordat, The*, 204
*Conqueror*, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 47
Copenhagen, Battle of, 90, 109
Corbett, Julian, *Fighting Instructions*, 25; tactics in action on June 1st, 30–32; on Nelson's tactics at the battle of Trafalgar, 33, 41, 44, 64–66, 71
Cornwallis, Charles, 1st Marquis, capitulation at Yorktown, 243
Cornwallis, Sir William, British Admiral, 115, 118; the tenacity of, 119
Cottineau, duel with Pierre Landais, 223; and Paul Jones, 223, 232
*Countess of Scarborough*, British, captured by Paul Jones, 208, 220; voyage to the Texel, 221, 223, 225, 232
Cruisers, Modern, 307
Cuban War, The, 295, 344
Cunningham, Captain, American naval officer, imprisoned at Plymouth, 203
Custance, Sir Reginald, British Admiral, *Naval Tactics*, 28; *Naval Policy*, 324
De Barras, Chevalier, and De Grasse, 243
De Chartres, Duc, afterwards Duc d'Orléans, friendship for Paul Jones, 167, 177, 198, 199, 241
De Chaumont, Le Ray, French
Commissary of the Squadron, *the Concordat*, 204, 232
De Cordova, Don Luis, in command of Spanish fleet, 133
*Defence*, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 47, 62
*Defence*, futility of passive, 36
*Defence*, higher policy of, 331–363
*Defence* of commerce, 293–330
*Defiance*, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 47, 62
De Grasse, Count, French Admiral, and the action off Dominica, 30, 239, 241 n; and Admiral Graves, 243–247
De Kersaint, The Comte, French Vice-Admiral, friendship with Paul Jones, 177, 242
De Rochambeau, Comte, 243
De Sartine, M., French Minister of Marine, and Paul Jones, 199, 224, 232
Desbrière, Col., *Trafalgar*, 14 n; on Collingwood’s exclamation, 18 n; English fleet in two *pelotons*, 46 n; Villeneuve’s signal, 51 n; the act of wearing, 54 n
De Ségur, Comte de, French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, friendship with Paul Jones, 236
De Thevenard, Chevalier, and Pierre Landais, 201, 202
De Toulouse, Count, battle off Malaga, 242, 245
De Vaudreuil, Marquis, and Paul Jones, 243, 245
Devonshire, Duke of, on sea supremacy, 357
De Winter, Dutch Admiral, on the Texel, 153; puts to sea, 154, 155; battle of Camperdown, 156–161
Disraeli, Benjamin, afterwards Earl of Beaconsfield, *The Life of Paul Jones*, 189–191; on the attack on Whitehaven, 193, 197; on the capture of the *Serapis*, 209; on Pierre Landais’s conduct, 218 n; on Paul Jones and his prisoners, 232
*Dmitri Donskoi*, Russian cruiser, Dogger Bank incident, 250, 255, 257, 259, 260
Dogger Bank, The, first alarm, 249, 250; alarm intensified, 251, 252; Russians fire on trawlers, 253; sequence of events, 254; the finding of the Commission, 254–259; suggested solution, 259, 260; the psychological atmosphere, 260, 261; lessons for the future, 265, 266; duties of neutral craft, 267, 268
Dominica, Rodney’s action off, 29, 241 n
Domvile, Admiral Sir Compton, 263; dispositions of 1904, 277, 278
Donald Currie, Beck & Co., and Paul Jones, 171
D’Orvilliers, Count, Commander of the French fleet, his tactics in the Channel, 133, 134–137, 205, 245; and Paul Jones, 192, 240, 242
Drake, Sir Francis, battle of Grave-lines, 2; to wrestle a pull, 115; on advantage of time and place, 152; on the policy of offensive defence, 353
*Drake*, British sloop of war, captured by Paul Jones in the *Ranger*, 195–197
*Dreadnought*, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 47, 62, 127
Duckworth, Sir J. T., British Admiral, and Nelson, 97
Dumanoir, French Admiral, at the battle of Trafalgar, 64
Duncan, British Admiral, victor of Camperdown, his greatness, 129–131, 138, 139; commands the *Monarch*, 132; his instinct for war, 133; on Hardy’s retreat up the Channel, 134–137; at the Texel, 138; his attitude towards insubordination, 139, 148, 149; and Earl Spencer, 141–145; Lady Spencer’s letter to, 142; Commander-in-Chief in the North Sea, 143; on the Russian fleet, 145; how he hoodwinked the Dutch at the Texel, 147–155; battle of Camperdown, 156–164; his tactical inspiration, 158–160; Jervis on, 160; his achievement, 162; description of, 163, 164
Dunmore, Earl, and Paul Jones, 187
Du Pavillion, Chevalier, French Commander of the *Triumphant*, his system of naval signals, 240, 246
Durnford, Admiral, on mistakes in manoeuvres, 264
Edgerley, Dr., British surgeon of the *Countess of Scarborough*, 222, 233
England, embroiled with Holland, 230, 231; Paul Jones on her
naval position off the Capes of the Chesapeake, 243, 244; the command of the sea, 270, 271; distribution of her naval force, 273, 274; her possible enemies, 274-276; her geographical conditions, 276, 277; naval dispositions of 1904 and after, 277-281; and the United States, 286-292; defence of, 346-363
Fanning, Nathaniel, and the capture of the Serapis, 215; his description of the scenes on board, 222; tells how Paul Jones quitted the Texel, 234
Fighting Instructions, see Corbett, Julian
Fiorenzo, San, Bay of, Nelson and the siege of Calvi, 106, 107, 108
Fleet in Being, The, doctrine of, 104-109; Russian, 345 n
Fölkersahm, Russian Admiral, Dogger Bank incident, 251
Food Supply Commission, 302, 303, 309, 316
France, battle of Trafalgar, 3, 55-79; her sailors' homage to the Nelson column, 5; her fleet at Golfe Jouan, 106, 107; D'Orvilliers in the Channel, 133, 135, 205; French Revolution and naval defeat, 146, 147; alliance with the United States, 191, 197; treatment of captures made by Paul Jones, 223, 224; Paul Jones on her naval warfare, 243-247; geographical conditions, 276, 277; as the ally of Russia, 277-279
Franklin, Benjamin, American Ambassador in Paris, and Paul Jones, 167, 190-192, 198, 233; and Pierre Landais, 201, 222; the Concordat, 204; the French claim to Paul Jones's prizes, 224, 232; the diplomatic situation, 228, 229
Fremantle, British Captain with Nelson at Teneriffe, Nelson's chivalrous conduct, 126
Galissonière, La, repulse of Byng from Minorca, 245, 246
Gardner, Henry, his description of the capture of the Serapis, 210 n, 216
Gérard, Pierre, French Captain at Trafalgar, on board the Richard, 215
Germany, her position with regard to England, 275-279
Gibraltar, its position in war, 279, 280
Glasgow, British sloop, escape of, 186
Going free, meaning of, 9
Gravelines, Battle of, 2, 115
Graves, British Admiral and Count de Grasse off the Capes of Chesapeake, 243-244
Gravina, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Spanish contingent and second in command of the combined fleet at Trafalgar, 52, 54 n
Guerre de course, The, 285, 286, 301, 324, 325, 329, 330
Guichen, Admiral de, French Commander-in-Chief, and Rodney, 28, 29, 31
Guzzardi, Leonardo, Neapolitan artist, painter of Nelson's portrait, 93 n
Hamilton, Emma, Lady, Nelson's letters to, 16, 17; her influence over Nelson, 86-88, 90-99, 119, 121; and Lady Nelson, 88
Hamilton, Sir William, British Minister to Naples, and Nelson, 88, 92, 94
Hamilton, William Gerard, "single-speech Hamilton," 129, 130
Hamilton, Sir Vesey, on Napoleon's attack on England, 339
Hannay, David, Southey's Life of Nelson, 26, 28, 70; Letters of Sir Samuel Hood, 110
Hardy, Captain Thomas M., Nelson's flag-captain, 24 n, 119, 128; his rescue by Nelson, 126
Hardy, Sir Charles, British Admiral in command of the Channel fleet, his retreat, 133, 205; his incapacity, 134, 138, 141
Harvey, Eliab, Captain of the Téméraire at the battle of Trafalgar, 74
Hawke, Sir Edward, British Admiral, and Admiral Duncan, 131, 132; Quiberon Bay, 246, 247
Hoche, Lazare, French General, expedition to Ireland, 148, 162
Holland, defeat of the Dutch fleet, 147-153; the States General and Paul Jones, 224-230; embroiled with England, 230, 231; the Dutch wars, 277
Home Thoughts from the Sea, Robert Browning, 2, 3
Hood, Admiral, Lord, his opinion of Nelson, 16; his perfect confidence in Nelson, 100; siege of Calvi, 106-108; his failure, 147
Hope, British Captain of the Defence, Nelson's memorandum, 17
Hopkins, Admiral Sir John, torpedo attack on commerce, 316
Hopkins, Ezekiel, American Commodore, expedition against the Bahamas, 186
Hornby, Sir Geoffrey, on command of the sea, 106
Hotham, Captain of the Adamant, at the Texel, 151; on Admiral Duncan's action at Camperdown, 161
Hotham, Sir Henry, Vice-Admiral, second in command to Lord Hood, and Nelson, 100; his failure and lost opportunity, 106, 107, 109, 110, 113, 147-149, 162
Howard of Effingham, Charles Hardy, quoted, 136, 154
Howe, Admiral Lord, his tactics, 30-32, 39, 55, 122; a great commander, 131; and Admiral Duncan, 131; his victory of the First of June, 141, 146; his improvements in signals, 240
Implacable, under command of Captain Sir Byam Martin, her heterogeneous crew, 200 n
International law, on privateering, 305; as to captures, 313
Ireland, Paul Jones at Carrickfergus, 195
Jackson, Admiral Sturges, Logs of the Great Sea-Fights, 60, 61
James, William, Naval History, on the Trafalgar problem, 13, 18, 61, 63, 75; on the battle of Camperdown, 161
Japan, her geographical condition, 275; her war with Russia, 294, 295
Jefferson, Thomas, and Paul Jones, 176, 187
Jervis, Admiral Sir John, afterwards Earl of St. Vincent, Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, Nelson's disobedience, 37, 100; withdrawal from the Mediterranean, 94; Nelson and the two Sicilies, 95, 96, 98, 108; resigns, 102; Captain Mahan on, 114; Nelson's disposition, 117, 125; and Duncan, 132; Hardy's retreat up the Channel, 138, 141; his austerity, 149; comments on Nelson and Duncan, 160; Lady Spencer's letter of congratulation to, 162, 163
Jervis, Captain of the Foudroyant, off Scilly, 133; Hardy's retreat up the Channel, 134, 138, 141
Jones, Paul, the father of the American navy, 165; his character, 166, 167, 168; his friendship with Duc and Duchesse de Chartres, 167, 177, 198, 199, 241; American appreciation of, 167; his early years and voyages, 169, 170, 237, 238; his trial for killing a mutineer, 170; commands the Grantully Castle, 171; settles in Virginia, 171-174; and the continental party, 176; and Thomas Jefferson, 176, 187; birth of the American navy, 177; report on the qualities of a naval officer, 178-182; report on America's naval needs, 183; First Lieut. of the Alfred, 186; commands the Providence, 187; and Lord Dunmore, 187; his captures, 188; Disraeli on, 189-191; commands the Ranger and bears dispatches to France, 191; attack on Whitehaven, 192, 193; lands at St. Mary's Isle, 194; his letter to Lady Selkirk, 194, 195; the capture of the Drake, 195-198; at the French Court, 198, 199; commands the Bon Homme Richard, 200, 201; and Pierre Landais, 201, 202, 222; description of his capture of the Serapis, 207-220; the Concordat, 204; his captures in the North Sea, 206; his qualities as a commander, 210; on discipline, 211 n; voyage to the Texel, 221, 222; his difficulties at the Texel, 222-231; and Sir Joseph Yorke, 224-230, 233, 234; and the States General, 227, 228; and his prisoners, 232, 233; left alone with the Alliance, 233; quits the Texel, 234; Vice-Admiral in the Russian navy, 235-238; Comte de Ségur's eulogy on, 236, 237; on naval tactics, 238-242
Jouan, Golfe, 106
Kamchatka, Russian transport, Dogger Bank incident, 250, 251, 261
Keats, Captain, R. G., Nelson's conversations on tactics at Trafalgar with, 17, 36, 39, 42, 45, 48; commands the Superb, 126
Keith, Lord, Nelson's disobedience of, 90, 101-103
Kempenfelt, Richard, British Admiral drowned in the Royal George, his eminence as a tactician, 240
Keppel, British Admiral, 131; Paul Jones on, 239, 246
Keyes, Commander, on mistakes in manoeuvres, 263
Lafayette, Marquis de, his friendship for Paul Jones, 167
Landais, Pierre, in command of the Alliance, 201; his character, 201, 202; his treacherous conduct, 203, 207, 208, 212, 213, 216, 218 n
Laughton, Sir John Knox, Professor, Nelson, 47, 121; on Lord Spencer, 143; on Duncan's tactical inspiration at battle of Camperdown, 158; on Paul Jones, 166, 168, 188, 189, 196; Studies in Naval History, 166; on the battle of Sluys, 347
Lecky, W. H., quoted, 187
Lee, Arthur, American Commissioner in Europe, and Paul Jones, 167; and Pierre Landais, 201, 202
Leviathan, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 47
Lexington, Battle of, 177
Liman, Battle of the, 235
Line abreast, ahead, of bearing, meaning of, 10
Livingstone, Philip, and the American continental party, 176
Londonderry, Marchioness of, her tribute to Nelson, 5, 119
Louis of Battenberg, Prince, his naval invention, 58
Louis XVI., decorates Paul Jones, 167
Louis Philippe and Paul Jones, 167
Macgregor, Commander Sir Malcolm, 24 n
Magendie, flag-captain of the Bucentaure, plan of the battle of Trafalgar, 76
Mahan, Captain, The Life of Nelson, 5, 13, 15, 18, 34, 80-116, 117, 131, 133, 136, 153; diagram of the battle of Trafalgar, 58, 78; Influence of Sea Power upon History, 104; Naval Administration and Warfare, 90 n; on Nelson's intellect, 121, 122; on Paul Jones, 175; on England's strategic policy during American War of Independence, 196; on attack and defence of commerce, 293; on the Cuban war, 345; "the sea the great common," 351; Retrospect and Prospect, 360
Manoeuvres, mistakes in, 261-264; of 1906, 320-330
Mars, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 49, 62
Martin, Admiral Sir Byam, on the diversity of the crew of a British man-of-war, 200 n
Martin, French Admiral, and Hotham, 109, 148
Mayrant, John, led the boarders of the Richard at the capture of the Serapis, 204, 216, 217
Memorandum of Nelson at Trafalgar, see Nelson
Middleton, Sir Charles, afterwards Lord Barham, First Lord of the Admiralty, and Duncan, 144
Minerva, H.M.S., her mistake in manoeuvres, 264, 265
Monarch, British ship of the line, 132, 133; in Hardy's retreat, 134; at the battle of Camperdown, 156
Moorsom, Captain of the Revenge, on Nelson's plan, 19, 74; on order of sailing, 47; on the wind and course, 48, 49
Morrison collection, The, Nelson's letters to Lady Hamilton, 90, 91, 104 n, 122
Murray, John, publisher, Disraeli the author of Life of Paul Jones, 189
Mutiny, Admiral Duncan's treatment of, 138, 139, 147-151
Naples, conduct of Nelson and Lady Hamilton at, 90-97; capitulation of, 98, 99
Napoleon Bonaparte, overthrow of his naval combinations, 118; "the winner is the man who is last afraid," 138; the object of war, 248; "war is an affair of positions," 270, 302, 335, 360; his difficulties in Egypt, 339-341; and Caesar, 342
Nassau-Siegen, Commander of flotilla of gunboats under Paul Jones, treachery of, 235
*National Biography, Dictionary of*, on Lord Spencer, 143; on Paul Jones, 166
*National Review, The Higher Policy of Defence*, 331
*Naval Annual, The Dogger Bank and its Lessons*, 249–269; *Attack and Defence of Commerce*, 293–330
Naval force, distribution of, 274
Naval officer, Paul Jones on the duties of, 179–181
*Naval Policy*, see Custance, Adm.
Naval terms, meaning of certain, 9–11
*Navy and the Nation, The*, J. R. Thursfield, 105
Nelson, Horatio, Lord, the anniversary of Trafalgar and its meaning, 1–6; battle of Trafalgar and the Nelson touch, 7, 70; the problem stated, and how to solve it, 13, 14, 71, 72; Collingwood and the memorandum, 15, 17–21; a lifelong student of naval tactics, 16; and Lady Hamilton, 16, 17, 87–99, 104; text of his memorandum, 22–25; its probable origin, 27–32; its examination in detail, 33–42; the powers given to the second in command, 35, 36, 40; his action at St. Vincent without orders, 36; the advanced squadron at Trafalgar, 38, 39, 43–46; the order of sailing, 46, 47; death and dying words, 48, 71, 79, 119, 120, 126, 128; progress of the advance, 50–54; the attack, 55–63; the weather line, 63–65; his object, 65; the conclusion, 68–71; his confidence in his officers, 73, 74; the evidence considered, 74–79; his Life by Captain Mahan and Southey, 80; his unique gifts, 83, 84; his loves and marriage, 86–90, 91, 92; his conduct and mistakes at Naples, 90–99; his portrait, 93 n; his disobedience of Lord Keith, 99–103; “the fleet in being,” 105, 106, 109, 110; the siege of Calvi, 107, 108; and Villeneuve, 111–116, 136, 137, 359; the great lesson, 114–115; his secret, 117; his uniqueness, 117–119; his many qualities, 121–123, 160; eminently human, 124, 125; his lovingkindness, courage, and thoughtfulness, 125–128; his rescue of Hardy, 126; wounded at Teneriffe, 126; and Sir R. Calder, 127, 128; the object of a naval commander, 130; and Admiral Duncan, 132; Lady Spencer’s letter to, 142; and Hotham, 147, 148; his signal, 247 n; and Napoleon, 339
Nelson, Lady, see Nisbet, Mrs.
*Nelson, Dispatches and Letters of Lord*, see Nicolas
*Nelson, The Life of*, see Mahan, Captain
*Nelson, The Life of*, see Southey
Neptune, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 47, 69
Neutral craft, Duties of, 267, 268
Newbolt, Henry, *Year of Trafalgar*, 2, 19, 20, 22; the order of sailing, 46, 47; plan of the battle, 52, 58, 59, 61, 62, 71; on Admiral Duncan, 150, 151
Nicolas, Sir N. H., *Dispatches and Letters of Lord Nelson*, 13, 52, 58
Nisbet, Mrs., her marriage to Nelson, 86–88, 91; and Lady Hamilton, 88, 89
Norfolk, town in America, burning of, 187
North, Lord, on Sir Charles Hardy, 138
Northesk, Rear-Admiral Lord, 47
Onslow, Vice-Admiral, at the Texel, 151; at the battle of Camperdown, 156, 157
*Orel*, Russian battleship, Dogger Bank incident, 249
*Orion*, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 44, 46, 64
Palermo, Nelson at, 97
*Pallas*, American frigate, the raid in British waters, 201, 207, 220; the voyage to the Texel, 221, 224, 232
Parker, Admiral Sir Hyde, 100, 149
Pasley, Sir Thomas C., on Nelson’s plan at Trafalgar, 19, 20
Passaro, Battle of Cape, 94
Paul, John, see Jones, Paul
Pearson, Richard, British Captain of the frigate *Serapis*, captured by Paul Jones, 167; the fight, 209–222
Pigott, British Admiral, 245
Pitt, William, his resignation, 141; on Admiral Duncan, 149
Pitt, William, the younger, on the battle of Trafalgar, 4; anecdote of, 103, 104
Plymouth, its position in war, 272
Polyphemus, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 62
Portsmouth, its position in war, 272
Position, strategy of, 270-292
Potemkin, Prince, and Paul Jones, 235, 236
Prince, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 47, 62
Prince of Wales, British ship of the line, Calder's flagship, 127, 128
Privateering, 305-307, 319
Providence, American sloop of war, 187
Put down or up the helm, meaning of, 9
Quarterly Review, The Life of Nelson, 80; Duncan, 129
Ranger, American warship, under command of Paul Jones, carries dispatches to France, 191; captures the British Drake, 195-198; the first American flag, 221 n
Redoutable, French ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 62, 63; cause of Nelson's death, 71
Reid, Mr. Whitelaw, American Ambassador, 291, 292
Revenge, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 62, 74
Richard, Bon Homme, American flagship under Commodore Paul Jones, 200; collision with the Alliance, 203; her cruise, 206; her fight with and capture of the Serapis, 208-221
Riemersma, Commodore, 225
Robespierre, François Maximilien and Villaret, 146, 147
Rodney, Admiral, Lord, and De Guichen, 28, 29; action off Dominica, 29-32; his tactical methods, 122; action off Cape St. Vincent, 132; the defeat of Count de Grasse, 159, 239, 246, 247
Rosebery, Lord, on Trafalgar, 4; on Nelson, 117, 123, 124; on Lady Hamilton, 119
Royal Sovereign, British ship of the line, Collingwood's flagship at Trafalgar, 18 n, 46, 51-53, 57, 61, 62
Rozhdestvensky, Russian Admiral, the Dogger Bank incident, 249-269
Russia, her fleet, 145; Paul Jones appointed a Vice-Admiral, 235, 236; the Dogger Bank incident, 249-269, 277, 278; her position in war, 270, 279, 356, 357; maritime commerce, 294, 295
Sailing large, meaning of, 9
Sailing ships, their possible tacks, 7-11
St. Mary's Isle, Paul Jones lands at, 194, 195
St. Vincent, Lord, see Jervis
Saltonstall, Captain Dudley, 186
Sampson, American Admiral, his views on the feeling between America and England, 288-290; the Cuban war, 288, 344
Sappho, H.M.S., her captures in the manœuvres, 323
Scylla, H.M.S., her captures in the manœuvres, 323
Seahorse, British warship, at Teneriffe, 126, 128
Selkirk, Lady, and Paul Jones, 173, 174, 175, 195
Serapis, British frigate, 166, 190, 201; description of her fight with and capture by Paul Jones, 203-221; her fate after capture, 223-225, 229, 231
Sicilies, The Two, see Naples
Signals, Nelson's book of, 24 n; French system of, 240, 246
Sluys, The battle of, result of, 347
Soundings, The, 136, 137
Southey, Robert, Life of Nelson, 18, 26, 80, 81, 131; on death of Nelson, 120
Spain, battle of Gravelines, 2, 115; the Armada, 105, 353; her fleet unites with that of France in the English Channel, 133, 135; war with England, 205; the strategy of position, 277; the Cuban war, 295, 344
Spencer, 2nd Earl, First Lord of the Admiralty, letters from Nelson, 97, 98; his great services, 141-143; and Admiral Duncan, 143
Strategy of position on the sea, 270-292
Stuart, General, siege of Calvi, 107
Superb, British ship of the line, her slow sailing powers, 127
Suvaroff, Russian battleship, the
Dogger Bank incident, 249, 252-256
Suwaroff, Alexander Vassilovich, Russian Field-Marshal, and Paul Jones, 167, 235
Swiftsure, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 62
Tacking of sailing ships, 8-10
Tatnall, Commodore, 288
Téméraire, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 47, 65, 66, 69
Teneriffe, Nelson at, 126
Texel, The, Admiral Duncan’s blockade of, 144, 147, 150; Paul Jones at, 222-224, 233-235
Thackeray, W. M., *The Virginians*, 172, 176
Theseus, Nelson’s flagship at Teneriffe, 126
Thursfield, J. R., *The Navy and the Nation*, 105
*Times, The*, *Anniversary of Trafalgar*, 1-6; *Trafalgar and the Nelson Touch*, 7-11; *The Tactics of Trafalgar*, 12-14; the Nelson Memorandum, 33-42; the advance and attack, 43-79; the secret of Nelson, 117-128; manoeuvres, 263, 327
Togo, Japanese Admiral, capital ships and cruisers, 282; his tactics, 308, 338 n
Tone, Wolfe, 153
Tonnant, British ship of the line, at Trafalgar, 46, 62
Torpedo craft, *rationale* of attack, 266, 267; in attack and defence of commerce, 316, 320
Torrington, 1st Viscount, Rear-Admiral; fleet in being, 104, 105; his strategy, 108, 110, 112, 113, 135, 136, 146
Trade routes, 301, 302
Trafalgar, Battle of, see Nelson
Trollope, Captain, battle of Camperdown, 156, 157
Ulm, Capture of, 118
*United Service Magazine, The Strategy of Position*, 270
Venerable, Admiral Duncan’s flagship, 150; the Texel, 151, 152; battle of Camperdown, 156, 161, 162
Vengeance, American frigate, 207, 208, 220; at the Texel, 222; handed over to the French, 232
Victory, British hundred-gun ship, Nelson’s flagship at Trafalgar, her log, 11, 51, 57, 58, 64; order of sailing, 46-49, 53, 64-66, 69, 128
Villaret de Joyeuse, Louis Thomas, French Admiral, his tactics on the First of June, 146, 147
Villeneuve, French Admiral, and Nelson, 16, 42, 48, 114, 115; his signals, 51 n; the battle of Trafalgar, 52, 69, 71; and Nelson in the West Indies, 109, 111, 112; unceasingly hunted by Nelson, 118, 340, 359
Vladivostock, 295
Walcheren expedition, 124
Walpole, Horace, on Gerard Hamilton’s speech, 129; on Paul Jones’s letter, 228
War, The object of, 336, 337
Washington, General, 173, 175, 176, 189, 227; his opinion of Paul Jones, 182; and De Grasse, 243, 244
Wellington, Duke of, his opinion of Nelson, 121, 125, 238
Whitehaven, Paul Jones’s attack on, 193; consternation at, 197
Wind, effect on sailing ships explained, 8, 9; and the course, 49
Wolseley, 1st Viscount, on the modern army, 343
Yorke, Sir Joseph, British Ambassador at The Hague, and Paul Jones, 224-230, 233, 234
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The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: A collection of data organized in a structured manner so that it can be accessed, managed, and updated efficiently.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software system that provides services for creating, maintaining, and using databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to prevent unauthorized access.
6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values.
7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that uses objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions.
9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures that govern communication between different systems or components.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The measures taken to protect data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A collection of instructions that directs a computer to perform specific tasks.
13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a software application that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of a physical machine or another virtual machine.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
18. API (Application Programming Interface): A set of rules and protocols for building software applications.
19. Cloud Computing: The delivery of computing resources over the internet, including servers, storage, databases, and software.
20. Big Data: A term used to describe datasets that are too large or complex to be processed by traditional data processing tools.
21. Machine Learning: A subfield of artificial intelligence that focuses on developing algorithms that allow computers to learn from data without being explicitly programmed.
22. Natural Language Processing (NLP): A subfield of artificial intelligence that focuses on enabling computers to understand, interpret, and generate human language.
23. Neural Networks: A type of machine learning algorithm inspired by the structure and function of the human brain.
24. Quantum Computing: A type of computing that uses quantum-mechanical phenomena, such as superposition and entanglement, to perform operations on data.
25. Blockchain: A decentralized digital ledger that records transactions across many computers in such a way that the registered transactions cannot be altered retroactively.
| DATE DUE | AA 001325780 |
|----------|--------------|
| MAY 23 1983 | |
| APR 28 1983 | |
GAYLORD
PRINTED IN U.S.A.
THE
LIFE OF
JOHN BUNYAN
AUTHOR OF
GRACE ABOUNDING
AND THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS
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PUBLISHED BY
THE CATHOLIC BOOK PUBLISHING CO.
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Broad Heath Equality and Diversity Policy
What kind of a school are we?
School Vision and Values
The school’s vision and values statement reflect the school’s ambitions for all its pupils and have been developed with the whole community. It refers to the key requirements set out in the National Curriculum Inclusion Statement for developing an inclusive curriculum: setting suitable learning challenges; responding to pupils’ diverse learning needs; overcoming potential barriers to learning and assessment for individuals and groups of pupils.
**School Context**
Broad Heath School is at the heart of the diverse and lively community of Foleshill. The school welcomes that diversity and aims to ensure that all pupils “gain” from every activity they do, from the moment they come through the school gates, to the time to go home.
Broad Heath aims to offer high quality education that develops caring, confident children with enquiring minds. We aim to achieve this by:
- Creating a positive, constructive and challenging atmosphere in which children can grow and develop their full potential.
- Giving children a wide range of activities that develops independent skills and furthers their learning.
- Providing children with opportunities to achieve high standards.
Originally, Broad Heath was in an old Victorian building in Broad Street, but in April 2000 the school moved to a modern building in St Paul’s Road with airy classrooms. It has good playgrounds and plenty of grassy areas where the children can exercise and have fun. There are areas in school where children who want to sit quietly, read or chat can; and have space for these important activities.
**Legal duties**
1. We welcome our duties under the Equality Act 2010 to eliminate discrimination, advance equality of opportunity and foster good relations in relation to age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation.
2. We welcome our duty under the Education and Inspections Act 2006 to promote community cohesion.
3. We recognise that these duties reflect international human rights standards as expressed in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities, and the Human Rights Act 1998.
Guiding principles
4. In fulfilling the legal obligations referred to above we are guided by nine principles.
**Principle 1: All learners are of equal worth**
We see all learners and potential learners as of equal worth:
- whether or not they are disabled
- whatever their race
- whatever their sex and gender identity
- whatever their religious or non-religious affiliation or faith background
- whatever their sexual orientation
**Principle 2: We recognise and respect difference**
Treating people equally does not involve treating them all the same. Our policies, procedures and activities must not discriminate, but are differentiated, as appropriate, to take account of differences of life experience, outlook and background, and in the kinds of barriers and disadvantage which people may face, in relation to:
- disability, so that reasonable adjustments are made
- race
- sex
- gender identity
- religion, belief or faith background
- sexual orientation
**Principle 3: We foster positive attitudes and relationships, and a shared sense of cohesion and belonging**
We intend that our policies, procedures and activities should promote:
- positive attitudes towards disabled people, good relations between disabled and non-disabled people, and an absence of discrimination, harassment and victimisation of disabled people
- positive interaction, good relations and dialogue between groups and communities different from each other in terms of ethnicity, culture, nationality, national origin, religion, belief or faith background, and an absence of racist and religiously motivated bullying and incidents
mutual respect and good relations between sexes, and an absence of sexual harassment and harassment, discrimination and victimisation because of sex
- mutual respect and good relations between pupils, parents and carers regardless of sexual orientation, and an absence of discrimination and victimisation because of sexual orientation
- positive attitudes towards transgender people and an absence of discrimination, harassment and victimisation because of gender identity
**Principle 4: We observe good equalities practice in staff recruitment, retention and development**
We ensure that policies and procedures benefit all employees and potential employees, for example in recruitment and promotion, and in continuing professional development:
- whatever their age
- whether or not they are disabled
- whatever their race
- whatever their belief or faith background
- whatever their sex and with full respect for legal rights relating to pregnancy and maternity
- whatever their gender identity
- whatever their sexual orientation
- whatever their status with regards to marriage and civil partnership
**Principle 5: We aim to reduce and remove inequalities and barriers that already exist**
In addition to avoiding or minimising possible negative impacts, we take opportunities to maximise positive impacts by reducing and removing inequalities and barriers that may already exist between:
- disabled and non-disabled people
- people of different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds
- sexes
- cisgender and transgender people
- heterosexual, lesbian, gay, and bisexual people
Principle 6: We consult widely
We engage with a range of groups and individuals to ensure that those who are affected by a policy or activity are consulted and involved in the design of new policies, and in the review of existing ones. We consult and involve:
- disabled people as well as non-disabled
- people from a range of ethnic, cultural and religious and non-religious backgrounds
- people of different sexes
- lesbian, gay and bisexual people as well as heterosexual people
- transgender people as well as cisgender people
- older and younger people
Principle 7: Society as a whole should benefit
We intend that our policies and activities should benefit society as a whole, both locally and nationally, by fostering greater social cohesion, and greater participation in public life of:
- disabled people as well as non-disabled
- people of a wide range of ethnic, cultural and religious and non-religious backgrounds
- people of different sexes
- lesbian, gay and bisexual people as well as heterosexual people
- transgender people as well as cisgender people
- older and younger people
Principle 8: We base our policies and practice on sound evidence
We collect and publish quantitative and qualitative information, which shows our compliance with the public sector equality duty (PSED) set out in clause 149 of the Equality Act 2010 and use this information to inform our practice.
Evidence related to equality is integrated into our self-evaluation documentation.
Principle 9: We work towards measurable equality objectives
We create and publish specific and measurable equality objectives, based on the consultations we have conducted and the evidence that we have collected and published.
The objectives that we identify take into account national and local priorities and issues as appropriate.
Our equality objectives are devised in consultation with school governors and integrated into the school improvement plan.
We keep our equality objectives under review and report annually on progress towards achieving them.
**The curriculum**
5. We keep each curriculum subject or area under review in order to ensure that teaching and learning reflect the principles in paragraph 4 above.
**Ethos and organisation**
6. We ensure that the principles listed in paragraph 4 above apply also to the full range of our policies and practices, including those that are concerned with:
- learners’ progress, attainment and assessment
- learners’ personal development, welfare and well-being
- teaching styles and strategies
- admissions and attendance
- staff recruitment, retention and professional development
- care, guidance and support
- behaviour, discipline and exclusions
- safeguarding
- working in partnership with parents, carers and guardians
- working with the wider community.
And we conduct equality impact assessments to ensure this.
**Addressing prejudice-related incidents and bullying**
7. The school is opposed to all forms of prejudice which stand in the way of fulfilling the legal duties referred to in paragraphs 1-3:
- prejudices around disability and special educational needs
- racism, including prejudice directed against Travellers, refugees and people seeking asylum
prejudices against religious groups and communities, for example antisemitism and Islamophobia
- sexism, homophobia, biphobia and transphobia.
8. There is guidance in the staff handbook on how prejudice-related incidents should be identified, assessed, recorded and dealt with.
9. We keep a record of prejudice-related incidents, including the type of incident, seriousness and how the incident was dealt with.
**Roles and responsibilities**
10. The governing body is responsible for ensuring that the school complies with legislation, and that this policy and its related procedures and action plans are implemented.
11. A member of the governing body has a watching brief regarding the implementation of this policy.
12. The headteacher is responsible for implementing the policy; for ensuring that all staff are aware of their responsibilities and are given appropriate training and support; and for taking appropriate action in any cases of unlawful discrimination.
13. A senior member of staff has day-to-day responsibility for co-ordinating implementation of the policy.
14. All staff are expected to:
- promote an inclusive and collaborative ethos in their classroom
- deal with any prejudice-related incidents that may occur
- plan and deliver curricula and lessons that reflect the principles in paragraph 4, above
- support pupils in their class for whom English is an additional language
- keep up-to-date with equalities legislation relevant to their work.
**Information and resources**
15. We ensure that the content of this policy is known to all staff and governors and, as appropriate, to all pupils and their parents and carers.
16. All staff and governors have access to a selection of resources which discuss and explain concepts of equality, diversity and community cohesion in appropriate detail.
**Religious observance**
17. We respect the religious beliefs and practice of all staff, pupils and parents, and comply with reasonable requests relating to religious observance and practice.
**Staff development and training**
18. We ensure that all staff, including support and administrative staff, receive appropriate training and opportunities for professional development, both as individuals and as groups or teams.
**Breaches of the policy**
19. Breaches of this policy will be dealt with in the same ways that breaches of other school policies are dealt with, as determined by the headteacher and governing body.
**Monitoring and evaluation**
20. We collect, study and use quantitative and qualitative data relating to the implementation of this policy, and make adjustments as appropriate.
21. In particular we collect, analyse and use data related to achievement, broken down as appropriate according to disabilities and special educational needs; ethnicity, language, nationality national origin; religion; and sex.
---
*Ratified by the Governing Body:*
*Accepted on: June 2021*
*Due for review on: September 2022*
| Term | Definition |
|---------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Antisemitism | Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Further information [here](#). |
| Biphobia | Prejudice or negative attitudes, beliefs or views about bisexual people. |
| Cisgender | Someone whose gender identity is the same as the sex they were assigned at birth. |
| Disability | A physical or mental impairment, which has a substantial and long-term adverse effect on someone’s ability to carry out normal day-to-day activities. |
| Discrimination| This can be direct: When someone is treated less favourably than another person or other people because:
- they have a protected characteristic
- someone thinks they have that protected characteristic (discrimination by perception)
- they are connected to someone with that protected characteristic (discrimination by association) |
| Term | Definition |
|-----------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Or indirect: | There is a policy that applies in the same way for everybody but disadvantages a group of people who share a protected characteristic. |
| Gender identity | Someone’s internal sense of their own gender, whether man, woman or some other gender. This may or may not align with their assigned sex. |
| Gender reassignment | If someone is proposing to undergo, is undergoing or has undergone a process (or part of a process) to change sex and/or gender. This might involve medical intervention, but it can also mean changing names, pronouns, dressing differently and living in their self-identified gender. |
| Harassment | Harassment is unwanted offensive behaviour directed at someone because they have a protected characteristic, are perceived to have a protected characteristic or are associated with someone with a protected characteristic. |
| Homophobia | Prejudice or negative attitudes, beliefs or views about lesbian, or gay people. |
| Islamophobia | Islamophobia is rooted in racism and is a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness. Further information [here](#). |
| Prejudice-related incident | Any incident which is perceived to be prejudice-related by the victim or any other person. |
| Race and ethnicity | Includes skin colour, nationality and ethnic or national origins. |
| Racism | Prejudice or negative attitudes, beliefs or views about someone based on their skin colour, nationality, ethnic or national origin. |
| Reasonable adjustments | Taking reasonable steps to remove disadvantages faced by disabled people by:
- changing provisions, criteria or practices
- changing or removing a physical feature or providing a reasonable alternative way to avoid that feature
- providing auxiliary aids |
| Religion or belief | Religion is a formalised system of belief that aims to relate humanity to spirituality. Beliefs included are philosophical beliefs, which are considered to be similar to a religion. We include people who have no religion or a lack of belief. |
| Sex | Whether someone is male, female or intersex. |
| Sexism | Prejudice or negative attitudes, beliefs or views about someone based on their sex. |
| Sexual orientation | Who someone is emotionally, mentally, and physically attracted to in relation to their sex/gender, this includes heterosexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, pansexual and asexual. |
| Term | Definition |
|---------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Transgender | An umbrella term to describe people whose gender identity differs from what is typically associated with the sex they were assigned at birth. |
| Transphobia | Prejudice or negative attitudes, beliefs or views about transgender people including refusal to accept their gender identity. |
| Victimisation | Treating someone badly because they are:
- making a claim or complaint of discrimination
- helping someone else to make a claim by giving evidence or information
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1. Write your roll number in the space provided on the top of this page.
2. This paper consists of Hundred (100) multiple-choice questions.
3. At the commencement of examination, the question booklet will be given to you. In the first 5 minutes, you are requested to open the booklet and compulsorily examine it as below:
(i) To have access to the Question Booklet, tear off the seal on the edge of this cover page. Do not accept a booklet without seal and do not accept an open booklet.
(ii) Tally the number of pages and number of questions in the booklet with the information printed on the cover page. Faulty booklets due to pages/questions missing or duplicate or not in serial order or any other discrepancy should be got replaced immediately by a correct booklet from the invigilator within the period of 5 minutes. Afterwards, neither the Question Booklet will be replaced nor any extra time will be given.
(iii) After this verification is over, the Answer Sheet number should be entered on this Question Booklet.
4. Each item has four alternative responses marked (a), (b), (c) and (d). You have to darken the circle as indicated on the OMR Sheet on the correct response against each item.
5. Your responses to the items are to be indicated in the Answer Sheet given with the Question Booklet. If you mark at any place other than in the circle in the Answer Sheet, it will not be evaluated.
6. Read instructions given inside carefully.
7. Rough Work is to be done in the end of this booklet.
8. If you write your Name, Roll Number, Phone Number or put any mark on any part of the Answer Sheet, except for the space allotted for the relevant entries, which may disclose your identity, or use abusive language or employ any other unfair means, you will render yourself liable to disqualification.
9. You have to return the Question Booklet and answer Sheet to the Invigilators at the end of the examination compulsorily and must not carry it with you outside the Examination Hall.
10. Use only Blue/Black Ball point pen.
11. Use of any calculator, electronic item or log table etc., is prohibited.
12. There is no negative marking for incorrect answers.
Directions (Ques 1-6): Direction: In the following questions, choose the correct preposition to complete the sentence:
1. A lot of children have died ___ cholera.
A) From B) Of C) For D) Towards
2. We arrived at the wedding ___ car.
A) By B) From C) With D) Upon
3. His idleness accounts ___ his poverty.
A) To B) For C) In D) Into
4. It is ___ my dignity to talk to him.
A) beneath B) under C) below D) off
5. A bad workman quarrels ___ his tools.
A) from B) for C) beside D) with
Directions (Ques 6-9): In the following questions four alternatives are given for the idioms/phrases choose the one which best expresses the meaning of the given idiom/phrase:
6. To keep one’s temper
A) To become hungry
B) To be in good mood
C) To preserve ones energy
D) To be alert from
7. To cry wolf
A) To listen eagerly
B) To give false alarm
C) To turn aside
D) To keep off starvation
8. To end in smoke
A) To make completely understand
B) To ruin oneself
C) To excite great applause
D) To overcome someone
9. A man of straw
A) Man of no substance
B) A very active person
C) A worthy fellow
D) An unreasonable person
Direction (Ques 10-14): - In each of the following questions, out of four alternatives choose the one which can be substituted for the given word/sentence:
10. A person who has suddenly gained new wealth, power or prestige
A) Aristocrat B) Affluent C) Maverick D) Parvenu
11. The painless killing of a patient suffering from an incurable disease
A) Coma B) Euthanasia C) Pun D) Subjugation
12. All the arts, beliefs and social institutions etc. characteristic of a race
A) Culture B) Civilization C) Infrastructure D) Ritual
13. A man who knows a lot about things like food, music and art
A) Priest B) Optimist C) Hostage D) Connoisseur
14. Something that might happen in the future
A) Contingency B) Insurance C) Emergency D) Prophecy
Direction (Ques 15-19): Given below are the sentences in which two spaces have been left blank. Choose from among the given choices, the pair of words which would fit the two blanks in the given order:
15. When you want to digitalize a city ___ with millions, you do not bet ___ the odds.
A) Proceeding, into. B) Teeming, against. C) Undergoing, adhere. D) Dangling, for.
16. The numbers ___ by the legitimate online Music service providers indicate that a growing Number of users are ___ to buy music.
A) Morphed, ignoring. B) Touted, willing. C) Figured, fanatic. D) Painted, interested
17. The glaring success of the Indian team was the ___ of the efforts.
A) Message, relations. B) Notice, obstacles. C) Result, persistent. D) Impression, opportunities.
APPTITUDE, REASONING, MENTAL ABILITY
26. Volume : Litre :: Power : ?
A) Watt B) Joule C) Coulomb D) Pascal
27. Lion : Don :: Rabbit : ?
A) Trench B) Hole C) Pit D) Burrow
28. Chisel : Carve :: Sword : ?
A) Dig B) Slaughter C) Shoot D) Scoop
29. AE : BD :: EI : ?
A) FG B) FH C) BC D) BD
30. CFI : JMP :: BEH : ?
A) CFI B) DGJ C) ILO D) KNQ
31. House : Rent :: Capital : ?
A) Interest B) Investment C) Country D) Money
32. NUMBER : UNBMRE :: GHOST : ?
A) HOGST B) HOGTS C) HGSTOT D) HOGST
33. 18 : 30 :: 36 : ?
A) 64 B) 66 C) 54 D) 62
34. "Bull's eye" is used in the game of
A) Boxing B) Basketball C) Polo D) Shooting
35. Cup to coffee as bowl is to
A) Dish B) soup C) spoon D) food
36. Embarrassed is to humiliated as frightened is to
A) terrified B) agitated C) courageous D) reckless
37. Look at this series: 2, 1, (1/2), (1/4), .... What number should come next?
A) (1/3) B) (1/8) C) (2/8) D) (1/16)
38. Look at this series: 7, 10, 8, 11, 9, 12.... What number should come next?
A) 7 B) 10 C) 12 D) 13
39. Look at this series: 53, 63, 40, 40, 27, 27..... What number should come next?
A) 12 B) 14 C) 27 D) 53
Each question has an underlined word followed by four answer choices. You will choose the word that is a necessary part of the underlined word.
40. Harvest
A) autumn B) Stockpile C) tractor D) Crop
41. Desert
A) cactus B) Arid C) oasis D) Flat
42. School
A) Student B) report card C) test D) learning
43. Introducing a man, a woman said “his mother is the only daughter of my father”. How is the man related to the woman?
A) Son B) Father C) Brother D) Uncle
Select the odd one out:-
44. A) Lawyer B) Legislator C) Mayor D) Governor
45. A) Acute B) Parallel C) Right D) Obtuse
46. A) 50 B) 120 C) 57 D) 145
47. If CUSTOM is written as UCTSMO, then how PARENT will be written in the same code?
A) TNERAP B) RAPTNE C) ERAPTN D) APERTN
48. Find the missing number:
2, 5, 10, 17, 26, ?
A) 36 B) 49 C) 37 D) 47
49. Name a single letter, which can be deleted from the body of the following words to form entirely new words?
HOST POST COST LOST STOP
A) T B) P C) S D) o
50. In a certain coding system APPLE stands for ETTPL. What is the code for DELHI?
A) COMND B) ZAHDE C) HIPLM D) CQPLM
General Knowledge and Current Affairs
51. Who is the present Chief Justice of India?
A) Justice P. Sathasivam B) Justice R.M. Lodha C) Justice T. S Thakur D) Justice H.L. Dattu
52. Who among the following, first translated Bhagavad Gita into English?
A) William Jones B) Charles Wilkins C) Alexander Cunningham D) James Prinsep
53. Uttarakhand came into existence on?
A) 1st November, 2000 B) 4th November, 2000 C) 7th November, 2000 D) 8th November, 2000
54. Jallian Wala Bagh massacre occurred in the year?
A) 1919 B) 1923 C) 1924 D) 1931
55. The actor who won National Film Award for Best Actor is –
A) Amitabh Bachchan B) Shahrukh Khan C) Hrithik Roshan D) Akshay Kumar
56. The famous book ‘Anandmath’ was authored by?
A) Sarojini Naidu B) Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay C) Sri Aurobindo D) Rabindranath Tagore
57. Which of the following Acts formally introduced the principles of Election for the first time?
A) The Indian Council Act 1909 B) The Government of India Act, 1919 C) The Government of India Act 1935 D) India’s Independence Act, 1947
58. Which of the following is the oldest share market in India?
A) Calcutta B) Chennai C) Bombay D) Rajasthan
59. The name of Andhra Pradesh new Capital is likely to be...
A) Badrachala B) Krishna Nagar C) Varshavathi D) Amaravathi
60. Name the district of West Bengal whose residents will be voting on 5 May 2016 for the first time since Independence of India, that is, 15 August 1947.
A) Coochbehar B) Maida C) Bankura D) Murshidabad
61. Which of the following is used in pencils?
A) Phosphorus B) Silicon C) Graphite D) Charcoal
62. Who is the only cricketer to hit four consecutive centuries in a World Cup?
A) Kumar Sangakkara B) Chris Gayle C) Martin Guptill
63. The hardest substance available on earth
A) Gold B) Platinum C) Diamond D) Iron
64. ‘Glaucoma’ is an ailment of?
A) Ears B) Nose C) Eyes D) Skin
65. Whose name is associated with the abolition of ‘Sati Pratha’?
A) Rabindranath Tagore B) Raja Ram Mohan Roy C) Swami Vivekanand D) Gopal Krishna Gokhale
66. Who was popularly known as the “Grand Old Man of India”?
A) W.C. Banerjee B) Rajgopalachari C) Dr. Zakir Hussain D) Dadabhai Naoroji
67. The Nobel Peace Prize 2014 was awarded to which personality?
a) Kailash Satyarthi b) Malala Yousafzai c) Both (a) & (b) d) None of the above
68. Which among the following is the world’s largest e-commerce company
a) Snapdeal b) Flipkart c) Amazon d) Jabong
69. The Capital of the newly created State Telangana is?
a) Hyderabad b) Visakhapatnam c) Vijayawada d) Warangal
70. Supreme Court banned all diesel cabs in _______ from May 1
A) NCR-Delhi B) Maharashtra C) Rajasthan
71. President Pranab Mukherjee on 3 May for the year 2015 in various categories Function held at Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi. The Best
A. Baahubali B. The Beginning C. Baasaan Mastani D. Baasaan
72. “Law Day” is observed on:
A) 2nd January B) 25th November C) 14th July D) 28th October
73. ‘Bootcamp’, a terminology related to
A) Shutting down a computer B) Restarting a computer C) Repairing a computer D) Starting up a computer
74. The Cricket World Cup 2019 would be held in?
a) England b) West Indies c) South Africa
75. Which of the following India rulers during the reign of Ashoka?
A) Chandragupta Maurya B) Ashoka C) Harshavardhana II
76. GPS Global Positioning System for?
a) Global Publicity System b) Global Positioning System c) Global Positioning System d) Global Positioning Structure
77. Scurvy is caused due to the deficiency of
a) Vitamin A b) Vitamin B c) Vitamin C d) Vitamin D
78. In February 2015, which Indian Cricketer has been Inducted to ICC HALL OF FAME?
a) MS Dhoni b) Sachin Tendulkar c) Anil Kumble d) Mohammad Azharuddin
79. In a computer, ‘OS’ refers to which of the following?
a) Order and significance b) Operating Software c) Operating System d) Online Signal
80. The Buddha International Circuit (F1 Track) is situated in
A) Chandigarh B) Greater Noida C) Pune D) Bangalore
81. Who administers oath to the President of India?
a) Prime Minister b) Chief Justice of India c) Central Free Minister
82. Out of the below mentioned team names, which team was in Hero Hockey India League 2015 (HHIL)?
A) Jaypee Punjab Warriors B) Ranji Warriors C) Delhi Waveriders D) None of the above
83. The members of the Rajya Sabha are elected by
A) the people B) Lok Sabha C) Elected members of the legislative assembly D) Elected members of the legislative council
84. The present Lok Sabha is the
A) 14th Lok Sabha B) 15th Lok Sabha C) 16th Lok Sabha
85. The oath of office is administered to the
A) Governor of the India B) President of India C) Speaker of High Court D) Speaker of Legislative Assembly
86. Who presides over the joint session of the Parliament?
A) The President B) The Vice President C) Chief Justice of India
87. The ratio of width of our National flag to its length is
A) 3:5 B) 2:3 C) 2:4 D) 3:4
88. The ratio of width of our National flag to its length is
A) 3:5 B) 2:3 C) 2:4 D) 3:4
89. Which city is known as the ‘Electronic City’ of India?
A) Mangalore B) Gurgaon C) Bangalore D) Hyderabad
90. The Buddha International Circuit (F1 Track) is situated in
A) Chandigarh B) Greater Noida C) Pune D) Bangalore
91. Who administers oath to the President of India?
a) Prime Minister b) Chief Justice of India c) Central Free Minister
92. Out of the below mentioned team names, which team was in Hero Hockey India League 2015 (HHIL)?
A) Jaypee Punjab Warriors B) Ranji Warriors C) Delhi Waveriders D) None of the above
93. The members of the Rajya Sabha are elected by
A) the people B) Lok Sabha C) Elected members of the legislative assembly D) Elected members of the legislative council
94. The present Lok Sabha is the
A) 14th Lok Sabha B) 15th Lok Sabha C) 16th Lok Sabha
95. The oath of office is administered to the
A) Governor of the India B) President of India C) Speaker of High Court D) Speaker of Legislative Assembly
96. Who presides over the joint session of the Parliament?
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Amazing Rays
Rays are truly amazing animals. Watching one glide through water is a remarkable sight. Unlike other aquatic animals, they almost seem to fly through the water. They also look like no other animal on earth.
Ray Appearances
Rays are basically flattened fish. They have a mound in the middle that juts out a bit, but otherwise all rays are just large flat discs. These discs differ in size and shape from ray to ray. Most are circular, wedge-shaped, or triangular.
Rays also have tails. The tails differ in size for each ray species, and they differ in function too. In some rays, the tail is used as a stinger. These rays, called stingrays, use their tail to stun their prey. These rays then eat the animals that they sting.
Other rays use their tails for self-defense. Some rays' tails poison any predator that attacks them. Other rays have spikes in their tail. This type of ray will whip its tail at predators to scare them away.
For many other rays, the tail is able to detect dangerous predators. The manta ray, for instance uses the tail to protect its blind spot. Manta rays' tails function as a type of security system, then.
Really, though, most animals do not attack rays. Their shape makes them hard to eat. And most rays move much faster than other aquatic species can.
Rays and Sharks
Rays look practically nothing like sharks. But scientists actually say rays and sharks are very similar. Both are completely made of cartilage, for instance. Cartilage is a tough material, but it is softer than bone. Most aquatic species have bones, but rays and sharks do not. Rays and sharks also have both similar teeth and spine structures.
Rays may be very similar to sharks, but many behave more like fish. Unlike sharks, most species of rays are social. They live and hunt in groups. Rays also are unlike sharks in how they eat.
Most rays are bottom-feeders. Their mouths are on their bottom sides, and their eyes are above. These rays use their eyes to see what's ahead of them, while their mouths scrape the ocean floor for food. Other rays swim constantly and have mouths that open on their front side. These rays sweep food into their mouths as they swim.
Sharks, on the other hand, hunt in a more active way. They seek out prey and chase it down. Some sharks actually follow rays. When rays swim into an area, fish will often hide. When the rays leave, the fish return. When they return, a shark emerges from hiding to eat the fish.
Rays and sharks are both very smart animals. Rays have large brains for their body weight. The higher an animal's brain to body ratio, the smarter it is. By that measure, marine biologists say that it
2) According to the passage, which of the following is a true statement about rays' tails?
A. Some rays use their tails for defense, but some use them to attack.
B. Some rays use their tails to help them swim, but some use them to help them glide.
C. All rays use their tails for defense, but some use them to help them swim too.
D. All rays use their tails to help them swim, but some also use them to attack.
3) The author suggests that sharks
A. contain different teeth from rays
B. live and hunt in groups
C. contain more bones from rays
D. live and hunt alone
4) Based on its use in paragraph 10, it can be understood that the word active belongs to which of the following word groups?
A. involved, effortful, busy
B. usual, normal, common
C. uninterested, bored, uninvolved
D. friendly, kind, warm
5) The author mentions the experience of divers in paragraph 12 to
A. describe how rays eat food
B. argue that sharks are smarter than rays
C. prove that rays are curious
D. explain that rays are peaceful
6) According to the passage, eagle rays can be recognized by
A. the locations of their mouths
B. their spots
C. their large size
D. their flat noses
7) Most rays
A. are able to glide through water
B. are over two feet wide
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SIGILLVM·UNIVERSITATIS·CALIFORNENSI
FLAT
LUX
MDCCCLXVIII
EX LIBRIS
QUEEN VICTORIA
1950-51 Season
LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
QUEEN VICTORIA AT THE AGE OF SEVENTY-EIGHT
From the original painting by Baron H. von Angeli, now at Windsor Castle
QUEEN VICTORIA
A BIOGRAPHY
BY
SIDNEY LEE
EDITOR OF THE DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY
WITH PORTRAITS, FACSIMILE, AND MAP
NEW AND REVISED EDITION
LONDON
SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 15 WATERLOO PLACE
1904
[All rights reserved]
GENERAL
181393
I am grateful for the welcome which was accorded this work by the press and the public at home, in the Colonies, and in the United States of America, on its publication at the end of 1902. I hope that this cheaper edition may extend the ranks of its readers.
In revising the biography for re-issue I have taken advantage of the communications of correspondents who have been kind enough to send me some corrections and additional information. A few of these correspondents were in one capacity or another in close relations with the late Queen, and have given me the results of first-hand knowledge.
Of the new light which Mr. John Morley’s lately published ‘Life of Gladstone’ has thrown on Queen Victoria’s personal relations with the longest-lived of her Prime Ministers I have also availed myself in this revision of my work. Mr. Morley’s volumes form a contribution of first-rate importance to the history of the Queen’s reign, and they place all
students of the subject under vast obligations. One or two other books, which illustrate in a comparatively small way episodes in the Queen’s career, have come into my hands for the first time in the course of recent months. These volumes include ‘The History of Lord Lytton’s Indian Administration, 1876–1880,’ by Lady Betty Balfour (1899); ‘Recollections of a Royal Parish,’ by Mrs. Patricia Lindsay (1902); and ‘Letters of a Diplomat’s Wife,’ by Mary King Waddington (1903). Although the new details which I have derived from such sources are slight in themselves, they help, I think, to make my picture a little more complete.
During my absence in America through the first half of last year, my publishers found it necessary to omit a few passages from the third and fourth impressions of the book. These omissions did not affect the general narrative, but it was not possible for me at the time personally to supervise the making of them. This the present re-issue has given me the opportunity of doing.
None of the alterations or additions which the text has undergone since it was first presented to the public in any way affects the scheme or tone of the biography. My endeavour has been throughout to pay due respect alike to the honoured memory of the late Queen, and to those just and independent principles which alone give historical writing any value.
S. L,
January 2, 1904.
PREFACE
TO
THE FIRST EDITION¹
This work is based on the biographical notice of Queen Victoria which was published in the third Supplementary Volume of the 'Dictionary of National Biography' in October 1901. I undertook that article at the earnest request of the public-spirited proprietor of the Dictionary, the late Mr. George Smith, who impressed on me the imperative need of observing in the notice of the Queen that sense of proportion and that regard for exact detail which distinguished other contributions to the 'Dictionary,' and were essential characteristics of its general scheme. I set to work on the memoir with some misgiving. I was fully conscious of its difficulty. But I did what I could to execute the task in the spirit in which it was confided to me.
The article in the 'Dictionary' was on its publication favourably received by the press and the public as a first serious attempt at an exhaustive account of
¹ A few words are omitted in this reprint of the original preface.
the Queen’s long and varied life, and of her relations with public affairs. A general wish was at once expressed for the independent re-issue of the article, and with that wish I have here complied.
In order to fit the memoir for separate publication, I have found it necessary substantially to re-write it. The somewhat abrupt method of presenting facts and dates which is appropriate to a ‘Dictionary’ article is out of place in an independent volume. The ‘Dictionary’ memoir was exceptionally long, but the space at my disposal there did not enable me to utilise all the material that I had collected. The omitted detail or illustrative comment is now added. A few errors which readers of the article pointed out to me have been corrected. I have also incorporated much information which has only been recently at my disposal, and is, I believe, of first-rate importance.
In spite of all changes and additions, I have endeavoured to remain loyal throughout to the principles inherent in the aims of the ‘Dictionary of National Biography.’ I have sought to record clearly and with such conciseness as coherence would permit the main facts known to me concerning the Queen’s personal history in the varied spheres of life in which she played her great part. It has been necessary for me to touch on the extended political history, and on the many vexed questions of politics at home and abroad, with which her long career was associated. But I have tried to avoid treating such topics in any
fuller detail than was needful to make her personal experiences and opinions intelligible. The circumstance of politics is to a large extent the scenery of every sovereign’s biography, but it is the duty of a biographer sternly to subordinate his scenery to the actor who is alone his just concern.
The sources whence I have derived my information are mentioned in the notes to my text and in the detailed bibliography which I give in the third appendix to the volume. I believe that I have examined all the printed memoirs in English, French, or German which could reasonably be expected to throw light on my subject, nor have I neglected newspapers of the time, and periodical publications like the ‘Annual Register,’ which collect methodically contemporary facts and dates. The printed records are abundant and detailed, but they are not all equally trustworthy, and the labour of reconciling the published evidence of the numerous witnesses has not been light.
Most of the printed testimony has the advantage of a remarkable frankness. The statesmen of the Queen’s reign who gave their memoirs to the world showed little reticence in describing their intercourse with their sovereign. Nor were journalists holding responsible positions in the early and middle years of her career timorous in their notices of the Queen’s life or in their comments on important passages of it. They interpreted very liberally the principle of the
freedom of the press. As one turns over the pages of 'The Times' newspaper and other leading London journals of thirty years ago, one is impressed by the outspoken tone in which the actions of the Queen were then recorded and criticised. The editorial judgments may have been warped by prejudice, and many of them may now excite resentment, but the lack of reserve frequently enables the investigator to detect the cause and effect of the Queen's public conduct with a precision that greater urbanity and more respectful restraint would render impossible.
The Queen was a voluminous correspondent. Thousands of her letters to ministers, relatives, and friends survive. A great number of these, on both public and personal topics, were published with her permission in her lifetime in the biographies of distinguished subjects with whom she was on terms of intimacy. Many have been acquired as valued autographs by public libraries or museums, and are now placed freely at the public disposal. Other of her letters have from time to time been printed in volumes issued for private circulation only. Such fragments of the Queen's correspondence as I have been able to consult afford a rich mine of biographical material.
The Queen was rarely averse from taking her subjects into her confidence. She allowed Sir Theodore Martin to print many fragments of her diary in his 'Life of the Prince Consort.' Other portions she
herself prepared for publication in the two volumes of 'Leaves' from her journal. The various letters of the Queen to which I have had access, combined with the available excerpts from her diary, have enabled me to present in her own words her opinions and experiences at some critical epochs of her reign. Wherever my sources of knowledge permitted it, I have endeavoured to let the Queen speak for herself.
I have also derived assistance from the reminiscences of several of her friends and associates. Some of those who came into most frequent intercourse with her in her later years have been good enough to communicate to me their recollections.
My endeavour has been at all points to present facts fully, truthfully, and impartially, but I hope that I may claim to have written in a spirit of sympathy as well as in a spirit of justice, and to have paid fitting consideration alike to the public and to the private interests involved. The inevitable candour of the historical biographer can never be unwelcome to those who honour the Queen's memory aright. Truth with her was an enduring passion. Not long before her death she contemplated the preparation of a biography which should give her people accurate knowledge of her career. Although that purpose was not fulfilled, her subjects may confidently cherish the thought that such a record would have testified in no grudging measure to her unquenchable 'delight no less in truth than life.'
To the gracious kindness of the King I am indebted for an autograph of Queen Victoria, which his Majesty has been pleased to lend me for reproduction in facsimile in this volume; it is the Queen’s first draft of her letter summoning Mr. Disraeli to Windsor to form an administration in February 1874. By his Majesty’s gracious permission I am also enabled to include two photogravure portraits of Queen Victoria, which have been reproduced from the originals in his Majesty’s possession at Windsor Castle.
My thanks are due to my friend Mr. Thomas Seccombe for the valuable assistance he has rendered in reading with me the final proofs.
S. L.
November 24, 1902.
## CONTENTS
### I
**PARENTAGE AND BIRTH**
| PAGE | Queen Victoria's ancestry | 1 |
|------|--------------------------|---|
| | Her descent from King Alfred | 1 |
| 1714 | The Hanoverian line | 2 |
| | Hanoverian marriages | 3 |
| | George III.'s family | 3 |
| 1817 | Succession to the crown | 4 |
| | George III.'s sons | 4 |
| 1818 | Three marriages | 4 |
| | The Duke of Kent | 5 |
| | May 29. His marriage | 6 |
| | The Duchess of Kent | 8 |
| | Her family connections | 8 |
| | —Relations with France and Portugal | 9 |
| 1819, May 24. | Queen Victoria's birth | 10 |
| PAGE | 1819 Her place in the succession | 11 |
|------|---------------------------------|---|
| | June 24. Baptism | 11 |
| | Baptismal names | 12 |
| | Aug. At Claremont | 13 |
| 1820, Jan. | At Sidmouth | 13 |
| | Jan. 23. Death of Duke of Kent | 14 |
| | Jan. 29. Death of George III. | 14 |
| | Position of the Duchess of Kent | 14 |
| | Prince Leopold and his niece | 16 |
| | The Duchess of Kent's resolve | 16 |
| | The Duke of Kent's influence | 17 |
### II
**CHILDHOOD**
| PAGE | 1820 Settlement at Kensington | 19 |
|------|-------------------------------|---|
| 1824 | Fräulein Lehzen | 20 |
| 1827 | Appointment of a preceptor | 20 |
| | The Princess's teachers | 21 |
| | Homely life at Kensington | 23 |
| 1828, May 19. | Sir Walter Scott's visit | 24 |
| 1828 | Knowledge of her rank | 24 |
| 1829 | Country excursions | 25 |
| 1826 | Visit to George IV. | 26 |
| 1827, Jan. 5. | Death of the Duke of York | 27 |
| 1829, May 28. | The Princess and the Queen of Portugal | 27 |
| | Queen Victoria's sympathy with Portugal | 28 |
## III
**HEIR TO THE CROWN**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1830, June 26 | Death of George IV. and accession of William IV. | 29 |
| | Heir - presumptive to the crown | 29 |
| | Appointment of a governess | 30 |
| 1831, Sept. 8 | Absence from William IV.'s coronation | 31 |
| | Prince Leopold's removal to Belgium | 32 |
| | William IV.'s treatment of the Princess | 33 |
| | The Princess's early travels | 33 |
| 1832 | Tour in Wales | 35 |
| | Visits to the nobility | 35 |
| Nov. 8 | At Oxford | 36 |
| | Hospitalities at Kensington | 37 |
| 1833 | Tour on the south coast | 37 |
| 1834 | Delight in music and the drama | 39 |
| 1835 | At Ascot | 40 |
| July 30 | Her confirmation | 40 |
| | Further visits to the nobility | 41 |
| 1836, May | First meeting with Prince Albert | 42 |
| | Other possible suitors | 42 |
| | Widening of the breach with William IV. | 44 |
| Aug. 21 | The King and the Duchess of Kent at Windsor | 45 |
| 1837, May 24 | Coming of age State ball in her honour | 46 |
| | Visits the Royal Academy | 47 |
| | William IV.'s last communication to his niece | 47 |
## IV
**THE ACCESION TO THE THRONE**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1837, June 20 | Death of William IV. | 48 |
| | The Queen's accession | 48 |
| | Lord Melbourne's first audience | 49 |
| | The first council | 49 |
| | The proclamation | 51 |
| | The second council | 51 |
| | Her name as sovereign | 52 |
| 1837 | Dissemination of the name Victoria | 52 |
| | Public sentiment regarding her | 53 |
| | Peel on her inexperience | 53 |
| | The hopes of Sydney Smith and Lord John Russell | 54 |
## V
**THE TUITION OF LORD MELBOURNE**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1837 | The Queen and Hanover | 56 |
| | The Queen and the criminal law | 57 |
| 1837 | Lord Melbourne's instruction | 58 |
| | His career | 58 |
## CONTENTS
### VI
**THE CIVIL LIST AND COLONIAL AFFAIRS**
| 1837 | 1837 |
|------|------|
| **Removal to Buckingham Palace** | **Nov. 20. Opening of her first Parliament** |
| Aug 21. Opening of Victoria Gate, Hyde Park | The Civil List |
| At the Pavilion, Brighton | The hereditary Crown lands |
| Private life | William IV.'s income |
| Innovations at Buckingham Palace | The duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall |
| Foreign guests | The first settlement |
| Attitude to her kinsfolk | Civil List pensions |
| Court etiquette | Radical criticism |
| The general election | Provision for Duchess of Kent |
| Tory attacks on the Queen | The Queen pays her father's debts |
| Whigs affect suspicion of a Hanoverian plot | The British Empire in 1837 |
| Whigs' small majority | The revolt of Canada |
| Nov. 9. At the Guildhall banquet | Lord Durham's mission |
| | His recall |
| | The colonial policy of self-government |
### VII
**THE CORONATION AND THE CRISIS OF 1839**
| 1838, June 28. The coronation | 1839 |
|-------------------------------|------|
| The ceremony in the Abbey | The episode of Lady Flora Hastings |
| The want of rehearsal | Outcry in the press |
| Close of the celebrations | Lady Flora's death |
| 1838–9 The Queen's speeches in Parliament | Hostility to the Court |
| 1839 Crises of 1839 | May. First ministerial crisis |
| | Melbourne's resignation |
| 1839 | The Queen resists change in household | 97 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| May 10. The Queen's letter to Peel | 98 |
| Melbourne's cabinet reconsiders its position | 99 |
| His reconstructed ministry | 100 |
| 1839 | Admission of the Queen's error | 100 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Tory attacks on the Queen | 101 |
| General effect of the bedchamber crisis | 102 |
### VIII
#### MARRIAGE
| 1839 | Adoption of penny postage | 104 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Unreadiness to marry | 105 |
| King Leopold's choice of Prince Albert | 105 |
| Stockmar's co-operation | 106 |
| English courtiers and German princes | 107 |
| Her sense of isolation | 108 |
| Oct. 10. Arrival of Prince Albert | 108 |
| Oct. 15. Engagement to him | 108 |
| Nov. 20. The public announcement | 109 |
| 1839 | Daniel O'Connell's congratulations | 110 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Public criticism | 111 |
| The Queen's demands | 112 |
| 1840 | Melbourne's dilemma | 113 |
| Ministerial proposals | 113 |
| Obduracy of the House of Commons | 114 |
| The Queen's irritation | 115 |
| Difficulties with the House of Lords | 115 |
| The Prince's precedence | 115 |
| The Queen's warrant | 116 |
| The Prince's attendants | 116 |
| Feb. 10. The marriage ceremony | 117 |
### IX
#### PRINCE ALBERT'S POSITION
| 1840 | Prince Albert and his wife | 118 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| His character and influence on the Queen | 118 |
| Popular dislike of the Prince | 119 |
| The Prince's ultimate position | 121 |
| Obstinacy of the public prejudice | 122 |
| Changes in the palace | 122 |
| The withdrawal of the Duchess of Kent | 123 |
| Departure of Baroness Lehzen | 123 |
| Stockmar remains at Court | 123 |
| 1840 | June 10. First attempt on the Queen's life | 124 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| June 12. The concert at Buckingham Palace | 124 |
| Approaching birth of an heir | 125 |
| The Regency Bill | 125 |
| The nomination of Prince Albert | 126 |
| Nov. 21. Birth of Princess Royal | 127 |
| 1841, Feb. 10. The baptism | 127 |
| 1840 | Political anxieties | 128 |
| The Prince and foreign policy | 128 |
| Palmerston at the Foreign Office | 128 |
| 1840 | His impatience of the Prince's counsel . . 130 |
|------|---------------------------------------------|
| | Mehemet Ali and Turkey . . . . . . . . . . 130 |
| | Political crisis with France . . . . . . . 131 |
| | Divisions in the cabinet . . . . . . . . . 131 |
| 1841 | Palmerston's triumphant action . . . . . . 132 |
| 1841 | Defeat of Melbourne's Ministry . . . . . . 132 |
|------|-------------------------------------------------|
| | June. The Queen at Oxford . . . . . . . . . . 133 |
| | Her sympathy with Whig ministers . . . . . . 133 |
| | Defeat of the Whigs at the polls . . . . . . 134 |
**X**
**SIR ROBERT PEEL'S ADMINISTRATION**
| 1841 | The Queen's regrets . . . . . . . . . . . 135 |
|------|-------------------------------------------------|
| | Aug. Acceptance of Peel's ministry . . . . . 135 |
| | Cordiality between the Queen and Peel . . . 136 |
| | Change of attitude to the Tories . . . . . . 137 |
| | Nov. 9. Birth of the Prince of Wales . . . 138 |
| 1842 | General rejoicings . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 |
| | The sponsors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 |
| | The King of Prussia . . . . . . . . . . . 139 |
| | Popular fear of German preponderance . . . 139 |
| | Inconvenient display of loyalty at Brighton 140 |
| | The London season . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 |
| | The introduction of railways . . . . . . . 140 |
| | June. The Queen first travels by rail . . . 141 |
| | May 30. Second attempt on her life . . . . 141 |
| | July 3. Third attempt on her life . . . . . 142 |
| | New legislation for her personal security . 143 |
| | Chartist agitation . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 |
| | Aug.-Sept. First visit to Scotland . . . . . 144 |
| | Her Scottish hosts . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 |
| | Her affection for Scotland . . . . . . . . 145 |
| 1844 | Second visit to Scotland . . . . . . . . . 146 |
| 1842 | The Queen and Peel . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 |
| | The disruption of the Scottish Church . . . 146 |
| 1843, Jan. | The murder of Edward Drummond . . . . . . 147 |
| | The Queen and Aberdeen . . . . . . . . . . 147 |
| 1843 | Prince Albert's growing influence . . . . . 148 |
|------|-------------------------------------------------|
| | April 21. Death of the Duke of Sussex . . . . 149 |
| | June 5. Baptism of Princess Alice . . . . . . 149 |
| | The surliness of the King of Hanover . . . . 149 |
| | Sept. The Queen's visit to Louis Philippe . . 150 |
| | Question of a regency . . . . . . . . . . . 151 |
| | At the Château d'Eu . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 |
| | The Queen in Belgium . . . . . . . . . . . 153 |
| | Oct. First visit to Trinity College, Cambridge 154 |
| | Nov.-Dec. At Drayton Manor . . . . . . . . . 155 |
| | At Chatsworth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 |
| 1844, Jan. 29. | Death of Prince Albert's father . . . . . . 156 |
| | June. Visit of Tsar Nicholas I. . . . . . . 156 |
| | The Queen and the Irish Union . . . . . . . 157 |
| | The Queen on parliamentary obstruction . . . 157 |
| | Peel threatens resignation . . . . . . . . . 158 |
| | Foreign affairs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 |
| | Aug. 6. Birth of Prince Alfred . . . . . . . 159 |
| | Oct. Louis Philippe's visit to Windsor . . . 159 |
| | Oct. 28. The opening of the Royal Exchange 160 |
| 1845 | Visits to the nobility . . . . . . . . . . . 160 |
| | Jan. At Strathfieldsaye . . . . . . . . . . 161 |
| | Jan. At Stowe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 |
| | First meeting with Disraeli . . . . . . . . 161 |
## XI
**THE QUEEN AND FREE TRADE**
| 1845 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| The parliamentary session | 163 |
| The Queen and the Maynooth agitation | 163 |
| Court entertainments | 164 |
| Aug. Queen's first visit to Germany | 164 |
| The King of Prussia's welcome | 165 |
| Prince Albert's precedence | 165 |
| Aug. 19. At Rosenau | 165 |
| Second visit to Louis Philippe | 166 |
| The Queen's delight at visiting Coburg | 166 |
| Peel and the corn laws | 166 |
| The Queen's support of Peel | 167 |
| 1845, Dec. 6. | PAGE |
|---------------|------|
| Peel's resignation | 168 |
| Lord John Russell summoned | 168 |
| Negotiations with Lord John | 169 |
| The Queen's dread of Palmerston | 169 |
| Lord John's pertinacious appeals | 169 |
| Peel's return to power | 170 |
| 1846 | PAGE |
| The Queen's support of him | 171 |
| Regrets for his difficulties | 172 |
| June 26. His fall | 172 |
| May 25. Birth of Princess Helena | 172 |
| The Queen's enthusiasm for free trade | 173 |
## XII
**THE SPANISH MARRIAGES**
| 1846, July. | PAGE |
|-------------|------|
| Lord John's first ministry | 174 |
| The Queen and Lord John | 174 |
| His colleagues | 175 |
| Macaulay at Court | 175 |
| Difficulties with Palmerston | 176 |
| The Spanish marriages | 177 |
| The Château d'Eu agreement | 177 |
| 1846 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| Prince Albert and Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg | 178 |
| Queen Christina's interference | 179 |
| Family conference at Windsor | 179 |
| Palmerston's rash despatch | 180 |
| French retaliation | 180 |
| The Queen's indignation | 181 |
## XIII
**THE YEAR OF REVOLUTION, 1848**
| 1847 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| The 'season' of 1847 | 183 |
| Prince Albert Chancellor of Cambridge | 183 |
| 1847, July. | PAGE |
|-------------|------|
| At Cambridge | 184 |
| Third visit to Scotland | 185 |
| 1848 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| Louis Philippe's de-thronement | 185 |
## CONTENTS
### XIV
PRIVATE LIFE AND RECREATIONS, 1848–54
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1848 | First stay at Balmoral | 190 |
| | Music and drama at Court | 191 |
| 1842, July | The Queen and Mendelssohn | 191 |
| | Actors and actresses at Court | 194 |
| | The drama at Windsor | 194 |
| | The Queen and Charles Kean | 195 |
| 1842 | Patronage of art | 195 |
| | Education of the children | 196 |
| | The Queen’s dislike of London | 198 |
| 1844 | Acquisition of Osborne | 199 |
| 1848–52 | Acquisition of Balmoral | 200 |
| | Modes of life at Balmoral and Osborne | 200 |
### XV
IRELAND AND LOSS OF FRIENDS
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1849 | First visit to Ireland | 202 |
| | State of the country | 202 |
| | Arrival at Queenstown | 203 |
| Oct. 30 | Last royal water pageant | 204 |
| 1848 Nov. 24 | Death of Lord Melbourne | 204 |
| 1850, July 3 | Death of Peel | 205 |
| 1850, Aug. 26 | Death of Louis Philippe | 205 |
| 1849–50 | Two assaults on the Queen | 206 |
| 1850, May 1 | Birth of Prince Arthur | 206 |
| | The Queen’s robust health | 207 |
### XVI
THE DISSENSIONS WITH PALMERSTON
| Topic | Page |
|--------------------------------|------|
| Differences with Palmerston | 208 |
| Prince Albert’s antagonism | 208 |
| Their respective attitudes towards Italy | 209 |
| Their respective attitudes towards Prussia | 210 |
| Palmerston’s offences | 211 |
| The Queen’s private correspondence | 212 |
| 1847 The appeal of the Queen of Portugal | 212 |
| 1847 | Letter to the King of Prussia . . . . 213 |
| --- | --- |
| Palmerston’s obduracy 214 |
| 1850 | Popularity of Palmerston’s policy . . . 215 |
| --- | --- |
| The Queen’s demands 215 |
| 1850 | Prince Albert on Palmerston . . . . 217 |
| --- | --- |
| Fresh dissensions 217 |
| 1851 | Papal aggressions . . . . 218 |
| --- | --- |
| Ministerial crisis 219 |
| Recall of Lord John 219 |
---
**XVII**
**THE GREAT EXHIBITION AND PALMERSTON’S FALL**
| 1851 | The Great Exhibition 221 |
| --- | --- |
| Court festivities . . . . 223 |
| The Queen at Liverpool and Manchester . . . 224 |
| Nov. 18. Death of King Ernest of Hanover 224 |
| Palmerston and Kossuth 224 |
| 1851 | Palmerston and Napoleon III. . . . . 225 |
| --- | --- |
| Dec. 19. Palmerston’s fall 225 |
| Prince Albert’s elation 226 |
| The peril of dismissing a minister 227 |
---
**XVIII**
**LORD ABERDEEN’S MINISTRY**
| 1852, Feb. | Palmerston’s revenge . . . . 228 |
| --- | --- |
| Lord Derby’s first Government . . . 229 |
| Inexperience of its members . . . . 229 |
| Early impression of Disraeli . . . . 229 |
| July. Defeat of Derby’s Government 230 |
| Second visit to Belgium 231 |
| Neild’s bequest 231 |
| Sept. 14. Death of the Duke of Wellington 231 |
| Nov. 18. His funeral 232 |
| Dec. 17 Lord Derby’s resignation 232 |
| The Queen’s desire for a coalition ministry 232 |
| Her appeal to Aberdeen 233 |
| 1852 | Coalition of Peelites and Liberals. . . . . 234 |
| --- | --- |
| Aberdeen’s Whig colleagues 234 |
| The Queen’s satisfaction 235 |
| 1853, April 7. Birth of Prince Leopold 235 |
| Military preparations 235 |
| Aug. 30. Second visit to Dublin 236 |
| 1852 | Napoleon III.’s advances 236 |
| His matrimonial plans 237 |
| King Leopold’s mediation between the Queen and Napoleon 237 |
| Napoleon’s importunities 238 |
## XIX
**THE CRIMEAN WAR**
| 1853 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| Quarrel with Russia | 240 |
| Palmerston's resolute views | 240 |
| The Queen's dread of war | 241 |
| Attitude of foreign sovereigns | 241 |
| 1854 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| Popular suspicion of Prince Albert | 242 |
| The Queen's resentment | 243 |
| Feb. 28. War declared with Russia | 244 |
| The Queen and the troops | 244 |
| Hospitalities at Court | 245 |
| June 10. Opening of the Crystal Palace at Sydenham | 246 |
| 1854 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| The Queen protests against lukewarmness about the war | 246 |
| Prince Albert at St. Omer | 246 |
| Aug. 12. The Speaker harangues the sovereign for the last time | 247 |
| Anxieties about the war | 248 |
| Oct. 25. Battle of Inkerman | 248 |
| Nov. 5. Battle of Balaclava | 248 |
| 1854–5 | PAGE |
|--------|------|
| The winter and its hardships | 248 |
| 1855, Jan. 29. | PAGE |
|----------------|------|
| Lord Aberdeen's defeat | 249 |
## XX
**TRIUMPH OF PALMERSTON AND NAPOLEON III.**
| 1855 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| The Queen's renewed dread of Palmerston | 251 |
| Her appeal to Lord John | 251 |
| Palmerston's omnipotence | 252 |
| Feb. 15. The Queen accepts Palmerston | 253 |
| Wounded soldiers | 254 |
| Napoleon offers to go to the Crimea | 254 |
| The Queen's distrust of her political associates | 254 |
| April 16. Visit of Napoleon III | 255 |
| His agreeable demeanour | 255 |
| 1855 | PAGE |
|------|------|
| His welcome by the people | 256 |
| The Queen on the irony of royalty | 256 |
| She reproves Lord John | 257 |
| May 18. First distribution of war medals | 257 |
| The Emperor's invitation | 258 |
| Aug. 20–7. The Queen in Paris | 258 |
| Her brilliant welcome | 259 |
| First meeting with Bismarck | 260 |
| Success of the Paris visit | 261 |
| Relations with Napoleon | 261 |
## XXI
**THE PEACE OF PARIS**
| 1855, Aug. | The fall of Sebastopol . . . 262 |
|------------|---------------------------------|
| Sept. 29 | The Princess Royal's engagement . 262 |
| | Hostility in England . . . 262 |
| | Views of Prussian statesmen . . 263 |
| Nov. | Victor Emanuel visits the Queen . 264 |
| | She discourages him . . . 265 |
| 1856, March 30 | The peace of Paris . . . 265 |
| | General rejoicings . . . 266 |
| April 16 | First visit to Aldershot . . . 266 |
| 1856 | The Victoria Cross . . . 267 |
|------------|---------------------------------|
| July 14 | The Duke of Cambridge Commander-in-Chief . . . 267 |
| | Court festivities . . . 268 |
| May 9 | Ball at Buckingham Palace . . . 269 |
| | Reception of Sir Fenwick Williams and Florence Nightingale 269 |
| | Domestic hospitalities . . . 269 |
| Nov. | Death of Prince Leiningen, the Queen's half-brother . . . 270 |
## XXII
**INDIA AND THE PRINCESS ROYAL**
| 1857 | Approach of the Indian mutiny . . . 271 |
|------------|---------------------------------|
| March | Palmerston's defeat on China question . . . 271 |
| April 14 | Birth of Princess Beatrice . . . 272 |
| April 30 | Death of the Duchess of Gloucester 272 |
| May | Grant to the Princess Royal . . . 272 |
| | Brilliant festivities at Court . . . 273 |
| | Public functions . . . 274 |
| | Royal guests . . . 274 |
| June 25 | The title of Prince Consort . . . 275 |
| | Relations with Napoleon III. . . . 275 |
| 1857 | Differences about the Balkan peninsula . . . 276 |
|------------|---------------------------------|
| Aug. 19 | Prince Albert and the Queen visit Cherbourg . . . 277 |
| | The Indian mutiny . . . 277 |
| | The Queen's urgency of counsel . . . 278 |
| Sept. | Fall of Delhi and relief of Lucknow . . . 279 |
| Nov. | Death of the Duchess de Nemours 279 |
| 1858, Jan. 25 | Marriage of the Princess Royal . . . 279 |
| | Palmerston and the Orsini conspiracy . . . 280 |
| Feb. 19 | Palmerston's fall . . . 281 |
## XXIII
**THE RESETTLEMENT OF INDIA**
| 1858, Feb. | Lord Derby's second cabinet | 283 |
|------------|-----------------------------|-----|
| Aug. | Second visit to Cherbourg | 284 |
| Aug. | Tour in Germany | 285 |
| | At Birmingham and Leeds | 286 |
| | The first submarine cable | 286 |
| | — The resettlement of India | 286 |
| | — The Queen's objections to the Government Bill | 287 |
| 1858 | Her personal interest in India | 288 |
|------|--------------------------------|-----|
| | Her sympathy with the natives | 288 |
| | Her attitude to her Indian subjects | 289 |
| | Final form of the Queen's proclamation | 290 |
| | The Order of the Star of India | 290 |
| | The Queen's sense of imperial responsibility | 291 |
## XXIV
**THE QUEEN'S FEARS OF NAPOLEON III.**
| 1858, Nov. 9. | Majority of the Prince of Wales | 293 |
|---------------|---------------------------------|-----|
| 1859, Jan. 27.| Birth of the Queen's eldest grandchild (afterwards the German Emperor, William II.) | 293 |
| | — Her appeal for peace to Napoleon III. | 294 |
| | — Napoleon's intervention in Italy | 294 |
| | April. Austria declares war on Italy | 295 |
| | Napoleon at war with Austria | 295 |
| | — The Queen's anxiety respecting Prussia | 296 |
| | Her efforts to localise the war | 296 |
| | April 1. Lord Derby's resignation | 297 |
| 1859, June. | She sends for Lord Granville | 297 |
|-------------|------------------------------|-----|
| | Her confidence betrayed to 'The Times' | 298 |
| | Lord John's obstinacy | 299 |
| | Palmerston again Prime Minister | 299 |
| | Differences with Lord John on the Italian question | 300 |
| | The peace of Villafranca | 300 |
| | The Queen's quarrel with her ministry | 300 |
| | Struggle for Italian unity | 301 |
| | Anger with Napoleon | 302 |
| 1860 | Heated protests against her ministers | 302 |
| | The Queen and the Commander-in-Chief | 303 |
## FIRST ANXIETIES OF WIDOWHOOD
| 1862 | Her personal attendants in her widowhood | 327 |
|------|----------------------------------------|-----|
| | Friends in her household | 327 |
| | Scottish sympathisers | 327 |
| | John Brown | 328 |
| | The Queen’s private secretaries | 328 |
| | Grey, Phipps, and Bidulph | 329 |
| | Dean Wellesley | 330 |
| | Jan. Public business | 330 |
| | Her signature to officers’ commissions | 331 |
| | Prince of Wales in the Holy Land | 331 |
| | July 1. Princess Alice’s marriage | 331 |
| 1862 | Memorial to the Prince at Balmoral | 332 |
|------|----------------------------------------|-----|
| | Sept. Betrothal of the Prince of Wales | 332 |
| | The throne of Greece | 333 |
| | Duke Ernest and the Greek throne | 333 |
| | His appeal to the Queen | 334 |
| | Her replies | 334 |
| 1863, March 30. | Prince George of Denmark, King of Greece | 335 |
|-----------------|------------------------------------------|-----|
| March 10. | Marriage of the Prince of Wales | 335 |
| | Hopes of the Queen’s reappearance in public life | 336 |
## THE QUEEN AND PRUSSIA
| 1863 | Her views of foreign policy | 337 |
|------|----------------------------------------|-----|
| | Disagreements with ministers | 337 |
| | The Polish insurrection | 338 |
| | Visit to Coburg | 339 |
| | Depressed prospects of the Crown Prince | 339 |
| | The Queen’s despair of Prussia | 340 |
| 1863, Aug. 31. | Visit of the King of Prussia | 340 |
|----------------|----------------------------------------|-----|
| | Interview with the Emperor of Austria | 341 |
| | The Queen’s earnest appeal to him | 341 |
| Sept. | At Darmstadt and Balmoral | 342 |
| Oct. 13. | Prince Consort’s statue unveiled at Aberdeen | 342 |
## THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION
| 1863 | The Schleswig-Holstein question | 344 |
|------|----------------------------------------|-----|
| | Opinion in Germany | 344 |
| | Duke Frederick’s claim | 345 |
| 1863 | Efforts of Duke Frederick’s allies | 345 |
|------|----------------------------------------|-----|
| | Intentions of Prussia | 345 |
| | The Queen’s divided interests | 346 |
| 1863 | Her sympathy with Germany | 346 |
|------|--------------------------|-----|
| 1864 | England's treaty obligations | 347 |
| | Differences in her family circle | 347 |
| | Her efforts for peace | 348 |
| | Ministry's support of Denmark | 348 |
| | Her rejection of Duke Frederick | 350 |
| Feb. 4 | Her declaration to Parliament | 351 |
| 1864, April 20 | The London conference | 351 |
| | Her zeal for neutrality | 352 |
| | Her tactful correspondence | 352 |
| | Her triumph | 353 |
| Jan. 8 | Birth of the Prince of Wales's son | 354 |
| | Garibaldi's visit | 354 |
| | Unveiling of the Prince Consort's statue at Perth | 354 |
### XXXI
**THE QUEEN'S SECLUSION**
| 1864 | Complaints of the Queen's seclusion | 355 |
|------|-----------------------------------|-----|
| | Her interest in her subjects' welfare | 355 |
| | Her neglect of ceremonial duties | 356 |
| | Vehement attacks | 357 |
| April 6 | The Queen's reply | 358 |
| 1864 | Explanation of her position | 358 |
| Dec. 14 | Severity of 'The Times' | 358 |
| 1865, Feb. | Partial reaction in her favour | 359 |
| 1866, Dec. 4 | John Bright's defence of her | 360 |
| | Her refusal to leave her retirement | 360 |
### XXXII
**THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR**
| 1865, Aug. | Visit to Coburg | 362 |
| | Betrothal of Princess Helena | 362 |
| Aug. | Dissolution of Parliament | 363 |
| Oct. 18 | Death of Palmerston | 363 |
| | Lord Russell Prime Minister | 364 |
| Dec. 10 | Death of the King of the Belgians | 365 |
| 1866, Feb. 10 | The Queen opens Parliament | 366 |
| March-April | Visits to Aldershot | 367 |
| June 12 | Marriage of Princess Mary of Cambridge | 368 |
| July 5 | Marriage of Princess Helena | 368 |
| 1866 | Grants to Princess Helena and Prince Alfred | 368 |
| | War between Austria and Prussia | 368 |
| March | The Queen's offer of mediation | 369 |
| | The Queen and the Reform Bill | 370 |
| | Her defiance of Lord Russell | 370 |
| June 19 | His resignation | 370 |
| July 6 | Lord Derby Prime Minister | 372 |
| June 28 | Prussia seizes Hanover | 373 |
| July 3 | Battle of Sadowa and end of the Seven Weeks' War | 374 |
## XXXIII
**THE PRINCE CONSORT'S BIOGRAPHY**
| 1866, Oct. Rest at Balmoral | 375 |
|-----------------------------|-----|
| Oct. 16. The Queen at Aberdeen | 375 |
| Nov. 30. At Wolverhampton | 375 |
| 1874–80 The biography of Prince Consort | 376 |
| Choice of (Sir) Theodore Martin as biographer | 376 |
| 1874–80 Character of the work | 377 |
|-------------------------------|-----|
| Her faith in its utility | 378 |
| 1874 Her dislike of the Greville Memoirs | 378 |
| 1867 Publication of 'Leaves from a Journal' | 378 |
| Cordial relations with Lord Derby's ministry | 379 |
## XXXIV
**FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN 1867**
| 1867 Disraeli’s Reform Bill | 381 |
|-----------------------------|-----|
| The Queen's distrust of Napoleon III. | 381 |
| May. The Luxemburg affair | 382 |
| June 20. Murder of Emperor Maximilian | 383 |
| 1867 The Queen's horror | 384 |
|------------------------|-----|
| June. Foreign Sovereigns at Court | 384 |
| July. The Sultan's visit | 385 |
| Aug. 22. At Abbotsford | 386 |
| Continued depression | 386 |
## XXXV
**DISRAELI'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION**
| 1868, Feb. Disraeli Prime Minister | 387 |
|------------------------------------|-----|
| The Queen's growing respect for him | 387 |
| May 1. Gladstone and the Irish Church | 388 |
| The Queen's dislike of Disestablishment | 388 |
| Disraeli's offer of resignation | 389 |
| Attitude of the Opposition | 389 |
| May 5. The Queen elects to dissolve Parliament | 390 |
| Her constitutional rights | 391 |
| Her respect for parliamentary powers | 391 |
| 1868 Public functions | 392 |
|----------------------|-----|
| Aug. First visit to Switzerland | 392 |
| Sept. Her retreat of Glassalt Shiel | 393 |
| Nov. Disraeli's defeat | 393 |
| Nov. 30. Her special mark of favour to him | 394 |
| Appointment of Archbishop Tait | 394 |
| Friendship with Tait | 395 |
| Her attitude to bishops | 395 |
| Her view of Church patronage | 396 |
| Interference in Church appointments | 396 |
| Her respect for the Scottish Church | 397 |
### XXXVI
**GLADSTONE'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1868, Dec. | Gladstone Prime Minister | 399 |
| | Divergent views of foreign policy | 400 |
| | The Government's legislative activity | 401 |
| | Gladstone and the Queen's private affairs | 402 |
| | Gladstone's colleagues | 403 |
| Feb.–May. | The Irish Church Bill | 404 |
| | The Queen's attitude | 404 |
| | Her mediation with the Lords | 405 |
| 1868, June. | Her appeal to the Lords | 406 |
| 1869, Mar. | The Queen and sailors' beards | 407 |
| | Public activities | 407 |
| | Intercourse with men of letters | 408 |
| | Tennyson | 408 |
| May. | Meeting with Carlyle | 409 |
| | George Eliot and Dickens | 409 |
| | Dr. Samuel Smiles | 410 |
### XXXVII
**ANXIOUS YEARS, 1870–1**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1870, July. | Lord Clarendon's death | 411 |
| July. | The Franco-German war | 411 |
| | The Queen's sympathy with Germany | 411 |
| | Her pity for France | 412 |
| Oct. | Bismarck resents her interference | 412 |
| | Decline of British influence | 413 |
| | French gratitude | 413 |
| | Her care of the Empress Eugénie and Napoleon III. | 414 |
| | Domestic politics | 414 |
| | Dislike of Cardwell's army reforms | 415 |
| 1871 | Abolition of purchase in the army | 416 |
| 1870 | Continued complaints of her seclusion | 417 |
| Oct. | Betrothal of Princess Louise | 417 |
| 1871, Feb. 9. | Queen opens Parliament | 418 |
| 1871 | Grants to Princess Louise and Prince Arthur | 418 |
| March 21. | Princess Louise's marriage | 419 |
| Sept. | The Queen's illness | 419 |
| Nov.–Dec. | Illness of the Prince of Wales | 420 |
| 1872, Feb. 27. | Public thanksgiving | 420 |
| 1871 | Display of Republican tendencies | 421 |
| | Popular censure of the Sovereign | 421 |
| | Attacks on her income | 422 |
| | Her reputed affluence | 423 |
| Nov. | Falsity of public rumours | 423 |
| | Official refutations | 424 |
| 1872, March 19. | Debate on the Civil List | 424 |
| | Causes of her future popularity | 424 |
## OLD FRIENDS AND NEW
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1872, March–April | Visit to Germany | 426 |
| Feb. 12 | Assassination of Lord Mayo | 426 |
| June 16 | Death of Norman Macleod | 427 |
| Sept. 23 | Death of the Queen’s step-sister | 427 |
| 1873, Jan. 9 | Death of Napoleon III | 427 |
| 1873, Mar. 12 | Disraeli declines office | 428 |
| April 2 | Visit to East London | 429 |
| June–July | First visit of the Shah of Persia | 429 |
| | Relations with Russia | 430 |
| 1874, Jan. 23 | Marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh | 431 |
| | Its small political significance | 431 |
## DISRAELI IN POWER
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1874, Jan. | Disraeli in power | 432 |
| | Strength of his position | 432 |
| | The Queen’s approval of his political views | 433 |
| | His personal fascination | 433 |
| | His recognition of his own responsibilities | 434 |
| | Church legislation | 435 |
| | Continued irritation with Gladstone | 436 |
| 1875, Feb. | Prince Leopold’s illness | 436 |
| | Queen’s fear of another Franco-German war | 437 |
| June | Her appeals to the King of Prussia | 437 |
| | End of the correspondence | 438 |
| | New links with India | 439 |
| Sept.–May 1876 | Prince of Wales’s Indian tour | 439 |
| 1876, May 1 | Empress of India | 439 |
| Aug. 21 | Disraeli becomes Earl of Beaconsfield | 441 |
| | Public appearances, 1874–6 | 441 |
| | London engagements | 442 |
| April | Visit to Coburg | 442 |
| | At Balmoral and Osborne | 443 |
| | Crisis in Eastern Europe | 443 |
| 1876 | The Queen’s efforts for peace | 443 |
| 1877, Dec. 21 | At Hughenden | 445 |
| | The history of the Crimean war | 446 |
| | The third volume of the Prince Consort’s biography | 447 |
| 1878 | The Queen seeks to protect Turkey | 447 |
| | Her support of Beaconsfield’s policy | 447 |
| June | The Congress of Berlin | 448 |
| July | The Queen welcomes Lord Beaconsfield | 448 |
| | Domestic incidents | 449 |
| Dec. 14 | Death of Princess Alice | 449 |
| 1879, Mar. 13 | Marriage of the Duke of Connaught | 450 |
| April | First visit to Italy | 450 |
| June 19 | The Prince Imperial’s death | 451 |
| | The ministry’s difficulties | 451 |
| | Indian wars | 452 |
| | Gladstone’s Midlothian speeches | 453 |
| | The Queen’s devotion to Lord Beaconsfield | 453 |
## XL
**GLADSTONE RESUMES OFFICE**
| PAGE | 1880, Mar. Visit to Germany . . . 455 |
|------|-------------------------------------|
| | Betrothal of Prince William of Prussia . . . 455 |
| | The general election . . . 456 |
| | April. The Queen's perplexity . . . 456 |
| | April 23. Gladstone resumes office . . . 457 |
| | April 24. Marriage of the King of Hanover's daughter . . . 460 |
| | July. Memorial to the Prince Imperial . . . 460 |
| | Queen's active control of ministers . . . 461 |
| | Burials Act . . . 462 |
| | Distrust of ministerial measures . . . 462 |
| | Afghanistan . . . 463 |
| | July 27. Maiwand . . . 463 |
| | Recall of Sir Bartle Frere . . . 464 |
| | The Transvaal . . . 464 |
| | Feb. 27. Majuba Hill . . . 464 |
| | Sympathy with the troops . . . 465 |
| PAGE | 1881, April 19. Death of Beaconsfield . . . 465 |
|------|--------------------------------------------------|
| | Marks of respect for his memory . . . 466 |
| | 1882 Murders of Tsar Alexander II. and President Garfield . . . 467 |
| | War in Egypt . . . 467 |
| | The Queen's activity . . . 468 |
| | Her urgency . . . 468 |
| | Sept. 13. The battle of Tel-el-Kebir . . . 469 |
| | Reception of the troops . . . 470 |
| | Mar. 2. Fifth attempt on her life . . . 470 |
| | Irish affairs . . . 470 |
| | May 6. Murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish . . . 470 |
| | First visit to the Riviera . . . 471 |
| | Mar. 28. Grant to Prince Leopold . . . 471 |
| | April 27. Prince Leopold's marriage . . . 472 |
| | Epping Forest and the new Law Courts . . . 472 |
## XLI
**GENERAL GORDON**
| PAGE | 1883–5 Years of gloom . . . 473 |
|------|---------------------------------|
| 1883, Jan. Appointment of Archbishop Benson . . . 475 |
| March 27. Death of John Brown . . . 475 |
| Publication of 'More Leaves' . . . 476 |
| The Queen's lameness . . . 476 |
| 1884, March 28. Prince Leopold's death . . . 476 |
| The Soudan . . . 477 |
| General Gordon . . . 478 |
| 1885, Jan. 26. The Queen's view of Gordon's death . . . 479 |
| Feb. 17. Her letter to Miss Gordon . . . 479 |
| March. The gift of Gordon's Bible . . . 480 |
| Gordon's diary . . . 481 |
| The affairs of the Soudan . . . 482 |
| PAGE | 1884, July. The Queen and the Franchise Bill . . . 483 |
|------|--------------------------------------------------------|
| Oct. | She mediates between the two Houses of Parliament . . . 484 |
| | At Darmstadt . . . 485 |
| | The Princes of Battenberg . . . 486 |
| Nov. 29. | Princess Beatrice's betrothal . . . 486 |
| 1885, July 23. | Her marriage . . . 487 |
| | The Queen and Prince Henry of Battenberg . . . 487 |
| June 8. | Gladstone's fall . . . 488 |
| | Negotiations between Lord Salisbury and Gladstone . . . 489 |
| 1886, June 24. | Lord Salisbury's first ministry . . . 490 |
XLIV
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS, 1889–96
| PAGE | 1889–1901 Mode of life . . . 516 |
|------|---------------------------------|
| | 1889, Aug. Visit to Wales . . . 516 |
| | 1889–96 Provincial engagements . . . 517 |
| | 1890–9 Foreign tours . . . 517 |
| | 1890–5 Last visits to Germany . . . 518 |
| | —Gratitude for foreign courtesy . . . 519 |
| | 1890–1900 Revival of the drama and opera at court . . . 519 |
| PAGE | 1891, Dec. Betrothal of the Duke of Clarence . . . 520 |
|------|----------------------------------------------------------|
| | 1892, Jan. 14. His death . . . 520 |
| | 1893 July 6. The Duke of York’s marriage . . . 521 |
| | The Duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha . . . 521 |
| | 1894, Nov. 28. The marriage of the Tsar Nicholas II . . . 521 |
| | June 23. Birth of Prince Edward of York (afterwards Wales). . . 522 |
XLV
THE POLITICAL SITUATION, 1892–6
| PAGE | 1892–4 Gladstone again in office . . . 524 |
|------|---------------------------------------------|
| | 1893, Sept. 8. The fate of the Home Rule Bill . . . 525 |
| | 1894, Mar. 2.—The Queen’s farewell to Gladstone 526 |
| | 1897, Jan. Last meeting with Gladstone at Cimiez . . . 527 |
| | 1898, May 19. His death . . . 528 |
| | 1894, March 3. Lord Rosebery Prime Minister . . . 528 |
| | 1895 The Queen’s want of enthusiasm for his Government . . . 529 |
| | June. His resignation 530 |
| PAGE | 1895 Lord Salisbury’s third Government . . . 530 |
|------|---------------------------------------------------|
| | The Queen and Mr. Chamberlain . . . 530 |
| | Her critical energy . . . 531 |
| | Her signature to commissions . . . 532 |
| | 1890–9 Her continued interest in the army . . . 532 |
| | 1896, Jan. 20. Death of Prince Henry of Battenberg 533 |
| | April 21. The Victorian Order . . . 534 |
| | Sept.–Oct. Visit of the Tsar Nicholas II . . . 534 |
XLVI
THE DIAMOND JUBILEE OF 1897
| PAGE | –1897 The Diamond Jubilee . . . 536 |
|------|-------------------------------------|
| | June 22. Service outside St. Paul’s Cathedral . . . 537 |
| | The beacons . . . 537 |
| PAGE | 1897 The festivities . . . 537 |
|------|-------------------------------|
| | Naval review . . . 538 |
| | The people’s passionate loyalty . . . 538 |
## XLVII
**THE GREAT BOER WAR**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1897–8 | Military expeditions | 539 |
| 1898 | The Queen’s interest in Netley | 540 |
| | Reviews of troops | 540 |
| 1899, May 17 | The Victoria and Albert Museum | 540 |
| 1891 | The Queen and Cecil Rhodes | 541 |
| 1899 | Negotiations with the Transvaal | 541 |
| 1899–1901 | The Great Boer War | 542 |
| 1899, Dec. | The Queen and the reinforcements | 542 |
| Nov. | The Emperor William II.’s visit | 543 |
| | Cordiality of the Emperor’s welcome | 543 |
| | The Queen’s sympathy with her soldiers | 544 |
| | Her Christmas gift | 544 |
| 1900, Feb.–June | The successes in South Africa | 544 |
| | The Irish soldiers | 545 |
| April 4–25 | Fourth visit to Ireland | 545 |
| | Lord Roberts in South Africa | 546 |
| 1900, March | The Federation of Australia | 547 |
| 1901, Jan. 1 | The inauguration of the Australian Commonwealth | 548 |
| 1900, Aug.–Dec. | Distresses of the war | 549 |
| July 29 | King Humbert’s murder | 549 |
| | The Duc d’Orleans’s insults | 550 |
| Oct. | The new Unionist House of Commons | 551 |
| | Changes in the ministry | 551 |
| 1897–9 | The Queen’s latest bereavements | 552 |
| 1900, July 30 | Death of Alfred, Duke of Saxe-Coburg | 552 |
| Oct. 29 | Prince Christian Victor’s death | 553 |
| June | The Empress Frederick’s malady | 553 |
| Nov.–Dec. | Final migrations of the Court | 553 |
| Dec. 12 | The Queen’s last public appearance | 553 |
| Dec. 18 | Last journey to Osborne | 553 |
## XLVIII
**THE QUEEN’S DEATH**
| Date | Event | Page |
|-----------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1900 | The Queen’s health in old age | 554 |
| 1895–1900 | Her ailments | 554 |
| 1900, June–Dec. | Physical decay | 555 |
| | Last days at Osborne | 556 |
| 1901, Jan. 2 & 14 | Lord Roberts’s audiences | 556 |
| Jan. 11 | Mr. Chamberlain’s audience | 556 |
| Jan. 22 | The Queen’s death | 556 |
| 1901 | Her age and length of reign | 557 |
| Jan. 24 | Accession of Edward VII | 557 |
| Feb. 1–2 | The Queen’s funeral | 557 |
| | The universal sorrow | 558 |
| | Causes of the loyalty to her person | 559 |
| | The Queen and imperial unity | 559 |
## XLIX
**THE QUEEN’S POSITION AND CHARACTER**
| PAGE | PAGE |
|------|------|
| Her attitude to business of State . 561 | Her recreations . 568 |
| The benefits of her experience and detachment . 561 | Her attitude to art . 569 |
| Her loyalty to the constitution 562 | Her tastes in music . 569 |
| Increase of royal influence and decay of royal power . 563 | Her devotion to the drama . 570 |
| Her absence from Parliament . 563 | Her taste in literature . 570 |
| Foreign travels . 564 | Her dress and carriage . 571 |
| The Queen and Ireland . 565 | Her conversation . 572 |
| The Queen’s foreign kindred . 565 | Her dislike of obsequiousness . 572 |
| Her views of war . 566 | Her sense of her public services 572 |
| Her temperament . 567 | Her religion . 573 |
| Her wide sympathies . 568 | Her dislike of Women’s Rights 573 |
| | Her Stuart sympathies . 574 |
| | Her reliance on her personal sentiment . 574 |
---
## APPENDIX
### I
**THE QUEEN’S DESCENDANTS**
| PAGE | PAGE |
|------|------|
| The Queen’s children . 579 | Marriages in England . 580 |
| Surviving children . 579 | Marriages in Germany . 580 |
| Grandchildren and great-grandchildren . 580 | Marriage in the fourth generation . 581 |
| Her grandchildren and the reigning families of Europe . 580 | |
### II
**THE QUEEN’S PORTRAITS**
| PAGE | PAGE |
|------|------|
| Defects of the portraits . 582 | Sculptures . 584 |
| Before accession . 582 | National memorial . 584 |
| After accession . 582 | The coinage . 584 |
| After marriage . 583 | Medals . 585 |
| Pictures of ceremonials . 583 | Postage-stamps and postcards . 585 |
| Name | Position | Age | Experience |
|---------------|------------|-----|------------|
| John Smith | Manager | 35 | 10 years |
| Jane Doe | Sales Rep | 28 | 5 years |
| Michael Brown | Engineer | 40 | 15 years |
| Sarah Johnson | Accountant | 32 | 7 years |
| David Wilson | IT Specialist | 30 | 6 years |
**Total Experience:** 53 years
**Average Experience:** 10.6 years
ILLUSTRATIONS
QUEEN VICTORIA AT THE AGE OF SEVENTY-EIGHT . . . . . . . . Frontispiece
From the original painting by Baron H. von Angeli, now at Windsor Castle.
QUEEN VICTORIA AT THE AGE OF TWENTY . To face p. 108
From the original sketch by Sir Edwin Landseer, now at Windsor Castle.
AUTOGRAPH DRAFT OF QUEEN VICTORIA'S LETTER TO MR. DISRAELI INVITING HIM TO FORM AN ADMINISTRATION, FEBRUARY 17, 1874 . . . 432
Reproduced in facsimile from the original at Windsor Castle.
THE DIAMOND JUBILEE MEDAL OF 1897 . . . . 537
From a specimen kindly lent by Messrs. Spink & Son.
MAP OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN 1901 . . . . 590
PROLOGUE
The following pages contain the results of a study of the
various methods of teaching and learning which have been
employed in the schools of the United States during the past
half century.
The work is divided into two parts: the first, dealing with
the methods of teaching; the second, with those of learning.
The first part is further subdivided into three sections:
1. The methods of teaching in the primary grades;
2. The methods of teaching in the secondary grades;
3. The methods of teaching in the higher grades.
The second part is also subdivided into three sections:
1. The methods of learning in the primary grades;
2. The methods of learning in the secondary grades;
3. The methods of learning in the higher grades.
The work is based on a careful examination of the records
of the various schools, and is intended to be a comprehensive
survey of the methods employed in the schools of the United
States during the past half century.
QUEEN VICTORIA:
A BIOGRAPHY
I
PARENTAGE AND BIRTH
Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and Empress of India, was granddaughter of George III., who was King of Great Britain and Ireland from his accession on October 25, 1760, until his death on January 29, 1820. George III.'s fourth son, Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent, was her father, and she was his only child.
The Hanoverian dynasty, to which Queen Victoria belonged, traces authentic descent from Alfred the Great, who was in the ninth century King of the West Saxons and overlord of all the English. One female descendant of King Alfred in the direct line married William the Conqueror, the first Norman wearer of the English crown; another female descendant was wife of the Conqueror's son and eventual successor, Henry I. Thus the blood of King Alfred flowed in no niggardly measure in the
succession to his throne through no more than a single generation.
On May 2, 1816, Princess Charlotte Augusta of Wales, only child of the Prince Regent (George III.'s heir), had married Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and on November 6, 1817, she died after the birth of a stillborn son. The crown was thereby deprived of its only legitimate representative in the third generation.
Of the seven sons of George III. who reached adult years, three, at the date of Princess Charlotte's death, were bachelors, and the four who were married were either childless or without lawful issue.\(^1\) Of the five surviving daughters of the King, three were married but had no children living, and two were elderly spinsters. With a view to maintaining the succession it was deemed essential after Princess Charlotte's demise that the three unmarried sons, all of whom were middle-aged—William, Duke of Clarence, the third son; Edward, Duke of Kent, the fourth son; and Adolphus Frederick, Duke of Cambridge, the seventh and youngest son—should marry without delay.
In each case the bride, in conformity with family tradition, was chosen from a princely family of
\(^1\) The dead Princess Charlotte was the only child of the Prince Regent by his wife, Princess Caroline. George III.'s second son, Frederick, Duke of York, had married in 1791 the Princess Royal of Prussia, Frederick William II.'s daughter, by whom he had no issue. The fifth son, Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, had married in 1815 his first cousin on the maternal side, Princess Frederica of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, and his only child by her, a son George, was not born till 1819; while the sixth son, Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex, had in 1793 contracted a marriage which violated the Royal Marriage Act and was declared null and void.
Germany. The weddings followed one another with rapidity. On May 7, 1818, the Duke of Cambridge, who was residing in Hanover as the representative of his father, George III., in the government there, married, at Cassel, Augusta, daughter of Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who was to live longer than any of her generation. On June 11, 1818, the Duke of Clarence wedded in his fifty-third year Adelaide, eldest daughter of George Frederick Charles, reigning Duke of Saxe-Meiningen. In the interval, on May 29, the Duke of Kent, who was in his fifty-first year, married a widowed sister of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, the premature death of whose wife, Princess Charlotte, had induced so much matrimonial activity in the English royal house.
Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent, who was born at Buckingham House, London, on November 2, 1767, had been sent to Hanover in boyhood to complete his education, and his German tutor, Baron Wangenheim, a rigorous disciplinarian, kept him so short of pocket-money that he then contracted a fixed habit, which proved a lifelong embarrassment, of incurring debts that he could not discharge. His father, who showed the young prince little sympathy, destined him as a child for the military profession, to which, long before his marriage, he proved his devotion in trying circumstances. He filled many responsible military posts in the colonies, taking part in the reduction of St. Lucia in the West Indies in 1794. In the spring of 1799 he was granted an income of 12,000l. a year, and was created Duke of Kent. From May of that year till July of the next he was Commander-in-Chief.
of the forces in British North America, and during 1802–3 he was Governor of Gibraltar. There he acquired undeservedly a bad reputation. A somewhat tactless endeavour to suppress undoubted abuses which infected the garrison roused a mutiny among the troops. The result was that his military career ended in 1805, when he was gazetted a field-marshal. Small blame attached to him for the outbreak of insubordination which clouded his government of Gibraltar, but he had ruled his men with a harassing and pedantic rigour, and an almost superstitious regard for minutiae of etiquette and equipment rendered him unpopular even with the officers. He was a Liberal in politics and took an enlightened view of large questions affecting both military and civil policy; but after 1803 he had no active employment and long lived in comparative retirement at Ealing. Finally, in 1815, he sought asylum in Brussels from the importunities of an ever-growing army of creditors whose demands he was unable to meet. Pecuniary anxieties continued to depress him to the end of his life.
The Duke of Kent’s bride, who was commonly known by the Christian name of Victoria, although her full Christian names were Mary Louisa Victoria, was nearly thirty-two years old. She was fourth daughter and youngest of the eight children of Francis Frederick Antony (1750–1806), reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Saalfeld.\(^1\) The day of her birth (Aug. 17,
\(^1\) In 1825, the pleasant province of Saalfeld on the banks of the Saal was, by an awkward family arrangement, exchanged with the Duke of Saxe-Meiningen for the less attractive and more distant
1786) was that of the death of Frederick the Great, whose wife was her great-aunt, and the coincidence implanted in her a dislike of the Prussians, because her family treated the anniversary of her birth as a season of mourning for the demise of their great kinsman and not as one of rejoicing for her arrival in the world. At a very youthful age she married. Her husband was Ernest Charles, reigning Prince of Leiningen, whose second wife she became on September 21, 1803, at the age of seventeen. This first experience of matrimony lasted less than eleven years. The Prince of Leiningen died on July 4, 1814, leaving by her a son and a daughter. For the son, who was born on September 12, 1804, she was acting as regent and guardian when the Duke of Kent proposed marriage to her. Her responsibilities to her children and to the principality of Leiningen made her somewhat reluctant to accept the Duke's offer. But her father's family of Saxe-Coburg was unwilling for her to neglect an opportunity of reinforcing those intimate relations with the English reigning house which the Princess Charlotte's marriage had no sooner brought into being than they were threatened with extinction by her premature death. The Dowager Princess of Leiningen consequently married the Duke of Kent, the ceremony taking place at the ducal palace of Coburg on May 29, 1818.
The Princess was a cheerful woman of homely duchy of Gotha. The Dukes of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld were thenceforth known as Dukes of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. Cf. King Leopold's Reminiscences in Grey's Early Years of the Prince Consort, p. 393.
intellect and temperament, with a pronounced love of her family and her fatherland. Her kindred was exceptionally numerous; she maintained close relations with most of them, and domestic interests thus absorbed her attention through life. Besides the son and daughter of her first marriage, she had three surviving brothers and three sisters, all of whom married, and all but one of whom had issue. Fifteen nephews and three nieces reached maturity, and their marriages greatly extended her family connections. Most of her near kindred allied themselves matrimonially, as she in the first instance had done, with the smaller German reigning families. Her eldest brother, Ernest, who succeeded to the duchy of Saxe-Coburg, and was father of Albert, Prince Consort of Queen Victoria, twice married princesses of small German Courts—in the first instance of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg, in the second of Würtemberg. A sister, Antoinette Ernestina Amelia, married Alexander Frederick Charles, Duke of Würtemberg. At the same time some matrimonial unions were effected by the Saxe-Coburg family with the royal houses of two Latin countries—France and Portugal. One of the Duchess of Kent’s nephews married the Queen of Portugal, while there were no fewer than four intermarriages on the part of her family with that of King Louis Philippe. A brother and two
1 Queen Victoria’s first cousin, Ferdinand (1816–1853), eldest son of the Duchess of Kent’s second brother, Ferdinand (1785–1851), married in 1836, as his second wife, Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal; he was father by her of two successive Kings of Portugal (Pedro V. and Luis), and was grandfather of Carlos the present King, the son of King Luis.
of her nephews married respectively the French king's eldest, second, and third daughters, and a niece married his second son, the Duc de Nemours.\(^1\) Members of the Hanoverian family on the English throne had long been accustomed to seek husbands or wives at the minor Courts of Germany, but the private relations of the English royal house with those Courts became far closer than before through the strong family sentiment which the Duchess of Kent not merely cherished personally, but instilled in her daughter, the future Queen of England. For the first time since the seventeenth century, too, the private ties of kinship and family feeling linked the sovereign of England with the rulers of France and Portugal.
The Duke of Kent brought his bride to England for the first time in July 1818, and the marriage ceremony was repeated at Kew Palace on the 11th of that month. The Duke received on his marriage an annuity of 6,000\(\ell\). from Parliament, in addition to the earlier annuity of 12,000\(\ell\).; but his pecuniary position was irremediable, and his income, which was mortgaged to his creditors and was administered
\(^1\) The Duchess of Kent's third brother, and Queen Victoria's uncle, Prince Leopold, married in 1832, after he became King of the Belgians, Louis Philippe's eldest daughter, Princess Louise Marie of Orleans; Queen Victoria's first cousin, Prince Augustus, younger son of the Duchess of Kent's second brother, Ferdinand, married in 1843 Princess Marie Clementine, Louis Philippe's third daughter, while Prince Augustus's sister, Victoria, married in 1840 Louis Philippe's second son, the Duc de Nemours; Duke Friedrich Wilhelm, son of the Duchess of Kent's second sister, the Duchess of Würtemberg, married in 1837 Louis Philippe's second daughter, Princess Marie Christine.
by trustees on their behalf, was wholly inadequate to his needs. His brothers and sisters showed no disposition either to assist him or to treat his Duchess, who was not congenial to them, with much personal courtesy. He therefore left the country for Germany soon after the second marriage ceremony, and accepted the hospitality of his wife, with whom and with whose children by her former marriage he settled at her dower-house at Amorbach in her son’s principality of Leiningen.
In the spring of 1819 the birth of a child became imminent. There was a likelihood, although at the moment it looked remote, that it might prove the heir to the English crown; the Duke and Duchess hurried to England so that the birth might take place on English soil. Alderman Matthew Wood, a trustee of the Duke’s encumbered estate, encouraged the plan, and made some urgent pecuniary provision. The Prince Regent allotted the Duke and Duchess apartments in the palace at Kensington, in the south-east wing, and there, on Monday, May 24, 1819, at 4.15 in the morning, was born to them the girl who was the future Queen Victoria.\(^1\)
The Duke of Kent, while describing his daughter as ‘a fine healthy child,’ modestly deprecated congratulations which anticipated her succession to the throne, ‘for while (he wrote) I have three brothers senior to myself, and one (i.e. the Duke of Clarence) possessing every reasonable prospect of having a family, I should deem it the height of presumption to
\(^1\) A gilt plate above the mantelpiece of the room still attests the fact.
believe it probable that a future heir to the crown of England would spring from me.' The child's maternal grandmother, the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, wrote of her as 'a Charlotte—destined perhaps to play a great part one day.' 'The English like queens,' she added, 'and the niece [she was both niece through her mother, and first cousin through her father] of the ever-lamented beloved Charlotte will be most dear to them.' Her father remarked that the infant was too healthy to satisfy the members of his own family, who regarded her as an unwelcome intruder.
The child held, in fact, the fifth place in the succession. Between her and the crown there stood her three uncles, the Prince Regent, the Duke of York, and the Duke of Clarence, besides her father the Duke of Kent.
Formal honours were accorded the newly born Princess as one in the direct line. The privy councillors who were summoned to Kensington on her birth included her uncle the Duke of Sussex, the Duke of Wellington, and the Marquis of Lansdowne, together with George Canning, the president of the Board of Control, and Nicholas Vansittart, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, two leading members of Lord Liverpool's long-lived Tory ministry, which had already been seven years in office. On June 24 the infant's baptism took place in the grand saloon at Kensington Palace. The gold font, which was part of the regalia of the kingdom, was brought from the Tower, and crimson velvet curtains from the chapel at St. James's. There were three sponsors, of whom the most interesting was the Tsar, Alexander I., the
head of the Holy Alliance, and the most powerful monarch on the continent of Europe. The Regent and the Tory prime minister, Lord Liverpool, desired to maintain friendly relations with Russia, and the offer of Prince Lieven, Russian Ambassador in London, that his master should act as sponsor was accepted with alacrity. The second sponsor was the child’s eldest aunt, the widowed Queen of Würtemberg (George III.’s eldest daughter and the Princess Royal of England). The third sponsor was the infant’s maternal grandmother, the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, eldest daughter of Count Reuss von Elbersdorf XXIV. None of the three sponsors were present at the christening in person. They were represented respectively by the child’s uncle, the Duke of York, and by her aunts, the Princess Augusta and the Duchess of Gloucester.
The rite was performed by Dr. Manners Sutton, Archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by William Howley, Bishop of London. The Prince Regent, who was present, declared that the one name of ‘Alexandrina,’ after the Tsar, was sufficient. The Duke of Kent requested that a second name should be added. The Prince Regent suggested ‘Georgina.’ The Duke of Kent urged ‘Elizabeth.’ Thereupon the Regent brusquely insisted on the mother’s name of Victoria, at the same time stipulating that it should follow that of Alexandrina. The Princess was therefore named at baptism Alexandrina Victoria, and for several years was known in the family circle as ‘Drina.’ But her mother was desirous from the first to give public and official prominence to her second name of Victoria.
When only four the child signed her name as Victoria, and the autograph is now in the British Museum.\(^1\) The appellation, although it was not unknown in England, had a foreign sound to English ears, and its bestowal on the Princess excited no little insular prejudice.\(^2\)
When the child was a month old her parents removed with her to Claremont, the residence, near Esher in Surrey, which had been granted for life to her uncle, Prince Leopold, the widowed husband of the Princess Charlotte, and remained his property till his death in 1865. In August 1819 the Princess was vaccinated, and the royal sanction, which was thus for the first time conferred upon the operation, greatly extended its popularity. Before the end of the month the Duchess of Kent learned from her mother of the birth on the 26th, at the ducal summer palace of Rosenau in Coburg, of the second son (Albert) of her eldest brother, the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld (afterwards Gotha). Madame Siebold, the German accoucheuse, who had attended Princess Victoria’s birth, was also
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\(^1\) Addit. MS. 18204, fol. 12.
The name was well known in the Roman Empire. It was borne by a Gaulish princess, who claimed in the third century A.D. imperial power over Gaul and the western provinces of the empire (cf. Gibbon, vol. i. ch. xi.). Subsequently under the Italianised form of Vittoria it was widely used in mediæval and modern Italy. The Duchess of Kent seems to have been the first of the Saxe-Coburg family to bear it, but it was soon conferred, in compliment to her, on several of her nieces. It was found in at least one Anglo-Italian family before it achieved royal prestige in England. Vincent Novello, the music publisher of London, named his daughter (who became Mrs. Cowden Clarke) Mary Victoria, after his friend, the Rev. Victor Fryer; born ten years before the future Queen, she was in girlhood known solely as Victoria in her family circle.
present at Prince Albert’s, and in the Saxe-Coburg circle the names of the two children were at once linked together. In December 1819 the Duke and Duchess of Kent went with their daughter to Sidmouth, where they rented a small house called Woolbrook Glen, which is still standing. The sojourn there did not lack incident. The discharge of an arrow by a mischievous boy at the window of the room which the infant was occupying went very near ending her career before it was well begun.
After a few weeks at Sidmouth the child’s position in the State underwent momentous change. On January 20, 1820, her father, the Duke of Kent, fell ill of a cold contracted while walking in wet weather; inflammation of the lungs set in, and on the 23rd he died. Six days later, on January 29, 1820, her grandfather, King George III., who had long been blind and imbecile, passed away, and her eldest uncle, the Prince Regent, became King at the age of fifty-eight. Thus the four lives that had intervened between the Princess and the highest place in the State were suddenly reduced to two—those of her uncles, the Duke of York, who was fifty-seven, and the Duke of Clarence, who was fifty-five. Neither Duke had a lawful heir, or seemed likely to have one. A great future for the child of the Duchess of Kent thus seemed assured.
The immediate position of mother and daughter was not, however, enviable. The Duke of Kent appointed his widow sole guardian of their child, with his friends General Wetherall and Sir John Conroy as executors of his will. Conroy, who had
been ten years equerry to the Duke, and greatly in his confidence, thenceforth acted as major-domo for the Duchess, was constantly consulted by her, and lived under the same roof until the accession of the Princess, by whom he came to be cordially disliked. The Duchess was obnoxious to her husband's brothers, especially to the new King, and to her younger brothers-in-law, the Duke of Clarence, now heir-presumptive to the crown, and the Duke of Cumberland, who was the next heir to the throne after her daughter. Speaking later of her relations with the heads of the royal family, she said that on her husband's death she stood with her daughter 'friendless and alone, in a country that was not her own.' Not the least of her trials was her inability to speak English.
Although the Duke had made a will, he left no property to which his creditors had not a first claim. He had made a vain effort shortly before his death to reduce his embarrassments by applying to Parliament for permission to sell, by lottery, for the benefit of his estate, the property at Ealing which he had acquired in 1805. But the requisite permission was refused. In the result, he only bequeathed a heavy mass of debts, which the Princess, to her lasting credit, took in course of time on her own shoulders and discharged to the last penny.¹ Parliament had directed that the annuity of 6,000l. granted to the Duke on his marriage in 1818 should in the event of his death pass to his widow for her lifetime; apartments
¹ See p. 81.
in Kensington Palace, which had been allotted to the Duke and Duchess on their arrival in England in 1819, remained at the Duchess's disposal; but she and her daughter had no other acknowledged resources.
The Duchess's desolate lot was not without mitigation. She had the sympathy of her late husband's unmarried sisters, Sophia and Augusta, who admired her self-possession at this critical period; and the kindly Duchess of Clarence, a German Princess, like herself, who could converse with her in her mother-tongue, paid her constant visits.
But her main source of consolation was her brother Leopold, who proved an invaluable adviser and a generous benefactor. As soon as the gravity of the Duke's illness declared itself he had hurried to Sidmouth to console and counsel her. Deprived by death some four years before of wife and child, he had since led an aimless career of travel in England and Scotland, without any recognised position or influence. It was congenial to him to assume informally the place of a father to the Duke's child. Although, owing to his German education, he was never quite at home in English politics, he was cautious and far-seeing, and was qualified for the roles of guardian of his niece and counsellor of his sister, which he at once assumed.
It was Prince Leopold who impressed on the Duchess of Kent the destiny in store for her youngest child. Her responsibilities as Regent of the principality of Leiningen in behalf of her son by her first marriage weighed heavily upon her. But, strong as was her
affection for her German kindred, anxious as she was to maintain close relations with them, and sensitive as she was to the indifference manifested to her at the English Court, she, under Leopold’s influence, resigned the regency of Leiningen, and resolved to reside permanently in England. After deliberating with her brother, she chose as ‘the whole object of her future life’ the education of her younger daughter in view of the likelihood of her accession to the English throne. Until the Princess’s marriage, when she was in her twenty-first year, mother and daughter were never parted for a day.
Of her father the Princess had no personal remembrance, but her mother taught her to honour his memory. She cherished, from childhood to old age, stories of his active career in the West Indies, in Canada, and at Gibraltar. When, as Queen Victoria, she presented new colours to his old regiment, the Royal Scots, at Ballater on September 26, 1876, she said of him: ‘He was proud of his profession, and I was always told to consider myself a soldier’s child.’ Strong sympathy with the army was a main characteristic of her career. Nor were her father’s strong liberal, even radical, sympathies concealed from her. At the time of his death he was arranging to visit New Lanark with his wife as the guests of the socialist, Robert Owen, with whose principles he had already declared his agreement.\(^1\) The Princess’s whiggish
\(^1\) Owen, *Autobiography*, 1857, p. 237. On June 26, 1819 (a month after Queen Victoria’s birth), the Duke of Kent took the chair at a meeting held in the Freemasons’ Hall for the purpose of appointing a committee to investigate and report on Mr. Owen’s plan for
predilections in early life were not the least noteworthy part of her paternal inheritance.
providing for the poor, and ameliorating the condition of the working classes. The Duke commented 'on the anomalous condition of the country arising from the deficiency of productive employment for those who without it must be poor, in consequence of the excess to which manufactures had been extended by the late increase of machinery.' He expressed his belief in Owen's competency to devise measures to rectify the evil, drawing attention to the success of Owen's great experiment at New Lanark.
It was in the spring of 1820 that the Duchess of Kent took up her permanent abode in Kensington Palace, and there, in comparative seclusion, the Princess spent most of her first eighteen years of life. Kensington was then effectually cut off from London by market gardens and country lanes, and formed a quiet rural retreat from the bustling activity of the capital. Besides her infant daughter the Duchess had another companion in her child by her first husband, Princess Féodore of Leiningen, who was twelve years Princess Victoria's senior, and inspired her with deep and lasting affection. Prince Charles of Leiningen, Princess Victoria's stepbrother, was a frequent visitor, and to him also she was much attached. A child about her own age who was constantly with her in early days was the daughter of Sir John Conroy, chief of her mother's household; the Duchess had stood godmother to the little girl, and had conferred on her her own names of Victoria Maria Louisa.
Chief among the permanent adult members of
1 Born December 7, 1807; died September 23, 1872.
2 Miss Conroy married on March 10, 1842, Major Wyndham Edward Hanmer, and died February 9, 1866.
the Kensington household was Louise Lehzen, the daughter of a Lutheran clergyman of Hanover, who had acted as governess of the Princess Féodore from 1818. Princess Victoria's education was begun in 1824, when Fräulein Lehzen transferred her services from the elder to the younger daughter. Voluble in talk, severe in manner, restricted in information, conventional in opinion, she was never popular in English society; but she was shrewd in judgment and wholehearted in her devotion to her charge, whom she at once inspired with affection and fear, the memory of which never wholly left her pupil. Long after the Princess's girlhood close intimacy continued between the two, and, as long as Lehzen lived, they corresponded with each other and exchanged gifts with regularity. At Lehzen's death in 1870 the Queen wrote of her: 'She knew me from six months old, and from my fifth to my eighteenth year devoted all her care and energies to me with most wonderful abnegation of self, never even taking one day's holiday. I adored, though I was greatly in awe of her. She really seemed to have no thought but for me.'
The need of fittingly providing for the Princess's education first brought the child to the formal notice of Parliament. In 1825 Parliament unanimously resolved to allow the Duchess of Kent an additional 6,000l. a year 'for the purpose of making an adequate provision for the honourable support and education of her Highness Princess Alexandrina Victoria of Kent.'¹ English instruction was needful, and Fräulein Lehzen, who was never officially recognised to fill any posi-
¹ Hansard, new ser. xiii. 909-27.
tion except that of 'lady attendant on Princess Victoria,' was hardly qualified for the whole of the teaching. On the advice of the Rev. Thomas Russell, vicar of Kensington, the Rev. George Davys, a country clergyman in middle life, became the Princess's preceptor. He was at the time vicar of a small Lincolnshire parish, but was soon transferred to the Crown living of All Hallows-on-the-Wall, in the City of London. In 1827 he was formally appointed director of the Princess's education, and took up his residence at Kensington Palace. To reconcile Fräulein Lehzen to the new situation, George IV. in the same year, at the friendly suggestion of his sister, Princess Sophia, made her a Hanoverian baroness.
Davys did his work discreetly. He gathered round him a band of efficient masters in special subjects of study, mainly reserving for himself religious knowledge and history. Although his personal religious views were decidedly evangelical, he was liberal in his attitude to all religious opinions, and he encouraged in his pupil a singularly tolerant temper, which served her in good stead in after life. Thomas Steward, the writing-master of Westminster School, taught her penmanship and arithmetic. She rapidly acquired great ease and speed in writing, although at the sacrifice of elegance. As a girl she corresponded volubly with her numerous kinsfolk, and she maintained the practice till the end of her life. During her girlhood the Duchess conscientiously caused her daughter to converse almost entirely in English, but German was the earliest language
she learned, and she always knew it as a mother-tongue. She studied it grammatically, together with German literature, under M. Barez. At first she spoke English with a slight German accent; but this was soon mended, and in mature years her pronunciation of English was thoroughly natural, although refined. As a young woman she liked to be regarded as an authority on English accent.¹ She was instructed in French by M. Grandineau, and came to speak it exceptionally well and fluently. At a later period, when she was fascinated by Italian opera, she studied Italian assiduously, and rarely lost an opportunity of speaking it. She was naturally a good linguist, though she showed no marked aptitude or liking for literary subjects of study. She was not permitted in youth to read novels. First-rate literature never greatly appealed to her.
To the practical pursuit of the arts the Princess applied herself as a girl with persistency and delight, but she was not conspicuously endowed with artistic taste. Music occupied much of her time. John Bernard Sale, organist of St. Margaret's, Westminster, and subsequently organist of the Chapel Royal, gave her her first lessons in singing in 1826. She developed a sweet soprano voice, and soon both sang and played the piano with good effect. Drawing was first taught her by Richard Westall, the Academician, who in 1829 painted one of the earliest portraits of her; she afterwards studied under Edwin (afterwards Sir Edwin) Landseer. Sketching in pencil or water-colours was a lifelong amusement, and after her marriage she at-
¹ Lady Lyttelton, Letters.
tempted etching. In both music and the pictorial arts she continued to seek instruction till comparatively late in life. To dancing, which she was first taught by Mlle. Bourdin, she was, like her mother, devoted; and, like the Duchess, danced with exceptional grace and energy until middle age. She was fond of learning and of arranging country dances, and was an enthusiastic adept at dancing games, of which her favourites were called respectively 'Young and old come out to play' and 'The Grandfather.' She was also from childhood a skilful horsewoman, and enjoyed physical exercise, taking part in all manner of indoor and outdoor pastimes. Battledore and shuttlecock remained a frequent recreation when she was well advanced in womanhood.
The Princess grew up an amiable, merry, affectionate, simple-hearted child—very considerate for others' comfort, scrupulously regardful of truth, and easily pleased by homely amusement. At the same time she was self-willed and impatient of restraint. Her memory was from the first singularly retentive. Great simplicity was encouraged in her general mode of life. She dressed without ostentation. Lord Albemarle watched her watering, at Kensington, a little garden of her own, wearing 'a large straw hat and a suit of white cotton,' her only ornament being 'a coloured fichu round the neck.'¹ Charles Knight watched her breakfasting in the open air, well in sight of Kensington Gardens, when she was nine years old, enjoying all the freedom of her years, and suddenly darting from the breakfast-table
¹ Earl of Albemarle, *Fifty Years of my Life*, 1876, ii. 227.
'to gather a flower in an adjoining pasture.' Leigh Hunt often met her walking at her ease in Kensington Gardens, and although he was chilled by the gorgeous raiment of the footman who followed her, he noticed the unaffected playfulness with which she treated a companion of her own age.
The Duchess of Kent was fond of presenting her daughter to her visitors at Kensington, who included men of distinction in all ranks of life. William Wilberforce describes how he received an invitation to visit the Duchess at Kensington Palace in July 1820, and how the Duchess received him 'with her fine animated child on the floor by her side with its playthings, of which I soon became one.'¹ On May 19, 1828, Sir Walter Scott 'dined with the Duchess' and was 'presented to the little Princess Victoria—I hope they will change her name (he added)—the heir-apparent to the crown as things now stand. . . . This little lady is educating with much care, and watched so closely, that no busy maid has a moment to whisper, "you are heir of England."' But Sir Walter suggested 'I suspect, if we could dissect the little heart, we should find that some pigeon or other bird of the air had carried the matter.'²
According to a story recorded many years afterwards by Baroness Lehzen, the fact of the Princess's rank was carefully concealed from her until her twelfth year, when, after much consultation, it was solemnly revealed to her by the Baroness, who
¹ R. I. Wilberforce and S. Wilberforce, Life of William Wilberforce, 1838, v. 71–72.
² J. G. Lockhart, Memoirs of Sir Walter Scott, 1900, v. 200.
cunningly inserted in the child’s book of English history a royal genealogical tree in which her place was prominently indicated. The Princess, the Baroness stated, received the information, of which she knew nothing before, with an ecstatic assurance that she would be ‘good’ thenceforth. But there were many opportunities open to her previously of learning the truth about her position, and on the story in the precise form that it took in the Baroness Lehzen’s reminiscence the Queen herself threw doubt. Among the Princess’s companions were the daughters of Heinrich von Bülow, the Prussian Ambassador in London, whose wife was daughter of Humboldt. When, on May 28, 1829, they and some other children spent an afternoon at Kensington at play with the Princess, each of them on leaving was presented by her with her portrait—an act which does not harmonise well with the ignorance of her rank with which the Baroness Lehzen was anxious to credit her.
The most fondly remembered of the Princess’s recreations were summer and autumn excursions to the country or to the seaside. Visits to her uncle Leopold’s house at Claremont, near Esher, were repeated many times a year. There, she said, the happiest days of her youth were spent. In the autumn of 1824 she was introduced at Claremont to Leopold’s mother, who was her own godmother and grandmother, the Duchess Dowager of Saxe-Coburg, who stayed at Claremont for more than two months. The old Duchess was
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1 Gabriele von Bülow, a Memoir, English transl. 1897, p. 163.
2 Grey; Early Years of the Prince Consort, p. 392.
enthusiastic in praise of her granddaughter—'the sweet blossom of May' she called her—and she favoured the notion, which her son Leopold seems first to have suggested to her, that the girl might do worse than marry into the Saxe-Coburg family. Albert, the younger of the two sons of her eldest son, the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg—a boy of Victoria's own age—was seriously considered as a suitor. Thenceforth the Princess's uncle Leopold was as solicitous about the well-being of his nephew Albert as about that of his niece Victoria. A little later in the same year (1824) the child and her mother paid the first of many visits to Ramsgate, staying at Albion House. Broadstairs was also in early days a favourite resort of the Duchess and her daughter, and on returning thence on one occasion they paid a first visit to a nobleman, the Earl of Winchilsea, at Eastwell Park, Ashford.
In 1826 the Princess and her mother were invited for the first time to visit the King, George IV., at Windsor. He was then residing at the royal lodge in the park while the castle was undergoing restoration, and his guests were allotted quarters at Cumberland Lodge. The King was gracious to his niece, and gave her the badge worn by members of the royal family. Her good spirits and frankness completely won the monarch's heart. On one occasion she especially pleased him by bidding a band play 'God save the King' after he had invited her to choose the tune. On August 17, 1826, she went with him on Virginia Water, and afterwards he drove her out in his phaeton.
Next year died without issue the Princess's uncle, the Duke of York, of whom she knew little, although just before his death, while he was living in the King's Road, Chelsea, he had invited her to pay him a visit, and had provided a punch-and-judy show for her amusement. His death left only her uncle the Duke of Clarence between herself and the throne, and her ultimate succession to the crown was now recognised to be almost certain.¹ On May 28, 1829, she attended a Court function for the first time. It was at St. James's Palace. The ten-year-old Queen of Portugal, Maria II. (da Gloria), a protégée of the English Government, was on a visit to England, and a children's ball was given in her honour by George IV. 'It was pretty enough,' wrote the gossip Greville, who was to record many later impressions of the Princess, 'and I saw for the first time the Queen of Portugal and our little Victoria. . . . The Queen is good-looking and has a sensible Austrian countenance. Our Princess is a short, plain-looking child, and not near so good-looking as the Portuguese. However, if nature has not done so much, fortune is likely to do a good deal more for her.'²
Queen Maria, who was only a month older than the Princess, had already worn her crown three years.
¹ The Duke of Clarence had had by his wife two daughters, but neither long survived her birth; the elder, Charlotte Augusta Louisa, was born and died the same day, March 29, 1819, and the younger, Elizabeth Georgina Adelaide, born December 10, 1820, died March 4, 1821. No legitimate child had been born to the Duke for nearly ten years when he ascended the throne in 1830.
² Greville Memoirs, 1st ser. i. 209.
By the efforts of the constitutional party in Portugal, and under the virtual protection of England, she had ascended her throne in 1826, at the age of seven, when her father, the absolutist King Pedro I., was forced by his disaffected subjects to surrender his European crown for the uneasy independent sovereignty of Brazil. The persistence of rebellion in Portugal forced the child-queen to spend the first seven years of her reign in retirement in northern Europe, chiefly at Paris, where she was educated. Before her final return to her own country in 1834, she had further meetings in England with Princess Victoria, who was from the first attracted by her gentle bearing. Their last meeting seems to have taken place in the Isle of Wight in the autumn of 1833. Afterwards (April 9, 1836) Queen Maria entered the family circle of the Saxe-Coburg house by marrying Princess Victoria's first cousin, Prince Ferdinand Augustus of Saxe-Coburg.\(^1\) The Portuguese sovereign's dynastic and matrimonial fortunes ran parallel to some extent with those of the English Princess, and Queen Victoria always took an eager and sympathetic interest in Queen Maria's career, her descendants, and her country.
\(^1\) Cf. supra, p. 8, note 1.
III
HEIR TO THE CROWN
In June 1830 the last stage but one in the Princess's progress towards the crown was reached. Her uncle George IV. died on June 26, and was succeeded by his brother William, Duke of Clarence, who had no legitimate children alive. The girl thus became heir-presumptive. The public was roused to interest itself in her, and in November 1830 her status was brought to the notice of Parliament. A Bill was introduced by the Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, and was duly passed, which conferred the regency on the Duchess of Kent, in case the new King died before the Princess came of age. This mark of confidence was a source of great satisfaction to the Duchess. Next year William IV. invited Parliament to make further 'provision for Princess Alexandrina Victoria of Kent, in view of recent events.' The Government recommended that 10,000l. should be added to the Duchess of Kent's allowance on behalf of the Princess. Two influential members, Sir Matthew White Ridley and Sir Robert Inglis, while supporting the proposal, urged that the Princess should as Queen assume the style of Elizabeth II., and repeated the old complaint that the name Victoria
did not accord with the feelings of the English people. The speakers were representative country gentlemen of insular breeding, who resented whatever savoured of foreign origin. The Princess had, however, already taken a violent antipathy to Queen Elizabeth, and always deprecated any association with her. Happily for her peace of mind, the opposition to her baptismal names was not pressed. A hostile amendment to reduce the new allowance by one half was lost, and the Government's recommendation was ultimately adopted without qualification.
The Duchess of Kent regarded the addition to her income as inadequate to the needs of her position, but greater dignity was at once secured for her household. The Duchess of Northumberland (a granddaughter of the great Lord Clive) was formally appointed governess of the Princess, and her preceptor Davys was made Dean of Chester. The King requested her to attend Court functions. On July 20, 1830, dressed in deep mourning with a long Court train and veil reaching to the ground she followed Queen Adelaide at a chapter of the Order of the Garter held at St. James's Palace. A few months later she was present at the prorogation of Parlia-
---
1 Hansard, 3rd ser. v. 591, 654 seq.
2 The Duchess of Northumberland was second daughter of Edward Clive, Earl of Powis (Lord Clive's heir); she married in 1817 Hugh Percy, third Duke of Northumberland, a very moderate Tory, who was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland under the Duke of Wellington in 1825–6. Greville describes her as 'sensible, amiable, and good-humoured, ruling her husband in all things.' She died childless on July 27, 1866.
3 Bülow, p. 191.
ment. On February 24, 1831, she attended her first drawing-room, in honour of Queen Adelaide's birthday. The King, who studied her closely, complained that she looked at him stonily.
No love was lost between the King and the Princess's mother, and the Duchess contrived to make the Princess's future attendances at his Court as few as possible. The King made the irregularity of her appearances a serious grievance. She and her mother were naturally expected to attend his coronation on September 8, 1831, but they did not come. Inquiries as to the cause of their absence were made in Parliament, and ministers gave the evasive answer that the King was satisfied with the situation; they declined to give specific reasons. The facts were that the King, whose view of the Princess's dynastic position was somewhat ambiguous, insisted that she should follow instead of precede his brothers in the royal procession through Westminster Abbey. The Duchess of Kent retorted that the Princess as heir-presumptive must take her place next the Sovereign. Neither William nor the Duchess would give way, and the Duchess declined to suffer her daughter to be present at the ceremony. The Queen often told her children how deeply she felt the disappointment, and how copious were her tears on learning her mother's decision. 'Nothing could console me,' she said, 'not even my dolls.'
With the apparent access of prosperity went indeed many griefs and annoyances which caused more than passing tears, and permanently impressed the Princess's mind with a sense of the 'sadness' and
‘unhappiness’ of her youth. In January 1828 her constant companion, the Princess Féodore of Leiningen, left England for good, on her marriage to Prince von Hohenlohe-Langenburg, and the separation deeply pained Victoria. In 1830 alarm was felt at Kensington at the prospect of Prince Leopold’s permanent removal to the continent. Both mother and daughter trusted to his guidance implicitly. The Princess was almost as deeply attached to him as to her mother. But separation from him was imminent. Although he declined the offer of the throne of Greece in 1830, his acceptance next year, at the suggestion of the English Government, of the throne of Belgium grieved the Princess acutely. As King of the Belgians he watched her interests with no less devotion than before, and he was an assiduous correspondent; but his absence from the country and his subsequent marriage in 1832 with Louis Philippe’s daughter withdrew him from that constant supervision of her affairs to which she and her mother had grown accustomed. Two deaths which followed in the Saxe-Coburg family increased the sense of depression. The earlier loss did not justify deep regrets. The Duchess of Kent’s sister-in-law, the mother of Prince Albert, who soon after his birth had been divorced, died in August 1831. But the death on November 16 of the Duchess Dowager of Saxe-Coburg, the Duchess of Kent’s mother and the Princess’s godmother and grandmother, who took the warmest interest in the child’s future, was a lasting sorrow.
The main cause, however, of the Duchess of Kent’s
anxieties, which her daughter shared, was the hostile attitude that William IV. assumed towards the Duchess. There was no reason to complain of the unconventional geniality with which the King welcomed her daughter on her private visits to him, nor would it be easy to exaggerate the maternal solicitude which the homely Duchess of Clarence, now become Queen Adelaide, showed the Princess. But the King resented the payment to the Duchess or to her daughter of that public consideration which the Princess's station clearly warranted. The King seems to have been moved by a senile jealousy of the Duchess's influence with the heiress-presumptive to the crown, and by a fear that his position was compromised by the Princess's intrusions on public notice. He repeatedly threatened to remove the girl from her mother's care, with a view to increasing her seclusion. When the two ladies received, in August 1831, a royal salute from the ships at Portsmouth on proceeding for their autumn holiday to a hired residence, Norris Castle, Isle of Wight, William IV. requested the Duchess voluntarily to forego such honours in the future, and, when she protested, he prohibited them from being offered. Incessant wrangling between him and the Duchess continued throughout the reign.
Although the Duchess's alleged dependence on the counsels of Sir John Conroy, her major-domo, exposed her to some ill-conditioned criticism from general society and gossiping newspapers, her conduct from a maternal point of view continued unexceptionable. She did all she could to impress her daughter with the eminence of her future responsibilities.
With that end in view she sought to make her acquainted with places of historic interest or commercial importance in the country over which she was to reign. On October 23, 1830, the Princess opened at Bath the Royal Victoria Park, and afterwards inaugurated the Victoria Drive at Malvern. These were the first instances in which the name of Victoria was associated with English topography. From 1832 onwards the Duchess accompanied her daughter year by year on extended tours, during which they were the guests of the nobility, or visited public works and manufacturing centres, so that the Princess might acquire practical knowledge of the industrial and social conditions of the people. The arrangements were made by Sir John Conroy, who was always of the party. William IV. made impotent protests against these 'royal progresses,' as he derisively called them, and the Princess was herself often tried by the strictness of behaviour which was enjoined on her in order to lend them adequate dignity.
Despite the open avowal in some quarters of a hope that she might never rise above the position of 'plain Miss Guelph,'¹ the royal heiress was everywhere well received, and when she took part in public functions she invariably left a favourable impression. Municipal corporations always offered her addresses of welcome; and the Duchess of Kent, in varying phraseology, replied in the Princess's behalf that it was 'the object of her life to render her daughter deserving of the affectionate solicitude she so universally inspires, and to make her worthy of
¹ Croker Papers, ii. 176.
the attachment and respect of a free and loyal people.'
The first tour, which took place in the autumn of 1832, introduced the Princess to the principality of Wales. Leaving Kensington in August, the party drove rapidly through Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Shrewsbury to Powis Castle, the early home of her governess, the Duchess of Northumberland. Thence the Princess crossed the Menai Bridge to a house at Beaumaris, which she rented for a month. She presented prizes at the Eisteddfod there; but an outbreak of cholera shortened her stay, and she removed to Plas Newydd, which was lent to her mother by the Marquis of Anglesey. She laid the first stone of a boys' school in the neighbourhood on October 13, and made so good an impression that 'the Princess Victoria' was the theme set for a poetic competition in 1834 at the Cardiff Bardic Festival.¹ Passing on to Eaton Hall, the seat of Lord Grosvenor, she visited Chester on October 17, and opened a new bridge over the Dee, which was called Victoria Bridge. From October 17 to 24 she stayed with the Duke of Devonshire² at Chatsworth, and made many excursions in the neighbourhood, including a visit to Strutt's cotton mills at Belper.
Subsequently the Princess and her mother stayed at a long series of noblemen's houses—an experience
¹ The candidates were two hundred, and the prize was won by Mrs. Cornwell Baron Wilson.
² The sixth Duke of Devonshire was at the time Lord Chamberlain under Lord Grey's Whig ministry. He was a great collector of books and pictures. He died unmarried in 1858.
of which the Princess always retained vivid memories. Among her noble hosts of 1832 the third Earl of Liverpool, half-brother of the late Tory Prime Minister, impressed her most deeply. He invited her to his seat, Pitchford, in Staffordshire. The invitation was probably due to the fact that the Earl’s daughter, Lady Catherine Jenkinson, now a young lady of twenty-one, had lately joined the Duchess of Kent’s household as lady-in-waiting. Lord Liverpool, who was known to Tory circles as a politician of ability and insight, was a man of great natural kindliness, and the Princess at once formed for him an almost filial affection. She also visited during the same autumn Shugborough, Lord Lichfield’s house, also in Staffordshire; Oakley Court, near Windsor, the seat of Mr. Clive; Hewell Grange, near Bromsgrove, the seat of Lord Plymouth; and Wytham Abbey, the seat of the Earl of Abingdon.
From Wytham she and her mother twice went over to Oxford (November 8–9), where they received addresses from both town and university; Dean Gaisford conducted them over Christ Church; they spent some time at the Bodleian Library and at the buildings of the University Press, and they lunched with Vice-Chancellor Rowley at University College. Robert Lowe (afterwards Viscount Sherbrooke), then an undergraduate, described the incidents of the visit.
¹ She revisited Pitchford, an old house dating from the fourteenth century, in 1833, 1834, and 1835, always occupying the same small plainly furnished bedroom, which had no fireplace. In 1836 she visited Lord Liverpool at his residence at Buxted.
² Cf. Mrs. Bagot’s *Links with the Past*, 1901, pp. 9, 10.
in a brilliant macaronic poem.\(^1\) Leaving Oxford the royal party journeyed by way of High Wycombe and Uxbridge to Kensington. Throughout the tour the Princess dined with her mother and her hosts at seven o'clock each evening.
Henceforth social engagements multiplied rapidly. Much hospitality was practised at Kensington, and visitors of all kinds grew numerous. In November 1832 Captain Back came to explain his projected expedition to the North Pole. In January 1833 the portrait painters David Wilkie and George Hayter arrived to paint the Princess's portrait. On April 24 the Duchess of Kent, with a view to mollifying the King, entertained him at a large dinner party; the Princess was present only before and after dinner. In June, two of her first cousins, Princes Alexander and Ernest of Württemberg, and her half-brother, the Prince of Leiningen, were her mother's guests. On May 24, 1833, the Princess's fourteenth birthday was celebrated at St. James's Palace by a juvenile ball given by the King in a rare burst of amiability.
Another tour was arranged for the summer and autumn of 1833. The southern coast was the district
\(^1\) The poem is printed in Patchett Martin's *Life of Lord Sherbrooke*, i. 86–90. The opening lines run—
Dicite praeclaram, Musae, mihi dicite Kentae
Duchessam, Princessque simul Victoria nostro
Singatur versu, Conroianusque triumphus,
Et quam shoutarunt Undergraduates atque Magistri,
Et quantum dederit Vice-Chancellor ipse refreshment.
'Conroianus triumphus' in the third line is a derisive reference to the presence of Sir John Conroy.
chosen. The royal party went a second time to Norris Castle, Isle of Wight, and made personal acquaintance with those parts of the island with which an important part of the Princess's after life was identified. She visited the energetic director of her mother's household, Sir John Conroy, at his residence, Osborne Lodge, on the site of which at a later date Queen Victoria built Osborne Cottage, and near which she erected Osborne House.\(^1\) She explored Whippingham Church and East Cowes; but the main object of her present sojourn in the island was to visit national objects of interest on the neighbouring coast. At Portsmouth she went over the 'Victory,' Nelson's flagship. Crossing to Weymouth, on July 29, she spent some time at Melbury, Lord Ilchester's seat. On August 2 she and her mother arrived at Plymouth to inspect the dockyards. Next day the Princess presented on Plymouth Hoe new colours to the 89th regiment (Royal Irish Fusiliers), which was then stationed at Devonport. Lord Hill, the Commander-in-Chief, who happened to be at the barracks, took part in the ceremony. The Duchess of Kent on behalf of her daughter addressed the troops, declaring that her daughter's study of English history had inspired her with martial ardour. With the fortunes of the regiment the Princess always identified herself thenceforth. It was at a later date named the Princess Victoria's Royal Irish Fusiliers,\(^2\) and twice again, in 1866 and 1889, she presented it with new
\(^1\) See pp. 365 and 495.
\(^2\) Cf. Rowland Brinckman's Hist. Records of the Eighty-ninth (Princess Victoria's) Regiment, 1888, pp. 83-4.
colours. The Princess afterwards made a cruise in the yacht 'Emerald' to Eddystone lighthouse, put in at Torquay, whence she visited Exeter, and thence sailed to Swanage.
The calls of public duty, to which she was loyally responding, at times caused her a sense of oppression, but she was enjoying at the same time enlarged opportunities of recreation. She frequently visited the theatre, in which she always delighted. But it was the Italian opera that roused her highest enthusiasm. She never forgot the deep impression that the great singers, Pasta, Malibran, and Grisi, Tamburini and Rubini, made on her girlhood. Grisi was her ideal vocalist, by whom she judged all others. All forms of music of the simpler melodic kinds, when artistically rendered, fascinated her. Her reverence for the violinist Paganini, after she had once heard him, never waned. In June 1834 she was an auditor at the royal musical festival that was given in Westminster Abbey. But of elaborate sacred oratorios she heard more than she approved, and she attributed to a surfeit in girlhood of that form of musical entertainment her dis-taste for Bach and Handel in later life. During her autumn holiday of 1833, when she stayed both at Tunbridge Wells and St. Leonards-on-Sea, she spent much of her time in playing and singing, and her instrument was then the harp.¹ In 1836 Lablache became her singing master, and he gave her lessons for nearly twenty years, long after her accession to the throne.²
¹ Cf. Memoirs of Georgiana Lady Chatterton, by E. H. Dering, 1901, p. 29.
² Luigi Lablache, a native of Naples, though the son of a French father, achieved the highest reputation on the continent of Europe
Early in 1835, when she completed her sixteenth year, she suffered serious illness, happily a rare occurrence in her life. She had an attack of typhoid fever, but fortunately her recovery was rapid and complete. New and agreeable experiences were now crowding on her. In June she went for the first time to Ascot, and joined in the royal procession. The American observer, N. P. Willis, watched her listening with unaffected delight to an itinerant ballad singer, and thought her 'quite unnecessarily pretty and interesting,' but he regretfully anticipated that it would be the fate of 'the heir to such a crown as that of England' to be sold in marriage for political purposes without regard to her personal character or wishes.
On July 30, 1835, the Princess was confirmed at the Chapel Royal, St. James's. The address of the Archbishop of Canterbury (William Howley) on her future responsibilities affected her. She 'was drowned in tears and frightened to death.' Next Sunday, at the chapel of Kensington Palace, the Princess received the Holy Sacrament for the first time. The formidable Archbishop (Howley) again officiated, together with her preceptor, Davys, the Dean of Chester. In subsequent years she always fully appreciated the solemnity of the ceremony, though she was never a communicant on more than two occasions in each year and strongly objected to others taking the Sacra-
as an opera singer before he was first heard in London during the season of 1830. Thenceforth he was annually a leading performer in opera in London until his death at Naples in 1858, at the age of sixty-four.
¹ Willis, *Pencillings by the Way*, 1835, iii. 115.
ment more often. Until the end of her life, on the evening preceding the celebration she dined quietly with her family and ladies-in-waiting, and afterwards read with them religious books.
After a second visit in 1835 to Tunbridge Wells, where she stayed at Avoyne House, she made a progress through the north-east of England, which bore some resemblance to a triumphal procession. At York she remained a week at Bishopsthorp with Archbishop Harcourt, whose younger son, Colonel Francis Vernon Harcourt, was equerry to her mother. She afterwards visited Lord Fitzwilliam at Wentworth House; thence she went over to Doncaster to witness the races, which attracted 'vast crowds of people.' She was next the guest of the Duke of Rutland at Belvoir Castle, and then, passing on to the Marquis of Exeter's at Burghley, was enthusiastically received by the people of Stamford on the road. Despite heavy rain, the civic authorities and crowds of the townsfolk met her and her mother outside the town and escorted them through it. An address was presented to the Duchess in behalf of the Princess, who was greeted as one 'destined to mount the throne of this realm.' Sir John Conroy handed a written answer to the Duchess 'just as the Prime Minister does to the King,' it was noted at the time. A great ball at Burghley was opened by a dance in which the Princess's partner was her host the Marquis.
1 Col. Francis Vernon Harcourt married in 1837, after the Queen's accession, the Queen's close friend, Lady Catherine Jenkinson, Lord Liverpool's daughter, who was one of her mother's ladies-in-waiting.
2 Greville Memoirs, 1st ser. i. 315-6.
The following day she reached Lynn on her way to Holkham, the Earl of Leicester's seat. The reception there was almost warmer than at Stamford. Navvies yoked themselves to the royal carriage and drew it round the town. Her last sojourn on this tour was at Euston Hall, the residence of the Duke of Grafton. After returning to Kensington, she spent the month of September at Ramsgate, making excursions to Walmer Castle and to Dover.
In 1836, when the Princess was seventeen, her uncle Leopold deemed that the time had arrived to apply a practical test to his scheme of uniting her in marriage with her first cousin, Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg. The Prince had been carefully educated, and had grown into an intelligent, serious-minded youth. The Duchess of Kent was quite ready to second her brother's plan. Accordingly, King Leopold arranged with her that Albert and his elder brother Ernest, the heir-apparent to the duchy, should in the spring pay a visit of some weeks' duration to their aunt and her daughter at Kensington Palace.
In May the two youths reached England, and Princess Victoria met Prince Albert for the first time. Varied hospitalities were offered him and his brother. William IV. and Queen Adelaide received them courteously, and they were frequently at Court. They saw the chief sights of London, and lunched with the Lord Mayor at the Mansion House.
But William IV. was not likely to approve with warmth any scheme in regard to the Princess which his sister-in-law had adopted. Naturally he looked
with small favour on Prince Albert as a suitor for his niece's hand. At any rate, he was resolved to provide her with a wider field of choice, and he therefore invited the Prince of Orange and his two sons as well as the young Duke William of Brunswick to be his guests at St. James's Palace during the same period that the Saxe-Coburg princes were with the Duchess and her daughter at Kensington. He somewhat maliciously gave the Princess every opportunity of meeting all the young men together. His own choice finally fell on Alexander, the younger son of the Prince of Orange. On May 30 the Duchess of Kent gave a brilliant ball at Kensington Palace, and found herself under the necessity of inviting Duke William of Brunswick and the Prince of Orange with his two sons, as well as her own protégés.¹ Among the general guests was the old Duke of Wellington, who paid the Princess every courtesy. She thus found herself the centre of an admiring throng, and betrayed no preference for any one of her admirers over another.
Some days later the Saxe-Coburg princes left
¹ Thomas Raikes wrote in his Journal, 1858, vol. i. p. 419, under the date May 30, 1836: 'In England there are already arrived the Prince of Orange and his two sons, the Duke of Brunswick, and two Princes of Saxe-Coburg. They all attended a grand ball on Monday evening, given by the Duchess of Kent at Kensington Palace, perhaps with the hope of interesting our future Queen, the Princess Victoria. Indeed, as the Prince of Orange himself was formerly a candidate for the hand of the Princess Charlotte, it is not improbable that he has brought over his sons to England with that view; but here again he meets with the two nephews of the hated Leopold, of whom he used to say, "Voilà un homme qui a pris ma femme et mon royaume."'
England. Albert had constantly sketched and played the piano with his cousin; but her ordinary language, like that of those about her, was English, which placed him at a disadvantage, for he had but recently begun to learn it. The result of their visit was vague and indecisive. Prince Albert wrote of his cousin as 'very amiable,' and astonishingly self-possessed, but parted with her heart-whole. The Princess, however, had learned the suggested plan from her uncle Leopold, whose wishes were law to her, and on June 7, after Albert had left England, she wrote ingenuously to Leopold that she commended the youth to her uncle's special protection, adding, 'I hope and trust that all will go on prosperously and well on this subject, now of so much importance to me.' Her views were uncoloured by sentiment. Her personal inclinations hardly entered into her estimate of the position of affairs. It was natural and congenial to her to obey her uncle.
In the early autumn of 1836 she paid another visit to her friend, Lord Liverpool, who was then living at Buxted Park, near Uckfield, and afterwards spent a quiet month at Ramsgate. The old King was at the moment causing the Duchess of Kent renewed disquietude. The Princess had altogether absented herself of late from Court, and the King complained that he saw too little of her. At the same time he neglected no occasion, however inopportune, of advertising his growing dislike of her
1 Cf. Raikes's Journal, i. 426, June 18, 1836: 'I hear to-day that the young Prince of Saxe-Coburg is the destined husband of our Princess Victoria.'
mother. In August 1836 he invited mother and daughter to Windsor to stay from the 12th for eleven or twelve days; during the period both his and the Queen's birthdays were to be celebrated. The Duchess incensed the King by declining to come before the 20th. On the arrival of the Duchess and the Princess, the King greeted the Princess cordially, but angrily upbraided her mother with occupying, contrary to his orders, an excessive number of rooms—seventeen in all—at Kensington Palace. He neither understood, nor would, he said, 'endure conduct so disrespectful to him.'
Next day, at the state banquet which he gave in honour of his birthday, he publicly expressed the hope that he might live till his niece came of age, so that the kingdom might be spared the regency which Parliament had designed for the Duchess of Kent. He described his sister-in-law, who sat beside him, as a 'person' 'surrounded by evil advisers and incompetent to act with propriety.' 'I have no hesitation in saying,' he proceeded, 'that I have been insulted—grossly and continually insulted—by that person, but I am determined to endure no longer a course of behaviour so disrespectful to me. Amongst many other things I have particularly to complain of the manner in which that young lady [i.e. the Princess Victoria, who was seated opposite the speaker] has been kept away from my Court; she has been repeatedly kept from my drawing-rooms, at which she ought always to have been present; but I am fully resolved that this shall not happen again. I would have her know that I am King, and I am
determined to make my authority respected, and for the future I shall insist and command that the Princess do upon all occasions appear at my Court, as it is her duty to do.’ ‘The Queen,’ added Greville, who reported the singular oration, ‘looked in deep distress, the Princess burst into tears, and the whole company were aghast. The Duchess of Kent said not a word.’¹ The breach between the King and the Princess’s mother was complete.
William IV.’s hope of living long enough to prevent a regency was fulfilled. Although his health was feeble, no serious crisis was feared when, on May 24, 1837, the Princess celebrated her eighteenth birthday, and thus came of age. At Kensington the occasion was worthily celebrated, and the hamlet kept holiday. The Princess was awakened by an aubade, and received many costly gifts. Addresses from public bodies were presented to her mother. To one from the Corporation of London the Duchess made, on behalf of her daughter, an elaborate reply. She pointed out that the Princess was in intercourse with all classes of society, and, after an indiscreet reference to the slights put on herself by the royal family, spoke volubly of the diffusion of religious knowledge, the preservation of the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown, and the protection of popular liberties as the proper aims of a sovereign. The King was loth to withdraw himself from the public rejoicing. He sent his niece a grand piano, and in the evening gave a state ball in her honour at St. James’s Palace. Neither he nor
¹ Greville Memoirs, 1st ser. iii. 366 seq.
the Queen attended it, owing, it was stated, to illness. The Princess opened the entertainment in a quadrille with Lord FitzAlan, grandson of the Duke of Norfolk, and afterwards danced with Nicholas Esterhazy, son of the Austrian Ambassador.
The Princess's interests widened with her years, and with the prospect of independence that her coming of age brought with it. While her birthday was still in process of celebration, she paid two visits to the Royal Academy, which then for the first time held its exhibition in what is now the National Gallery, Trafalgar Square. She was the centre of attraction. On the first visit she shook hands and talked with Rogers the poet, and, hearing that the actor, Charles Kemble, was in the room, desired that he should be introduced to her.
A few days after the Princess's eighteenth birthday the King, in a letter addressed to the Duchess of Kent, proposed to form an independent household for the Princess. This the Duchess peremptorily declined 'in very unsatisfactory terms.' Thereupon the King sent directly to his niece an offer of 10,000l. a year to be at her disposal, independently of her mother. She accepted the proposal to her mother's chagrin. But the King's health was fast failing, and the project went no further.
IV
THE ACCESSION TO THE THRONE
No sooner had the celebrations of the Princess's majority ended than death put her in possession of the fullest rights that it could confer. Early in June it was announced that the King's health was breaking. On Tuesday, June 20, 1837, at twelve minutes past two in the morning, he died at Windsor Castle. The last barrier between Princess Victoria and the crown was thus removed.
Howley, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who had performed the last religious rites at the bedside of the dying monarch, at once took leave of Queen Adelaide, and with Lord Conyngham, the Lord Chamberlain, rode through the early morning to Kensington to break the news to the new Sovereign. The distinguished messengers arrived there before 5 A.M. and found difficulty in obtaining admission. The porter refused to rouse the Princess. At length the Baroness Lehzen was sent for, and she reluctantly agreed to warn the Princess of their presence. The girl came into the room with a shawl thrown over her dressing-gown, her feet in slippers, and her hair falling down her back. Lord Conyngham dropped on his knee, saluted her as Queen, and kissed the hand
she held towards him. The Archbishop did the like, addressing to her 'a sort of pastoral charge.' At the same time she was informed of the King's peaceful end. The Princess clasped her hands and anxiously asked for news of her aunt.
The Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, arrived before nine o'clock, and was at once received in audience. The Queen's uncle, the Duke of Sussex, and the Duke of Wellington, the most popular man in the State, also visited her. But it was from the Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, alone that the constitution permitted her to receive counsel as to her official duties and conduct.
The Privy Council was hastily summoned to meet at Kensington at 11 A.M. on the day of the King's death. On entering the room the Queen was met by her uncles, the Dukes of Cumberland and Sussex, and, having taken her seat, at once read the speech which Lord Melbourne had written for her some days before in consultation with Lord Lansdowne, the veteran President of the Council. She was dressed very plainly in black and wore no ornaments. She was already in mourning for the death of Queen Adelaide's mother. After a reference to 'this awful responsibility imposed on me so suddenly and at so early a period of my life,' she spoke of herself as 'educated in England under the tender and enlightened care of a most affectionate mother; she had learned from her infancy to respect and love the constitution of her native country.' She would aim at securing the
1 Bunsen, i. 272.
2 Louise, Duchess of Saxe-Meiningen, who died on April 30, 1837.
enjoyment of religious liberty and would protect the rights of all her subjects. She then took the oath, guaranteeing the security of the Church of Scotland. The ministers, including Lord Melbourne, First Lord of the Treasury, Lord John Russell, Home Secretary, and Lord Palmerston, Foreign Secretary, both of whom were to be among her future Prime Ministers, gave up their seals to her and she returned them to them. They then kissed her hand on reappointment, and the privy councillors took the oaths.
Although she was unusually short in stature (below five feet), and with no pretensions to beauty, her manner and movement were singularly unembarrassed, modest, graceful, and dignified, while her distinct and perfectly modulated elocution thrilled her auditors. 'I cannot describe to you,' wrote the Tory privy councillor Croker, by no means a lenient critic, 'with what a mixture of self-possession and feminine delicacy she read the paper. Her voice, which is naturally beautiful, was clear and untroubled, and her eye was bright and calm, neither bold nor downcast, but firm and soft. There was a blush on her cheek which made her look both handsomer and more interesting; and certainly she did look as interesting and handsome as any young lady I ever saw.'¹ 'She not merely filled her chair,' said the Duke of Wellington a few hours later, 'she filled the room.' Throughout the ceremony she conducted herself as though she had long been familiar with her part in it.²
¹ Croker Papers, ii. 359.
² Cf. Lane-Poole, Life of Straiford Canning, 1888, ii. 45; Croker
The admirable impression her composure created in the Council on her first public appearance as Queen was fully confirmed in the weeks that followed. Next day she drove to St. James's Palace to attend the formal proclamation of her accession to the throne. While the heralds recited their announcement she stood in full view of the public between Lord Melbourne and Lord Lansdowne, at the open window of the Privy Council chamber, looking on the quadrangle nearest Marlborough House. The crowd cheered vociferously, and prominent in the throng was the great Irish agitator, Daniel O'Connell, who waved his hat with conspicuous energy. 'At the sound of the first shouts the colour faded from the Queen's cheeks,' wrote Lord Albermarle, her first Master of the Horse, who was also an onlooker, 'and her eyes filled with tears. The emotion thus called forth imparted an additional charm to the winning courtesy with which the girl-sovereign accepted the proffered homage.'
After the proclamation the Queen saw Lord Hill, the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Cottenham, the Lord Chancellor, and other great officers of State. At noon her second Council was held at St. James's Palace, and all the cabinet ministers were present. Later in the day the Proclamation was repeated at Trafalgar Square, Temple Bar, Wood Street, and the Royal Exchange.
Papers, ii. 359; Ashley, Life of Palmerston, i. 340. Disraeli gave in his novel Sybil (Book I., chapter vi.) a somewhat grandiloquent description of the scene from information supplied him by Lord Lyndhurst.
Albemarle, Fifty Years of my Life, p. 378.
Although the Queen signed the Privy Council register at her first Council in the name of Victoria only, in all the official documents which were prepared on the first day of her reign her name figured with the prefix of Alexandrina. In the Proclamation she was called 'Her Royal Majesty Alexandrina Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdom.' But, despite the sentiment that had been excited against the name Victoria, it was contrary to her wish to be known by any other. Papers omitting the prefix 'Alexandrina' were hastily substituted for those in which that prefix had been introduced, and from the second day of the new reign the Sovereign was known solely as Queen Victoria.
Thenceforth that name was accepted without cavil as of the worthiest English significance. It has since spread far among her subjects. It was conferred on one of the most prosperous colonies of the British Empire in 1851, and since on many smaller settlements or cities, while few municipalities in the United Kingdom or the empire have failed to employ it in the nomenclature of streets, parks, railway stations, or places of public assembly.\(^1\)
Abroad, and even in some well-informed quarters
\(^1\) Very early in the reign there was invented the light carriage on which the name Victoria was conferred. The London terminus of the London Chatham and Dover, and London Brighton and South Coast Railways was christened Victoria in 1846. The like cognomen—Victoria regia—was conferred on the great water-lily (of the order Nymphaeaceae and tribe Nymphaea) which was brought from Guiana to this country in 1838, and bloomed for the first time on English soil in 1849 when the flower was presented to the Queen.
at home, surprise was manifested at the tranquillity with which the nation saw the change of monarch effected. But the general enthusiasm that Queen Victoria's accession evoked was partly due to the contrast she presented with those who had lately occupied the throne. Since the century began there had been three kings of England—men all advanced in years—of whom the first was long an imbecile, the second won the reputation of a profligate, and the third was regarded as little better than a buffoon. The principle of monarchy was an article of faith with the British people which defects in the personal character of the monarch seemed unable to touch. But the substitution for kings whose personalities inspired no respect of an innocent girl, with what promised to be a long and virtuous life before her, evoked at the outset in the large mass of the people a new sentiment—a sentiment of chivalric devotion to the monarchy which gave it new stability and deprived revolution of all foothold. Although the play of party politics failed to render the sentiment universal, and some impolitic actions of the Queen herself, in the early and middle years of the reign, severely strained it, it was a plant that, once taking root, could not readily decay.
Politicians—of the high rank of Lord Palmerston, the Foreign Secretary in the Whig ministry, and Sir Robert Peel, leader of the Tories in the House of Commons—deplored the young Queen's inexperience and ignorance of the world. 'The personal character
of a really constitutional king,' wrote Peel on July 5, 1837, 'of mature age, of experience in public affairs, and knowledge of men, manners, and customs, is, practically, so much ballast, keeping the vessel of State steady in her course, counteracting the levity of popular ministers, of orators forced by oratory into public councils, the blasts of democratic passions, the ground-swell of discontent, and the ignorant impatience for the relaxation of taxation.... But at this crisis of our fate we are deprived of this aid.'¹ Such dangers, however, as Peel associated at the moment with the immature age and character of his girlish Sovereign were, in a firmly established constitutional monarchy, more specious than real, and, as far as they were real, were capable of remedy by time.
Sydney Smith echoed more faithfully the national feeling, when, preaching in St. Paul's Cathedral on the first Sunday of her reign, he described the new Sovereign as 'a patriot Queen,' who might be expected to live to a ripe old age and to contribute to the happiness and prosperity of her people. 'We have had glorious female reigns,' said Lord John Russell, the Home Secretary under Melbourne, a few weeks later. 'Those of Elizabeth and Anne led us to great victories. Let us now hope that we are going to have a female reign illustrious in its deeds of peace—an Elizabeth without her tyranny, an Anne without her weakness.' The Whig leader added an earnest hope that in three ways at least—by the total abolition of
¹ Croker Papers, ii. 317.
slavery, by a more enlightened method of punishing crime, by the improved education of the people—'the reign of Victoria might prove celebrated among the nations of the earth and to our posterity.'
¹ Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, i. 284.
QUEEN Victoria’s status at her accession was not in all respects identical with that of her predecessors. Owing to her sex, some changes in the position and duties of a British sovereign were inevitable. The Salic law rendered her incompetent to succeed to the throne of Hanover, which British sovereigns had filled since George the Elector of Hanover became George I. of England in 1714. Hanover had been elevated from an electorate to a kingdom by the congress of Vienna in 1814, and the kingdom now passed to the Queen’s uncle, the next heir after her to the English throne, Ernest, Duke of Cumberland. The dissolution of the union between England and Hanover was acquiesced in readily by both countries. They had long drifted apart in political sentiments and aspirations.
¹ The severance of Hanover from England was, in the eyes of George III.’s surviving sons and daughters, one of the least agreeable results of their brother William’s death, and of the succession of their youthful niece. Adolphus Frederick, Duke of Cambridge, George III.’s youngest surviving son, who had been Viceroy of Hanover for twenty-one years, was recalled, and Ernest, the new King of Hanover, was no favourite in his domestic circle. His sister, Princess Elizabeth (one of Queen Victoria’s aunts), widow of Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Homburg, wrote dejectedly from Homburg July 1,
altogether out of sympathy with his royal niece. A man of violent temper and forbidding manner, he proved an illiberal and reactionary ruler. But Queen Victoria, in whom domestic feeling was always strong, took a lively and sympathetic interest, despite her uncle's surliness, in his personal affairs and in the fortunes of his family, and showed especial kindness to them in the trials that awaited them.
At home the main alteration in Queen Victoria's duty as Sovereign related to the criminal law. Death had been the punishment awarded to every manner of felony until William IV.'s Parliament humanely reduced the number of capital offences to four or five. But capital sentences pronounced in London at the Old Bailey were still numerous, and it remained the custom for the Sovereign personally to revise these. At the close of each session they were reported to the Sovereign by the Recorder for final judgment. A girl was obviously unfitted to perform this repugnant task. Accordingly the Queen was promptly relieved of it by Act of Parliament (7 William IV. 1837, of the recent events: 'To me, dear Adolphus [Duke of Cambridge], leaving Hanover nearly kills me. I have not a doubt that my brother Ernest will do all in his power to do what is right and kind, but the whole thing is so changed, one's mind is quite overset.' Correspondence of Princess Elizabeth of England, edited by P. C. Yorke, 1898, p. 320. A subordinate effect of the separation of Hanover from England was the extinction of the Royal Guelphic Hanoverian Order, a decoration which had long been at the personal disposal of the British Sovereign as a reward of meritorious military or civil services.
Some anecdotes illustrating King Ernest's repellent disposition and his jealousy of his royal niece are tactfully related by a daughter of his English equerry in Tales of my Father, by A. M. F., London, 1902.
and 1 Vict. cap. 77). Outside London the order of the Court to the Sheriff had long been sufficient to insure the execution of the death penalty. To that practice London now conformed, while the Home Secretary dealt henceforth by his sole authority with petitions affecting offenders capitally convicted, and was alone responsible for the grant of pardons, reprieves, or respites. Whenever capital sentences were modified by the Home Secretary, he made a report to that effect to the Queen, and occasionally it evoked comment from her; but his decision was always acted on as soon as it was formed. Thus, although the statute of 1837 formally reserved 'the royal prerogative of mercy,' the accession of a woman to the throne had the paradoxical effect of practically annulling almost all that survived of it.
But, while the Queen was not called on to do everything that her predecessors had done, she studied with ardour the routine duties of her station and was immersed from the moment of her accession in pressing business. The Prime Minister, Melbourne, approached his task of giving her political instruction with exceptional tact and consideration, and she proved on the whole an apt pupil, although from the outset she showed a wilfulness and a precocious self-reliance which at times embarrassed her tutor.
Lord Melbourne, who was fifty-eight years old at the Queen's accession, had had more than thirty years' active experience of politics. From 1806 to 1829 he had sat in the House of Commons. Thenceforth he filled his father's place in the House of Lords. He began his political career as a Whig, but joined
Canning’s Tory administration as Irish Secretary in 1827, resigning the office after eleven months’ trial of it. He subsequently identified himself exclusively with the Whig party, and rapidly became its leader. He was Home Secretary in Lord Grey’s Reform ministry of 1830, and succeeded Lord Grey as Prime Minister on his resignation in 1834. At the end of that year he was the somewhat passive victim of the final encroachment which the wearer of an English crown ventured to make on the rights and independence of his chief minister. Melbourne and his colleagues, in November 1834, were dismissed by the personal act of Queen Victoria’s predecessor, William IV., in consequence of an unreasoning fear on the Sovereign’s part that the ministry designed an attack on the Established Church. This was the last occasion on which an English monarch shortened of his own motion the life of an administration. It proved in this instance of greater peril to the Crown than to its servants, and remained in permanence a deterrent example in the royal circle. Sir Robert Peel, who at the King’s order replaced Lord Melbourne, at once dissolved Parliament, and the country expressed its view of the situation by returning a gigantic Whig majority. Peel hastily retired, and Melbourne resumed power in a far fuller measure than he had enjoyed it before. He retained it for six years continuously—two preceding and four succeeding Queen Victoria’s accession.
Although Melbourne was a genuine Liberal, a firm believer in the virtues of the constitution, and a generous advocate of the great principle of religious
equality, he supported without conspicuous enthusiasm the recent legislation for electoral reform, and viewed with something like indifference some measures aiming at social amelioration which he helped to carry through Parliament. He was a champion of the Corn Laws and regarded the Radical programme of the day as the frothy chatter of troublesome agitators. Unconventional in manner and prone to use strong language, he was reckoned of cynical temperament, but his habitual tone of flippancy was probably assumed.¹ He found his main recreation in literature, and, despite his impatience of social restraint, was popular in ladies' society.
But Lord Melbourne was not merely the Queen's Prime Minister at the opening of her reign. Grave perplexities attached to the question of the appointment of a private secretary to the new Sovereign. Although former occupants of the throne had found such an officer absolutely essential to the due performance of their duties, the ministers feared the influence that one occupying so confidential a relation with a young untried girl might gain over her. With admirable self-denial Melbourne solved the difficulty by taking the post on himself for all public business. As both her Prime Minister and private secretary it was necessary for him to be always with the Court. For the first two years of her reign he was her constant companion, spending most of the
¹ His domestic affairs were unhappy. He had married in 1805 Lady Caroline Ponsonby, the only daughter of the third Earl of Bessborough; but soon after marriage his wife fell under the infatuation of Byron, and a separation followed some years later.
morning at work with her, riding with her of an afternoon, and dining with her of an evening. The readiness with which he adapted himself to the routine of the Court excited the surprise of his friends, but the paternal interest he obviously took in the Queen's welfare was acknowledged with gratitude alike by political allies and foes. He always treated the youthful Queen with a familiar, unembarrassed courtesy, which perfectly fitted his years and his confidential position.
As the Whig leader who had recently suffered humiliation through his Sovereign's imperfect apprehension of the royal place and power in the constitution, Melbourne was not backward in impressing on his royal pupil's attention those constitutional principles which denied the Sovereign genuine independence. It was with the Whigs that Queen Victoria's father had associated himself, and her mother had courted their favour at Kensington, while the bitter quarrel with William IV., an avowed patron of the Tories, was in progress. Association with the Whigs was personally congenial to her, and she made no secret of her preference for them over the Tories. None the less, her imperious and somewhat impatient temperament discouraged her from accepting too literally any political theories which trespassed on her sense of dignity or authority. She was naturally proud of her elevation and of the dignified responsibilities which nominally adhered to the Crown. While, therefore, receiving, for the most part without demur, her Whiggish instructor's warnings of the dependent place of a sovereign in a constitutional monarchy, she soon set her own interpretation on
the practical working of his doctrine. She was shrewdly conscious of her inexperience. She knew instinctively the ultimate need of trusting those who were older and better versed in affairs than herself. But she never unreservedly admitted, in word or thought, her subjection in any sense to her ministers. From almost the first to the last day of her reign she did not hesitate closely to interrogate her officers of state, to ask for time for consideration before accepting their decisions, and to express her own wishes and views frankly and ingenuously in all affairs of government that came before her. If her ministers expressed doubt as to what course to pursue, she rarely hesitated to point out that which she was prepared to follow. After giving voice to her opinion, she left the final choice of action or policy to her official advisers' discretion; but if she disapproved of their choice, or it failed of its effect, she exercised unsparingly the right of private rebuke.
The first duty of her ministers and herself was to create a royal household. The principles to be followed differed from those which had recently prevailed. It was necessary for a female sovereign to have women and not men as her personal attendants. She deprecated an establishment on the vast scale that was adopted by the last female sovereign in England—Queen Anne. A mistress of the robes, eight ladies of the bedchamber, eight women of the bedchamber, and eight maids of honour, she regarded as adequate. Her uncle Leopold wisely urged her to ignore political considerations in choosing her attendants. But she
was without any close personal friends of the rank needed for the household offices; she had met some of the wives and daughters of the Whig ministers, and she accepted Lord Melbourne's injudicious advice to choose their first holders exclusively from them. She asked the Marchioness of Lansdowne to become mistress of the robes, and, although her health did not permit her to accept that post, the Marchioness agreed to act as principal lady of the bedchamber. The higher household dignity was filled (July 1, 1837) by the Duchess of Sutherland, who was soon one of the Queen's most intimate associates. Others of her first ladies-in-waiting were the Marchioness of Tavistock, the Countess of Charlemont, the Countess of Mulgrave, afterwards Marchioness of Normanby, and Lady Lyttelton. The Countess of Rosebery was invited, but declined to join them.
In accordance with better established precedent, the gentlemen of her household were also chosen exclusively from orthodox supporters of the Whig ministry. The Queen only asserted herself by requesting that Sir John Conroy, the master of her mother's and
1 Cf. *Melbourne Papers*, 1889, p. 366; *Peel Papers*, ii. 460. The female portion of the Queen's household was finally constituted thus:—Mistress of the Robes: Duchess of Sutherland. Principal Lady of the Bedchamber: Marchioness of Lansdowne. Ladies of the Bedchamber: Marchioness of Tavistock, Countess of Charlemont, Countess of Mulgrave, Lady Portman, Lady Lyttelton, Lady Barham, Countess of Durham. Bedchamber Women: Lady Caroline Barrington, Lady Harriet Clive, Lady Charlotte Copley, Viscountess Forbes, Hon. Mrs. Brand, Lady Gardiner, Hon. Mrs. G. Campbell. Resident Woman of the Bedchamber: Miss Davys. Maids of Honour: Hon. Harriet Pitt, Hon. Margaret Dillon, Hon. Caroline Cocks, Hon. Miss Cavendish, Hon. Matilda Paget, Miss Amelia Murray, Miss Harriet Lester, Miss Mary Spring-Rice.
her own household, whom she never liked, should retire from her service; she gave him a pension of 3,000l. a year, but refused his request for an order and an Irish peerage.
Melbourne’s acceptance of the office of private secretary best guaranteed the Queen’s course against pitfalls which might have involved disaster. Members of the family circle in which she had grown up claimed the right and duty of taking part in her guidance when she began the labour of her life. Owing to their foreign birth, it was in her own interest that their influence should be permanently counterbalanced by native counsel. King Leopold, the Queen’s foster-father, who had hitherto controlled her career, and remained a trusted adviser till his death, had, as soon as she reached her majority, sent his confidential friend and former secretary, Baron Stockmar, to direct her political education. The Baron remained in continuous attendance on her, without official recognition, for the first fifteen months of her reign, and when the question of a choice of private secretary was first raised, the Queen expressed an infelicitous anxiety to appoint him. She felt genuine affection for him, and in later life often spoke of him as ‘her dear old Baron,’ whose worth was never, to her regret, adequately appreciated.
A native of Coburg, who originally came to England with Leopold in 1816 as his medical attendant, Stockmar was now fifty years old. Sincerely devoted to his master and to the Saxe-Coburg family, he sought no personal advantage from his association with them. Even Lord Palmerston, who bore him
no affection, admitted that he was the most disinterested man he ever met. Intelligently read in English history, he studied with zeal the theory of the British constitution. There was genuine virtue in the substance of his reiterated advice that the Queen should endeavour to maintain a position above party and above intrigue. But, although sagacious, Stockmar was a pedant and a doctrinaire, and as a critic of English politics he cherished some perilous heresies. The internal working of the British government was never quite understood by him. His opinion that the Sovereign was no 'nodding mandarin' was arguable, but his contention that a monarch, if of competent ability, might act as his own minister was wholly fallacious. It was a dangerous doctrine to be instilled in Queen Victoria's ear.
The constant intercourse which Stockmar sought with her and her ministers was consequently felt by them to be embarrassing, and to be disadvantageous to the Queen. The English public generally resented his presence on the scene, and a hostile feeling against him quickly manifested itself. An impression got abroad that 'the German Baron' exerted on the Queen a mysterious anti-national influence 'behind the throne.' Abercromby, the Whig Speaker of the House of Commons, threatened in very early days of the reign to bring the subject to the notice of Parliament—a threat which Melbourne contemptuously ignored. But, when it was rumoured that Stockmar was acting as the Queen's private secretary, Melbourne circulated a peremptory denial.
Public attention was for the time diverted from Stockmar. But he long remained a member of the royal circle, and never divested himself of the jealous suspicion which first attached to him in England.
The Queen's openly displayed fidelity to her old governess, the Baroness Lehzen, did not tend to dissipate the fear that she was in the hands of foreign advisers. But the Baroness's relations with her mistress were above reproach, and did credit to both. She had acted as her old pupil's secretary in private matters before she came to the throne, and she continued to perform the same functions after the Queen's accession. But public affairs were never brought by the Queen to her cognisance, and the Baroness loyally accepted the situation.
With the Duchess of Kent, who continued to reside with her daughter, although she was now given a separate suite of apartments, the Queen's relation was no less discreet—far more discreet than the Duchess approved. She was excluded from all share in public business, an exclusion in which she did not readily acquiesce. For a long time she treated her daughter's emancipation from her direction as a personal grievance.\(^1\) There was never any ground for the insinuation which Lord Brougham conveyed when he spoke in the House of Lords of the Duchess of Kent as 'the Queen-mother.' Melbourne protested with just indignation against applying such a misnomer to 'the mother of the Queen,' who was wholly outside the political sphere.
Public ceremonials meanwhile claimed much of
\(^1\) Greville Memoirs, 2nd ser.
the Queen's attention. On June 27 she held her first levee at Kensington to receive the credentials of the ambassadors and envoys. She was dressed in black, but, as Sovereign of the Order of the Garter, wore all its brilliant insignia—ribbon, star, and a band bearing the motto, in place of the garter, buckled on the left arm.\(^1\) There followed a long series of deputations from public bodies, bearing addresses of condolence and congratulation, to all of which she replied with characteristic composure. On July 17 she went in state to dissolve Parliament in accordance with the law which required a general election to take place within six months of the demise of the Crown, and in conformity with the then unquestioned practice which called for the Sovereign's presence at the closing as well as at the opening of each session of Parliament. For the first time she appeared in apparel of state—a mantle of crimson velvet lined with ermine, an ermine cape, a dress of white satin embroidered with gold, a tiara and stomacher of diamonds, and the insignia of the Garter.
In a somewhat colourless speech from the throne she expressed her thanks for the congratulations that Parliament had offered her on her accession. The only Bill of importance that was submitted for her assent was one for the amendment of the criminal code and the further restriction of capital punishment. In that merciful aim she professed 'a peculiar interest.' 'It will be my care,' she said in conclusion, 'to strengthen our institutions, civil and ecclesiastical,
\(^1\) Bunsen, ii. 273.
by discreet improvement, wherever improvement is required, and to do all in my power to compose and allay animosity and discord.' She read the unpretending words with splendid effect. Fanny Kemble, who was present, wrote: 'The Queen's voice was exquisite. . . . The enunciation was as perfect as the intonation was melodious, and I think it is impossible to hear a more excellent utterance than that of the Queen's English by the English Queen.'
On July 19 the Queen held her first levee at St. James's Palace, and next day her first drawing-room. On both occasions the attendance was enormous.
¹ Fanny Kemble's Letters.
VI
THE CIVIL LIST AND COLONIAL AFFAIRS
On July 13, four days before her first appearance in Parliament, and within three weeks of her accession, the Queen left the home of her girlhood at Kensington for Buckingham Palace, the new official residence in London appointed for the Sovereign. The building had been begun by the architect John Nash for George IV., but was not completed until William IV. became King. He, however, disliked it, and preferred to remain at St. James's Palace. No monarch occupied Buckingham Palace before Queen Victoria, for whom it was for the first time put in order. A contemporary wag in 'The Times' newspaper declared it was the cheapest house ever erected, having been built for one sovereign and furnished for another. But the inconvenience with which William IV. credited the edifice proved real, and it underwent radical alterations and additions at the instance of the Queen and Prince Albert before it was deemed to be adapted for its purpose. An east front was erected to form a quadrangle; the ground behind the house, to the extent of forty acres, was laid out as a pleasure-garden; a conservatory was converted into a chapel, and a ballroom was added as late as 1856.
One of the first entertainments which were given at Buckingham Palace was a grand concert commanded by Queen Victoria on August 17, 1837, under the direction of Signor Costa. In honour of the occasion the Queen ordered the Court to go out of mourning for the day. The vocalists were Madame Grisi, Madame Albertazzi, Signor Lablache, and Signor Tamburini.
The Queen’s first official appearance out of doors took place on August 21, when she opened the new gate of Hyde Park on the Bayswater Road, and conferred on it the name of Victoria Gate. On August 22 she drove to Windsor to assume residence at the Castle for the first time. On September 28 she had her earliest experience of a military review, when the Guards in Windsor garrison marched before her in the Home Park.
After remaining at Windsor till October 4 she made acquaintance with the third and last of the royal palaces then in occupation, the pretentious Pavilion at Brighton, which George IV. had caused to be erected in a strange freak of fancy from the designs of his favourite architect, John Nash. Lord John Russell, the Home Secretary, together with his wife, stayed with her there. On November 4 she returned to Buckingham Palace.
The Queen took a girlish delight in the sense of proprietorship. She actively directed her domestic establishments; the mode of life she adopted in her palaces was of her own devising. She exercised a constant and wide hospitality which had been long unknown in the royal circle, and was fond of conducting a visitor over all parts of her houses, even the kitchens. The entertainments were somewhat formal and monotonous; but, although she was zealous for rules of etiquette, she was never indisposed to modify them if she was thereby the better able to indulge the kindly feeling that she invariably extended to her guests. Most of her mornings were spent at work with Melbourne. In the early afternoon when at Windsor she rode in the park or neighbouring country, with a large cavalcade often numbering thirty persons. Later she romped with children, some of whom she usually contrived to include among her visitors, or played at ball or battledore and shuttlecock with ladies of the Court—an exercise which she continued till middle age—or practised singing and pianoforte playing. Dining at half-past seven, she usually devoted the evening to round games of cards, chess, or draughts, while the Duchess of Kent invariably played whist.
One of the Queen’s innovations was the institution of a Court band, which played music during and after dinner. When she was settled at Buckingham Palace she gave a small dance every Monday. She found time for a little serious historical reading, one of the earliest books through which she persevered as Queen being Coxe’s ‘Life of Sir Robert Walpole,’¹ and for the first time in her life she attempted novel-reading, making trial of three books by Sir Walter Scott, Fenimore Cooper, and Bulwer Lytton respectively.² A little later she struggled through Hallam’s ‘Constitutional History’ and Saint-Simon’s ‘Memoirs.’
¹ Lady Lyttelton. ² Bunsen, i. 296.
Relatives from the continent of Europe were in the first days of her reign very frequent companions. With them she always seemed most at ease, and she showed them marked attention. Vacant garters were bestowed on two of her German kinsmen who came on early visits to her—the first on her half-brother, the Prince of Leiningen, in July 1837, the next on her uncle, Prince Albert’s father, in the year following. The King of the Belgians and his gentle Queen Louise spent three weeks with her at Windsor (August–September 1837), and the visit was repeated for years every autumn. Her first cousin Victoria, daughter of Duke Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, who in 1840 married the Duc de Nemours, was also often with her, and shared in her afternoon games.
Queen Victoria was not at the same time neglectful of her kinsfolk at home. Nothing could exceed the tenderness with which she treated the Dowager Queen Adelaide. On the day of her accession she wrote a letter of condolence, addressing it to ‘the Queen’ and not to ‘the Dowager Queen,’ for fear of adding to her grief. A very few days later, before the late King’s funeral, she visited the widowed lady at Windsor, and she forbade, of her own motion, the lifting of the royal standard, then at half-mast, to mast-high, as was customary on the arrival of the Sovereign. When Queen Adelaide removed from Windsor Castle ultimately to settle at Marlborough House, her royal niece bade her take from the castle any furniture that her residence there had specially endeared to her, and until the old Queen’s death the young Queen never relaxed any of her attentions.
To all her uncles and aunts she showed like consideration. She corresponded with them, entertained them, visited them, read to them, sang to them, and bore with little murmuring their recurrent displays of jealousy or ill-temper.¹ The Duchess of Cambridge, the last survivor of that generation, died as late as 1889, and no cares of family or state were ever permitted by the Queen to interfere with the due rendering of those acts of personal devotion to which she accustomed the aged Duchess from her youth. Even to the welfare of the FitzClarences, William IV.'s illegitimate children by the great actress, Mrs. Jordan, she was not indifferent, and often exerted her influence in their interests.
But the Queen was well able to repress domestic sentiment when points of Court etiquette to which
¹ The following simple autograph letter, addressed by her to her uncle, the Duke of Sussex, when he was unwell, is characteristic:
'Buckingham Palace: December 29, 1837.
'My dear Uncle,—I grieve much to see by your kind letter, which I got yesterday, that you are still on crutches, and suffering. Under these circumstances, fearing that you might still be unable to leave the house at the end of this week, I wish to know if Tuesday, 12th, would suit you to drive with me. I trust then, dear uncle, that I shall find you quite recovered.—Believe me always, my dear uncle, your affectionate niece,
Victoria R.'
On July 19, 1837, the Duke of Sussex, who was President of the Royal Society, formally introduced, according to custom, a deputation of the Fellows to present the Statutes to her, as Sovereign, and obtain her signature to them. 'She received the Duke of Sussex,' wrote Adam Sedgwick, a member of the deputation, 'without any of the formality of a Court, and seemed only to remember that he was her uncle. . . . He offered to bend his knee and kiss her hand (which is the regular form on such occasions), but she immediately stopped him, put her arm round his neck, and kissed his cheek.'—Life and Letters of Sedgwick, by Clark and Hughes, i. 511.
she attached importance seemed to her to require it. At her own table the Queen deemed it politic to give, for the first time, precedence to foreign ambassadors—even to the American envoy, Mr. Stephenson—over all guests of whatever rank, excepting only Lord Melbourne, who always sat at her left hand. For years she declined to alter the practice in favour of the dukes and duchesses of the royal family, although she ultimately made some exceptions.
Meanwhile the first general election of the new reign, and the third since the wide extension of the franchise under the Reform Bill of 1832, had taken place. The Whig leaders somewhat vaguely announced a moderate programme of domestic reform—the abolition of compulsory church rates and a further alleviation of Irish grievances. But the battle of the rival parties mainly raged round the position and prospects of the Queen. The Tories, who were the attacking force, and had been in a hopeless minority in the House of Commons for six years, bitterly complained that Melbourne and the Whigs in power identified the Queen with themselves, and that they used her and her name as party weapons of offence. Croker, a Tory spokesman, in an article in the 'Quarterly Review' (July 1837), denounced the policy of surrounding her with female relatives of the Whig leaders. Sir Robert Peel argued that the monarchy was endangered by the rigour with which she was ruled by Melbourne; the chief of one political party. Stress was laid on a letter sent by Lord John Russell to Lord Mulgrave, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in which her personal sympathy was claimed
for the Whig policy in Ireland. Release of the Sovereign from Whig tyranny consequently became a Tory cry, and it gave rise to the epigram:
'The Queen is with us,' Whigs insulting say;
'For when she found us in she let us stay.'
It may be so, but give me leave to doubt
How long she'll keep you when she finds you out.'
Whig wire-pullers, on the other hand, made the most of the recent conduct of the next heir to the throne, the new King of Hanover, the Queen's uncle Ernest, who had signalised his accession to the Hanoverian crown by revoking constitutional government in his dominions. A report was spread that the new King of Hanover was plotting to dethrone his niece in order to destroy constitutional government in England as well as in Hanover. A cartoon entitled 'The Contrast,' which was widely circulated by Whig election agents, represented side by side portraits of the Queen and her uncle, the Queen being depicted as a charming ingénue, and her uncle as a grey-haired beetle-browed villain.
The final result of the elections was not satisfactory to either side. The Tories gained on the balance thirty-seven seats, and thus reduced their opponents' majority. But the estimated strength of parties at the close of the contest was Liberals 348 and Conservatives 310. In the new House of Commons the Whigs still led by thirty-eight, and Melbourne and his colleagues retained office. Their power, however, was small. They were in a clear minority in the House of Lords—a difficulty which was a chronic experience
¹ Annual Register, 1837, p. 239.
of the Liberal party throughout the reign. The Opposition in the House of Commons, under the experienced leadership of Sir Robert Peel, was alert and bellicose, and had been reinforced during the election, not merely by numbers, but by much enlightened ability and energy. The most notable of the recruits in the Tory army was Benjamin Disraeli, then widely known as a brilliant novelist, who was to play a commanding part in a later act of the drama of the Queen’s public career. He had now, after two failures, won at Maidstone a seat in Parliament for the first time.\(^1\) His future rival, with whom the Queen was also to be very closely associated, William Ewart Gladstone, was then also a promising member of the Tory party. He was for the third time returned in the Conservative interest for Newark, for which he had sat since 1832.\(^2\) An Opposition, whose rank and file included men of the energy and intellect of Disraeli and Gladstone, was not one to be lightly disregarded.
\(^1\) Born in London, December 21, 1804, of Jewish parents (his father being a laborious man of letters), Disraeli made a wide reputation as a novelist at the precocious age of twenty-two, and was thenceforth a familiar figure in London society, which he fascinated by his brilliant wit and foppish affectation. Literature was still his main occupation when he entered the House of Commons, and his reputation as a novelist was steadily growing. In the House of Commons he joined the Young England party, which sought to combine social reform with the unimpaired maintenance of ancient institutions. He rapidly became a leader of that clique.
\(^2\) Gladstone, who was five years Disraeli’s junior, was son of a substantial Liverpool merchant, had been educated at Eton and Christchurch, where he greatly distinguished himself, and had greatly impressed the House of Commons since he entered it in 1832 by his power of impressive oratory and the apparent strength of his convictions. Macaulay, in 1839, described him as the ‘rising hope of the stern and unbending Tories.’
Before the new Parliament opened, the Queen made a formal progress through London, going from Buckingham Palace to the Guildhall to dine in state with the Lord Mayor. Her passage through the streets evoked an imposing demonstration of loyalty. Fifty-eight carriages formed the procession, in which rode many of the foreign ambassadors. The Lord Mayor, Sir John Cowan, with the Sheriffs, George Carroll and Moses Montefiore, and members of the Corporation of London, received the Queen at Temple Bar. The banquet lasted from 3.30 in the afternoon till 8.30 in the evening, when the City was ablaze with illuminations.
On November 20 the Queen opened her first Parliament, reading her own speech, as was her custom until her widowhood whenever she attended in person. Reference was made to difficulties that were apprehended in Spain, which was torn by civil war, in Canada, where the French settlers were in revolt against English rule, and in Ireland, where agitators, under O'Connell's leadership, were loudly manifesting normal signs of discontent. But the leading business of the opening session was a settlement of the Royal Civil List.
Financially the Queen's position since her accession had been a source of anxiety. She inherited nothing, and the Crown had lost the royal revenues of Hanover. She had complained to Melbourne of
1 A fine medal was struck from a design by William Wyon. The Queen's arrival at Temple Bar was pictured in a bas-relief on the monument that was erected on the site of the old gate after it was removed in 1878.
her lack of money for immediate private expenses. He had done little but listen sympathetically; but Messrs. Coutts, who had been bankers to various members of the royal family, came to her rescue with temporary advances.
In approaching the question of the Queen’s income, the main question for the Government to consider was not merely the amount necessary to maintain the throne in fitting dignity, but the proportion of her income which might prudently be derived from the hereditary revenues of the Crown, i.e. revenues from the Crown lands. In return for a fixed annuity George III. had surrendered a large portion of these revenues, and George IV. yielded a further portion, while William IV. surrendered all but those proceeding from the duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster, which were held to belong to a different category. At the same time it was arranged, on the accession of William IV., that the general expenses of civil government, which had been previously defrayed out of the King’s Civil List, should henceforth be discharged by the Consolidated Fund, and that of the income allotted to King William only a very small proportion should be applied to aught outside his household and personal expenses; the sole external calls were 75,000l. for pensions and 10,000l. for the Secret Service Fund. On these conditions King William was content to accept 460,000l. instead of 850,000l. which had been paid his predecessor, while an annuity of 50,000l. was bestowed on his Queen Consort. His net personal parliamentary income (excluding pensions and the Secret Service Fund) was thus 375,000l., with
some 25,000l. from the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall.
Radical members of Parliament now urged Melbourne to bring the whole of the Crown lands under parliamentary control, to deprive the Crown of the control and income of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, and to supply the Sovereign with a revenue which should be exclusively applied to her own purposes, and not to any part of the civil government. Treasury officials drew out a scheme with these ends in view, but Melbourne rejected most of it from a fear of rousing against his somewhat unstable Government the cry of tampering with the royal prerogative. In the result the precedent of William IV.'s case was followed, with certain modifications.
The Queen resigned all the hereditary revenues of the Crown, but was left in possession of the revenues of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, of which the latter was the legal appanage of the heir-apparent. The duchy of Cornwall therefore ceased to be the Sovereign's property as soon as a lawful heir to the throne was born. It and the duchy of Lancaster produced during the first years of the reign about 27,500l. annually, but the revenues from both rose rapidly, and the duchy of Lancaster, which was a permanent source of income to the Queen, ultimately produced above 60,000l. a year.¹ Parliament now granted her, apart from these hereditary revenues, an annuity of 385,000l., being 10,000l. in excess of the net personal income
¹ The duchy of Cornwall, which passed to the Prince of Wales at his birth in 1841, ultimately produced more than 66,000l.
granted by Parliament to her predecessor. Of this sum 60,000l. was appropriated to her privy purse, 131,260l. to the salaries of the household, 172,500l. to the expenses of the household, 13,200l. to the royal bounty, while 8,040l. was unappropriated. Repairs to the Sovereign’s official residences and the maintenance of the royal yachts were provided for by the Treasury apart from the Civil List revenues.
The annual payment from the Civil List of 75,000l. in pensions and of 10,000l. secret service money was cancelled, but permission was given the Crown to create Civil List pensions to the amount of 1,200l. annually, a sum which the Treasury undertook to defray independently of the royal income. This arrangement ultimately meant the yearly expenditure of some 23,000l., but the pensions were only nominally associated with the Sovereign’s expenditure, were wholly removed from the Sovereign’s control, and were bestowed exclusively on persons in more or less needy circumstances who had distinguished themselves in literature, art, or the public service outside the sphere of politics.
The Radicals, who steadfastly advocated rigorous economy in all departments of the State, resisted the arrangement on the score of its needless munificence. Joseph Hume, one of the leading Radicals in the House of Commons, moved, on the third reading of the Civil List Bill, a reduction of 50,000l., which was rejected by 199 votes against 19. Benjamin Hawes, another member of the Radical section, vainly moved on like grounds a reduction of 10,000l., which was supported by 41 members and opposed by
173. Lord Brougham severely criticised the settlement in the Radical sense on the second reading of the Bill in the House of Lords. He made searching inquiries respecting the incomes from the Crown duchies, and objected to the arrangement being made for the Queen's life. But no modification was accepted by the Government, and the Bill quickly became law. Although numerous additional grants, approaching a total of 200,000l. a year, were afterwards allotted to the Queen's children, the annual sum allowed her by Parliament on her accession was never altered during her reign of nearly sixty-four years, and proved amply sufficient for her needs.
At the same time as the Civil List Bill passed through Parliament, the Queen's mother, at the Sovereign's instance, was granted an annuity of 30,000l.; she formerly received 22,000l. a year, of which 10,000l. was appropriated to the care of her daughter while Princess. The Queen was well contented with the settlement. On December 23, 1837, the Queen went to Parliament to return thanks in person for what had been done. Christmas was spent merrily at Buckingham Palace, and next day the Court withdrew to Windsor.
The liberal allowance enabled the Queen to fulfil at once her resolve to pay off her father's debts. By the autumn of next year she had transferred to the late Duke's creditors from her privy purse nearly 50,000l., and on October 7, 1839, she received their formal thanks.
Meanwhile the Queen's sympathy with her ministers increased. Difficulties beset them at every
step. Through 1838–9 she followed their parliamentary movements with keen anxiety lest their narrow majority might prove inadequate to maintain them in office. Disturbances in Canada during the early months of 1838 roused differences of opinion in the House of Commons, which imperilled their position, and the crisis was prolonged. ‘The Queen is as steady to us as ever,’ wrote Palmerston on April 14, 1838, ‘and was in the depth of despair when she thought we were in danger of being turned out. She keeps well in health, and even in London takes long rides into the country, which have done her great good.’¹ Under Melbourne’s guidance, and in agreement with her own wish, she daily perused masses of despatches and official correspondence with exemplary diligence.
The first great political question to which the Queen’s ministers were compelled to direct her attention had a prophetic likeness to the last great political question which was to occupy her mind at the close of her long reign. It concerned her empire beyond the seas. The Queen’s dominions outside the British Isles were to undergo vast extension and conspicuous consolidation in the course of her career. None the less the colonial inheritance to which she succeeded was of great dimensions. In 1837 the British possessions outside the United Kingdom (including those portions of the peninsula of India which were ruled by a chartered company of merchants in alliance with the British Government) covered some eight million square miles, more than
¹ Ashley, Life of Palmerston, i. 344.
six times the area of the mother country. But the future of this massive heritage looked doubtful when it first passed under her and her ministers' sway. Its past was sullied by the severance, some half a century before, owing largely to the impolitic conduct of the Queen's grandfather, George III., of the North American colonies, which had become the independent republic of the United States. From the shock of the American revolt the colonial empire of England took time to recover. The first signs of that renewal of colonial expansion, which was ultimately to convert the eight million square miles of colonial territory under Queen Victoria's sceptre into twelve millions, were plainly discernible during the last years of William IV.'s reign, especially in Australasia and the Southern Seas.\(^1\) But Queen Victoria's Government had, when she ascended the throne, no considered policy which might be calculated to give lasting coherence to the constituent parts of a widely extended colonial empire and avert further experience of disruption.
The prestige of the mother country and of the Crown required that the colonists now and hereafter should accept contentedly and of their own free will the British allegiance. Happily, within a year of the
\(^1\) South Australia had been first formed into a settlement in 1836, and there had begun emigration to New Zealand, which was formed into a colony in 1840. New South Wales (of which the territories afterwards named Victoria and Queensland also at first formed part), the Swan River Settlement (afterwards called Western Australia), and Van Diemen's Land (afterwards Tasmania), were of older birth, and were mainly used as penal settlements for criminals sentenced to transportation.
Queen’s accession, the question of the relations in which the Sovereign and her ministers were to stand to colonial settlements across the ocean claimed a prompt and definite answer. The imperial topic involved Lord Melbourne’s Government, with which the Queen identified herself, in a momentous struggle with the parliamentary Opposition throughout 1838. The battle raged round the colony of Canada, then the widest in extent of any of England’s colonial possessions. The future of the British Empire largely depended on the issue of the Canadian conflict.
Canada was territory that had been colonised by France and ceded to England by treaty in 1763. French settlers of old standing multiplied there; English immigrants did not amalgamate with them, and the British Government imprudently added fuel to the mutual jealousy by consigning each race to a separate province. On each province a formal parliamentary constitution, which speciously resembled that of the United Kingdom, had been conferred, but executive power was exclusively in the hands of the governors representing the Crown. At the same time the United States watched with envious eyes the development of Canada, was prolific in threats of annexation, and encouraged disaffection among both French and English Canadians.
When the Queen’s reign opened, the two races in Canada were alike impatient of British domination, and were at one in their desire for complete parliamentary self-government on an effective English pattern. They claimed that the governor should stand to freely elected colonial ministers and Parliament in the same relations of nominal ruler as the British Sovereign stood to British ministers and Parliament. Lord Melbourne's weak ministry hesitated to make the requisite concession, but when rebellion broke out in both the French and English provinces of Canada they did the next best thing. They suspended the existing constitution and despatched one of their supporters, Lord Durham, to report fully on the situation and to exercise in the meantime despotic authority. The rebellion was easily suppressed, but Lord Durham's autocratic procedure in re-establishing order gave the Opposition an excellent battle-cry, which was none the less effective because of its inconsistency with prescriptive Tory principles.
Yielding to agitation, the ministers recalled Lord Durham. The Tory triumph was extremely disconcerting to the Queen. Lord Durham's wife, a daughter of the second Lord Grey, was one of the ladies-in-waiting, whom she had invited at her accession to join her household. On her husband's dismissal from Canada, Lady Durham, to the Queen's regret, retired from her service. The Queen greatly respected her and her husband, and she bitterly lamented their untoward fate.
But Lord Durham had earned his Sovereign's sympathy more richly than the Queen then knew. Before his humiliation he had solved the problem of the future of the British Empire in the manner that best enhanced the prestige of the Crown. With the aid of his companions, Charles Buller and Edward Gibbon Wakefield, he had drawn up an elaborate report which
proved that the grant of self-government to British colonies was the sole safeguard of a permanent colonial empire, and that allegiance to the throne voluntarily resting on the natural patriotic sentiment of the colonists, and on no prescribed or compulsory obligations, was the strongest, if not the only practicable, link wherewith to bind the distant dependencies of a monarchy to the mother country. This new principle of colonial policy Lord Durham offered his countrymen for their adoption at the outset of the Queen’s reign, and they accepted it while they cashiered its author. Within two years Canada received practical autonomy at the hands of Lord Melbourne’s ministry. That self-governing principle of colonial expansion which was to grow into the most distinctive characteristic of Queen Victoria’s long reign was thus almost exactly of the same age as her own sovereignty.
VII
THE CORONATION AND THE CRISIS OF 1839
While the Canadian difficulties were in process of solution, the Queen's chief interest outside politics lay in the preparations that were in progress for her coronation and for the festivities accompanying it. Three state balls—one on June 18, the day of Waterloo, a choice of date which offended the French \(^1\)—two levees, a drawing-room, a state concert, a first state visit to Ascot, and attendance at Eton 'montem' immediately preceded the elaborate ceremonial, which took place on June 28, 1838, eight days after the anniversary of her accession.
The ministers had resolved to endow the ceremonial with exceptional splendour. For the expenses of William IV.'s coronation 50,000\(\ell\). had been allowed. No less a sum than 200,000\(\ell\). was voted by Parliament for the expenses of Queen Victoria's coronation. Westminster Abbey was elaborately decorated in crimson and gold. The royal procession to the Abbey was
\(^1\) Thomas Raikes, then at Paris, wrote of this episode: 'As the Queen gave a concert on that evening [of Waterloo day] to all the foreigners [who were in London for the coronation], the French construe it into an affront. Louis Philippe is in a peck of troubles about it, and, wishing to keep well with all parties, i.e. with England and with his ambassadors, ne sait pas à quel saint se vouer'! Journal, ii. 105.
revived for the first time since the coronation of George III. in 1761, and four hundred thousand persons came to London to witness it, many bivouacking in the streets the night before.
At 10 A.M. on the appointed day, under a sunny sky, the Queen left Buckingham Palace in full panoply of state, passing up Constitution Hill, along Piccadilly, down St. James's Street, and across Trafalgar Square, which had just been laid out in Nelson's memory. The Abbey was reached by way of Parliament Street at 11.30. Among the numerous foreign visitors, who went thither in brilliant array in advance of the Queen, was Marshal Soult, the old rival of Wellington in the Spanish Peninsula and at Waterloo, now the special representative of France. The French general was received by the crowd with hardly less enthusiasm than her Majesty, and was greatly impressed by the generous warmth of his reception.\(^1\) The great company of the Queen's German relatives included her uncle the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and her half-brother and half-sister of Leiningen.\(^2\)
When the Queen entered the Abbey, 'with eight ladies all in white floating about her like a silvery cloud, she paused, as if for breath, and clasped her
\(^1\) Raikes's *Journal*, ii. 107: 'Soult was so much cheered, both in and out of the Abbey, that he was completely overcome. He has since publicly said, "C'est le plus beau jour de ma vie, il prouve que les Anglois pensent que j'ai toujours fait la guerre en loyal homme." When in the Abbey he seized the arm of his aide-de-camp, quite overpowered, and said, "Ah! vraiment, c'est un brave peuple."'
\(^2\) An amusing and spirited account of the great company of officials, relatives, and foreign guests was given by the Rev. Richard Barham, author of the *Ingoldsby Legends*, in his burlesque 'Account of the Coronation by Barney Maguire.'
hands.' After she had been crowned, a ray of sunlight fell on her head as she knelt at the altar to receive the Holy Communion, and the Duchess of Kent burst into tears. The brilliance of the scene impressed every one.
There were, however, some drawbacks to the successful completion of the coronation rite. Harriet Martineau, who was present, wrote: 'The brightness, vastness, and dreamy magnificence produced a strange effect of exhaustion and sleepiness.' The Queen, too, suffered not only from natural emotion and fatigue, but from the hesitation of the officiating clergy as to the exact part she was to play at many points in the long ritual, and from the insufficient training that had been accorded her. Dr. John Ireland, the Dean of Westminster, who had conducted the two preceding coronations of George IV. and William IV., was too infirm to attend (he had nearly completed his seventy-eighth year). His place was filled by the Sub-dean, Lord John Thynne. 'Pray tell me what I am to do, for they [i.e. the clergy] don't know,' she said at one solemn point to Lord John Thynne who stood near her. She complained that the orb which was unexpectedly put into her hand was too heavy for her to hold; and when the ruby ring, which had been made for her little finger, was forced by the Archbishop on to her fourth, she nearly cried out with the pain. The fear of betraying her nervousness intensified her
1 Prothero and Bradley's Life of Dean Stanley.
2 Dr. Ireland, who had been Dean since 1816, remained in office, despite his feeble health, till his death on September 2, 1842. He was succeeded by Thomas Turton, who left Westminster after two and a half years to become Bishop of Ely.
discomfort, but she never seemed to spectators to lose her composure, although the awkwardness of the other actors in the scene was patent to all. 'The Queen,' wrote the observant Disraeli, who attended with the other members of the House of Commons, 'performed her part with great grace and completeness, which cannot in general be said of the other performers; they were always in doubt as to what came next, and you saw the want of rehearsal.'
For the first time at a coronation, the Commons were allowed to acclaim their Sovereign after the Peers. The latter had enjoyed the privilege from time immemorial. The Commons now cheered their Sovereign nine times, among them Daniel O'Connell, the Irish leader; but Dean Stanley, who, then a boy, sat in a gallery, thought all the responses and acclamations were feebly given. Towards the close of the ceremony a singular accident befell Lord Rolle, a peer, eighty years old, as he was endeavouring to offer his homage. He 'fell down as he was getting up the steps of the throne.' The Queen's 'first impulse was to rise, and when afterwards he came again to do homage she said, "May I not get up and meet him?" and then rose from the throne and advanced down one or two of the steps to prevent his coming up, an act of graciousness and kindness which made a great sensation.' 'Nothing could be more effective,' wrote Disraeli of this incident. While the peers were doing homage, the Lord Chamberlain and his officers flung medals, specially designed by Pistrucci, for the
---
1 Lord Beaconsfield's Letters to his Sister (June 29, 1838), p. 139.
2 Gent. Mag. 1838, ii. 198. 3 Greville Memoirs, 2nd ser. i. 107.
4 Lord Beaconsfield's Letters, p. 139.
spectators to scramble for, and the confusion was not dignified.
At length the ceremonial, which lasted more than five hours, ended. At four the Queen set out for Buckingham Palace. She drove through the streets wearing her crown and all her apparel of state, and looked to spectators pale and tremulous. Carlyle, who was in the throng, breathed a blessing on her: 'Poor little Queen!' he added, 'she is at an age at which a girl can hardly be trusted to choose a bonnet for herself; yet a task is laid upon her from which an archangel might shrink.'
But, despite her consciousness of the responsibilities of her station, the Queen still had much of the child's lightness and simplicity of heart. On returning to the palace she hastily doffed her splendours in order to give her pet spaniel, Dash, its afternoon bath.¹ She then dined quietly with her relatives who were her guests, and, after sending a message of inquiry to the unfortunate Lord Rolle, concluded the day by witnessing from the roof of the palace the public illuminations and fireworks in the Green and Hyde Parks. Next morning a great 'coronation' fair was opened by permission of the Government for four days in Hyde Park; and on the second day the Queen paid it a long visit. The coronation festivities concluded with a review by her of five thousand men in Hyde Park (July 9), when she again shared the popular applause with Marshal Soult, in whose honour the display was mainly devised.²
¹ Recollections, by C. R. Leslie, R.A., ed. Tom Taylor.
² The coronation attracted popular interest throughout Europe, and accounts of it were published in foreign languages. An Italian
A month later, on August 16, the Queen prorogued Parliament in person, and, after listening to the usual harangue on the work of the session from the Speaker of the House of Commons, read her speech with customary clearness. Her grace of utterance grew with practice. When she performed the like ceremony at the opening of the next session in February 1839, Charles Sumner, the future American orator and statesman, happened to be among her auditors, and he paid singular testimony to the excellence of her elocution. 'I had no predisposition to admire the Queen,' he wrote with republican candour, 'but her reading has conquered my judgment. I was astonished and delighted... She pronounced every word slowly and distinctly with a great regard to its meaning. I think I have never heard anything better read in my life than her speech.'¹ Another stranger, who obtained a prominent place on the same occasion near the throne, was Prince Louis Bonaparte, at the moment an exile from France, who was, as Napoleon III., to play a disturbing part in two later decades of Queen Victoria's history.
No sooner was Parliament opened in February 1839 than the peace and contentment which had hitherto
¹ Memoirs and Letters of Charles Sumner, by Edward L. Pierce, i. 59.
encircled the Court were rudely menaced. The Queen was to realise that her popularity was not invulnerable, and that, despite Melbourne’s parental care, her position was fraught with difficulty and danger, with which she was as yet hardly fitted to cope. Both the crises through which the Queen and her Court passed in the first half of 1839 were attributable to her youth and inexperience. Problems arose which needed for their due solution greater self-mastery and knowledge of the world than she yet possessed.
The first crisis was the result of a train of circumstances which it was extremely embarrassing for a young girl to be confronted with. In January 1839 Lady Flora Hastings, daughter of the Marquis of Hastings, was lady-in-waiting to the Duchess of Kent at Buckingham Palace. On account of her appearance, she was most improperly suspected by some of the Queen’s attendants of immoral conduct. Neither the Queen nor her mother put any faith in the imputation, but Lady Tavistock, a Lady of the Bedchamber, informed Melbourne of the matter, and the Queen assented to his proposal that the unfortunate lady should be subjected by the royal physician, Sir James Clark, to a medical examination. Clark made the examination and signed a certificate denying all allegations against Lady Flora (February 17, 1839).
The incident was soon noised abroad. The lady’s family appealed directly to the Queen to make fitting reparation. Lady Flora’s brother, the Marquis of Hastings, obtained an interview with her. Lady Flora’s mother wrote her impassioned letters and
begged for the dismissal of Sir James Clark. The Queen made no reply. Melbourne, writing in his own name, stated that the Queen had seized the earliest opportunity of personally acknowledging to Lady Flora the unhappy error, and that it was not intended to take any other step. 'I am sure the Queen does not understand what they betrayed her into,' wrote the injured lady to her uncle, Hamilton Fitzgerald. 'She has endeavoured to show her regret by her civility to me, and expressed it handsomely with tears in her eyes.' But the lady's relatives held that the Queen and the Court had done Lady Flora a wrong which should be publicly admitted and apologised for.
The 'Morning Post,' the organ of the aristocratic section of the Conservative party, to which the Hastings family belonged, took the unpleasing topic in hand and greatly disturbed the public mind by its bold presentment of the case. Lady Flora was hailed as 'the victim of a depraved Court.'
Lady Hastings published in the newspapers her correspondence with the Queen and Melbourne, and Clark circulated, through the columns of the London press, a defence of his own conduct. A general feeling of disgust was roused, and the reputation of the Court suffered severely. The situation was rendered worse by the tragic ending of the episode. Lady Flora was suffering from a fatal internal disease—enlargement of the liver. On July 4 she was announced to be dying at Buckingham Palace. A royal banquet which was to take place that evening
was countermanded.\(^1\) The lady died next day. The Queen was gravely troubled. Society throughout the land was depressed and shocked.
The Queen’s advisers had committed a serious blunder and one bad enough to warrant an unmistakable expression of her personal regret, whatever the rules of Court etiquette might urge against any admission of error by a royal personage. But nothing followed. The Queen did not break silence. Blame for her apparent supineness was currently laid on the Baroness Lehzen. Her attitude was doubtless the fruit of innocence and inexperience; but, however cogently it might be explained, it came near proving a national calamity, through the widespread hostility which it provoked against the Court. The Queen looked back on the incident in after years with natural abhorrence.
The second Court crisis of 1839 was due to precisely opposite causes—to the Queen’s peremptory and unprompted exercise of her personal authority and to her active interposition in business of the State without seeking advice.
During the session of 1839 the Whig ministry finally lost its hold on the House of Commons. Colonial questions of moment to the future continued to embarrass them. They were under the obligation of putting into force the great measures for abolishing slavery in the British colonies which had been passed in 1833–4, and their efforts encountered a determined resistance. The emancipation of the slaves in the
\(^1\) Malmesbury’s Memoirs, p. 77.
Crown colony of Jamaica led the planters, who owned the slaves, into rebellion, and the Government was now driven to the disagreeable necessity of inviting Parliament to suspend the constitution of that island. The proposal was carried by a majority of only five (May 7). Melbourne felt the position to be hopeless, and placed the resignation of himself and his colleagues in the Queen’s hands. The Queen was deeply distressed. When Lord John, leader of the House of Commons, visited her to discuss the situation, she burst into tears.
But she soon nerved herself fully to exert for the first time the Sovereign’s traditional power of choosing a successor to the outgoing Prime Minister. Her grief at parting with Melbourne was quickly checked. She asked him for no advice, but, after consulting Lord Spencer, she sent for the Duke of Wellington, and startled him by her self-possession (May 8). He declined her offer to form a ministry on the ground of his age and of the desirability of the Prime Minister being in the House of Commons. Accordingly she summoned Sir Robert Peel, the leader of the Conservative Opposition in the Lower House, who had already filled the office of Prime Minister at the arbitrary bidding of her uncle, William IV., for a few months in 1835. She feared his coldness and severity of demeanour ‘after the open and affectionate manner’ to which Lord Melbourne had accustomed her, but she was well alive to the obligation that the constitution imposed on her when Parliament transferred power from one party to another.
1 Cf. *Peel Papers*, ii. 391.
The Queen’s personal demeanour at Peel’s first interview with her was dignified, although very frank. The conversation began with some discussion of the question whether Parliament should be dissolved or the Tory party should accept office in the existing House of Commons. The Queen said ‘she had parted with her late Government with great regret,’ but deprecated a dissolution of Parliament at so early a date in the life of the existing Parliament. Peel vaguely expressed sympathy with her view, but he declined to pledge himself to forego a dissolution. Finally he agreed to form a Government, and, on leaving the Queen, set about selecting members of his cabinet.
There was already a strong feeling among the Tories that the Queen, who had hitherto shrunk from association with Conservatives, and viewed them, with the sole exception of her old friend Lord Liverpool, with frankly expressed dislike, was hedged in on all sides of her household by the female relatives of her Whig ministers. Peel, in consultation with his friends, decided that the ladies holding the higher posts in the household must be displaced if Conservative ministers were to receive adequate support from the Crown. He had no intention of interfering with the subordinate offices, but deemed it essential to remove some at least of the ladies about the Queen—the Mistress of the Robes and two or three ladies-in-waiting.
Peel formed a high conception of his personal responsibility in all directions. But he was quite willing to consult the Queen’s wishes in filling such
appointments as might fall vacant. Unfortunately he did not define at the outset the precise posts or the number of them which were affected by his proposals. The subject was broached in another personal interview with the Queen on May 9. The Queen was at once alarmed. She feared that she was to be deprived of the companionship of her closest friends, and suspected—quite incorrectly—that the Baroness Lehzen was aimed at. Her mind was made up at once. She declined point blank to entertain any suggestion of change in the female constitution of her household. All her queenly spirit was roused, and she put no curb on her passionate indignation. Peel left her hastily. Thereupon she wrote to Melbourne that the Tories wanted to deprive her of her ladies; they would rob her next of her dressers and housemaids; they thought to treat her as a girl; she would show them she was Queen of England. Finally, she requested her old minister to draft a reply of refusal to Peel’s demands.
Melbourne, who feared that Peel had treated the girl harshly, and was chiefly moved by a parental kind of sympathy, expressed no opinion on the merits of the case, but did as he was asked without further inquiry. The Queen’s letter to Peel ran: ‘Buckingham Palace, May 10, 1839.—The Queen, having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove the ladies of her bedchamber, cannot consent to adopt a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings.’ Peel answered that he feared there
was some misunderstanding, and declined to proceed to the formation of a Government.
Peel’s decision was received by the Queen with immense relief, and she made no endeavour to conceal her elation at a state ball that took place the same evening. With every sign of satisfaction she appealed to Melbourne to resume power. Although her action was her own, Melbourne had given it a tacit approval by not resisting it when she first informed him of her intention. The old cabinet met on May 11 to reconsider its position; some members argued for advising the Queen to withdraw from the attitude that she had assumed. Lord Grey, Melbourne’s former chief, whose son, Lord Howick, was Melbourne’s colleague as Secretary at War, thought Peel’s attitude not unreasonable, and he told Melbourne that on becoming Prime Minister in 1830 he had made similar changes in the household of the Queen-Consort, but he admitted that there was ‘a considerable difference between the situation of a Queen-Consort and a Queen-Regnant.’ With some hesitation he advised Melbourne to support the Queen in her struggle with Peel.\(^1\) Lord Spencer insisted that as gentlemen they must stand by her. Palmerston declared that her youth and isolation should have protected her from the odious conditions that Peel sought to impose.
At length the good-natured Melbourne acquiesced in that opinion. The Whigs returned to office, but they recognised their weakness, and some endeavour was made, with the Queen’s willing assent, to
\(^1\) *Melbourne Papers*, p. 397.
strengthen the ministry's personnel. Spring-Rice, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was replaced by Francis Baring. Lord Glenelg, the very inefficient War and Colonial Minister, was excluded, and his office was transferred to Lord John Russell, formerly the Home Secretary, who was succeeded at the Home Office by the Earl of Mulgrave, afterwards Marquis of Normanby, the old Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. The most interesting newcomer was Thomas Babington Macaulay, in whose favour Lord Howick retired from the Secretaryship at War.
The circumstances in which the reconstructed ministry resumed power quickly formed the topic of animated debate in both Houses of Parliament. Peel effectively defended his action in making his assumption of office conditional on permission to change the constitution of the Queen's household. Lord John Russell somewhat lamely endeavoured to prove his demands to be without precedent. Melbourne chivalrously identified himself with the Queen, and was severely handled from different points of view for his alleged pusillanimity both by the Duke of Wellington, who supported Peel, and by Lord Brougham, who deemed Peel and Melbourne equally blameworthy in admitting the Sovereign's personal responsibility; but the debate passed off without seriously damaging the old ministry's position.
In point of fact Peel's conduct was amply warranted, and subsequently Melbourne, Lord John Russell, and the Queen herself admitted as much. In 1853 she confided to Lord John that she had taken no advice in the matter. 'No,' she said, 'it was
entirely my own foolishness!' Melbourne afterwards remarked characteristically: 'You should take care to give people who are cross time to come round. Peel's fault in that business, when he failed to form a Government, was not giving the Queen time to come round.' But at heart Melbourne seems to have cherished graver misgivings of the significance to be attached to the Queen's display of wilful temper on the occasion. The character and fate of the Queen's ancestress, and one of her historical heroines, Mary Queen of Scots, seems indeed for an instant to have flashed across his mind. It was an involuntary and momentary association of ideas. But Melbourne, with a sardonic touch of humour, which was familiar to his friends, and was commonly kept under restraint in the royal presence, casually remarked to the Queen a little later across the dinner-table, that there were words which Mary Queen of Scots spoke on the scaffold that might not prove on occasion unfitted to her own lips.
The immediate effect of the Queen's act was to extend by more than two years the duration of
1 Melbourne's curious passing association of the Queen's name with that of Mary Queen of Scots was made, carelessly and without deliberation, in conversation with the Queen on the evening that the session closed. When the Queen was disrobing after the ceremony of prorogation in the House of Lords, the lady who was waiting on her found difficulty in detaching the crown from her hair. At dinner in the evening the Queen told Melbourne the story, adding: 'To be sure it was very nervous for poor Lady —— to do it before so many people, all looking at her, and never having done such a thing before.' Melbourne quietly replied, 'Your Majesty might have said as Mary Queen of Scots did on the scaffold, "I am not accustomed to be undressed before so many people nor by such attendants."'
Melbourne's ministry, and to embitter the personal hostility of the Tories towards her. James Bradshaw, the Tory M.P. for Canterbury, made at a Conservative meeting in July so caustic a comment on her reputed feeling of repugnance to his party that the Whig M.P. for Cockermouth, Edward Horsman, challenged him to a duel, which was duly fought. For the time her antipathy to the Tories certainly redoubled. 'The Tories do all in their power to make themselves odious to me,' she openly remarked at Court on reading some acrid remarks on her conduct in a Tory journal.\(^1\)
The permanent outcome of the crisis was beneficial. The Queen never repeated her obduracy, and although she often afterwards asserted her personal predilections when a new ministry was in course of creation, the nineteen changes of government that followed during her reign were effected with comparatively little friction. The 'household' difficulty never recurred. Ladies-in-waiting at once ceased to be drawn from the families of any one political party, and as early as July 1839 the Queen invited Lady Sandwich, the wife of a Tory peer, to join the household. It became the settled practice for the office of Mistress of the Robes alone to bear a political complexion, and for its holder to retire from office with the party to which she owed her appointment. Politics ceased to affect the tenure of office by the other ladies of the royal household, and no serious inquiry was made as to their political predilections.
On the whole, the two crises of 1839, although
\(^1\) Peel Papers, ii. 405.
they were not without salutary effect on the Queen’s developing character, are chiefly interesting as illustrations of traits of her disposition which time and a new environment were alone competent to hold in check. Increase of years and the good counsel of a wise husband were needed to teach the Queen to exercise with greater tact those habits of imperious command and of self-reliance which were natural to her, and to bring under firmer control the impatience and quickness of her temper.
Melbourne signalised his return to power by passing into law as part of the budget proposals a reform which profoundly affected the future prosperity of the Queen’s subjects and in a sense brought herself into closer personal relations with all of them. Rowland Hill’s scheme for the conveyance and delivery of letters at a uniform minimum rate of one penny throughout the United Kingdom was adopted by Parliament in July 1839. The Post Office had long enjoyed a monopoly as letter-carriers, but the charges had varied, according to the distance to be traversed, from fourpence to one-and-eightpence for each sheet of letter-paper. The reduction of the charge to the uniform rate of one penny gave an enormous impetus to communication among various parts of Great Britain and Ireland for commercial and all other purposes. The usefulness of the new arrangement was greatly increased by the invention at the same time of the adhesive postage-stamp. That device, which was soon afterwards adopted by the Government, bore as its distinguishing mark the Queen’s portrait-head, and this rendered her likeness familiar throughout the globe. Improvement in means of communication was perhaps the most striking characteristic of the social history of the country while the Queen reigned over it. All the improvements were the fruit of British ingenuity and originality, and foreign countries were content to follow at a respectful distance in the wake of British invention. But it is doubtful if any legislation of the Queen’s reign exerted more beneficial influence on the social progress not merely of England but of the world than the postal reform, which carried as its ensign her own picture and was passed into law by her first Government just after her own obstinate will had given it a new lease of life.
Absorption in the Sovereign’s work, the elation of spirit which accompanied the major part of her new experiences, the change from dependence to independence in her private affairs, put marriage out of the Queen’s thoughts during the first two years of her reign. But the question was always present to the minds of her kinsfolk. Her official advisers were prudently willing to allow her to follow her own inclination in a matter of so much concern to herself, but they were fully conscious of the momentous consequences to themselves and to the State which marriage in her case involved.
The Queen’s uncle, King Leopold, regarded a settlement of the question as within his peculiar province, and he had already resolved on his course of action. He had chosen her first cousin, Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, for her husband soon after her birth. He had brought his decision to his niece’s notice shortly before her accession to the throne,
and he had no intention of quietly letting his choice be thwarted, now that she was Sovereign.
Early in 1838 King Leopold reminded his niece of his matrimonial plan. Her acknowledgment of his reminder was disconcerting. She replied that she and the Prince, who was of her own age lacking three months, were too young to think of marriage yet, and she claimed permission to defer a decision till the end of three years.
King Leopold summoned Prince Albert to Brussels in March 1838, and explained the situation to him. Albert assented with some hesitation to the Queen’s proposal of delay. He assumed that in her proud elevation she would ultimately seek in marriage a partner of more exalted rank than a younger son of a poor and undistinguished German duke. He somewhat supinely assumed the projected alliance to be beyond his scope. But Albert’s cause had in King Leopold’s confidential counsellor, Baron Stockmar, a champion as zealous as the King himself, and one probably more astute. He had left the Queen’s side at the end of 1838 for the first time since her accession. During the disturbing crises of 1839 he was out of England, and for the Queen’s action and inaction of that period he was in no way responsible. He was employing himself to her ultimate advantage abroad. Early in 1839 he accompanied Prince Albert on a tour in Italy with a view to keeping him faithful to King Leopold’s matrimonial scheme and to instructing him betimes, in case of need, in the duties of the consort of a reigning English monarch.
Among the English courtiers doubts of the success of the innocent conspiracy, hints of which quickly spread abroad, were freely entertained. Such members of the large Coburg family as visited the Queen at this period were too 'simple' and too 'deutsch' in manner to recommend themselves to her English attendants. 'How unlike an English youth!' remarked a lady-in-waiting of the Queen's cousin, Prince Augustus of Coburg, on his visiting Windsor in August 1839. 'After being used to agreeable and well-informed Englishmen, I fear she will not easily find a foreign prince to her liking,' Lord Palmerston wrote in April 1838. Several names besides Prince Albert's were, too, freely canvassed, from the first days of her reign, as those of suitable candidates for her hand.¹ Another first cousin, Prince George of Cambridge (now Duke of Cambridge), was often in her society. A younger son of the Prussian reigning family, and the Duc de Nemours (brother of the Queen of the Belgians and second son of Louis Philippe), who had been one of her guests during the coronation festivities, were believed to possess attractions both in her sight and in that of some of her advisers. In May 1839 she entertained at Windsor the Tsarevitch of Russia (afterwards Tsar Alexander II.), the nephew of her godfather, Tsar Alexander I., together with Prince William Henry,
¹ The Duchess of Sutherland, the Queen's first Mistress of the Robes, writing as early as July 29, 1837, of the Queen's possible suitors, remarked: 'There is a young Danish prince come over for a few days, rather genteel, only nineteen. I suppose he has been sent to see and be seen, but I should not think with any chance.' Stafford House Letters, ed. Lord Ronald Gower, p. 223.
younger son of King William II. of the Netherlands; the latter had been encouraged by William IV. to regard marriage with her as a fit object of ambition, and his claims were now widely reported to be under her consideration.
The solution of the problem was not long delayed. The social and political embarrassments of the first half of 1839 caused the Queen a sense of isolation, which rendered the prospect of marriage more congenial to her than it was before. At the same time she suffered much annoyance from a number of offers of marriage made to her by weak-minded subjects, several of whom forced themselves personally on her notice when she was riding out, or even gained entrance to her palaces. King Leopold, who was her guest at Windsor in September 1839, was not slow to use the opportunity that the varied accidents of the eventful year presented.
The King, on returning to the Continent, directed that Prince Albert and his elder brother Ernest should present themselves at the English Court a month later. Nothing was said to the Queen in the meantime of the objects of the mission. On October 10 the young men arrived at Windsor, bearing a letter from King Leopold commending them to her notice. Many guests were there, besides Lord Melbourne, who was a permanent member of the royal circle.
For four days the princes joined the Queen and a crowded retinue in the ordinary routine of afternoon rides, evening banquets, and dances; but during the entertainments she contrived to have much talk with
QUEEN VICTORIA AT THE AGE OF TWENTY
From the original sketch by Sir Edwin Landseer, now at Windsor Castle
Albert, and suddenly a genuine and overpowering affection between them declared itself. On October 15 she summoned the Prince to her room, and, taking full advantage of her royal station, abruptly offered him marriage. It was 'a nervous thing' to do, she afterwards told her aunt, the Duchess of Gloucester; but, she added, it would not have been possible for him to propose to the Queen of England; 'he would never have presumed to take such a liberty.'¹ Melbourne, who had already committed himself to the wise view that in the choice of a husband it was best for the Queen to please herself, seems to have been taken by surprise. His first impression was that Prince Albert was too young and untrained for the position of royal consort. But he complacently hoped for the best and was warm in his congratulations.
The Queen at once sent the information to King Leopold, by whom it was enthusiastically welcomed, but the public announcement was delayed for more than a month. During that interval the Queen and her affianced lover were rarely separated either in public or private. The Prince was conspicuous at her side at a review of the rifle brigade which she held in the Home Park on November 1, when she wore, on her own initiative, a military cap trimmed with gold.
On the 14th the visit of Albert and his brother came to an end. Next day the Queen wrote with delightful naïveté to all members of the royal family announcing her engagement. Sir Robert Peel saw
¹ Peel Papers, ii. 414.
the communication she sent to Queen Adelaide, and, although he regarded the match with little enthusiasm, said she was 'as full of love as Juliet.' On November 20 she left Windsor for Buckingham Palace, where on the 23rd she made the official declaration, which Melbourne had drawn up, to an extraordinary meeting of the Privy Council. No less than eighty-three members were present. The Queen wore on her arm a bracelet enclosing the Prince's miniature; although her hand shook, she read her short and simple speech without hesitation. 'It is my intention,' she said, 'to ally myself in marriage with the Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. Deeply impressed with the solemnity of the engagement which I am about to contract, I have not come to this decision without mature consideration, nor without feeling a strong assurance that, with the blessing of Almighty God, it will at once secure my domestic felicity, and serve the interests of my country.' She subsequently accepted the congratulations of her councillors with great composure.
The news was received by the public with mixed feelings. Daniel O'Connell, who was in temporary alliance with the Whigs, described the coming marriage at a meeting at Bandon in ludicrous hyperboles of joy; he menaced the Tories with violent reprisals from Irish swords if they caused the Queen any renewal of anxiety in this happy crisis of her life.
1 Croker Papers.
2 The contemporary report of O'Connell's oration at Bandon, October 5, 1839, runs thus: 'We must—we are—loyal to our young and lovely Queen—God bless her! [Tumultuous cheers.] We must
O'Connell's anticipations were not unjustified. There were ominous murmurs amid the popular applause. Little was definitely known of the Prince, excepting that he was German and very young. Neither fact was a strong recommendation with the British public. Absurdly erroneous views were hastily formed of him. Some argued that he owed his good fortune to his distaste for affairs of state and his fondness for empty amusement. Others credited him with perilously stirring ambitions. The Tories took for granted that he was of 'liberal' opinions—an assumption which did not please them.\(^1\) Baseless objection, too, was taken to him on religious grounds. Although it was notorious that the Saxe-Coburg house was staunchly Lutheran, two of its members, King Leopold and Prince Ferdinand, had lately married Roman Catholics, and a
be—we are—attached to the throne, and to the lovely being by whom it is filled. She is going to be married! [Tremendous applause.] I wish she may have as many children as my grandmother had—two-and-twenty! [Immense cheering and laughter.] God bless the Queen! I am a father, and a grandfather; and in the face of heaven I pray with as much honesty and fervency for Queen Victoria as I do for any one of my own progeny. The moment I heard of the daring and audacious menaces of the Tories towards the Sovereign, I promulgated, through the press, my feelings of detestation and my determination on the matter. Oh! if I be not greatly mistaken, I'd get in one day 500,000 brave Irishmen to defend the life, the honour, and the person of the beloved young lady by whom England's throne is now filled! [Exulting and protracted cheers.] Let every man in the vast and multitudinous assembly stretched out before me, who is loyal to the Queen and would defend her to the last, lift up his right hand! [The entire assembly responded to the appeal.] There are hearts in those hands. I tell you that, if necessity required, there would be swords in them! [Awful cheering.]'—Annual Register, 1839, p. 314.
\(^1\) Peel Papers, ii. 408–9.
foolish rumour circulated that Prince Albert was a papist. Abroad the match was regarded as anything but brilliant for the Queen. At foreign Courts, and even in his own domestic circle at Coburg, it was felt that the prize the Prince had won was above his station.
The Queen, who saw the situation through the haze of true womanly affection, treated all criticisms with disdain. She especially scorned the foreign point of view. She deplored the sacrifice of family and country which she regarded the Prince as making for her sake. She held that an imperative obligation rested on her to offer him substantial recompense for his expatriation. She pressed her ministers to secure for him wellnigh every honour which she enjoyed, in order to compensate him for what he was surrendering. Like Queen Mary Tudor, she entreated that her husband should be created a king-consort. The ministers hesitated. Melbourne bluntly reminded the Queen that to acknowledge power in the legislature to make a king was to admit its power of ‘unmaking’ a sovereign. ‘For God’s sake, madam,’ he is reported to have brusquely added, ‘let’s hear no more of it.’ He pointed out that Prince Albert’s rank, as well as his household and emoluments, must conform with established precedent. They must correspond with the position accorded the last prince consort, Prince George of Denmark. The Queen was galled by the comparison of her lover with ‘the stupid and insignificant husband of Queen Anne,’ as she called him, and was ill-disposed to let the matter rest there.
The final decision rested neither with herself nor
with the Prime Minister, but with Parliament, and Melbourne, who somewhat pusillanimously declined to invite a preliminary exchange of views with his political opponents, made no effort to force the hand of either House. The session opened on January 16, 1840, and the Queen, in the speech which she read from the throne, spoke in appropriately simple terms of her approaching marriage and requested the Legislature to make suitable provision. As soon as business began, Melbourne found himself in a difficult situation. While the Queen continued to demand in private intercourse with him a far higher status for her future husband than precedent warranted, a majority in both Houses of Parliament showed plain signs of a resolve to grant far less. Stockmar had just resumed residence with the Queen in order to give her private advice and to watch the position of affairs in the interests of King Leopold and his nephew, Prince Albert. He strenuously urged on Melbourne at the eleventh hour a private consultation between Whigs and Tories so as to avoid the disagreeable consequences of a public wrangle on matters of delicacy which personally affected the Queen. But he gained no hearing and his worst fears were realised.
The ministers confined themselves to a proposal to grant Prince Albert an annuity of 50,000l., the sum granted to the Queen Consorts of George II., George III., and William IV. Objection was taken to the amount on both sides of the House. It was deemed needlessly extravagant by Tories and Radicals alike. Joseph Hume, the Radical spokesman, moved
an amendment to reduce the sum to 21,000l. on his habitual ground of economy. This was negatived by 305 to 38. Thereupon Colonel Sibthorp, the veteran M.P. for Lincoln, a Tory of a very pronounced kind, who warmly championed every insular prejudice, moved another amendment to reduce the sum to 30,000l. He received powerful support. Sir Robert Peel, the Tory leader, spoke in his favour. Sir James Graham, who had lately deserted the Whigs for the Tories, denied that the parallel with the position of the Queen Consorts could be sustained; the independent status of the Queen Consort, he said, not very logically, was recognised by the constitution, but the Prince Consort stood in no need of a separate establishment. On a division the reduction was carried against the ministry by the large majority of 104, the votes being 262 to 158.
An obvious slight had been passed by the House of Commons not merely on the ministry, but on the Queen and her future husband. Sir Robert Peel and his friends made emphatic protests against insinuations of disloyalty, and denied that the Tories were 'acting from a spiteful recollection of the events of last May.' But Lord John Russell insisted with some justice that the vote was an insult to the Sovereign. Colonel Sibthorp further proposed, as soon as the Bill making provision for the Prince reached the committee stage, that the Prince, in the event of his survival of the Queen, should forfeit the annuity if he remarried a Catholic, or failed to reside in the United Kingdom for at least six months a year. This motion was disavowed by Peel, who
admitted that it implied a want of confidence in the Prince, and it was rejected. But the blow that had been struck in the earlier proceedings could not be recalled. The whole episode deeply incensed the Queen, and her uncle, King Leopold, wrote from Brussels that the action of the Commons was intolerable.
The House of Lords was in no more amiable mood. There the attack was led by no less a personage than the Duke of Wellington. The Duke carried an amendment to the address censuring ministers for having failed to make a public declaration that the Prince was a Protestant and able to take the Holy Communion in the form prescribed by the Church of England. On this point Stockmar had already given the ministers in private satisfactory assurances which they had neglected to divulge. But the Lords were not content with this measure of triumph. When, on January 27, the Bill for the naturalisation of the Prince was introduced into the upper chamber, it contained a clause giving him precedence next after the Queen. The royal Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge had agreed to accept a position below the Queen’s husband; but the irreconcilable King of Hanover, who despite his foreign sovereignty was still Duke of Cumberland in the peerage of the United Kingdom, and still cherished the jealous belief that he had been supplanted by his niece on the English throne, bluntly declined to give way to any ‘paper royal highness.’ His protest found much sympathy in the Lords. Melbourne argued that he was following the precedent set in the case of Philip and Mary, but
was willing to modify the clause so as to give the heir-apparent, when he should arrive, precedence of his father. The concession was deemed inadequate, and the clause was withdrawn.
Thereupon the Naturalisation Bill passed without further opposition, and for the moment the question of the Prince's precedence was suffered to drop. But a few months later Greville, the Clerk of the Council, prepared a paper proving that the Queen could grant her husband by royal warrant what precedence she chose without any appeal to Parliament. On this she acted, giving him under her own signature the next place to herself in all public functions.\(^1\) But the warrant carried no weight outside the Queen's dominions. To her chagrin foreign Courts declined to recognise in the Prince any rank above that of his hereditary honours, and insisted on distinguishing his status from hers with an emphasis that wounded her wifely sentiment.
Another difficulty arose with regard to the choice of the Prince's personal attendants. It was deemed advisable to allow him to appoint a private secretary for himself. A German was not reckoned desirable for the post. The Prince deprecated the appointment of an Englishman. Melbourne solved the problem by nominating his own private secretary, George Anson. Happily, neither the Queen nor the Prince had cause to regret the choice.
Meanwhile the marriage was fixed for February 10.
\(^1\) Greville's paper on the subject is printed in the Appendix to *Greville Memoirs*, 2nd ser. vol. i.
Before the parliamentary wrangle ended, Lord Torrington and Colonel Grey had been sent to Coburg to invest the Prince with the insignia of the Garter and to conduct him to England. On January 28 the Prince with his father and brother left Coburg. At Brussels he met his uncle Leopold. On February 7 he was at Dover. Next day he was received with much outward enthusiasm in London, and on reaching Buckingham Palace the oaths of naturalisation were administered to him by Lord Cottenham, the Lord Chancellor. On the 10th the wedding took place in the chapel of St. James's Palace. Lord Liverpool was reputed to be the only Tory to whom the Queen sent a personal invitation to attend. After an elaborate breakfast at Buckingham Palace the bride and bridegroom drove to Windsor amid vociferous acclamations. Two days later they were visited by the Duchess of Kent, the Duke of Coburg, and others, and on February 14 returned to London. On February 19 the Queen held a levee, and the Prince stood at her left hand. Despite all temporary annoyance, a period of difficulty and danger in the Queen’s career had been brought to a triumphant termination.
¹ The Prince’s departure caused deep grief to many of his relatives, who had some misgivings of his future. Caroline, the Dowager Duchess of Gotha (Prince Albert’s step-grandmother) wrote to a friend (in an unpublished letter in private hands) on February 3, 1840: ‘The high position he goes to occupy cannot console me for his leaving, and that position will certainly not be without thorns, although the young Queen’s love is for him a most comforting gift. He, too, is sincerely devoted to her, and will ever stand loyally and lovingly by her side.’
IX
PRINCE ALBERT'S POSITION
With her marriage a new era in the Queen's life and reign began. From a personal point of view the union realised the highest ideal of which matrimony is capable. The Queen's love for her husband was without alloy, and invested him in her sight with every perfection. He, on his part, reciprocated her affection, and he made her happiness the main object of his life.
Intellectually and morally the Prince was worthy of his position. He was admirably educated; his interests were wide; he was devoted to art, science, and literature; he was a first-rate musician; his life was scrupulously well ordered; he was sagacious, philanthropic, conscientious, and unselfish. His example and influence gave new weight and stability to the Queen's character and temperament, and her knowledge and experience grew. She always regarded the two years and eight months that intervened between her accession and her marriage as, in her own words, 'the least sensible and satisfactory time in her whole life. . . . That life of constant amusement, flattery, excitement, and mere politics had a bad effect (as it must have upon any one) on her
naturally simple and serious nature.' All changed, she added, with her marriage in 1840. 'Lord Melbourne was very useful to me,' she told another friend in later life, 'but I can never be sufficiently thankful that I passed safely through those two years to my marriage. Then I was in a safe haven, and there I remained for twenty[-one] years.'
But the situation was not wholly free from anxieties. Outside the domestic circle the Prince was not liked. He was cold and distant in manner, and his bearing, both mental and physical, was held to be too characteristically German to render it acceptable to Englishmen. His temperament was out of harmony with the habitual ease and levity of the English aristocracy. He had no active sense of humour, no enthusiasm for field sports, no vices; his habits were exceptionally regular, he abhorred late hours, and did not conceal his disdain for many of the recreations in which the English leisured classes indulged.
1 Prothero, Life of Dean Stanley, ii. 127.
2 Lady Willoughby de Eresby, describing to a correspondent a musical party at Lady Normanby's London house in honour of the Queen and Prince Albert in June 1840, notes: 'Lady Williamson, Lady Barrington, and Lady Hardwicke all sang divinely, supported by Lablache and Rubini. The Queen was charm'd and Cousin Albert looked beautiful, and slept as quietly as usual, sitting by Lady Normanby.' (C. K. Sharpe's Correspondence, ii. 524.) Monsieur Guizot, when French Ambassador in London, in 1840, describes in somewhat depreciatory terms a 'stiff' concert, which he attended at Buckingham Palace. 'The Queen' (he wrote) 'took a more lively interest in it than the greater part of her guests did. Prince Albert slept. She looked at him, half smiling, half vexed. She pushed him with her elbow. He woke up, and nodded approval of the piece of the moment. Then he went to sleep again, still nodding approval, and the Queen began again.' (Une vie d'ambassadrice au siècle dernier—La Princesse de Lieven, par Ernest Daudet, 1903, p. 285.)
From a more serious point of view his position was fraught with embarrassment. His place in public affairs was undefined. He himself conscientiously believed it his duty to play a prominent part in them. The public held the view that he had no title to associate himself with them at any point. There was indeed a jealous fear abroad that his private influence with the Queen and his foreign prejudices might affect her public action to the national injury. Resentment at any possible interference by him in affairs of state quickly spread. At the Queen’s request Melbourne gave her permission to show him official papers, but that concession marked at the outset the limit of his connection with matters of public business. During the first two years of his settlement in England he was deliberately excluded from her interviews with ministers. The Prince consequently felt his position to be one of humiliation. He was ‘the husband, not the master of the house,’ he wrote in May 1840 to his friend, Prince William of Löwenstein, and his powerlessness to improve his position filled him with deep depression.
The Queen was in complete sympathy with her husband’s aspirations. It was never with her concurrence that he filled a rank in her kingdom or her household subordinate to herself. On December 28, 1841, she wrote in her journal: ‘He ought to be, and is, above me in everything really, and therefore I wish that he should be equal in rank with me.’ Happily time wrought a welcome cure. By slow degrees the Prince’s undoubted abilities and prudence came to be recognised by ministers, and they gradually yielded
to the Queen’s persuasion to take him into their counsels. His permanent exclusion was clearly impossible. Lord Melbourne, who had hitherto filled the office of her private secretary, prepared the way to his full participation in them: he ceded that important post to the Prince. The cares of maternity were soon to distract the Queen on occasion from the details of public duty, and her dependence on her husband in all relations naturally increased with the widening experience of married life. Ultimately Prince Albert assumed in behalf of his wife in reality, although not in form, nearly all her responsibilities, and his share in the rule of the country through most of the twenty-one years of their married life is indistinguishable from hers.
As soon as the Prince finally settled down to his new life he regarded it as his province (he wrote in 1850 to the Duke of Wellington) to ‘fill up every gap which, as a woman, the Queen would naturally leave in the exercise of her regal functions, continually and anxiously to watch every part of the public business, in order to be able to advise and assist her at any moment in any of the multifarious and difficult questions or duties brought before her, sometimes international, sometimes political, or social, or personal.’ He claimed to be of right ‘the natural head of her family, superintendent of her household, manager of her private affairs, sole confidential adviser in politics, and only assistant in the communications with the officers of the Government.’ At the same time he was, he pointed out, ‘the husband of the Queen, the tutor of the royal children, the private secretary of
the Sovereign, and her permanent minister.' The defect and danger of such a claim lay, according to the constitution of the country, in the fact that the Prince was under no parliamentary control, and his description of himself as the Queen's 'permanent minister' was inexact. Substantially, however, the statement truthfully represented the Prince's functions and occupation during his career as Queen Victoria's consort.
None the less a large section of the public never conquered their first suspicions of him and never willingly acquiesced in his exercise of the authority which he gradually absorbed. Until his death he had to run the gauntlet of a galling and unceasing public criticism, and the Queen, despite her wealth of domestic happiness, was rarely free from the sense of discomfort and anxiety which was bred of a consciousness that many of her subjects viewed her husband with dislike or suspicion. But from 1841 to 1861, the date of his death, the fact is unassailable that Prince Albert's position gave him as good a right as the Queen to be regarded as the ruler of the British realm.
Within the palace a complete revolution in the Queen's personal and domestic entourage followed hard on her marriage. Her mother, the Duchess of Kent, at once removed from her daughter's roof. The Duchess's influence in the royal circle had long been declining, and now came to an end. No less important was the retirement soon afterwards of the Baroness Lehzen from the Queen's service. These changes in the royal household disposed of checks
which might have seriously limited the development of Prince Albert's power.
The supersession of both mother and gouvernante was effected without friction. The curmudgeonly King of Hanover declined the Queen's request to give up to the Duchess of Kent his apartments in St. James's Palace which he never occupied, and thereupon the Queen rented for her mother Ingestre House, Belgrave Square, at 2,000l. a year; but on the death of the Princess Augusta in September, Clarence House, St. James's Palace, was made over to her, together with Frogmore Lodge at Windsor. Hardly a day passed without the exchange of visits. As a rule, the Duchess both lunched and dined with her daughter. The Baroness Lehzen left England in October 1842 for her native country of Hanover, finally settling with a sister at Bückeburg.\(^1\) For many years the Queen found time to write her a letter once a week, an interval which was subsequently lengthened to a month at the Baroness's own considerate request; the correspondence was maintained until the Baroness's death in 1870.\(^2\)
Stockmar alone of the Queen's early confidential attendants retained his position after her marriage; until 1857 he spent the autumn, winter, and spring of each year with the Queen and Prince Albert, and occupied rooms in their palaces. On every domestic
\(^1\) Cf. Bloomfield, *Reminiscences*, i. 215.
\(^2\) As late as 1867 the Queen wrote to Sir Theodore Martin, after reading his translation of Oehlenschläger's play 'Correggio,' saying that the Baroness had often spoken to her of the original work, and asking for a copy of the translation to send to her.
or public question that arose both the Queen and Prince looked to him for private guidance.
Amid the festivities which celebrated the early days of married life general alarm was caused by an attack on the Queen’s life. The outrage had no political significance. On June 10 a brainless potboy, Edward Oxford, fired two shots at her from a pistol as she was driving through the Green Park from Buckingham Palace to Hyde Park Corner. She was unhurt, and to all appearance unmoved, and after making a call at her mother’s house to assure her of her safety, she composedly continued her customary drive in Hyde Park. The lad was arrested and was mercifully pronounced to be insane. Addresses of congratulation were presented by both Houses of Parliament.
The incident served to increase the Queen’s popularity, and in no way affected her health or spirits. On June 12, 1840—two days after—a concert was given at Buckingham Palace under Costa’s direction, and the Queen herself took part in no less than five numbers, singing in a duet with Prince Albert, and in a trio with Signors Rubini and Lablache, and in three choruses.¹ A week or two later a magnificent reception was accorded her at Ascot.
¹ The numbers in which the Queen performed were thus entered in the printed programme:—
Duo, ‘Non funestar crudele’ (Il Disertore):
Her Majesty and Prince Albert . . . . Ricci
Coro Pastorale, ‘Felice Età:’
Her Majesty, Lady Sandwich, Lady Williamson, Lady Normanby, Lady Norreys,
Next month there was promulgated intelligence of great importance to the future of the monarchy and to the happiness of the Queen’s life. The approaching birth of an heir to the throne was formally announced. In such circumstances ministers were anxious to treat any request on the Queen’s part in a conciliatory spirit. Consequently, in accordance with her wish, a Bill was presented by the Government to Parliament constituting Prince Albert Regent in the contingency of her death, provided that he did not remarry a Catholic and that he resided in the country.
The fear that such a proposal would be resisted by public opinion was quickly dissipated. The prudence which had distinguished the recent conduct of the Prince and the Queen was well calculated to
Misses Liddell and Anson; Signor Rubini and Signor Costa; Prince Albert, Lord C. Paget, and Signor Lablache . Costa Trio, ‘Dunque il mio bene’ (Flauto Magico): Her Majesty, Signori Rubini and Lablache Mozart Quartetto, con Coro, ‘Tu di grazia:’
Her Majesty, Lady Williamson, Lady Sandwich, Lady Norreys, Lady Normanby, Misses Liddell and Anson; Signor Rubini and Signor Costa; Prince Albert, Lord C. Paget, and Signor Lablache . . . Haydn
Coro, ‘Oh come lieto giunge’ (St. Paul):
Her Majesty, Lady Sandwich, Lady Williamson, Lady Normanby, Lady Norreys, Misses Liddell and Anson; Signor Rubini and Signor Costa; Prince Albert, Lord C. Paget, and Signor Lablache
Felix Mendelssohn
silence the opposition that might have been expected from the Tories and from the Queen’s uncles. Prince Albert, by the advice of Stockmar, and with the full concurrence of Melbourne, had given ample proofs of an anxiety to relieve the strained relations between the Court and the Tories. Their leaders had been entertained by the Queen, and she had shown them marked civility. With the Duke of Wellington every effort was made to maintain cordial relations, and he reciprocated the advances with alacrity. To the Queen’s discomfort her uncle, the Duke of Sussex, maintained a critical attitude, despite the filial civilities she invariably paid him, but he had been partially conciliated by the bestowal, on April 10, 1840, of the title of Duchess of Inverness on his second morganatic wife,\(^1\) and in the same month, when the Queen and Prince Albert attended a great ball at Lansdowne House, the new Duchess was permitted to sup at the royal table.
The pacific atmosphere which was thus engendered had the agreeable effect of commending to public approval the nomination of Prince Albert to the contingent regency. The Duke of Sussex alone proved refractory. He resisted the Bill in the House of Lords on the ground that the rights of ‘the family’ were ignored. But the measure became law amid signs of general complacency. On August 11, when the Queen, according to custom, prorogued Parliament in person, the Prince sat for the first time in
\(^1\) Lady Cecilia Letitia Underwood, daughter of Arthur, second Earl of Arran, and widow of Sir George Buggin, Knt. She died without issue August 1, 1873.
an armchair next the throne, and, although objection was again feared, none was raised. His predominance was treated as inevitable and was accepted with as good a grace as could be hoped for. On August 28 he received the freedom of the City of London. On September 11 he was admitted to the Privy Council. On February 5, 1841, the Queen ordered his name to be inserted in the Liturgy. His right to share the Queen’s ceremonial dignities was not again openly contested.
Meanwhile, on November 21, 1840, the Queen’s first child, a daughter, was born at Buckingham Palace. All passed off so well and the Queen’s recovery from the confinement was so rapid that the Regency Bill seemed destined to lie dormant. She was able to remove to Windsor for the Christmas holidays. On February 10, the anniversary of her marriage, the child, the Princess Royal of England, was baptized at Buckingham Palace in the names of Victoria Adelaide Mary Louisa. The sponsors were the Prince’s father, the Queen’s mother, and her uncle, King Leopold, besides her aunts, the Dowager Queen Adelaide and the Duchess of Gloucester, and her uncle, the sour Duke of Sussex whom the Queen treated with irrepressible charity. The Duke of Saxe-Coburg, the Prince’s father, was unable to attend in person, and the Queen by her own motion chose the Duke of Wellington to represent him. The last trace of animosity on account of Wellington’s open objections to the Queen’s marriage was now removed. ‘He is,’ the Queen wrote in her journal, ‘the best friend we have.’
Meanwhile politics were casting clouds on the joys of domestic life. The Queen's lively interest in the fortunes of her foreign kindred brought the business of the Foreign Office, almost to a larger extent than that of any other department of the State, within the range of her personal sympathies, and she was now to suffer, for the first of many times, a conflict of feeling between her private obligations to her foreign kindred and her public obligations to her country. Such conflict, despite her instinctive repugnance to unworthy concessions in the sphere of foreign diplomacy, was naturally liable to involve her in difficulties with her advisers.
Questions of foreign policy strongly appealed, too, to Prince Albert, and he studied them closely and with intelligence. Melbourne had already assented to the Queen's proposal, which private sentiment rather than public considerations prompted, that her husband should enjoy free access to all the Foreign Office despatches. But the tacit perusal of the papers was barely possible to the Prince's active, well-informed mind, and he soon claimed in behalf of the Queen the full right to a voice in consultation before any action was taken by the Government abroad. Under his guidance the Queen came to regard the supervision of foreign affairs as peculiarly within the Sovereign's province.
The pretension on the part of the Queen or of her husband to influence ministerial decisions required tactful assertion in view of the general constitutional principle which gave Parliament sole supremacy of control in all departments of government. In the existing juncture of foreign affairs it was especially difficult to press the claim without generating friction between the Sovereign and her ministers. Palmerston, the Foreign Secretary in Melbourne’s ministry, had held his office (with only four months’ interval in 1835, during which the Tories, under Peel, had a fleeting taste of power) for the long period of ten years.¹ He joined Lord Grey’s ministry as Foreign Secretary at the end of 1830. In that post he won his main reputation, and was ambitious to wield in it unquestioned authority. His Liberalism in domestic matters was of a vague pattern, which never wholly lost the colour of his early political associations with the Tories, but his views of foreign policy were firmly and confidently held. They were formed under the influence of Canning, and were impregnated by a genuine enthusiasm for popular liberty, by a hatred of political despotism, and by an assertive faith in England’s power and right to impose at will on foreign monarchies the political principles that she had herself adopted. Of a masterful temperament, he treated all who offered him counsel with a breezy air of scornful superiority. Carelessly frank in conversation, he was no respecter of persons; his unreadiness to conciliate their idiosyncrasies had earned him the cordial dislike of Queen Victoria’s two predecessors on the throne,
¹ Palmerston had first entered the House of Commons as a Tory at the youthful age of three-and-twenty, thirty years before the Queen came to the throne, and he had filled a subordinate post in no less than five Tory administrations between 1809 and 1828, before he transferred his allegiance in the latter year to the Whigs.
George IV. and William IV. He always affected to ignore the natural and inevitable sympathy which English sovereigns felt with the occupants of foreign thrones.
Personally, Palmerston had in the first years of her reign made himself agreeable to the Queen, who was his junior by thirty-five years. In 1839 he married Lord Melbourne’s sister, the widow of Lord Cowper, a union which the Queen thoroughly approved. But in all the circumstances of the case it could only be on sufferance that the Prince, or indeed the Queen herself, could expect to share in Palmerston’s management of foreign affairs. Palmerston, at the first entrance of the Prince on the scene, avowed conscientious reluctance to recognise the existence outside Parliament of any check on his independence. His attitude at once caused vexation in the royal circle. None the less he persisted in it unmoved. Prolonged heartburnings followed, and they ultimately led to an open rupture between the Crown and one of the most influential of its constitutional advisers. But much was to happen before that point was reached in the relations of Queen Victoria and Lord Palmerston.
The earliest immediate cause of divergence (in 1840) between the Queen and her Foreign Minister was due to affairs in the east of Europe, which threatened a breach in the friendly relations of France and England. Egypt under her Viceroy, Mehemet Ali, was seeking to cast off her allegiance to the Sultan of Turkey. France encouraged the act of rebellion, while England and the rest of the Great Powers took
Turkey under their protection. The Queen and Prince Albert loathed the prospect of war with France, with whose sovereign, Louis Philippe, they had, through repeated intermarriages, close domestic relations; and the added likelihood that the dominions of her uncle and political ally, King Leopold, which were under England's protection, would, in case of war between England and France, be invaded by a French army, filled the Queen with alarm.
Divisions in the cabinet encouraged intervention on the part of the Queen and Prince. Lord John Russell seldom took Palmerston's view of foreign complications, and he raised his voice for the preservation of peace at all hazards. Palmerston, however, peremptorily decided that the best way of dissipating all risk of French predominance in Egypt was to crush Mehemet Ali at once by force of English arms. The Queen appealed with energy to Melbourne. She entreated him to reconcile his divided colleagues, to use his influence against Palmerston, and to seek a pacific settlement with France. But Palmerston stood firm. He summarily issued orders to the British fleet to apply force to Mehemet Ali and compel him to return to his allegiance to the Sultan (November 1840). To all appearance the French King was under an obligation to retaliate by bringing material support to Mehemet Ali's aid. War between France and England seemed to be inevitable. How deeply the episode impressed itself on the Queen's mind is evident from her half-playful remark to her uncle, King Leopold, when she was considering amid the crisis the names to be bestowed on her
newly born infant: 'I think our child,' she wrote, 'ought to have, besides its other names, those of Turko-Egypto, for we think of nothing else.'
The victory remained with Palmerston. The minister's triumph was indeed more rapid and complete than even he anticipated. Louis Philippe, to the general surprise, proved too pusillanimous to take the offensive in behalf of his friend in Egypt, who quickly yielded to English coercion. The French King finally joined the concert of the Powers, who in July 1841 pledged themselves by treaty to maintain Turkey and Egypt *in statu quo*. But the incident evoked in Louis Philippe, in his ministers, and in King Leopold a feeling of bitterness against Palmerston which, despite the preservation of European peace, found a ready echo in the minds of Queen Victoria and the Prince.
The foreign crisis was not the only political trouble that confronted the Queen at this season. There were sources of anxiety nearer home. The Government was losing its hold on the House of Commons, and the retirement of Melbourne's ministry, which the Queen had long dreaded, was clearly a question of weeks. The prospect of parting with Melbourne, her tried councillor, caused her pain. But, in anticipation of the inevitable event, hints had been given at Prince Albert's instance by the Court officials to the Tory leaders that the Queen would interpose no obstacle to a change of government when it became inevitable, and would not resist such reconstruction of her household as might be needful. The blow fell in May. The agitation for free trade was
growing in the country, through the energetic efforts of Cobden, and the Whig ministers introduced a budget which gently tended in the popular direction. For radical changes in the fiscal system of the country Parliament was not prepared, and on the ministry's proposal to reduce the duty on sugar they were defeated by a majority of thirty-six. Sir Robert Peel thereupon carried a vote of confidence against them by one vote. It was open to Melbourne to resign and to advise the Queen to entrust Peel with the duty of forming a government. But, moved by the Queen's feelings, Melbourne forbore to take that step. Instead of resigning, he recommended the Queen to appeal to the country. Parliament was dissolved on June 29.
The Queen hoped against hope that the country might decide the trial at issue in favour of her old friend Melbourne. But the signs were not propitious. In June, amid the political excitement, the Queen paid a visit to Archbishop Harcourt at Nuneham, and thence she and Prince Albert proceeded to Oxford to attend Commemoration. The Duke of Wellington, the Chancellor of the University, presided, and conferred on the Prince an honorary degree. The Queen was disturbed by the hisses which were levelled at the Whig ministers who were present. But their threatened loss of popular favour incited her to give further proof of her attachment to them. She seized the opportunity to pay a series of visits among the Whig nobility. After spending a day or two with the Duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth, the royal party was entertained next month by the Duke of Bedford.
at Woburn Abbey and by Lord Cowper, Melbourne’s nephew, at Panshanger. From Panshanger they went to lunch with Melbourne himself at his country residence, Brocket Park.
The general election was proceeding at the time, and the Whigs made the most out of the Queen’s known sympathy with them and of her alleged antipathy to their opponents. But, to the Queen’s dismay, a large Tory majority was returned, and she recognised that she was face to face with that party in the State which she had hitherto viewed with dislike and distrust.
X
SIR ROBERT PEEL'S ADMINISTRATION
The new Parliament assembled on August 19, 1841. The Queen made no secret of her disappointment at the results of the recent electoral battle. For the first time in her reign she was absent at the opening of the session, and her speech was read by the Lord Chancellor, an indication that the constitution of the House of Commons was not to her liking. Melbourne's ministry remained in office till the last possible moment, but on August 28 a vote of confidence was refused it by both Houses of Parliament. The same evening Melbourne saw the Queen at Windsor and resigned his trust. She accepted his resignation in a spirit of deep dejection, which he did something to moderate by assuring her of the high opinion he had formed of her husband. On August 30 Melbourne took leave of Prince Albert. The Prince wrote to him later in the day of 'the real grief with which he said farewell.'
In conformity with Lord Melbourne's advice the Queen at once summoned Sir Robert Peel, and invited him to form a government. The lesson she had learnt in 1839 bore good fruit, and she raised no objection to any of his proposals. Although she
spoke freely to him of her grief in separating from her late ministers, she discussed the business in hand with a composure and correctness of manner which aroused Peel’s admiration. He promised to consult her comfort in all household appointments, and changes were made with the Queen’s full approval. Peel wrote (September 18, 1841) that he was ‘met by her Majesty in a very fair and considerate spirit.’ The Duchess of Buccleuch replaced the Duchess of Sutherland as Mistress of the Robes, and the Duchess of Bedford and Lady Normanby voluntarily made way for other ladies-in-waiting. By September the new Government was formed, and the Queen had the tact to treat her new ministers with every appearance of amiability. The Council, at which the new officers of state kissed hands on their appointment, was held at Claremont. Gladstone, who joined Peel’s government as Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and was made a Privy Councillor, wrote of the proceedings: ‘The Queen sat at the head of the table, composed but dejected—one could not but feel for her all through the ceremonial.’
Prophecies of evil were summarily confuted, and the main credit for the avoidance of disaster must be divided between Prince Albert and Peel. The Prince’s influence induced in the Queen’s attitude to the machinery of politics a prudent complacency of which her earlier conduct had given no sign. Peel adapted himself to the situation with admirable tact. In the result he and the Queen were soon the best of friends. Accepting Melbourne’s hint, he fully yet briefly ex-
¹ Morley, Life of Gladstone, i. 242.
plained to her every detail of affairs. He strictly obeyed the request which she made him as soon as he took up the reins of government to send regularly and promptly a daily report of proceedings of interest that took place in both the Houses of Parliament. The duty which the Queen required of him of constant attendance on her, and of autograph correspondence with her several times a day, seriously taxed Peel’s time and patience; but he faithfully performed it throughout his tenure of office.¹ Melbourne was thenceforth an occasional and always an honoured guest at Court, but the Queen accustomed herself without delay to seek political guidance exclusively from Peel, and the confidence she reposed in him soon equalled that which she had reposed in his predecessor.
Closer acquaintance with Peel’s leading colleagues finally dissipated, too, her early antipathy to the Tory party and to Tory principles. The Duke of Wellington joined Peel’s cabinet without office, and her relations with him increased in cordiality now that he was in official association with her. With Lord Lyndhurst, the Lord Chancellor, with Lord Aberdeen, the Foreign Secretary, and with Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, she came in frequent contact, and all treated her with that respectful kindliness and courteous frankness which always won her regard. Lord Stanley (afterwards Earl of Derby), the War and Colonial Secretary, who was thrice to act as her Prime Minister hereafter, also impressed her favour-
¹ Morley, *Life of Gladstone*, i. 297–299.
ably.¹ Among the new officers of her household she warmly welcomed her early friend, Lord Liverpool, who filled the post of Lord Steward.
A short autumn session closed on October 7. The Queen was absent from the ceremony of prorogation, but her absence was due to personal affairs and to no want of confidence in her new advisers. On November 9, 1841, her second child, a son and heir, was born at Buckingham Palace. The confinement was imminent for several weeks, and, though she hesitated to appear in public, she, with characteristic spirit, continued 'to write notes, sign her name, and declare her pleasure up to the last moment, as if nothing serious were at hand.'² Sir Robert Peel had accepted an invitation to dine with her on the night of the child's birth.
Much public and private rejoicing followed the arrival of an heir to the throne. Christmas festivities were kept with great brilliance at Windsor, and on January 25 the christening took place in St. George's Chapel with exceptional pomp. The boy was named Albert Edward, and more than fifty-nine years later succeeded his mother as King Edward VII. Vague political reasons induced the Government to invite
¹ The other members of Peel’s cabinet, as first constituted, were: Henry Goulburn, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord Ripon, President of the Board of Trade; Sir Henry Hardinge, Secretary at War; Lord Wharncliffe, President of the Council; the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Privy Seal. Gladstone became Vice-President of the Board of Trade without a seat in the cabinet, but he entered the cabinet in 1843 as President of the Board of Trade. Disraeli was bitterly disappointed by Peel’s failure to confer any office on him. (Cf. Peel Papers, ii.)
² Sir James Graham, ap. Croker Papers, ii. 408.
Frederick William, King of Prussia, to be the chief sponsor; the others were the Queen’s uncle, the Duke of Cambridge, her aunt, Princess Sophia, and three members of the Saxe-Coburg family. To the King of Prussia, who stayed with the Queen for the christening ceremony from January 22 to February 4, she paid every honour,¹ and her personal intimacy with the Prussian royal house was thus initiated. Subsequently the King of Prussia, who was not gifted with much political insight or strength of purpose, took advantage of the good personal relations he had formed with the Queen to correspond with her confidentially on political affairs with somewhat embarrassing results.
The preponderance of German guests at the christening of the Prince of Wales caused some unamiable comment. Adverse criticism, too, was excited by the formal bestowal on the little Prince of his father’s hereditary title of Duke of Saxony, and by the quartering of his father’s hereditary arms of Saxony on his shield with those of England. Such procedure was regretted as a concession by the Queen to her husband’s German predilections, but it was in conventional accord with heraldic law. On February 3, 1842, when the Queen opened Parliament, the King of Prussia accompanied her. There was no great display of loyalty in the streets,² but she impressed her auditors in the House of Lords by referring in the speech from the throne to the birth of her son as ‘an event which has completed the measure of my domestic happiness.’ The words appealed to the
¹ Bunsen, ii. 7. ² Fanny Kemble’s Records, ii. 181.
homely instincts which were strong in her people. When a week later she went with her young family to stay a month at the Pavilion, the royal residence at Brighton, her presence excited more public demonstration of goodwill than was convenient.\(^1\) Privacy was sought in vain. The Queen and Prince Albert conceived, in consequence, a dislike for the place, and soon sought a more sequestered seaside retreat.
The following season of 1842 combined agreeable with distasteful incidents. The first of a brilliant series of fancy dress balls took place to the Queen's great contentment at Buckingham Palace on May 12; the Prince appeared as Edward III. and the Queen as Queen Philippa. Some feeling was shown in France at what was foolishly interpreted as the celebration of ancient victories won by the English over French arms. The entertainment was charitably designed to give work to the Spitalfields weavers, who were then in distress. A fortnight later the Queen and Court went in state to a ball at Covent Garden Theatre, which was organised in the interest of the same sufferers. But French sensitiveness was too acute to be easily appeased.
In June the Queen first associated herself publicly with that improved mode of locomotion which was revolutionising the social economy of the country. It was in 1825 that the first railway between Stockton and Darlington had been opened, and in 1830 was inaugurated the line between Manchester and Liverpool. During the reign of William IV. the new system of travelling had been steadily growing in all
\(^1\) Lady Bloomfield's *Reminiscences*.
parts of the country, but it still provoked almost as much hostility as approval. The superiority of horse-power to steam-power for purposes of haulage had many loud-voiced advocates when the Queen ascended the throne. It was not till the year after her accession that London was first entered by a railway—by the North-Western company's line from Birmingham. Subsequently lines to London multiplied quickly. The battle of the railway was not, however, altogether won till seven years of the Queen's reign had passed, when the last stage-coaches were driven off the southern roads.
The Queen's first experience of railway travelling was an event of no little interest to herself and of no small encouragement to the pioneers of the new mechanical invention. The journey was made on the new Great Western line from Slough to Paddington. Court etiquette required that the Master of the Horse and the coachmen under his control should actively direct the Queen's travels by land, and it was difficult to adapt the old forms to the new conditions of locomotion. But satisfactory arrangements were made, and the Queen thoroughly enjoyed the novel experience. Thenceforth she utilised to the fullest extent the growing railway systems of the kingdom, and especially interested herself in improvements which should secure the safety and comfort of the poorer passengers.
Unhappily two further senseless attempts on her life, which took place at the same time, marred her
The line from Slough to Windsor was first opened on October 8 1849.
sense of security, although they offered her opportunity of proving anew her intrepidity of spirit. In her attitude to the first attempt the Queen and Prince Albert indeed showed a courage which bordered on imprudence. On Sunday, May 29, Prince Albert noticed that a man pointed a pistol at the Queen as she drove past him in her carriage through the Green Park. She and the Prince resolved to pass the same spot on the following afternoon in order to secure the arrest of the assailant, if, as they surmised, he should put in a second appearance. The bold device succeeded. 'She would much rather,' the Queen explained at the moment, 'run the immediate risk at any time than have the presentiment of danger constantly hovering over her.' The man, who proved to be a destitute carpenter named John Francis, fired at her as she passed him for the second time, happily without result, and, being easily captured, was condemned to death, a sentence which was commuted to transportation for life. On the evening following the outrage, the Queen visited the opera to hear the 'Prophète,' and was cheered rapturously.
But the danger was, unfortunately, not past. A new attempt on the Queen's life followed almost immediately. On July 3, when she was driving in the Mall with the King of the Belgians, who happened to be her guest, a crippled lad, John William Bean, sought in an aimless, half-hearted way to emulate the misdeeds of Francis and Oxford. There was no endeavour in this instance to inflict actual injury, and the offender received only eighteen
months' imprisonment; but some new steps were clearly needed to prevent the repetition of cowardly offences so damaging to the repute of the nation. According to the strict interpretation of the existing law, these contemptible outrages could be treated solely as acts of high treason, and the offenders won through their misdeeds a notoriety and a specious importance which were gratifying to their vanity. Peel, immediately after the date of Bean's offence, hastily passed through Parliament a 'Bill for providing for the further protection and security of her Majesty's person.' The terms of the measure made any attempt to hurt the Queen a criminal offence far below the dignity of treason; it was reduced to the rank of a misdemeanour punishable by either transportation for seven years or imprisonment for three, with or without personal chastisement at the discretion of the judge. On the whole the new law worked with good effect.
Signs of unrest were numerous in the country. Chartist riots had long been distracting the nation. The Chartist movement was an outcome of political and social discontent on the part of the working classes. The reformed House of Commons had failed to grapple with social questions so as to relieve the economic distress which had prevailed among the poorer classes of the community since the great war, and the disappointment bred an agitation for a further change in the constitution of the Legislature. The people's charter, which had been drawn up by the leaders of the working men in 1838, demanded manhood suffrage, equal electoral districts, vote by
ballot, abolition of property qualification for members of Parliament, and payment of members of the House of Commons for their services. Whig and Tory Governments alike declined to treat such proposals seriously. A powerful section among the agitators advocated violent reprisals. Riotous attacks on the police and on wealthy representatives of the middle classes who were especially obnoxious to the Chartists were made, in the Northern and Midland counties especially, during the winter and spring of 1842. The Queen pressed her ministers to employ decisive measures for the preservation of peace, but did not take an unduly serious view of the danger.
During the summer the Queen directed Peel to arrange for her an autumn holiday in Scotland. To her surprise the prudence of a royal progress through the disturbed districts of the north of England was gravely doubted by her ministers. But Peel was anxious to forward the Queen’s wish, and after consulting Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, he came to the conclusion that the expedition to Scotland might be safely and wisely made by sea.
It was the first visit that the Queen paid to North Britain, and in the event greatly added to her future happiness. It inspired her with a lifelong regard for Scotland and its inhabitants, and as her years increased, her heart (in her own words) ‘yearned to that part of her dominions more and more.’ The first portion of the journey, on her first expedition across the border—that from Slough to Paddington—was again made by rail. At Woolwich the royal party embarked on the ‘Royal George’ yacht on
August 29, and on September 1 they arrived at Granton pier.
There Sir Robert Peel, at the Queen’s request, met them. Passing through Edinburgh they stayed with the Duke of Buccleuch at Dalkeith, where on September 5 the Queen held a drawing-room and received addresses. Next day the royal party left for the highlands, and, after paying a visit to Lord Mansfield at Scone, were accorded a princely reception by Lord Breadalbane at Taymouth. A brief stay with Lord Willoughby at Drummond Castle was followed by their return to Dalkeith, and they left Scotland by sea for the return journey on the 15th.
Not only was the Queen enchanted with the scenery through which she passed, but the historic associations, especially those connected with Mary Stuart—her ‘unfortunate ancestress’ as she called her—and with her son, James I., deeply interested her, and she read on the voyage with a new zest Sir Walter Scott’s poems, ‘The Lady of the Lake’ and ‘The Lay of the Last Minstrel.’¹ Before embarking she instructed Lord Aberdeen to write to the Lord Advocate an expression of her regret that her visit was so brief, and of her admiration of the devotion and enthusiasm which had been ‘evinced in every quarter and by all ranks’ of her Scottish subjects.² On September 17 she was again at Windsor.³
The experience left so pleasant an impression that
¹ Leaves from the Queen’s Journal, 1867, pp. 1–28.
² Greville Memoirs.
³ In November the Duke of Wellington placed Walmer Castle at her disposal, and she and her family were there from November 10 to December 3.
it was soon repeated. Two years later, in 1844, another peaceful autumn holiday was spent in Scotland. On that occasion the Queen and the Prince proceeded by sea from Woolwich to Dundee. Thence they drove to Blair Athol to visit Lord and Lady Glenlyon, afterwards the Duke and Duchess of Athol, to both of whom the Queen became deeply attached. Prince Albert engaged in deerstalking, and the Queen did much sketching. The 'life of quiet and liberty' proved even more enjoyable than before, and bred a resolve to revisit Scotland as often as was practicable. With regret they set out on the return voyage to Woolwich on October 3, when their second Scottish sojourn ended.
With Peel the Queen's good relations remained uninterrupted. On April 6, 1842, after six months' experience of office, he described his position thus: 'My relations with her Majesty are most satisfactory. The Queen has acted towards me not merely (as every one who knew her Majesty's character must have anticipated) with perfect fidelity and honour, but with great kindness and consideration. There is every facility for the despatch of public business, a scrupulous and most punctual discharge of every public duty, and an exact understanding of the relation of a constitutional sovereign to her advisers.'
With the domestic policy of her ministers the Queen thoroughly identified herself. During the autumn of 1842 the schism in the Scottish Church on the question of the right of the local presbytery to reject in certain circumstances the minister whom
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1 Journal, pp. 29-42.
2 Peel Papers, ii. 544.
the lay patron presented to the benefice led to the disruption of the Scottish Establishment and the formation of the Free Church. The Queen, in a letter to Peel, described 'the demands and assertions' of those members of the General Assembly who sought to limit the exercise of lay patronage as 'extraordinary and inadmissible.' She manifested full sympathy with her Government's declaration against interference with the patron's ancient and hitherto unrestricted rights.\(^1\) In January 1843 the Queen was deeply concerned at the assassination of Peel's secretary, Edward Drummond, in mistake for himself, and she shrewdly criticised in private the jury's verdict of insanity at the trial of MacNaughten, the assassin.\(^2\) With common-sense wisdom the Queen wrote to Peel, January 25: 'The proofs of the wretch MacNaughten's madness seem to the Queen very slight, and indeed there is and should be a difference between that madness which is such that a man knows not what he does, and madness which does not prevent a man from purposely buying pistols, and then with determined purpose watching and shooting a person.'
Among Peel's colleagues, Lord Aberdeen, Minister of Foreign Affairs, came after Peel himself into closest personal relations with the Queen and the Prince, and with him she found herself in hardly less complete accord. But elements of difficulty still lurked in her attitude to foreign affairs. She never concealed even from Lord Aberdeen her wish to bring the Foreign Office under the active influence of the
\(^1\) *Peel Papers*, ii. 568.
\(^2\) Martin, i. 27; *Peel Papers*, ii. 553.
Crown. She bade Aberdeen observe 'the rule that all drafts not mere matters of course should be sent to her before the despatches had left the office.' Aberdeen guardedly replied that 'this should be done in all cases in which the exigencies of the situation did not require another course.' She found no practical difficulty in acquiescing in the reservation. Lord Aberdeen's general policy developed no principle from which the Queen or the Prince dissented, and the harmony of their intercourse was undisturbed.
Peel greatly strengthened the cordiality of his relations with the Sovereign by a full acknowledgment of Prince Albert's position. He permitted the Prince to attend the audiences of ministers with the Queen. He nominated him president of a royal commission to promote the fine arts of the United Kingdom in connection with the rebuilding of the Houses of Parliament which had been burnt down in 1834, and he encouraged the Prince to reform the confused administration of the royal palaces. The Prince's authority consequently increased. From 1843 onwards the Queen, in announcing her decision on public questions to her ministers, substituted for the singular personal pronoun 'I' the plural 'we,' and thus entirely identified her own judgment with her husband's. The growth of his authority was indicated in the spring of 1843 by his holding levees in the Queen's behalf in her absence—an apparent assumption of fresh power which was none too well received by the press or by the public.
Domestic incidents occupied much of the Queen's
¹ Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, ii. 54.
attention. The death of her uncle, the Duke of Sussex, on April 21, 1843, preceded by four days the birth of a third child, the Princess Alice. The coincidence of the two events impelled her, mainly from domestic sentiment, to make some new advances to her unfriendly uncle, Ernest, the King of Hanover, who was now one of the only two surviving sons of George III., the Duke of Cambridge being the other. The Queen asked King Ernest to be a sponsor of her second daughter Alice, together with her half-sister, Countess Feodore, Prince Albert’s brother, and Princess Sophia. The King accepted the invitation, but with characteristic awkwardness arrived too late for the christening (June 5). He came soon afterwards, and remained in England for several weeks, apparently to prove that he still regarded his niece as an obstacle in the path of his obsolete ambition of succeeding to his father’s crown. A large family gathering followed his arrival, for there was a wedding to be celebrated in the royal circle in July. The Queen’s first cousin Augusta, elder daughter of the Duke of Cambridge, married at Buckingham Palace, on the 28th, Friedrich, Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.
King Ernest, who attended the ceremony in a surly mood, improved the occasion by an unusually brusque effort to disturb the equanimity of his hostess. When the register was to be signed after the wedding, the King made a bold endeavour, by furtively taking up a position next the Queen, to set his autograph in the book immediately after hers and before that of Prince Albert, whom he especially disliked. The Queen herself perceived the manoeuvre
and foiled it. Suddenly moving to that part of the table where the Prince was standing, she had the book hurriedly passed to her, and, having appended her own signature, at once handed the pen to her husband before the King had time to change his place at the table. By way of marking her resentment of her uncle’s unconciliatory demeanour, she gave King Leopold precedence of him at Court. She first consulted the Duke of Wellington as to how she might justify such procedure, and the Duke advised her to follow the example of the Congress of Vienna, at which representatives were arranged in the alphabetical order of the countries whence they came: ‘B [i.e. Belgium] comes before H [i.e. Hanover],’ he quietly explained.\(^1\) In August two of Louis Philippe’s sons, brothers of the Queen of the Belgians, the Prince de Joinville and the Duc d’Aumale, joined the Queen’s party, and she extended to them all the solicitous courtesy which she reserved for connections of the Saxe-Coburg House.
A month later, after proroguing Parliament in person (August 24) and making a short yachting tour on the south coast, the Queen carried out an intention that had long been present in her mind of paying a visit to the King of the French, with whose family her own was so closely connected by marriage. It was not a scheme which the Queen’s ministers suggested or even regarded at the first glance with favour. It was the fruit of the Queen’s personal intimacy with the Queen of the Belgians, Louis Philippe’s daughter, who during her frequent sojourns
\(^1\) Raikes, *Journal.*
at Windsor had long urged on the English Sovereign a visit to France.
The resolve of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert to cross the English Channel was an event of much interest, historic, political, and constitutional. In the first place it was the first occasion on which the Queen had trodden foreign soil. In the second place it was the first occasion on which an English sovereign had visited a French sovereign since Henry VIII. appeared on the Field of the Cloth of Gold at the invitation of Francis I. in 1520. In the third place it was the first time for nearly a century that an English monarch had left his own dominions, and the old procedure of nominating in his absence a Regent or Lords-Justices was now first dropped.
The question of forming a regency according to precedent during the Queen’s projected absence much exercised the minds of the ministers. Neither George III. nor William IV. ever quitted Great Britain while they filled the throne. But George I. and George II. had frequently visited their dominion of Hanover, while George IV. went thither once. It was a settled custom in Georgian days to confer on duly appointed deputies the main executive power of sovereignty so long as the King was absent. The practice was now reconsidered. The Duke of Wellington was emphatic in the opinion that ‘the Queen could not quit this country without an Act of Regency,’ and to the argument that Henry VIII. had crossed to Calais without any such formality he replied that Calais was then an English possession and was comparable to an English county. The
problem was finally submitted to the Crown lawyers, who reported that the nomination of a regency might be safely dispensed with. The ministers adopted their view, and thereby relieved the Sovereign of a somewhat harassing restriction of her personal liberty.\(^1\) Of this relief the Queen in future years took full advantage, and the frequency of her visits to the continent—often in an informal way—was one of the points in which her practice as Sovereign differed from that of her predecessors.
Although the French expedition was the outcome of domestic sentiment rather than of political design, Peel and Aberdeen offered no opposition on its first proposal, and ultimately encouraged it in the belief that the maintenance of good personal relations between the English Sovereign and her continental colleagues was a guarantee of peace and goodwill among the nations. The view was also held strongly by Lord Brougham, who differed from contemporary statesmen on almost all other subjects. Louis Philippe and his Queen were staying at the Château d’Eu, a private domain near Tréport. The Queen, accompanied by Lord Aberdeen, arrived there on September 2 in her new yacht ‘Victoria and Albert,’ which had been launched on April 25, and of which Lord Adolphus FitzClarence, a natural son of William IV., had been appointed captain.
Her host met the Queen in his barge off the coast, and a magnificent reception was accorded her. The happy domestic life of the French royal family
\(^1\) Raikes, *Journal*, ii. 368.
strongly impressed her, and she appreciated 'the parental air' with which Louis Philippe treated her.\(^1\) She greeted with enthusiasm, among the French King's guests, the French musician Auber, with whose works she was very well acquainted, and she was charmed by two fêtes champêtres and a military review. Lord Aberdeen and M. Guizot, Louis Philippe's minister, who while French Ambassador in London in 1840 had failed to win much favour at the English court, discussed political questions with apparent cordiality, and although their conversations led later to misunderstanding, everything passed off at the moment agreeably. The visit lasted five days, from September 2 to 7, and the Queen's spirit fell when it was over.\(^2\)
On leaving Tréport the Queen spent another four days with her children at Brighton, and paid her last visit to George IV.'s inconvenient Pavilion. But her foreign tour was not yet ended. From Brighton she
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\(^1\) Peel wrote jestingly to Aberdeen of Louis Philippe's alleged bourgeois notions of hospitality on August 31: 'I see that for the purpose of doing honour to his royal visitors and their companions, he [i.e. Louis Philippe] sent a very large order to England for cheese and bottled beer. I hope you will have had calm weather so that you may all enjoy these delicacies.' *Peel Papers*, iii. 393.
\(^2\) A year later Louis Philippe sent to the Queen at Windsor a char-à-bancs, which he had caused to be built on the model of one of his, which she had admired while at the Château d'Eu. The Queen wrote, on September 6, 1844, to the Queen of the French a long autograph letter of thanks, in French, which is now in the British Museum (MS. Addit. 24023): 'Je ne saurais vous dire (she remarked) combien nous pensions ce jour-là, ainsi que tous ces jours, aux doux moments que nous avons passés à Eu, au milieu de vous tous.' A postscript acknowledged the gift of 'le curieux et beau tableau de François II., qui est d'une grande valeur pour notre collection.'
sailed in her yacht to Ostend to pay a long-promised visit to her uncle, the King of the Belgians, at the palace of Laeken, near Brussels. 'It was such a joy for me,' she wrote after parting with him, 'to be once again under the roof of one who has ever been a father to me.' The novelist Charlotte Brontë, who was in Brussels, saw her 'laughing and talking very gaily' when driving through the Rue Royale, and noticed how plainly and unpretentiously she was dressed.\(^1\) Her vivacity brought unwonted sunshine to King Leopold's habitually sombre Court.
The Queen reached Woolwich, on her return from Antwerp, on September 21, and the concluding months of the year (1843) were agreeably spent in visits at home. In October she went by road to pay a first visit to Cambridge. Dr. Whewell, the Master of Trinity, who was at the time Vice-Chancellor of the University, had written, on first learning of the Queen and Prince Albert's wish to come to Cambridge, that Trinity claimed on all occasions the honour of receiving the Sovereign or her representatives, and invited the royal party to stay at the Master's Lodge. It is questionable whether the common notion that Trinity Lodge is actually a royal residence rests on firm foundations. But the form of the reception which Whewell accorded the Queen suggests that he acknowledged her authority to be superior to his own within his own college. As Vice-Chancellor he met her outside the College gates and delivered to her
\(^1\) Gaskell, *Life of Charlotte Brontë*, 1900, p. 270. Miss Brontë in *Villette*, chap. xx., paints in very gloomy colours a portrait of King Leopold, 'a nervous, melancholy man,' a victim of that darkest foe of humanity, 'constitutional melancholy.'
his mace. As Master of Trinity he handed to her in the middle of the court all his keys of office.\(^1\) While staying at the Lodge of Trinity College, she held a levee in Trinity Hall. She visited the Senate-house to witness Prince Albert’s reception of a doctor’s degree from the University. The undergraduates offered her a thoroughly enthusiastic reception.
Next month she gave public proof of her regard for Peel by visiting him at Drayton Manor (November 28 to December 1). Thence she passed once more to Chatsworth, where, to her gratification, Melbourne and the Duke of Wellington were fellow-guests. The presence of Lord and Lady Palmerston, although the latter was Melbourne’s sister, was less congenial. At a great ball one evening her partners included Lord Morpeth (afterwards Earl of Carlisle) and Lord Leveson (better known later as Earl Granville), who was subsequently to be one of her most trusted ministers. Another night there was a vast series of illuminations in the grounds, of which all traces were cleared away before the morning by two hundred men, working under the direction of the Duke’s gardener, Joseph (afterwards Sir Joseph) Paxton.\(^2\)
The royal progress was
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\(^1\) *Life and Selections from the Correspondence of William Whewell*, by Mrs. Stair Douglas, 1881, p. 302. Cf. Adam Sedgwick’s full narrative of the Queen’s visit to Cambridge in 1843 in his *Life and Letters*, by Clark and Hughes, ii. 57–64.
\(^2\) This story recalls, *mutatis mutandis*, one which is reported of Queen Victoria’s great predecessor, Queen Elizabeth, when on a visit to another distinguished subject. In 1576, when Queen Elizabeth paid a visit to Sir Thomas Gresham at Osterley Park, ‘her Majesty found fault with the court of this house as too great, affirming “that it would appear more handsome if divided with a wall in the
continued to Belvoir Castle, the home of the Duke of Rutland, where she again met Peel and Wellington, and it was not till December 7 that she returned to Windsor.
On January 29, 1844, Prince Albert’s father died, and in the spring the Prince paid a visit to his native land (March 28 to April 11). It was the first time the Queen had been separated from her husband, and she felt the severance keenly. In her husband’s absence the King and Queen of the Belgians, of whom she often said that ‘next to her husband she loved them best in the world,’ came over to console her.
On June 1 two other continental sovereigns arrived in the country to pay her their respects, the King of Saxony and the Tsar Nicholas I. of Russia. The King of Saxony was a family acquaintance. To the Tsar, who came uninvited at very short notice, it was needful to pay elaborate attentions. His elder half-brother, the Tsar Alexander, had been the Queen’s godfather, and political interests made the strengthening of the personal tie desirable. The Tsar attended a great review at Windsor Park with the Queen, and went with her to Ascot and to the opera. At a grand concert given in his honour at Buckingham Palace, Joseph Joachim, then on a visit to England as a boy, was engaged to perform. A rough soldier in appearance.
middle.” What doth Sir Thomas, but in the night-time sends for workmen to London (money commands all things), who so speedily and silently apply their business, that the next morning disclosed that court double, which the night had left single before. It is questionable whether the Queen next day was more contented with the conformity to her fancy, or more pleased with the surprise and sudden performance thereof?—Fuller’s Worthies, ed. P. A. Nuttall, 1840, ii. 313.
ance and manner, the Tsar treated his hostess with a courtesy which seemed to her pathetic, and, although preoccupied by public affairs, civilly deprecated all likelihood of a divergence of political interests between England and his own country.\(^1\)
At this time domestic politics were agitating the Queen to a greater degree than foreign affairs. The spread of disaffection in Ireland during the repeal agitation distressed her, and, although she was in favour of a policy of tolerance and forbearance in matters affecting religion and land legislation in Ireland, she was always insistent on the strong-handed suppression of violence and disorder. Nor did she regard as justifiable the cry for the repeal of the Union. In the controversy over that question her name was made more prominent than was prudent. The Irish Lord Chancellor, Sir Edward Sugden, asserted in a published letter that the Queen was personally determined to prevent repeal (May 1843). The repeal leader, O’Connell, a chivalric admirer of the Queen, promptly denied the statement. Peel mildly reprimanded Sugden, but truth forced him to admit at the same time that the Queen ‘would do all in her power to maintain the Union as the bond of connection between the two countries.’\(^2\) To that aspiration she remained faithful till death.
The obstructive policy of the Irish and other members of the Opposition in Parliament at the same time caused her concern. She wrote to Peel on
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\(^1\) Sir Herbert Maxwell’s *Memoir of Sir Charles Murray*; Lady Lyttelton’s *Letters*.
\(^2\) *Peel Papers*, iii. 52.
August 15 of 'her indignation at the very unjustifiable manner in which the minority were obstructing the order of business;' she hoped that every attempt would be made 'to put an end to what is really indecent conduct,' and that Sir Robert Peel would 'make no kind of concession to these gentlemen which could encourage them to go on in the same way.'
Worse followed in the month of the Tsar's visit. On June 14 the Government were defeated on a proposal to reduce the sugar duties. The cause of free trade was rapidly gaining ground in the country, although not apparently in the House of Commons. Peel's fidelity to the opposing cause of protection was waning, and he foresaw that his change of view might force him into a position that his followers would repudiate. To the Queen's consternation, he consequently expressed an intention of resigning at once. Great uncertainty as to the result of his threat prevailed. But happily, four days later, a vote of confidence was proposed and carried, and the crisis passed. The Queen wrote at once to express her relief (June 18). 'Last night,' she said, 'every one thought that the Government would be beat, and therefore the surprise was the more unexpected and gratifying.'
Foreign affairs, despite the hospitalities of the English Court to royal visitors, were soon again menacing the Queen's peace of mind. The jealousy between the English and French peoples might be restrained, but could not be stifled, by the friendliness subsisting between the two Courts, and in the autumn
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1 Peel Papers, iii. 568.
2 Ibid. iii. 153.
of 1844 the maltreatment by French officials of an English consul, George Pritchard, in the island of Tahiti, which the French had lately occupied, caused in England an explosion of popular wrath against France, which the Queen and her Government at one time feared must end in war. Amid this excitement a second son, Prince Alfred, was born to the Queen at Windsor on August 6, 1844.
Hospitalities to foreign monarchs were not long interrupted. At the end of the month of August the Queen entertained yet another royal personage from Germany, the Prince of Prussia, brother of the King, and eventually first German Emperor. The introduction was fertile in results. There sprang up between the Queen and her new guest a warm friendship which lasted for more than forty years, and was finally cemented by a marriage between the Queen’s eldest daughter and the Prince’s eldest son.
Later in the same year, with bold impartiality, an equally hospitable reception was given the ruler of the great nation that was the traditional rival of Prussia on the European continent. Louis Philippe returned the Queen’s visit. He arrived on October 8, 1844. For the first time a French monarch voluntarily landed on English shores. The event seemed to fore-shadow more decisively than any other recent Court entertainment a new reign of peace in Western Europe. The Tahiti quarrel had been composed, and the interchange of hospitable amenities was unclouded. On October 9 the King, vastly to his delight, was invested at Windsor with the Order of the Garter. On the 14th the visit ended, and the Queen and
Prince Albert accompanied their well-satisfied visitor to Portsmouth, though the stormy weather ultimately compelled him to proceed to Dover to take the short sea trip to Calais.
The Queen’s activity led to a manifest growth in her general popularity—a sentiment which she liked to trace to public sympathy with her happy domestic life. An elaborate ceremony in London evoked a magnificent display of loyalty. The Queen went in state to the City, on October 28, to open the new Royal Exchange.\(^1\) Of her reception Peel wrote to Sir Henry Hardinge (November 6, 1844): ‘As usual she had a fine day, and uninterrupted success. It was a glorious spectacle. But she saw a sight which few sovereigns have ever seen, and perhaps none may see again, a million human faces with a smile on each. She did not hear one discordant sound.’\(^2\) On November 12 the Radical town of Northampton gave her a hardly less enthusiastic greeting when she passed through it on her way to visit the Marquis of Exeter at Burghley House—the historic mansion near Stamford where she had before stayed in girlhood with her mother.
It was always congenial to the Queen to repeat in the company of her husband the experiences of her early life, and she constantly encouraged invitations from the nobility, which recalled episodes in the maiden progresses that she had undertaken as Princess under her mother’s control. She always requested
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\(^1\) A finely coloured panoramic plate of the elaborate procession was published at the time and is now rare.
\(^2\) *Peel Papers*, iii. 264.
that the lists of the guests who were invited to meet her should be submitted beforehand for her approval, but rarely suggested change. She did not wish to restrict the parties to old friends, but preferred that she and the Prince should enjoy the opportunity of suitably extending their circle of acquaintance.
Besides the Marquis of Exeter, noble hosts of this winter season included the Duke of Wellington at Strathfieldsaye (January 20–22, 1845). He manifested some unwillingness to invite preliminary royal criticism on the constitution of his house-party. But the Queen was in the humour to yield to his objections, for she had just enjoyed the hospitality of a singularly facile host, the Duke of Buckingham, at Stowe. The Duke, a staunch protectionist, commonly known as ‘the Farmer’s Friend,’ had lately resigned the office of Lord Privy Seal in Peel’s Government by way of indicating his dislike of the Prime Minister’s benevolent attitude to the agitation for free trade. None the less Peel and Aberdeen were, at the Queen’s special request, of the Duke’s party. The entertainment at Stowe was of interest in varied ways. The visitors included Disraeli, the brilliant member of the Tory rank and file who was to excite in the Queen hereafter a conflicting succession of emotions—curiosity, distrust, and finally affectionate admiration. At Stowe, in January 1845, the Queen met him in private for the first time. He was smarting at the moment under Peel’s indifference to his rare abilities, and was about to retaliate with stinging effect. But a somewhat treacherous peace reigned in the royal presence among all who were gathered at the Duke
of Buckingham’s table. Disraeli wrote with enthusiasm of the sumptuous scene and of the triumphal splendour of the ducal hospitality. ‘Her Majesty, Peel, Aberdeen, and all,’ he added, when writing to his sister of the treatment accorded to him and to his unconventional wife who accompanied him, ‘equally distinguished us by their courtesy.’¹ By a curious coincidence, within a few days of the Queen’s meeting Disraeli at Stowe, she entertained Gladstone at Windsor, and was agreeably impressed, as it seemed to observers, by his copious conversation.²
¹ Lord Beaconsfield’s Letters, ed. Ralph Disraeli, 1887, p. 204. There were other ironical features in the protectionist Duke’s reception of the Queen besides his inclusion of both Peel and Disraeli among the company. The lavish hospitality that the Duke extended to his Sovereign precipitated a distressing crisis in his own fortunes. He was already deep in debt, and two years later the whole of his vast property was for ever alienated to his creditors, to whom he stood indebted for more than a million pounds.
² Lady Lyttelton’s Letters.
XI
THE QUEEN AND FREE TRADE
Before January 1845 ended the Queen was deeply immersed once more in urgent public affairs. A stormy session of Parliament was on the point of opening. But the Queen had the satisfaction of knowing that in the opinion of her ministers she had by her own tactful influence helped to promote peace in the foreign sphere of politics. When the Queen read her speech at the opening of Parliament, February 4, 1845, she referred with great satisfaction to the visits to her Court of the Tsar Nicholas and of the King of the French, and Peel took an early opportunity of pointing out that the munificent receptions accorded those sovereigns and other royal visitors were paid for by the Queen out of her personal income without incurring any debt.
The session was largely occupied with the affairs of Ireland. The repeal agitation was subsiding and the Government were considering an important measure of conciliation. It was proposed to endow the training college for Catholic priests at Maynooth. Gladstone deemed the proposal inconsistent with the principles to which he had publicly committed himself and withdrew from the Government. The Queen
regretted the secession of so promising a supporter of the Prime Minister. On February 3 the Queen granted Gladstone an audience in her private sitting-room at Buckingham Palace. She told him his retirement 'was a great loss.' But she encouraged Peel to press on with the measure, which she regarded as a wise and tolerant concession to the dominant religion in Ireland. The Protestant bigotry which the scheme roused in the country excited her disdain. On April 15, 1845, she wrote to Peel: 'It is not honourable to Protestantism to see the bad and violent and bigoted passions displayed at this moment.'
Through the session there was much activity at Court. Another bal costumé at Buckingham Palace on June 6, when the period chosen for illustration was the reign of George II., was the chief entertainment of the year; and in the same month (June 21) there was a review of the fleet, which was assembled at Spithead in greater strength than had been seen before. Next month the Queen gave a new proof of her friendly feeling for continental rulers by including the King of the Netherlands among her guests.
In the autumn the Queen for the second time defied precedent by leaving England for travel in a foreign country. No question of providing a regency in her absence was raised. She was absent for a month. The Minister for Foreign Affairs again bore the royal party company. The chief object of the journey was to visit Coburg and other scenes of her mother's and her husband's youth. A subsidiary object was to pay on their outward road a
return visit to the King of Prussia, their elder son's godfather.
Landing at Antwerp (August 6), the Queen and the Prince were met at Malines by the King and Queen of the Belgians, and at Aix-la-Chapelle by the King of Prussia; thence they journeyed through Cologne to the King of Prussia's palace at Brühl. Much pleasurable recreation was offered them. They visited Bonn to attend both the unveiling of the statue of Beethoven, and a great Beethoven festival concert, while at another concert at Brühl, which Meyerbeer conducted, the artists included Jenny Lind, Liszt, and Vieuxtemps. The regal entertainment was continued at the King's castle of Stolzenfels, near Coblenz on the Rhine, which they left on August 16.
Although the Queen was received with much enthusiasm, and she was deeply interested in the experience, the visit was not without painful incident. The question of the Prince's rank amid the great company caused the Queen deep annoyance. Archduke Frederick of Austria, the uncle of the Emperor of Austria, who was also a guest, claimed and, to the Queen's chagrin, was awarded precedence of the Prince in the King of Prussia's palace. The refusal of Court officials to give her husband at Stolzenfels, in 1845, the place of honour next herself rankled in her memory, and made her long reluctant to accept future offers of hospitality from the Prussian Court.
On August 19 the Queen reached the palace of Rosenau, Prince Albert's birthplace, which was the main goal of her journey. Thence they passed through
Coburg, finally making their way to Gotha. At Gotha the Queen was gratified by a visit from her old governess Lehzen, and many pleasant excursions were made in the Thuringian forest. On September 3 they left for Frankfort, stopping a night at Weimar on the way.
Thus ended the Queen’s first expedition to Germany, the country to which she was linked by ties of blood and wifely affection. Antwerp was reached on September 6, but the Queen and Prince did not come straight to England. On their way to Osborne\(^1\) they paid a flying visit to Tréport to offer their respects anew to Louis Philippe. The state of the tide did not allow them to land from the yacht, and Louis Philippe’s homely wit suggested a debarkation in bathing machines, which excited the ridicule of London wits.
Next day (September 9) the Queen settled once again at Osborne. Writing thence (September 14, 1845) to her aunt, the Duchess of Gloucester, she said: ‘I am enchanted with Germany, and in particular with dear Coburg and Gotha, which I left with the very greatest regret. The realisation of this delightful visit, which I had wished for so many years, will be a constant and lasting satisfaction.’ To her uncle Leopold she wrote to the same effect.
Before the close of 1845 the Queen was involved in the always dreaded anxiety of a ministerial crisis. The potato crop had completely failed in Ireland, and the harvest in England and Scotland was very bad. Great distress was certain throughout the
\(^1\) See p. 199.
United Kingdom during the winter. Thereupon Peel made up his mind that the situation demanded the repeal of the corn laws—a step which he and his party, it was generally assumed, were pledged to oppose, although he had himself already shown a plain inclination to accept the main principles of the free-traders. Most of his colleagues were startled by his change of view, many threatened resistance, but all except Lord Stanley ultimately agreed to stand by him.
The rank and file of the party showed fewer signs of complacence. The Young England party, under the leadership of Disraeli, had already betrayed signs of restiveness beneath Peel’s sway, and Disraeli had in the session of 1845 inaugurated that long series of scathing invectives against Peel on the ostensible ground of the minister’s indifference to the agricultural interests of the country. The Conservative Government had become, he declared, ‘an organised hypocrisy.’ The Queen was gravely disturbed. She warmly resented Disraeli’s bitterness of tongue, though at a later period of her life she reached the conclusion that there were extenuating circumstances, which rendered his treatment of Sir Robert Peel explicable if not altogether justifiable. She now threw the whole weight of her influence into the Prime Minister’s scale. On November 5, 1845, she wrote to Peel of the anxiety occasioned her by his report of ‘disagreement in the cabinet at this moment, when every one should be united, and co-operate to remedy the alarming state of scarceness which is threatening.’ On November 28,
1845, the Queen wrote again from Osborne: 'The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert apprehends further differences of opinion in the cabinet. At a moment of impending calamity it is more than ever necessary that the Government should be united. The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the restrictions on the importation of food cannot be successfully resisted. Should this be Sir Robert's own opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none of his colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is right to do.'
But Peel, although greatly heartened by the Queen's support, deemed it just both to his supporters and to his opponents to let the opposite party, which had lately advocated the reform, carry it out. On December 6, 1845, he resigned. The Queen was as loth to part with him as she had formerly been to part with Melbourne. The day before she had written to him, 'Whatever should be the cause of these differences, the Queen feels certain that Sir Robert Peel will not leave her at a moment of such difficulty, and when a crisis is impending.' But Peel was resolute.
While regretting his decision, the Queen rose to the situation and prepared to exercise, according to her wont, all the influence that was possible to her in the formation of a new Government. By Peel's desire she sent for Lord John Russell, who was at the moment at Edinburgh, and did not reach Windsor till the 11th. In the meantime she asked Melbourne to come and give her counsel, but his health was
1 Peel Papers, iii. 237-8.
failing, and on every ground prudence urged him to refuse interference.
The Queen's chief fear of a Whig cabinet was due to her and her foreign kinsmen's distrust of Palmerston as Foreign Minister. She feared that no Whig ministry could exclude him, but she did what she could to interpose obstacles to his admission to his old place in the cabinet. At her first interview with Lord John, she promptly requested him to give Palmerston the Colonial Office. Lord John naturally demurred, and asked for time before proceeding further.
In the extremity of her fear the Queen flung herself with energy into a larger and more intricate series of diplomatic negotiations than she had yet ventured on. She begged Lord Aberdeen, the Foreign Minister in Peel's cabinet, to support in political circles her objections to Palmerston; but since it was notorious in political circles that Palmerston would accept no post but that of Foreign Secretary, Aberdeen could give her little comfort. He merely advised her to make the best of what was inevitable. She might impress Palmerston with her desire of peace with France, and bid him consult her regularly on matters of foreign policy. But it was impossible to exclude him from the post to which long service entitled him. The Queen acquiesced in the advice with grave reluctance.
On December 13 the Queen had a second interview at Windsor with Lord John, who was now accompanied by the veteran Whig leader, Lord Lansdowne. Prince Albert sat beside her, and she
let her visitors understand that she spoke for him as well as for herself. Lord John addressed her with great frankness. He asked her to obtain assurances from Peel that the members of his cabinet who were opposed to a free-trade policy were not in a position to form a new Government. If he undertook to repeal the corn laws, it was right, Lord John added, that the Queen should secure for him the full support of Peel and his followers. The Queen consulted Peel, who gave her a vague and guarded answer. Lord John was dissatisfied, and he urged her with characteristic pertinacity to obtain more specific promise of co-operation. The Queen deemed the request unreasonable, but civilly appealed anew to Peel without result. Thereupon she stood aside to await the turn of events.
At length, on December 18, Lord John accepted the Queen’s command to form a Government. But his difficulties were only begun. There were members of his party who distrusted Palmerston as thoroughly as the Queen distrusted him. Lord Grey declined to join the Government if Palmerston took the Foreign Office, and he at the same time demanded a place in the cabinet for Cobden, the leader of the free-trade agitation. Lord John felt unable either to accept Lord Grey’s proposals or to forego his presence in the administration; and greatly to the Queen’s surprise he, on December 29, suddenly informed her that he was unable to serve her.
For a moment it looked as if the Queen were to be left without any Government, but she turned once more to Peel, who, at her earnest request, resumed power. To this result she had more or less passively
contributed throughout the intricate negotiation. She had tacitly triumphed all along the line, and the issue was completely satisfactory to her. The next day, December 30, she wrote to Peel of his return to office: 'The Queen cannot sufficiently express how much we feel Sir Robert Peel's high-minded conduct, courage, and loyalty, which can only add to the Queen's confidence in him.' Some changes were made in the restored ministry. Gladstone, to whom the Queen felt grateful for his consistent and efficient support of Peel, succeeded, much to her satisfaction, the dissentient Lord Stanley in the office of Colonial and War Secretary.
Thenceforth the Queen identified herself almost recklessly with Peel's policy of corn-law repeal. Melbourne, when dining at Windsor, told her that Peel's conduct was 'damned dishonest,' but she declined to discuss the topic and bade him keep silence. She lost no opportunity of urging Peel to persevere. On January 12, 1846, she wrote of her satisfaction at learning of the drastic character of his proposed measures, 'feeling certain,' she added, 'that what was so just and wise must succeed.' On January 27 Prince Albert attended the House of Commons to hear Peel announce his plan of abolishing the corn laws in the course of the next three years. Strong objection was raised to the Prince's presence by protectionists, who argued that it showed partisanship on the part of the Crown. The Queen ridiculed the protest, but it offended her, and the Prince never went to the Lower House again. On February 4 she told Peel that he would be rewarded with the gratitude of the country, which
'would make up for the abuse he has to endure from so many of his party.' On February 18 she not only sent a letter to congratulate Peel on his speech in introducing the Bill, but forwarded to him a note from the Dowager-Queen Adelaide which expressed an equally flattering opinion.
Gladstone and Lord Lincoln, although they accepted Peel's policy, withdrew from the House of Commons at the opening of the session because, as parliamentary nominees of the Duke of Newcastle, who was a staunch protectionist, they could not honourably vote against his opinions. The Queen expressed sympathy with Peel in his loss of such powerful lieutenants. She pressed Peel to secure other seats for them. 'Where is a seat to be found for Mr. Gladstone and Lord Lincoln?' she wrote hurriedly on March 4. Every speech during the corn-law debates she read with minute attention, and she closely studied the division lists. 'The proceedings of each night,' she wrote, 'are of the greatest interest to us.'
The birth of the Princess Helena on May 25 was not suffered to distract the royal attention, and the Queen watched with delight the safe passage of the Bill for the Repeal of the Corn Laws through both Houses of Parliament. The sequel, however, disconcerted her. On June 26, the night that the Anti-Corn-law Bill passed its third reading in the Lords, the Protectionists and Whigs voted together against the Government on the second reading of a Coercion Bill for Ireland, and Peel was defeated by seventy-three votes. His resignation followed of necessity,
and, at a moment when his services seemed most valuable to her, the Queen saw herself deprived of them, as it proved for ever. She wrote of 'her deep concern' at parting with him. 'In whatever position Sir Robert Peel may be,' she concluded, 'we shall ever look on him as a kind and true friend.' Hardly less did she regret the retirement of Lord Aberdeen. When Gladstone delivered up his seals of office on July 6, the Queen said she was 'sorry to receive them.' Her sense of dejection was almost as acute as on the resignation of Melbourne nearly five years before. 'We felt so safe with them,' she wrote of Peel and Aberdeen to her uncle Leopold, who agreed that Peel, almost alone among contemporary English statesmen, could be trusted 'never to let monarchy be robbed of the little strength and power it still may possess.'
Although Peel had not suffered the Queen to exercise more power than the constitution allowed, he had increased her sense of influence by the fulness and frequency of his communications with her on political business. He had thereby created a mutual confidence between Sovereign and minister which stimulated the Queen's interest in the affairs of her people, and induced in her genuine enthusiasm for a reform like the abolition of the corn laws which, her minister readily convinced her, would alleviate her people's sufferings and add to their prosperity. Difficult as Peel's position was when he resolved to give practical effect to the principle of free trade, it would have been almost unendurable had the Queen done other than identify herself with his enlightened action.
1 Peel Papers, iii. 172.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Sir Robert Peel's defeat in Parliament was so emphatic that the Queen had no alternative but to invite the leader of the Opposition to take his place. At her request Lord John Russell formed a new Government. He insisted on Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office, and with misgivings the Queen assented. It was understood that a general election should take place next year, and decide the length of the new ministry's life. In the event the ministry lasted nearly five years, although the voice of the country at the polls in November 1847 did not declare itself very strongly in its favour. The Liberals in the new House of Commons numbered 325 against 105 Conservative followers of Peel, and 226 Conservative Protectionists, under the leadership of Peel's rival, Disraeli. The numbers failed to establish the Government on very firm foundations, and the Queen marked her indifference to its welfare by absenting herself from the opening ceremony in the newly summoned Parliament.
The Queen's third Prime Minister, Lord John, although awkward and unattractive in manner, and wedded to a narrow view of the Queen's constitutional
powers, set himself to emulate the example of his predecessors in conciliating the royal favour. She had come into frequent personal intercourse with him at the opening of her reign. He was Home Secretary and leader of the House of Commons in Melbourne's ministry, and he knew all that had passed between her and Melbourne. Closer acquaintance improved his relations with the Queen, and she marked the increase of cordiality by giving him for life Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park in March 1847, on the death of its former occupant, the Earl of Erroll, husband of a natural daughter of William IV.
Some of Lord John's colleagues greatly interested the Queen. Lord Clarendon, who had been Lord Privy Seal under Melbourne, was at first President of the Board of Trade under Lord John, and in 1847 became Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He was out of sympathy with Palmerston's high-handed foreign policy, and, like his brother, Charles Pelham Villiers, was an enthusiastic free-trader. In their views on both home and foreign affairs he and the Queen (and Prince) were at one. Thoroughly disinterested in public life, and in private most considerate and courteous, he gained the Queen's entire confidence and became an intimate friend. Of equally high character was Sir George Grey, who now first took the office of Home Secretary, and filled it almost continuously for nearly twenty years. With him the Queen's relations were uniformly cordial.
She took pleasure at the same time in the society of Macaulay, who joined Lord John's ministry as Paymaster-General. His brilliant conversation, after
he had overcome a feeling of shyness in addressing her, interested and amused her, and he, on his side, formed a high opinion of her general intelligence and amiability. On March 9, 1850, when Macaulay dined at Buckingham Palace, he talked freely of his 'History of England.' 'The Queen' owned that she had nothing to say for her poor ancestor, James II.' 'Not your Majesty's ancestor, your Majesty's predecessor,' Macaulay returned; and the remark, which was intended as a compliment, was well received.\(^1\) On January 14, 1851, when he stayed at Windsor, he 'made her laugh heartily,' he said. 'She talked on for some time most courteously and pleasantly. Nothing could be more sensible than her remarks on German affairs.'\(^2\)
But, in spite of her respect for many of its members, the Queen's relations with her third ministry were less amicable than with her first or second, owing to the unaccommodating temper of the most prominent and self-assertive member of it—Palmerston, the Foreign Secretary. Between him and the Crown a continual struggle was in progress for the effective supervision of foreign affairs. The constitution did not provide for the regular control by the monarch of the minister's work in that or any other department of the State. The minister had it in his power to work quite independently of the Crown, and it practically lay with him to admit or reject a claim on the Crown's part to suggest even points of procedure, still less points of policy. For the Crown to challenge the fact in dealing with a strong-willed and
\(^1\) Trevelyan's *Life of Macaulay*, pp. 537-8.
\(^2\) *Ibid.* p. 549.
popular minister was to invite, as the Queen and Prince were to find, a tormenting sense of impotence.
At the outset monarch and minister found themselves in agreement. Although Palmerston realised anticipations by embroiling France and England, the breach was deemed, in the peculiar circumstances, inevitable even by the Queen and the Prince. A difference had for some years existed between the two countries in regard to the affairs of Spain. The Spanish throne was occupied by a child of sixteen, Queen Isabella, whose position sufficiently resembled that of the Queen of England at her accession to excite interest in her future at the English Court. It was the known ambition of Louis Philippe or of his ministers to bring the Spanish kingdom under French sway. English politicians of all parties were agreed, on the other hand, that an extension of French influence in the Spanish peninsula was undesirable. Perfectly conscious of the strength with which this view was held, Louis Philippe walked warily. There were rumours that he was ambitious to ally the little Spanish Queen in matrimony with his own family—with his fourth son, the Duc d’Aumale—but he did what he could to allay excitement on that score. In 1843 he announced that the Spanish Queen’s matrimonial fortunes were no concern of his. He admitted, however, that his younger son, the Duc de Montpensier, was to be affianced, not to the little Spanish Queen herself, but to her younger sister.
Queen Victoria received the announcement with equanimity. Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Minister, saw no objection to such a match provided that the
marriage should be delayed till the Spanish Queen had herself both married and had issue, and that it should be clearly understood that no member of the French Bourbon house should become the royal consort of Spain. During each of the visits of Queen Victoria to the Château d’Eu the King of the French gave her a distinct verbal assent to these conditions.
The Spanish Queen had many suitors, but she was slow in making a choice, and her hesitation kept the Spanish question open. Unluckily for the good relations of France and England, the personal position of Prince Albert in England and his connection with Germany introduced a curious complication into the process of selecting a consort for the Spanish Queen. The Regent Christina, the mother of the Spanish Queen, had no wish to facilitate French ambition. With a view to foiling it she urged her daughter to follow the example alike of the English Queen and of the Queen of Portugal, and marry into the Saxe-Coburg family. In 1841, when the notion was first put forward, Prince Albert’s elder brother Ernest, who was as yet unmarried, was suggested as a desirable suitor; but on his marriage to another in 1842, Queen Christina designated for her son-in-law Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, Ernest and Albert’s first cousin, whose brother Ferdinand was already Prince Consort of Portugal. Prince Albert, who had entertained the young man at Windsor, was consulted. He felt that his cousin should not be lightly deprived of the opportunity of securing a throne, but recognised a delicacy in urging English statesmen to serve Saxe-Coburg interests, and he
and the Queen stood aside to await the passage of events.
France, however, showed at once passionate hostility to the scheme. Guizot, Louis Philippe's Prime Minister, brusquely declared that he would at all hazards preserve Spain from England's and Portugal's fate of a Saxe-Coburg ruler. Accordingly, in the interests of peace, the Saxe-Coburg suit was avowedly dropped by consent both in Spain and England. Yet on May 2, 1846, it was covertly revived by Queen Christina. That lady wrote to Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg, who was on a visit to his relatives in Portugal, bidding him seek the personal aid of Queen Victoria in marrying her daughter to his cousin and Queen Victoria's cousin, Prince Leopold. With the embarrassing ignorance which prevailed in continental Courts of English constitutional usages, Queen Christina desired her letter to reach Queen Victoria's hand alone, and not that of any of her ministers. Duke Ernest forwarded it to King Leopold, who communicated it to his niece.
Both Duke Ernest and King Leopold came to England in August, and they discussed the Saxe-Coburg aspect of the question with the Queen and Prince Albert. The matter was thoroughly threshed out anew, and the royal conclave reluctantly reached a decision adverse to the Saxe-Coburg prince, on the adequate ground that both English and French ministers had virtually rejected him. Duke Ernest at once wrote to that effect to the Queen-mother Christina, and advised the young Queen to marry a Spaniard.
¹ Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg, Memoirs, i. 190 seq.
Almost at the same moment as the royal family had arrived at this understanding, Palmerston returned to the Foreign Office, and in a despatch to the Spanish Government which he wrote in haste and with half knowledge only of the result of the recent Saxe-Coburg conclave, he pressed the Spanish Queen to choose without delay one of three suitors, among whom he included Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. The despatch was communicated to the French ministers, who saw in Palmerston’s resuscitation of the Saxe-Coburg offer of marriage a breach of a specific agreement. The renewed mention of Prince Leopold constituted in French eyes a serious grievance against the English Court.
Retaliation was at once attempted by France. Without seeking further negotiation, the French ministers arranged at Madrid that the young Queen should marry at once, that the bridegroom should be a Spanish suitor, the Duke of Cadiz, and that on the same day the Duc de Montpensier should marry the young Queen’s only sister. On September 8 the Queen of the French, in a private letter to Queen Victoria, announced the approaching date of the two marriages. The Queen, in reply (September 10), expressed surprise and regret. Louis Philippe sent an apologetic explanation to his daughter, the Queen of the Belgians, who forwarded it to Queen Victoria. She replied that Louis Philippe had broken his word.
Bitter charges of breach of faith abounded on both sides, and the war of vituperation involved not merely both Courts but both countries. The sinister rumour ran in England that the French ministers knew the
Duke of Cadiz to be unfit for matrimony, and had selected him as husband of the Spanish Queen so that the succession to the Spanish crown might be secured to the offspring of Montpensier. In any case, that hope was thwarted; for although the marriage of the Spanish Queen Isabella proved unhappy, she was mother of five children, who were ostensibly born in wedlock. The indignation of the Queen and Prince Albert was intensified by the contempt which was showered by the French ministers and the French press on the Saxe-Coburg family; its endeavours after aggrandisement were alleged to be insatiable. The efforts of Louis Philippe and his family at a domestic reconciliation proved for the time vain.
Palmerston, after his wont, conducted the official negotiation without any endeavour to consult the views or respect the wishes of the Queen or Prince Albert. In one despatch to Sir Henry Bulwer, the English minister at Madrid, he reinserted, to the Queen’s annoyance, a paragraph which Prince Albert had deleted in the first draft touching the relation of the issue of the Duc de Montpensier to the Spanish succession; the royal rights of the Duc’s heirs should, he argued, be cancelled. King Leopold held Palmerston responsible for the whole imbroglio.\(^1\) But the Queen’s public and private sentiments were in this case identical with those of Palmerston and of the English public, and, in the absence of any genuine difference of opinion, the minister’s independent action won from the Queen reluctant acquiescence.
With the Queen’s tacit but uninvited assent, the
\(^1\) Duke Ernest’s *Memoirs*, i. 199.
English Government formally protested against the two Spanish marriages. But they duly took place on October 10. English execrations were loud. 'There is but one voice here on the subject,' the Queen wrote (October 13) to King Leopold, 'and I am, alas! unable to say a word in defence of one [i.e. Louis Philippe] whom I had esteemed and respected. You may imagine what the whole of this makes me suffer. . . . You cannot represent too strongly to the King and Queen [of the French] my indignation, and my sorrow, at what has been done.' Then the hubbub, which seemed to threaten war, gradually subsided. The effect of the incident on English prestige proved small, but it cost Louis Philippe the moral support of England, and his tottering throne fell an easy prey to revolution.
XIII
THE YEAR OF REVOLUTION, 1848
At the opening of 1847 the political horizon was clouded on every side; but despite the anxieties at home—threats of civil war in Ireland, and so great a rise in the price of wheat in England that the Queen diminished the supply of bread to her own household—the 'season' of that year was exceptionally lively. Numerous foreign visitors were entertained, including the Grand Duke Constantine of Russia (the Tsar Nicholas's younger son), Prince Oscar of Sweden (afterwards King of Sweden and Norway), and many German princes. On June 15 a state visit was paid to Her Majesty's Theatre in the Haymarket, during the first season of Jenny Lind, who appeared as Norma in Bellini's opera.¹ The Queen applauded eagerly, and wrote to her uncle Leopold: 'Jenny Lind is quite a remarkable phenomenon.'
In the spring the Queen had been much gratified by the election of Prince Albert to the dignified office of Chancellor of Cambridge University. The choice was not made without a contest—the unseemly contest the Queen called it—and the Prince won by a majority of only 117 votes over those cast
¹ Holland and Rockstro, *Jenny Lind*, ii. 113 seq.
for his opponent, the Earl of Powis. But the Queen wisely concentrated her attention on the result, which she represented to herself and her friends as no gift of hers, but an honour that the Prince had earned independently on his merits.
In July the Queen accompanied her husband to the Cambridge Commencement, over which he presided as Chancellor. From Tottenham she travelled on the Eastern Counties Railway, under the personal guidance of the railway king, George Hudson, and thereby proved anew her interest in the amazing growth of railway enterprise. As on the occasion of her former visit, she was the guest of Trinity College. On July 5, 1847, in the hall of Trinity College, she received from her husband in his official capacity an address of welcome to the University. In reply she smilingly congratulated the graduates on their wise selection of a Chancellor.¹ Her old friend Melbourne, together with three German princes, who were royal guests—Prince Waldemar of Prussia, Prince Peter of Oldenburg, and the hereditary Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar—received honorary degrees from Prince Albert’s hands.² On the evening of the 6th there was a levee at the lodge of Trinity College, and next
¹ Life of Wilberforce, i. 398; Dean Merivale, Letters; Cooper, Annals of Cambridge.
² An installation ode, set to music by T. A. Walmisle, was published in the newspapers of July 7, 1847, as ‘written for the occasion by the Poet Laureate, by royal command,’ but there is no likelihood that Wordsworth, then Poet Laureate, was its author. It seems to have been written by Edward Quillinan at Wordsworth’s request, after the Laureate had failed in a reluctant attempt to prepare an ode. Cf. Poetical Works of William Wordsworth, edited by William Knight, 1896, viii. 320.
morning the Queen attended a public 'breakfast' or afternoon party in Nevill's Court.
For the third time the Queen spent her autumn holiday in Scotland, where she had now taken a highland residence at Ardverikie, a lodge on Loch Laggan, in the occupation of the Marquis of Abercorn. She and her family travelled thither by the west coast from the Isle of Wight (August 11–14). Pausing at the outset for a night on the Scilly Isles, the Queen and Prince made for the Menai Straits, where they transferred themselves from their yacht 'Victoria and Albert' to the smaller yacht 'Fairy.' Passing up the Clyde they visited Loch Fyne. On the 18th they arrived at Inverary Castle, the seat of the Duke of Argyll, and afterwards reached their destination by way of Fort William. Palmerston was for the most part the minister in attendance, and, amid the deer-stalking, walks, and drives, there was found time for political discussion between him and Prince Albert, in which their views did not prove more reconcilable than hitherto. The sojourn in Scotland lasted three weeks, till September 17, and intensified the Queen's enthusiasm for that country. On the return journey the royal party went by sea only as far as Fleetwood. Thence they proceeded by rail from Liverpool to London.¹
In the months that followed, public affairs, especially abroad, abounded in causes of alarm for the Queen. The year 1848 was one of revolution in Europe, and the cause of monarchy seemed threatened throughout the world. The period passed without serious
¹ *Journal*, pp. 43–61.
disturbance in England, but the Queen’s equanimity was rudely shaken by the rebellions that wrought havoc in foreign lands. The dethronement of Louis Philippe in February proved as severe a shock to her as any that she had yet suffered. It wounded her tenderest feelings, and stimulated her liveliest sympathies. Ignoring recent political differences with the King of the French, she thought only of the distress of a fellow sovereign who was bound to her by domestic ties. When his sons and daughters hurried to England, nothing for a time was known of the fate of Louis and his Queen. On March 2 they arrived in disguise at Newhaven, and Louis immediately wrote to the Queen, throwing himself on her protection.
Everything that the Queen could do for his comfort she did with prompt energy. She at once obtained her uncle Leopold’s consent to offer the refugee King and Queen his own royal residence at Claremont, and there the exiles found an asylum for the rest of their lives. Prince Albert visited them as soon as they arrived, and on March 6 ex-King Louis came to Windsor to express his gratitude for the protection that the Queen had vouchsafed him. The contrast between the conditions of his present and of his previous visit deeply impressed her. ‘If it were not for the generosity of the Queen of England,’ remarked the exiled King to a guest shortly afterwards at dinner at Claremont, ‘I should not have either this house to cover my head or the plate or anything which is on the table.’
1 Memoirs of Sir Edward Blount, K.C.B., edited by Stuart J. Reid, 1902, p. 127.
But it was not only in behalf of the ex-King and the ex-Queen of the French that Queen Victoria exerted herself. To all members of the French royal family the Queen showed unremitting attention. To the Duc de Nemours she allotted another royal residence at Bushey. She frequently entertained him together with his brothers, the accomplished Duc d'Aumale, Comte de Paris, and Prince de Joinville. She always treated them with the respect which was due to members of reigning families.
Nor was it only in France that the Revolution dealt hardly with the Queen’s circle of royal acquaintances and kindred. Her half-brother of Leiningen, who had been in Scotland with her the year before, her half-sister, Princess of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha (Prince Albert’s brother), and their friend, the King of Prussia, suffered severely in the revolutionary movements of Germany, and although their thrones survived they endured much tribulation. In Italy and Austria, too, the safety of kings and princes was rudely menaced.
Happily, in England, threats of revolution came to nothing. The Queen faced the possibilities of the situation with great boldness. During the crisis she was temporarily disabled by the birth, on March 18, of the Princess Louise; but at the end of her confinement she wrote to her uncle, King Leopold, with admirable spirit, ‘My only thoughts and talk were politics, and I never was calmer or quieter or more earnest. Great events make me calm; it is only trifles that irritate my nerves’ (April 4).
The great Chartist meeting on Kennington Common, on April 10, proved abortive. It had been announced that on that day half a million of persons were determined, in spite of the army or the police, to carry to the Houses of Parliament a petition bearing five million signatures and demanding the adoption by the Legislature of all the points of the Charter. London was placed under military protection, and expectations of a serious riot were general.\(^1\) By the advice of ministers the Queen and her family removed from Windsor to Osborne a few days before, but the agitators had exaggerated their power. The meeting at Kennington was thinly attended and dispersed peacefully. The Court returned to London on May 2 to find all prophecies of disaster confuted. Chartism did not long survive the farcical dénouement at Kennington.
When the infant Princess Louise, to whom the Queen of the Belgians stood godmother, was christened at Buckingham Palace on May 13, the strain of anxiety was at an end. But no sooner was quiet completely re-established in London than the Queen was faced by a new perplexity in the sphere of party politics. In June 1848 Lord John feared defeat in the House of Commons on the old question of a further reduction of the sugar duties. That proposal had already nearly wrecked two Governments, and it was widely assumed that it was about to wreck a third. Although the Queen’s confidence in the ministry was chequered by Palmerston’s conduct of the Foreign Office, she declared any
\(^1\) Lady Lyttelton’s Letters.
change inopportune while the social atmosphere was still charged with menaces of revolution. It was therefore unwillingly that she approached the consideration of the choice of Lord John's successor. Demurring to Lord John's own suggestion of Lord Stanley, the Protectionist leader in the Lords, who as a seceder from Peel was not congenial to her, she took counsel for the last time with Melbourne. He advised her to summon Peel. No step could have been more agreeable to her. But the alarm of Lord John proved delusive. The Government was stronger than was anticipated. A small majority in the House of Commons remained faithful to Lord John, and for three years longer he continued in office.
On September 5, 1848, the Queen prorogued Parliament in person, and peace once more reigned in the Parliament and in the country. The ceremony took place for the first time in the Peers' Chamber in the new Houses of Parliament, which had been rebuilt after the fire of 1834. Her French kinsmen, the Duc de Nemours and the Prince de Joinville, were present with her. Popular enthusiasm ran high, and she was in thorough accord with the congratulatory words which her ministers put into her mouth on the steadfastness with which the bulk of her people had resisted incitements to disorder.
On the same afternoon she embarked at Woolwich for Aberdeen in order to spend three weeks at Balmoral House, then little more than a shooting lodge, which she now hired for the first time of Lord Aberdeen's brother, Sir Robert Gordon. The climate of the place proved invigorating, her affection for the Highlands redoubled, and it was in tears that she left for the South after the brief sojourn. But the plan which had long been in contemplation, of securing a permanent residence in Scotland, was then finally formed. The main railway systems of Scotland and England were now completed, and rendered communication between the two countries rapid and easy. Owing to bad weather the Queen tried the new experiment of making practically the whole of the return journey to London by rail, travelling from Perth by way of Crewe. The experiment was successful, and thenceforth she travelled to and from Scotland in no other way.
1 Later in the year a distressing accident caused the Queen deep depression (October 9). While she was crossing from Osborne to Portsmouth, her yacht, the 'Fairy,' ran down a boat belonging to the 'Grampus' frigate, and three women were drowned. 'It is a terrible thing, and haunts me continually,' the Queen wrote.
The Queen, when in London or at Windsor, sought recreation more and more frequently each year in music and the drama. Elaborate concerts, oratorios, or musical recitations were repeatedly given both at Windsor and at Buckingham Palace. On February 10, 1846, Charles Kemble read the words of the 'Antigone' when Mendelssohn's music was rendered, and there followed like renderings of 'Athalie' (January 1, 1847), again of 'Antigone' (January 1, 1848), and subsequently of 'Œdipus at Colonus' (February 10, 1848, and January 1, 1852).
During 1842 and 1844 the composer Mendelssohn was many times at Court, and the Queen received him with a delightful cordiality. Of a visit to Buckingham Palace in July 1842 he wrote at length to his mother, and the description presents an idyllic picture of the Queen's private life:
'Prince Albert had asked me' (Mendelssohn wrote on July 19) 'to go to him on Saturday at two o'clock, so that I might try his organ before I left England; I found him alone, and as we were talking away the Queen came in, also alone, in a simple morning dress. She said she was obliged to leave for Claremont in an hour, and then, suddenly interrupting herself, exclaimed, "But goodness, what a confusion!" for the wind had littered the whole room, and even the pedals of the organ (which, by the way, made a very pretty feature in the room), with leaves of music from a large portfolio that lay open. As she spoke she knelt down and began picking up the music; Prince Albert helped, and I too was not idle. Then Prince Albert proceeded to explain the stops to me,'
and she said that she would meanwhile put things straight.
'I begged that the Prince would first play me something, so that, as I said, I might boast about it in Germany; and he played a Chorale, by heart; and the Queen, having finished her work, came and sat by him and listened, and looked pleased. Then it was my turn, and I began my chorus from "St. Paul"—"How lovely are the messengers." Before I got to the end of the first verse they both joined in the chorus. . . . Then the young Prince of Gotha [i.e. Prince Albert's brother Ernest] came in, and there was more chatting; and the Queen asked if I had written any new songs, and said she was very fond of singing my published ones. "You should sing one to him," said Prince Albert; and, after a little begging, she said she would try the "Frühlingslied" in B flat—"If it is still here," she added, "for all my music is packed up for Claremont." Prince Albert went to look for it, but came back, saying it was already packed. "But one might perhaps unpack it," said I. "We must send for Lady ——," she said. (I did not catch the name.) So the bell was rung, and the servants were sent after it, but without success; and at last the Queen went herself, and while she was gone Prince Albert said to me, "She begs you will accept this present as a remembrance," and gave me a little case with a beautiful ring, on which is engraved "V.R. 1842."
'Then the Queen came back, and said, "Lady—— is gone, and has taken all my things with her. It really is most annoying." (You can't think how that
amused me.) I then begged that I might not be made to suffer for the accident, and hoped she would sing another song. After some consultation with her husband, he said, "She will sing you something of Gluck's." Meantime the Princess of Gotha [i.e. Prince Ernest's wife] had come in, and we five proceeded through various corridors and rooms to the Queen's sitting-room. The Duchess of Kent came in too, and while they were all talking I rummaged about amongst the music, and soon discovered my first set of songs. So, of course, I begged her rather to sing one of those than the Gluck, to which she very kindly consented; and which did she choose?—"Schöner und schöner schmückt sich!" sang it quite charmingly, in strict time and tune, and with very good execution. . . . Then I was obliged to confess that Fanny [i.e. the musician's sister] had written the song (which I found very hard, but pride must have a fall), and to beg her to sing one of mine also. If I would give her plenty of help, she would gladly try, she said, and then she sang the Pilgerspruch "Lass dich nur" really quite faultlessly, and with charming feeling and expression. I thought to myself, one must not pay too many compliments on such an occasion, so I merely thanked her a great many times; upon which she said, "Oh, if only I had not been so frightened! generally I have such long breath." Then I praised her heartily, and with the best conscience in the world; for just that part with the long C at the close she had done so well, taking it and the three notes next to it all in the same breath, as one seldom hears it done, and therefore it
amused me doubly that she herself should have begun about it.
After this Prince Albert sang the Aerndtelied, "Es ist ein Schnitter;" and then he said I must improvise something before I went, and they followed me with so much intelligence and attention that I felt more at my ease than I ever did in improvising to an audience. The Queen said several times she hoped I would soon come to England again and pay them a visit, and then I took leave; and down below I saw the beautiful carriages waiting, with their scarlet outriders, and in a quarter of an hour the flag was lowered, and the "Court Circular" announced, "Her Majesty left the Palace at twenty minutes past three."
Great actors and actresses were welcomed by the Queen with hardly less enthusiasm than musicians. The French actress Rachel was invited to recite at Buckingham Palace on more than one occasion, and on February 26, 1851, when the popular actor Macready, the chief of his profession, took farewell of the stage at Drury Lane, the Queen was present.
Meanwhile, to give greater variety to the Christmas festivities, the Queen organised at the end of 1848 dramatic performances at Windsor. Charles Kean was appointed director, and until Prince Albert's death, except during three years—in 1850 owing to the Queen Dowager's death, in 1855 during the gloom of the Crimean war, and in 1858 owing to the distraction of the Princess Royal's marriage—dramatic representations were repeated in the Rubens room at the Castle during each Christmas season. On
December 28, 1848, at the first performance, 'The Merchant of Venice' was presented, with Mr. and Mrs. Kean and Mr. and Mrs. Keeley in the cast. Thirteen other plays of Shakespeare and nineteen lighter pieces followed in the course of the next thirteen years, and the actors included Macready, Phelps, Charles Mathews, Ben Webster, and Buckstone.
To the director, Charles Kean, and his wife, Mrs. Charles Kean, also an actress of note, the Queen showed constant attention. When Kean died, in June 1868, the Queen at once wrote in her own hand to his widow: 'I recall most vividly to my mind the many hours of great intellectual enjoyment which your lamented and talented husband (who did so much for his profession) and you afforded to my dear husband and myself in bygone happy days. They will never be forgotten, and I shall dwell with melancholy pleasure on the recollection of them.'¹ In 1857 William Bodham Donne succeeded Kean as director; but the last performance under Donne's management took place on January 31, 1861, some eleven months before the Prince's death. More than thirty years then elapsed before the Queen suffered another professional dramatic entertainment to take place in a royal palace.
The most conspicuous encouragement which the Queen and her husband bestowed on art during this period was their commission to eight artists (Eastlake, Maclise, Landseer, Dyce, Stanfield, Uwins, Leslie, and Ross) to decorate with frescoes the Queen's summer house in the gardens of Buckingham Palace. The subjects were drawn from Milton's 'Comus.'
¹ This letter is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum.
work was completed in 1845. But the Queen was also at the same period generous in commissions to Sir Edwin Landseer and other well-known artists for scenes in which she and her family played prominent parts. Occasionally they painted portraits for her, but her favourite portrait painter in the middle years of her reign was Winterhalter, a German artist, who undertook not only numerous single portraits but many groups of the Queen and members of her family.\(^1\)
Under Prince Albert's guidance, the Queen's domestic life was now very systematically ordered. The education of the growing family occupied their parents' minds almost from the children's birth. Prince Albert frequently took counsel on the subject with Stockmar and Bunsen, and the Queen consulted Melbourne (March 24, 1842) even after he had ceased to be her minister. In the result Lady Lyttelton, widow of the third Baron Lyttelton, and sister of the second Earl Spencer (who formerly led the Liberal party in the House of Commons as Lord Althorp), was in 1842 appointed governess of the royal children. She had been a lady-in-waiting since 1838, and enjoyed the Queen's full confidence. On Lady Lyttelton's retirement in January 1851, she was succeeded by Lady Caroline Barrington, widow of Captain the Hon. George Barrington, R.N., and daughter of the second Earl Grey, the Prime Minister; she held the office till her death on April 28, 1875. The office of royal governess was thus filled during the Queen's reign by only two holders.
\(^1\) See Appendix II.
To the royal governess was entrusted complete control of the 'nursery establishment,' which soon included German and French as well as English attendants. All the children spoke German fluently from infancy. The Queen sensibly insisted that they should be brought up as simply, naturally, and domestically as possible, and that no obsequious deference should be paid to their rank. The need of cultivating perfect trust between parents and children, the value of a sincere but liberal religious training from childhood, and the folly of child-worship or excessive laudation were constantly in her mind. She spent with her children all the time that her public engagements permitted, and delighted in teaching them youthful amusements. She interested herself in their friends and in their pets, and looked after their health with assiduity. As they grew older she and the Prince encouraged them to recite poetry and to act little plays, or to arrange tableaux vivants, of which the parents were always gratified spectators.
To the education of the Prince of Wales as the heir-apparent the Queen and her husband naturally devoted special attention, and in every way they protected his interests. Very soon after his birth the Queen appointed a commission to receive and accumulate the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall, the appanage of the heir-apparent, in their son's behalf, until he should come of age, and the estate was administered admirably. For the methods adopted in educating her sons, after their childhood was passed, she disclaimed any personal credit; she
assigned it all to the Prince, and declared that public commendation of herself on this score caused her pain. In the matter of the education of her daughters she admitted that she exerted greater responsibility. Although she abhorred advanced views on the position of woman in social life, and vehemently denounced the champions of women's rights, she sought to make her daughters, in what she deemed their fitting sphere, as useful to society as her sons. While causing them to be instructed in all domestic arts, she repudiated the notion that marriage was the only object which they should be brought up to attain.\(^1\) She often expressed regret that, among the upper classes in England, girls were taught to aim at little else in life than matrimony.
The Queen and Prince Albert regulated their own habits and pursuits with much care for their idiosyncrasies. Although public business compelled them to spend much time in London, the Prince rapidly acquired a distaste for it, which he soon communicated to the Queen. As a young woman she was, she said, wretched to leave London; but, though she never despised or disliked London amusements, she came to adopt her husband's view, that peace and quiet were most readily to be secured at a distance from the capital. The sentiment grew, and she reached the conclusion that 'the extreme weight and thickness of the atmosphere' injured her health, and in consequence her sojourns at Buckingham Palace became less frequent and briefer; in later life she did not visit it more than twice or thrice a
\(^1\) Letters of Princess Alice, 1874, p. 320.
year, staying on each occasion not more than two days. Windsor came in course of time to be hardly more agreeable to her, but it was never open to such strong objections as London. It was near enough to the capital to enable her to transact business there without inconvenience, and in early married life she resided there for the greater part of the year.
But the Queen’s happiest hours were spent beyond the walls of her official palaces, or indeed beyond the reach of towns. The Pavilion at Brighton, George IV.’s favourite home, she soon abandoned altogether, and, after being dismantled in 1846, it was sold to the Corporation of Brighton in 1850 to form a place of public assembly. She had already decided to secure residences in districts of her own choosing, which should be personal property and free from the restraints of supervision by public officials. Her resolve was to acquire private abodes in those parts of her dominions which were peculiarly congenial to her—the Isle of Wight and the highlands of Scotland.
The Queen’s residence in the south was secured first. Late in 1844 she purchased of Lady Isabella Blachford the estate of Osborne, consisting of about eight hundred acres, near East Cowes. She had known the spot in very early life, when her mother’s friend and counsellor, Sir John Conroy, had lived at Osborne Cottage. Subsequent purchases increased the land which the Queen owned in the Isle of Wight to about two thousand acres. The existing house, Osborne House, proved inconvenient, and the foundation-stone of a new one was laid on
June 23, 1845. A portion of it was occupied in September 1846, but the whole was not completed until 1851. In the designing of the new Osborne House and in laying out the gardens Prince Albert took a very active part. In the grounds was set up in 1854 a Swiss cottage as a workshop and playhouse for the children. The Queen interested herself in the neighbourhood, and rebuilt the parish church at Whippingham.
But greater interest attached in the Queen’s eyes to her choice of a private residence in Scotland. In 1848 the Queen leased of the Fife trustees Balmoral House, a small and unpretending building near Braemar, Aberdeenshire. This she visited each year till 1852, when she purchased it of the owner and resolved to replace it by an elaborate edifice of granite. The new Balmoral Castle was completed in the autumn of 1854, and large additions were subsequently made to the estate, so that it finally extended to 25,000 acres. The Duchess of Kent rented in the neighbourhood Abergeldie Castle, which was subsequently leased from time to time by the Queen and was frequently occupied in the autumn by the Prince of Wales. Balmoral was henceforth identified with the Queen’s most cherished memories.
Until the Queen’s death a part of every autumn was spent at Balmoral; and through her widowhood she spent, in addition, at her highland residence
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1 In July 1902 the Queen’s eldest son and successor, Edward VII., made over, with certain reservations, Osborne House and grounds to the nation, and suggested that it should be employed as a convalescent home for invalid officers of the army and navy,
several weeks of the early summer. Three or four annual visits were also paid regularly to Osborne. At both Osborne and Balmoral very homely modes of life were adopted, and, at Balmoral especially, ministers and foreign friends were surprised at the simplicity which characterised the Queen’s domestic arrangements. Before the larger house was built only two sitting-rooms were occupied by the royal family. Of an evening billiards were played in the one, under such cramped conditions that the Queen, who usually looked on, had constantly to move her seat in order to give the players elbow-space. In the other room the Queen at times would take lessons in the Scotch reel. The minister in attendance did all his work in his small bedroom, and the Queen would run carelessly in and out of the house all day long, walking alone, visiting neighbouring cottages, and chatting unreservedly with their occupants. Cottage visiting at Balmoral became a fixed practice with her, and she was desirous that the ladies in attendance on her should emulate her example. She usually personally introduced her ladies-in-waiting, on their first arrival at Balmoral, to the cottagers. One of her subsequent complaints of Windsor as contrasted with Balmoral was her inability to go among the poor there with the freedom that was habitual to her on her Scottish estate.
¹ The Queen’s relations with Balmoral and her mode of life there are well illustrated in Recollections of a Royal Parish, by Mrs. Patricia Lindsay, daughter of the late Dr. Robertson, Commissioner for the Queen in Scotland from 1848 to 1875.
IRELAND AND LOSS OF FRIENDS
After identifying herself thus closely with Scotland, it was right for her to make the acquaintance of Ireland, the only portion of the United Kingdom which she had not visited during the first decade of her reign. Peel had entertained a suggestion that the Queen should visit the country in 1844, when she received an invitation from the Lord Mayor of Dublin, and a conditional promise of future acceptance was given. In the early autumn of 1849 the plan was carried out with good results.
The social and political condition of the country was not promising. The effects of the famine were still acute. Civil war had broken out in 1848, and, although it was easily repressed, disaffection was widespread. In June 1849 the Queen’s attention was disagreeably drawn to the unsatisfactory condition of the country by a difficulty which arose in regard to recent convictions of Irish agitators for high treason; commutation of capital sentences was resolved upon, but it was found to be impossible to substitute terms of imprisonment for the penalty of death until a new statute had been devised, giving the Crown specific authority to that effect. This was accordingly acaccomplished in haste, and the Sovereign, for the first time in English history, was placed in a position to abrogate (on the advice of the Home Secretary or Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland) the penalty of death for the supreme crime against the State.
Personal loyalty to the Sovereign was still believed to prevail in Ireland, and the event proved the belief to be true. But the general distress and the political temper of the country precluded a state visit. The Queen went by sea from Cowes to the Cove of Cork, upon which she bestowed the new name of Queenstown in honour of her first landing there on Irish soil.\(^1\) She was respectfully received. Thence she proceeded in her yacht to Kingstown, and took up her residence for four days at the Viceregal Lodge in Phoenix Park, Dublin. She held a levee one evening in Dublin Castle; she received addresses and visited public institutions, and met with a welcome that was all that could be wished. It was 'idolatrous,' ironically wrote Monckton Milnes (Lord Houghton), 'and utterly unworthy of a free, not to say ill-used, nation.'\(^2\) Everything she saw delighted her, and she commemorated her satisfaction by creating the Prince of Wales Earl of Dublin (September 10, 1849). From the Irish capital she went by sea to Belfast, where her reception was equally enthusiastic. Thence she crossed to the Scottish coast, and after a public
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\(^1\) In this matter the Queen was following the precedent set by George IV., who on his visit to Ireland in September 1821 caused the port of Dunleary, near Dublin, where he landed, to be renamed Kingstown.
\(^2\) Reid, *Lord Houghton*, i. 485-6.
visit to Glasgow she sought the grateful seclusion of Balmoral.
On October 30, 1849, an attack of chicken-pox prevented the Queen from fulfilling a promise to open the new Coal Exchange in Lower Thames Street, and she was represented by her husband. In two ways the incident proved of interest. The Queen’s two eldest children there first appeared at a public ceremonial, while the royal barge, which bore the royal party from Westminster to St. Paul’s wharf, made its last state journey on the Thames during the Queen’s reign.
In the large circle of the Queen’s family and Court it was inevitable that death should be often busy and should constantly break valued links with the Queen’s youth. During 1848 and 1850 few months passed without giving her cause for mourning. Her aunt, Princess Sophia, died on May 27, 1848, and her old minister and mentor, Melbourne, on November 24, 1848, while a year later George Anson, the Prince’s former secretary and now his keeper of the privy purse, passed suddenly away. Anson’s loss was severely felt by the Queen, who described it as ‘irreparable.’ But Melbourne’s removal severed a tie of older and firmer standing. ‘Truly and sincerely,’ the Queen wrote in her Journal on hearing the news, ‘do I deplore the loss of one who was a most kind and disinterested friend of mine, and most sincerely attached to me. He was indeed, for the first two years and a half of my reign, almost the only friend I had except Stockmar and Lehzen, and I used to see him constantly, daily. I thought much
and talked much of him all day.’ Two days later she recorded with her customary simplicity of phrase: ‘I received a pretty and touching letter from Lady Palmerston [i.e. Lord Melbourne’s sister], saying that my last letter to poor Lord Melbourne had been a great comfort and relief to him, and that during the last melancholy years of his life we had often been the chief means of cheering him up. This is a great satisfaction to me to hear.’ Another grief was the death, on December 2, 1849, at Stanmore Priory, of the old Queen Adelaide, who was buried in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, beside William IV. on December 13. The old Queen had always treated her young successor with motherly tenderness.
The summer of the following year (1850) was still more fruitful in episodes of mourning. On July 3 Peel succumbed to an accidental fall from his horse. In him the Queen said she lost not merely a friend, but a father. To her uncle, King Leopold, she wrote: ‘The sorrow and grief at his death are most touching, and the country mourns over him as over a father. Every one seems to have lost a personal friend.’
Five days after Peel, died, too, the Queen’s uncle, the Duke of Cambridge, whose widow survived him, to a patriarchal age, and was always carefully tended by the Queen. Subsequently death struck down in quick succession both Louis Philippe, the ex-King of the French, whose fate of exile roused the Queen’s abiding sympathy (August 26), and the French King’s gentle daughter, the Queen of the Belgians, wife of King Leopold (October 10). Every fresh blow that Louis Philippe’s family suffered
seemed to tighten the bonds that united them with the Queen.
Minor anxieties were caused the Queen by two brutal attacks upon her person: on May 19, 1849, when she was returning from a drive near Constitution Hill, a blank charge was fired at her from a pistol by an Irishman, William Hamilton, of Adare; and on May 27, 1850, one Robert Pate, a retired officer, hit her on the head with a cane as she was leaving Cambridge House in Piccadilly, where the Duke of Cambridge was lying ill. Offences so disgraceful excited universal sympathy, and in spite of the courage with which she faced them, they caused the Queen much suffering.\(^1\)
The last outrage was the more brutal, seeing that the Queen was just recovering from her confinement. Her third son, Arthur, was born on May 1, 1850. The date was the Duke of Wellington’s eighty-first birthday. A few weeks before the Duke had delighted the Queen by the injudicious suggestion that Prince Albert should become Commander-in-Chief of the Army in succession to himself. The Prince wisely declined the honour. Apart from other considerations his hands were over-full already, and his health was giving evidence of undue mental strain. But, by way of showing her appreciation of the Duke’s proposal, the Queen made him godfather to her new-born son. A second sponsor was the Prince of Prussia, brother of the King. The christening took place on
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\(^1\) Both Hamilton and Pate were sentenced to seven years’ transportation under the Act for securing the Queen’s safety passed in 1841.
June 22. The infant's third name, Patrick, commemorated the Queen's recent Irish visit.
At the time, despite family and political cares, the Queen's health was exceptionally robust. On going north in the autumn, after inaugurating the high-level bridge at Newcastle and the Royal Border Bridge on the Scottish boundary at Berwick—two notable feats of engineering—she stopped two days in Edinburgh at Holyrood Palace, where she closely investigated scenes of past history. 'Every step,' she wrote, 'is full of historical recollections, and our living here is quite an epoch in the annals of this old pile, which has seen so many deeds, more bad, I fear, than good.' She was especially interested in the spot where Rizzio was killed and the rooms that Queen Mary Stuart had occupied. On the second day of the visit she climbed Arthur's Seat, the noble hill overlooking Edinburgh. The exploit, although she found it (she wrote), 'after a year's disuse of climbing in England, hard work,' exhilarated her, and cost her little fatigue.\(^1\) When she settled down to her holiday at Balmoral she took energetic walking exercise every day, and showed exceptional physical briskness. It was well that her health was growing in vigour, for annoyances in official life, far graver than any she had yet experienced, were within sight. No little physical strength was needed to enable her to face her coming trials with equanimity.
\(^1\) Leaves from the Queen's Journal, pp. 81 seq.
THE DISSENSIONS WITH PALMERSTON
The habitual attitude to the Crown of Lord Palmerston, who was the Foreign Minister, first in Lord Melbourne’s and now in Lord John Russell’s administration, always implied a risk of open warfare between the Queen and her ministers. Of late the breach between her and Palmerston had been widening each year. Foreign affairs interested the Queen and her husband with increasing intensity as their years and experience grew. The more complex the foreign problems became, the more closely the Prince studied them. He conscientiously prepared ever-growing sheaves of memoranda with a view to counselling the Foreign Minister. But Palmerston was unmoved by his efforts or interests. He viewed the Prince’s industry with undisguised contempt, and rendered his offers of advice abortive by going his own way, without consulting the Court, or, at times, even his colleagues.
The antagonism between Prince Albert’s views, with which the Queen identified herself, and those of Palmerston was based largely on principle. Palmerston consistently supported the Liberal movements, which were steadily gathering force abroad, even at the risk of exposing himself to the charge of
encouraging 'revolution.' Although the Queen and the Prince fully recognised the value of constitutional methods of government in England, and were by no means averse to their spread on the continent of Europe, their personal relations with foreign dynasties evoked strong sympathy with reigning monarchs. They cherished an active repugnance to revolution, which Palmerston seemed to them to view with a perilous complaisance.
Through 1848, the year of revolution in Europe, the differences between the Prince and the minister were steadily widening. Palmerston treated with unruffled equanimity all the revolutionary riots at Berlin, Vienna, and Baden in 1848-9, and affected to be at a loss to understand why they should stir any active emotion in his royal mistress. He failed to recognise her poignant compassion for those crowned kinsmen or acquaintances whose lives and fortunes were menaced.
Palmerston and the Prince were probably in disagreement as to the past history and future destiny of every country of Europe. In their attitudes to both Italy and Prussia—the two countries whose affairs now commanded most attention—they were as far removed from each other as well could be. When efforts were first made in Italy to secure national unity and to throw off the yoke of Austria, Palmerston spoke with benevolence of the endeavours of the Italian patriots, and was always sanguine of their chances of success. Although the Prince strongly deprecated the cruelties which the Austrian rulers and the smaller native despots practised on their
Italian subjects, he and the Queen cherished a warm sympathy with the Austrian Emperor, and regarded with dismay the efforts of the North Italians to cast off Austrian rule. The revolutionary endeavour to unite Italy under a single ruler meant for them primarily the suppression of many thrones whose occupants were entitled to their sympathetic regard.
In regard to Germany, on the other hand, the opposition between royal and ministerial opinions was assignable to another train of considerations. The Prince was well disposed to the movement for national unity under Prussia’s leadership. His and the Queen’s social relations both with the King of Prussia, who was the Prince of Wales’s godfather, and with his brother, the Prince of Prussia, who was godfather to Prince Arthur, were growing in intimacy, and whatever tended to improve Prussia’s position in Germany and Europe was agreeable to the English Court. Palmerston saw in the Prussian King only a weak man and a reactionary politician. He regarded the Prussian King’s allies among the German Princes as deserving of no greater respect than that Sovereign. He consequently looked with suspicion on German nationalist aspirations to which effect must be given, if at all, under such unpromising auspices.
Distrust of the reigning houses both of Prussia and Austria coloured all Palmerston’s view of German politics. In the intricate struggle for the possession of the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, which opened in 1848, he inclined to the claim of Denmark against that of the confederation of German States, whether Prussia or Austria should ultimately be at its head.
Meanwhile the English royal family hopefully anticipated the triumph of Prussia in the final settlement of German rivalries or pretensions in Central Europe.
In point of practice Palmerston was as offensive to the Prince and the Queen as he was in point of principle or policy. He lost no opportunity of indicating to them that their predilections were of no interest to him, and he deprecated their offers of counsel or of regular exchange of views. He frequently caused them intense irritation or alarm by involving the Government in acute international crises without warning the Queen of their approach. In 1848, before consulting her, he peremptorily ordered the reactionary Spanish Government to liberalise its institutions, with the result that the English Ambassador, Sir Henry Bulwer, who was directed to deliver the frank despatch to Queen Isabella's advisers, was promptly expelled from Madrid. Again, in January 1850, to the Queen's consternation, Palmerston, by despatching the British fleet to Grecian waters, coerced Greece into compliance with English demands for the compensation of Don Pacifico and other English subjects who had disputed claims against the Greek Government. France was at the moment embarked in an attempt to mediate in this quarrel, and that country regarded as insulting Palmerston's precipitate action, which practically ignored the pacific tone of French intervention. The French Ambassador was withdrawn from London, and for the third time in the Queen's reign—on this occasion almost before she had an opportunity of learning the cause—Palmerston brought France and
England to the brink of war. It was only very gradually that the bitter and perilous controversy that was roused between the two countries lost its venomous character.
The Queen’s embarrassments were aggravated by the personal intimacies which she cultivated with foreign sovereigns. They cherished a belief that her personal power was far greater than it was, and they maintained with her a vast correspondence which was inspired by that misconception. It was their habit to address to her personally autograph appeals on political affairs, and they were under the impression that privately through her it was possible for them to influence in their own interests the foreign policy of her country. She was wise enough to avoid the snares that were thus laid for her, and she frankly consulted Palmerston, the Foreign Minister, before replying to communications made to her by continental princes who were not her kinsmen. He invariably derided her notion of conciliating the good opinion of foreign Courts. He knew that his name was a word of loathing to them, and he felt under no obligation to diminish their fear of England.
The advice which Palmerston often offered the Queen when her foreign correspondence was submitted to him involved her in many mortifying experiences. In 1847, the Queen of Portugal, the Queen’s early playmate, and the wife of her first cousin, Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, was threatened by her revolutionary subjects with the loss of her throne. She promptly appealed direct to Queen Victoria for protection. Queen Victoria at once consulted Palmerston,
He treated the Portuguese difficulty as a 'Coburg family affair.' He breezily attributed the Portuguese Queen's peril to her reliance on the absolutist advice of one Dietz, a native of Coburg, who stood towards her and her husband, Prince Ferdinand, in a relation resembling that of Stockmar to Prince Albert and Queen Victoria. Palmerston insisted that the Portuguese Queen could only save the situation by assenting to Dietz's summary dismissal. Such counsel was highly offensive to Queen Victoria and to her Saxe-Coburg kinsmen. The latter relieved their feelings by applying to the minister in conversation or correspondence with one another such epithets as 'ill-tempered, coarse, and threatening.'¹ Palmerston, however, dictated a solemn letter, full of constitutional advice and warnings against the iniquities of Dietz, for his royal mistress to copy in her own reluctant hand and forward to her unhappy correspondent at Lisbon.²
Later in the same year 1847 the vacillating and pusillanimous King of Prussia emulated the Portuguese Queen's example. He wrote Queen Victoria a private letter, and directed his ambassador at St. James's, Baron Bunsen, to deliver it to her in private audience in the absence of her ministers. The monarch invited Queen Victoria's avowed encouragement of the feeble efforts that Prussia was making to dominate the German federation. Palmerston was never to be safely ignored. He learned from Bunsen of the Prussian King's missive, and told him with great frankness that it was irregular for the
¹ Duke Ernest, Memoirs, i. 288 seq.
² Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell.
English Sovereign to correspond with foreign monarchs unless they were her relatives. The correspondence must pass through the ministers' hands.\(^1\) Queen Victoria felt her impotence acutely. In concert with Prince Albert Palmerston sketched a colourless draft reply to her royal correspondent. This Palmerston requested the Queen to copy out in her own hand; it 'began and ended in German, though the body of it was in English.' The incident was exceptionally galling to the susceptibilities of both the Queen and her husband. Prince Albert, in frequent private correspondence with the King of Prussia, had already sought to stimulate him to more active assertion of Prussian power in Germany. The apparent discrepancy between the Prince's ardour in the cause of Prussia and the coolness in regard to it which Palmerston imposed on his wife's epistle was peculiarly repugnant to both her and her husband.
But the position of affairs appeared to the Queen and Prince quite incurable. Expostulation with Palmerston seemed vain. In June 1848 Prince Albert bade Lord John remind him that every one of the ten thousand despatches which were received annually at the Foreign Office was addressed to the Queen and to the Prime Minister as well as to himself, and that the replies involved them all. In the following autumn Palmerston apathetically remarked on a further protest made in the Queen's behalf by Lord John, the Prime Minister: 'Unfortunately the Queen gives ear too easily to persons who are hostile to her government, and who wish to
\(^1\) Bunsen, *Memoirs*, ii. 149.
poison her mind with distrust of her ministers, and in this way she is constantly suffering under groundless uneasiness.' To this challenge the Queen answered, through Lord John, October 1, 1848: 'The Queen naturally, as I think, dreads that upon some occasion you may give her name to sanction proceedings which she may afterwards be compelled to disavow.' Palmerston deemed such an anticipation unworthy of attention.
Unfortunately for the Queen the general lines of Palmerston's foreign policy were vehemently applauded by a majority in Parliament and in the country. His elaborate defence of his action in regard to Greece in the Don Pacifico affair in June 1850, when he nearly involved England in a war with France, elicited the stirring enthusiasm of the House of Commons. There was nothing open for the Queen to do except to exclaim loudly against her humiliation in conversation with political friends like Aberdeen and Clarendon. Lord John, the Prime Minister, offered her cold comfort. He was often as much out of sympathy with Palmerston as she in viewing his treatment of foreign affairs, but he knew the Government could not stand without its popular Foreign Secretary. Consequently the Queen, who was always averse to inviting the perplexities of a change of ministry, often despaired of the situation. But she had no intention of submitting to it meekly.
In March 1850 she and the Prince made some effort to modify Palmerston's pretensions. They drafted a full statement of their grievance, which
¹ Walpole, *Lord John Russell*, ii. 47.
they proposed to forward to the offending minister. They delayed its actual despatch for three months, and, when in June the statesman appealed with triumphant effect to the House of Commons for an endorsement of the administration of his office, the royal protest seemed inopportune, and it was laid aside for a further period. In the summer Lord John recalled Palmerston’s attention to the Queen’s irritation, and the Foreign Minister disavowed any intention of treating her with disrespect. But his general conduct remained unchanged.
At length, on August 12, 1850, the Queen sent Palmerston, through Lord John, two carefully worded requests in regard to his future behaviour: ‘She requires,’ her words ran, ‘(1) that the Foreign Secretary will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has given her royal sanction. (2) Having once given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the minister. Such an act she must consider as failure in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitutional right of dismissing that minister. She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the foreign ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive the foreign despatches in good time, and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent off.’
Two days afterwards Prince Albert explained
¹ Martin, Biography of Prince Consort, ii. 51.
more fully to Palmerston, in a personal interview, the Queen's grounds of complaint. 'The Queen had often,' the Prince said, 'latterly almost invariably, differed from the line of policy pursued by Lord Palmerston. She had always openly stated her objections; but when overruled by the cabinet, or convinced that it would, for political reasons, be more prudent to waive her objections, she knew her constitutional position too well not to give her full support to whatever was done on the part of the Government. She knew that they were going to battle together, and that she was going to receive the blows which were aimed at the Government; and she had these last years received several [blows], such as no sovereign of England had before been obliged to put up with, and which had been most painful to her. But what she had a right to require in return was, that before a line of policy was adopted or brought before her for her sanction, she should be in full possession of all the facts and all the motives operating; she felt that in this respect she was not dealt with as she ought to be. She never found a matter "intact," nor a question, in which we were not already compromised, when it was submitted to her; she had no means of knowing what passed in the cabinet, nor what passed between Lord Palmerston and the foreign ministers in their conferences, but what Lord Palmerston chose to tell her, or what she found in the newspapers.'
Palmerston affected pained surprise and solemnly promised amendment. But he remained in office and his course of action underwent no permanent alteration.
A few months later he committed the Queen, without her assent, to new dissensions with the Austrian Government and to new encouragement of Denmark in that country’s claims to Schleswig-Holstein. In the first case Palmerston answered the Queen’s protest by threatening Lord John with resignation, but he ultimately endeavoured to modify his action in accordance with the royal wish, and gave vague expression to a show of sympathy with Austria in her harassing struggle with her Italian subjects. In regard to Denmark’s pretensions to Schleswig-Holstein, Palmerston declined to recant his faith in their justice. At no point did he give plain proof of penitence.
In the winter of 1850 a distasteful domestic question distracted the Queen’s mind from foreign affairs. Lord John had identified the Government with the strong Protestant feeling which was roused by Cardinal Wiseman’s announcement of the Pope’s revival of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in England. Hundreds of protests from public bodies were addressed to the Queen in person, and she received them patiently. But she detested the controversy and regretted ‘the unchristian and intolerant spirit’ exhibited by the Protestant agitators. ‘I cannot bear,’ she wrote privately, ‘to hear the violent abuse of the Catholic religion, which is so painful and so cruel towards the many innocent and good Roman Catholics.’ When she opened Parliament on February 4, 1851, she resented the cries of ‘no popery’ with which she was greeted; but the ministry was pledged actively to resist the ‘papal aggression.’ A bill was introduced making it illegal for Roman Catholic priests to bear
in England ecclesiastical titles. The Queen had no choice but to acquiesce.
It was consequently with comparatively small concern that she saw Lord John’s Government—partly through intestine differences on the religious question—outvoted in the House of Commons in February 1851. The immediate question at issue was electoral reform—a topic which the Government was indisposed seriously to entertain. They declined to accept a motion for the assimilation of the borough and county franchise, and it was carried by their supporters against them. Lord John at once resigned, and much difficulty followed. The Queen sent for the Conservative leader, Lord Stanley, afterwards Lord Derby, the leader of the Conservative party in the House of Lords. He declined to assume office in the absence of adequate support in the House of Commons, and strongly advised a reconstruction of the existing ministry on a more comprehensive basis. That course was entirely congenial to the Queen, and she employed her influence in abetting it. On February 22 she consulted Lord Aberdeen with a view to a fusion between Whigs and Peelites, who had now practically broken with the Conservatives, but the combination at the moment proved impracticable.
Perplexed by the deadlock which the refusals of Derby and Aberdeen created, the Queen turned for advice to the old Duke of Wellington. In agreement with the Duke’s counsel, she recalled Lord John Russell; Prince Albert had already sent him a memorandum of the recent negotiations with Lord Stanley. Lord John consented with some hesitation
to resume his post, and managed to get through the session in safety. He secured the passage of his anti-papal Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, although he found it needful completely to emasculate it. It received the royal assent on July 29, 1851, but it was never put into force, and was, to the Queen’s satisfaction, repealed in 1870.
XVII
THE GREAT EXHIBITION AND PALMERSTON'S FALL
Meanwhile the attention of the Court and country turned from party polemics to a demonstration of peace and goodwill among the nations which excited the Queen's highest hopes. It was the inauguration of the Great Exhibition in the Crystal Palace which was erected in Hyde Park from the designs of Sir Joseph Paxton. In origin and execution that design was due to Prince Albert; and it had consequently encountered abundant opposition from high Tories and all sections of society who disliked the Prince. Abroad it was condemned by absolute monarchs and their ministers on unexpected grounds. It was the wish of the Queen and her husband that rulers of all countries of the world or their representatives should be their guests on the auspicious occasion, and invitations were issued with a liberal hand. But many foreign sovereigns regarded an assembly of crowned heads in any one place as an incitement to revolutionary conspiracy to organise attempts on their lives. Such a reunion offered the suggestion, it was urged, to revolutionary agents in Europe to gather together in London on a speciously innocent pretext, and hatch nefarious designs.
The Queen was especially desirous that the Prince of Prussia and his son should be among their visitors at the opening of the Exhibition. The Prussian minister, Freiherr von Manteuffel, argued with vehemence against the presence of any prominent member of the Prussian royal family. He wrote to the Prince of Prussia that a number of madmen had collected in London, who were bent on destroying the existing order of affairs; Prussia was especially obnoxious to these revolutionary spirits, and the assassination of the Prince and his son in London, which was well within the limits of possibility, would, by interrupting the succession to the Prussian throne, work the country irretrievable disaster.
The result belied all prophecy of evil. The Queen flung herself with spirit into the enterprise. She interested herself in every detail, and she was rewarded for her energy by the knowledge that the realised scheme powerfully appealed to the imagination of the mass of her people. In spite of their censorious fears foreign Courts were well represented, and among the Queen’s guests were the Prince and Princess of Prussia and their eldest son. The brilliant opening ceremony, over which she presided on May 1, 1851, evoked a marvellous outburst of loyalty. Her bearing was described on all hands as ‘thoroughly regal.’ Besides twenty-five thousand people in the building, seven hundred thousand cheered her out-
1 Unter Friedrich Wilhelm IV.: Denkwürdigkeiten des Ministerpräsidenten Otto Freiherrn v. Manteuffel, herausgegeben von Heinrich von Poschingen (Berlin, 1901), vol. iii. p. 420.
2 Life of Stanley, i. 424.
side as she passed them on her way from Buckingham Palace. It was, she said, the proudest and happiest day of her happy life. Her feelings were gratified both as Queen and wife. 'The great event has taken place,' she wrote in her diary (May 1), 'a complete and beautiful triumph—a glorious and touching sight, one which I shall ever be proud of for my beloved Albert and my country... Yes! it is a day which makes my heart swell with pride and glory and thankfulness!' In her eyes the great festival of peace was a thousand times more memorable than the thrilling scene of her coronation.
Tennyson, who had been appointed Poet Laureate in November 1850, in succession to Wordsworth, in the noble address 'To the Queen,' which he prefixed to the seventh edition of his 'Poems' (March 1851), wrote of the Great Exhibition:
She brought a vast design to pass
When Europe and the scatter'd ends
Of our fierce world did meet as friends
And brethren in her halls of glass.
The stanza was not reprinted.
The season of the Great Exhibition was exceptionally brilliant. On June 13 another bal costumé at Buckingham Palace illustrated the reign of Charles II. On July 9 the Queen attended a ball at the Guildhall, which celebrated the success of the Exhibition. Everywhere her reception was admirably cordial. When at length she temporarily left London for Osborne, she expressed pain that 'this brilliant and for ever memorable season should be past.' Of
the continuous display of devotion to her in London she wrote to Stockmar: 'All this will be of a use not to be described: it identifies us with the people and gives them an additional cause for loyalty and attachment.'
Early in August the Queen came to Westminster to prorogue Parliament, and she visited the Exhibition for the last time. Throughout the country the people gave new proofs of their devotion to her which she actively reciprocated. In October, on her customary removal to Balmoral, she made a formal progress through Liverpool and Manchester, and stayed for a few days with the Earl of Ellesmere at Worsley Hall. She manifested intelligent interest in the improvements which manufacturing processes were making in these great centres of industry, and the tour was a triumphal progress. Her visit to Peel Park, Salford, on October 10, was commemorated by a statue of her, the cost of which was mainly defrayed by 80,000 Sunday-school teachers and scholars; it was unveiled by Prince Albert, May 5, 1857.
A month after the closing of the Exhibition the dream of happiness was fading. The death of her sour-tempered uncle, King Ernest of Hanover (November 18, 1851), was not a heavy blow, but Palmerston was still disturbing her equanimity. Kossuth, the leader of the Hungarian revolution, had just arrived in England; Palmerston openly avowed sympathy with him, and his attitude threatened England's good relations with Austria. Both the Queen and Lord John remonstrated. The Queen prepared a note for the perusal of the cabinet, in which
the ministers were requested to censure Palmerston's attitude unequivocally; but her appeal was vain.
Relief from the tormenting conduct of Palmerston was, however, at hand. It came at a moment when the Queen had almost abandoned hope of alleviating her lot, and it was due to causes in which she had no hand. On December 2, 1851, Prince Louis Napoleon, President of that French Republic which was created on the expulsion of Louis Philippe, made himself, by a coup d'état, absolute head of the French Government, with the avowed intention of re-establishing the imperial Napoleonic dynasty. Palmerston believed in Napoleon's ability, and a day or two later, in casual conversation with the French Ambassador, Walewski, expressed of his own initiative approbation of the new form of government in France. This was the reverse of the sentiment with which recent events in Paris had inspired the Queen. Both she and Lord John viewed Napoleon's accession to despotic power, and the means whereby it had been accomplished, with detestation. Palmerston's precipitate committal of England to a friendly recognition of the new régime before he had communicated with the Queen or his colleagues placed her and them alike in a position of intolerable difficulty.
Happily Palmerston's own inconsiderate talk untied the Gordian knot that bound him to the Queen. The Foreign Minister's careless display of self-sufficiency roused the temper of Lord John, who had simultaneously assured the Queen that for the present England would extend to Napoleon the coldest neutrality. To the Queen's astonishment,
but to her unconcealed delight, Lord John, before consulting her, summarily made Palmerston's declaration to Walewski a ground for demanding his resignation (December 19). Palmerston was taken by surprise. He feebly defended himself by claiming that in his intercourse with Walewski he had only expressed his personal views, and that he was entitled to converse at will with ambassadors. Lord John offered to rearrange the Government so as to give him another office, but this proposal Palmerston declined. The seals of the Foreign Office were without delay transferred to Lord Granville, who had been on friendly terms with the Queen since her girlhood, and was of her own generation.
The Queen and the Prince made no secret of their joy at the turn of events. They gave full vent to that bitterness of feeling which Palmerston's complacent attitude to revolutionary activity had stirred in them, and they freely betrayed, in their elation at his removal, the torture they had mentally suffered from his supercilious scorn of their natural prejudices. To his brother Ernest, Prince Albert wrote without reserve in a little-known letter of remarkable interest: 'And now the year closes with the happy circumstance for us, that the man who embittered our whole life, by continually placing before us the shameful alternative of either sanctioning his misdeeds throughout Europe and rearing up the Radical party here to a power under his leadership, or of bringing about an open conflict with the Crown and thus plunging the only country where liberty, order, and lawfulness exist together into the general chaosthat this man has, as it were, cut his own throat. "Give a rogue rope enough and he will hang himself" is an old English adage with which we have sometimes tried to console ourselves, and which has proved true again here.\(^1\)
The judgment that the Queen and the Prince passed at the moment on Palmerston's conduct and on the circumstances of his removal from office has not stood the test of time. As a matter of fact, Palmerston's dismissal was from the outset a doubtful triumph for the Crown. It was, in the first place, not the Queen's act; it was the act of the Prime Minister, Lord John, who was not greatly influenced by Court feeling, and it was an act that Lord John lived to regret. Furthermore, Palmerston's popularity in the country grew in proportion to his unpopularity at Court, and, in the decade that followed, his power, and ministerial power generally, increased steadily at the expense of the Crown's influence in both home and foreign affairs. The substantive victory lay with the minister. The principle of ministerial responsibility, unfettered and uninfluenced by the Sovereign's will, was too firmly rooted in the country's constitution to be affected seriously by any personal disagreement between minister and monarch.
\(^1\) Duke Ernest's Memoirs.
Palmerston's removal did not, in fact, diminish anxiety in the sphere either of domestic or foreign politics at Court for more than a few weeks. The year 1852 opened ominously. The intentions of France under her new and untried Government were doubtful. The old tradition of hostility between the two countries was always liable suddenly to light the torch of war. The need of increasing the naval and military forces was successfully urged on Lord John Russell's Government; but no sooner had the discussions on that subject opened in the House of Commons than Palmerston descended once more into the arena. He warmly condemned as inadequate the earliest proposals of the Government which were embodied in a Militia Bill. The majority of the House of Commons came to his aid and enabled him to inflict a defeat on his former colleagues on February 20, 1852. He carried an amendment against the ministry by 136 to 125. Lord John, recognising that the feeling of Parliament was hostile to the Government, straightway resigned. Within two months of his own dismissal, Palmerston had driven his former colleagues from office. 'I have had my tit-for-tat with
John Russell,' wrote the elated victor on the 24th, 'and I turned him out on Friday last.'
The Queen had no affection for Lord John's ministry, but neither had she much confidence in the Opposition. She now, however, acted strictly according to precedent, and summoned the leader of the Conservative party, who, hitherto known as Lord Stanley, had just succeeded to the earldom of Derby on his father's death. She bade Lord Derby form a Conservative Government. He consented after deliberating with his friends. His acceptance of office meant that his ally, Disraeli, who was the acknowledged chief of the main body of Conservatives in the House of Commons, should enter official life for the first time at almost its apex. Lord Derby nominated Disraeli Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons.
The new ministry was not strong, despite the ability of its two joint-leaders. With none of its members did the Queen feel real sympathy. Almost all were new to official life, all belonged to the party of protection; but protection seemed to the Queen to have vanished from practical politics, and she was disposed to reproach her new advisers with their delay in discerning the impracticability of the obsolete policy. 'A little more haste,' she said of their past attitude to the question, 'would have saved so much annoyance, so much difficulty.'
Personal intercourse rapidly overcame her prejudices against Lord Derby and his friends. Lord Derby proved extremely courteous. Lord Malmesbury, the Foreign Minister, kept her thoroughly well
1 Evelyn Ashley's Life of Palmerston, i. 334.
informed of the affairs of his office, and was always ready to take her advice. What she knew of Disraeli did not prepossess her in his favour, but the personal difficulty that she and her friends had anticipated from his presence in the cabinet was quietly dispelled. Disraeli had won his prominence in Parliament by his caustic denunciations of the Queen’s friend, Peel, whose associates represented him to her as an unprincipled adventurer. Disraeli was perfectly aware of the Queen’s suspicions of him, and during the ministerial crisis that preceded his entry into office he expressed himself quite ready to accept a post that should not bring him into frequent relations with the Court. But personal acquaintance with him at once diminished the Queen’s distrust; his clever conversation amused her. She regretted his denunciation of Sir Robert Peel, but was captivated by his respectful manner and courteous bearing. She afterwards gave signal proof of a dispassionate spirit by dismissing every trace of early hostility, and by extending to him in course of time a confidence and a devotion far exceeding that which she showed to any other minister of her reign.
But her present experience of Disraeli and his colleagues was brief. A general election in July, five months after they had taken office, left the Conservatives in a minority. Only 299 Conservatives were returned, against 315 Liberals and 40 Peelites, whose votes were usually at the command of the Liberal party.
In the same month the Queen made a cruise in the royal yacht on the south coast, and a few weeks
later paid a second private visit to King Leopold, now a widower for the second time, at his summer palace at Laeken. The weather was bad, but on returning she visited the chief objects of interest in Antwerp, and steered close to Calais, so that she might see the place.
When at Balmoral later in the autumn, information reached her of the generous bequest to her by an eccentric subject, John Camden Neild, of all his fortune, amounting to half a million. He had inherited from his father, James Neild, a well-known philanthropist, about half that sum, and the last thirty years of his life had been devoted exclusively to the miserly accumulation of the other half. He was unmarried and had no relations. The Queen accepted the large sum with gratitude. She did not spend the legacy, but suffered it to swell her savings. She increased Neild's bequests to the three executors from 100l. to 1,000l., provided for her benefactor's servants, gave an annuity of 100l. to a woman who had once frustrated his attempt at suicide, and finally, in 1855, rebuilt the chancel of North Marston Church, Buckinghamshire, in the neighbourhood of which Neild had much property; she also placed a window in the church to his memory.
The elation of spirit which this munificent addition to her private fortune caused her was succeeded by depression on hearing of the death of the Duke of Wellington on September 14. 'One cannot think of this country without "the Duke," our immortal hero,' she wrote in her Journal. 'The Crown never possessed—and I fear never will—so devoted, loyal, and faithful
a subject, so staunch a supporter! To us (who, alas! have lost, now, so many of our valued and experienced friends) his loss is irreparable, for his readiness to aid and advise, if it could be of use to us, and to overcome any and every difficulty, was unequalled. . . . He was a link which connected us with bygone times, with the last century.'¹ 'He was to us a true friend,' she wrote to her uncle Leopold, 'and most valuable adviser . . . we shall soon stand sadly alone. Aberdeen is almost the only personal friend of that kind left to us. Melbourne, Peel, Liverpool,² now the Duke—all gone.'
The Queen issued a general order of regret to the army, and she put her household into mourning—a mark of regard very rarely accorded by a sovereign to a subject. She went to the lying-in-state in Chelsea Hospital, and witnessed the funeral procession to St. Paul's from the balcony of Buckingham Palace on November 18.
On November 11 the Queen opened the new Parliament. Lord Derby was still Prime Minister, but the position of the Government was hopeless. On December 3 Disraeli's budget was introduced. Suspicion was entertained that it embodied relics of the heresy of protection, and on the 17th it was thrown out by a majority of nineteen. Lord Derby promptly resigned.
For six years the Queen's Government had been extraordinarily weak. Parties were disorganised, and no leader enjoyed the full confidence of any
¹ Leaves from the Queen's Journal, p. 99.
² The Queen's early friend, the third Earl of Liverpool, had died October 3, 1851.
large section of the House of Commons. A reconstruction of party seemed essential to the Queen and the Prince. In November she had discussed with Lord Derby a possible coalition of Whigs and Tories. The chief condition she then imposed was that Palmerston should not lead the House of Commons. Derby judged the plan chimerical, but when he resigned the Queen made up her mind to a strenuous personal effort whereby she might give her views effect.
The Queen sent for veteran statesmen on the Whig and Peelite sides, Lord Aberdeen and Lord Lansdowne, both of whom she had known long and fully trusted. The Whig leader, Lord Lansdowne, had been Lord President in the Council under Lord John Russell, had endeavoured to curb, before the great crisis, the independence of Palmerston, and had lately committed himself to the view that the continuance in office of a weakly supported Government injured the country. But he was now seventy-two years old and crippled with gout, so that he was unable to obey the Queen’s commands. The Peelite leader Lord Aberdeen came alone. He lent a willing ear to the Queen’s proposals. Immediately after her interview with him, on December 19, the Queen wrote to Lord John Russell: ‘The Queen thinks the moment to have arrived when a popular, efficient, and durable Government could be formed by the sincere and united efforts of all parties professing Conservative and Liberal opinions.’¹ Lord John was complaisant; other friends were sounded with
¹ Walpole, Life, ii. 161.
satisfactory results. Finally Aberdeen undertook to form a coalition Government, with the Queen's assistance.
The task was, after a fashion, easier of accomplishment than the Queen contemplated. Lord Aberdeen had little hope of assistance from the Conservative leaders, who still looked coldly on Peel's followers, and were altogether out of sympathy with professed Liberals. If the Queen acquiesced in the exclusion of Conservatives from the projected administration, there was little reason why the scheme should fail. Differences of opinion on domestic questions between Peel's friends, whom Lord Aberdeen led, and the Whigs had been gradually diminishing. Ultimately Aberdeen confined his endeavours to combining in his cabinet the chiefs of the Peelite party with the chiefs of the Liberal party. Four Peelites accepted Aberdeen's invitation to join his Government. Gladstone became Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke of Newcastle Colonial Secretary, Sir James Graham First Lord of the Admiralty, and Sidney Herbert Secretary at War. The left wing or Radical section of the Liberal party was conciliatory, and a strong representative of it, Sir William Molesworth, entered the cabinet as First Commissioner of Works. The seven remaining members were Whigs who had served in the last administration.
Of Lord Aberdeen's Whig coadjutors the most important was Palmerston, whose presence was rightly deemed essential to the stability of the Government; and the Queen, fully recognising the distasteful fact, raised no objection to his appointment to the Home
Office. The Foreign Office was bestowed on Lord John, but he soon withdrew from it in favour of the Queen's firm friend, Lord Clarendon. Lord Lansdowne joined the cabinet without office, Lord Granville became President of the Council, Lord Cranworth Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Argyll Lord Privy Seal, and Sir Charles Wood (afterwards Viscount Halifax) President of the Board of Control (of India).
All the members of the cabinet were men of high ability, and the Queen was well content with the outcome of her suggestion, even though the Conservatives had declined to enter the fold. On December 28 Aberdeen had completed his task, and the Queen wrote with sanguine satisfaction to her uncle Leopold of 'our excellent Aberdeen's success,' and of the 'realisation of the country's and of our own most ardent wishes.'
Thus the next year opened promisingly, but it proved a calm before a great storm. On April 7, 1853, the Queen's fourth and youngest son was born, and was named Leopold, after the Queen's uncle, King Leopold, who was his godfather. George, the new blind King of Hanover, was also a sponsor, and the infant's third name of Duncan celebrated the Queen's affection for Scotland. The child, to whom the Queen was deeply attached, proved very delicate, and during his life of thirty-one years was a frequent source of anxiety to his mother.
The Queen was not long in retirement on her youngest son's birth, and public calls were numerous. Military training, in view of possible warlike complications on the continent, was proceeding actively
with the Queen’s concurrence. Twice—June 21 and August 5, 1853—she visited, the first time with her guests, the new King and Queen of Hanover, a camp newly formed on Chobham Common.\(^1\) In the interval between the two visits the Queen, Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, Princess Royal, and Princess Alice were all disabled by an attack of measles, and Prince Albert, to the Queen’s alarm, suffered severely from nervous prostration. But recovery was not long delayed. On August 11 the navy was encouraged by a great naval review which the Queen held at Spithead.
Before the month ended the Queen paid a second visit to Dublin, in order to inspect an exhibition of Irish industries, which was framed on the model of the Great Exhibition of 1851. A million Irish men and women are said to have met her on her landing at Kingstown. The royal party stayed in Dublin from August 30 to September 3, and attended many public functions. As on the former occasion, the Queen spent, she said, ‘a pleasant, gay, and interesting time.’
Throughout 1852 the Queen persisted in her frank avowals of repugnance to personal intercourse with Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, who had supplanted Louis Philippe on the French throne. Her relations with the exiled royal family of France rendered the usurper an object of suspicion and dislike, and the benevolence with which Palmerston regarded him did not soften her animosity. But she gradually acknowledged the danger of allowing her personal
\(^1\) On August 5, 1901, a granite cross was unveiled on Chobham Common to commemorate the first of these visits.
feeling to compromise peaceful relations with France. Lord Malmesbury, the Foreign Minister under Lord Derby, had known Napoleon in earlier days, and had formed an opinion of him which differed little from Lord Palmerston's. One of the late Conservative Government's last acts was to join the European Powers in formally recognising the new Napoleonic empire (December 2, 1852). At the same time the Emperor was making advances to England of a kind which it involved peril to repel.
The French Ambassador in London had sounded Malmesbury, the Foreign Minister, at the date of the British Government's formal recognition of the empire, as to whether a marriage between the Emperor and Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, daughter of the Queen's half-sister, would be acceptable. The Queen was startled by the suggestion. She spoke with horror of the Emperor's religion and morals, and of the fate of consorts of French rulers since the Revolution. She was therefore not sorry that the discussion should be summarily ended by the Emperor's marriage in the following January with Mlle. Eugénie de Montijo. With that lady the irony of fate was soon to connect the Queen in a lasting friendship.
Meanwhile the Queen's uncle, King Leopold, realised the wisdom of promoting better relations between her and the Emperor, whose openly expressed anxiety to secure her countenance was likely to become a source of embarrassment were it hastily ignored. In the early months of 1853 Duke Ernest, Prince Albert's brother, after consultation with King
Leopold, privately visited Paris and accepted the hospitality of the Tuileries, which was eagerly offered him. The opportunity of conciliating the brother-in-law of the Queen of England was not lost. Emperor and Empress outbid each other in their laudation of Queen Victoria’s domestic life. The Empress quite sincerely expressed a longing for close acquaintance with her, her husband, and children. A revolution had been worked, she said, in the conditions of Court life throughout Europe by the virtuous examples of Queen Victoria and of her kinswoman and ally, the Queen of Portugal. Such assurances had their effect. Duke Ernest promptly reported the conversation of the Tuileries to his brother and sister-in-law. The Queen, always sensitive to sympathy with her domestic experiences, was greatly mollified. Her initial prejudices were shaken, and the political situation soon opened a road, which could not be readily avoided, to perfect amity.
Napoleon was quick to seize every opportunity of improving the situation. At the end of 1853 he boldly suggested for the second time a matrimonial alliance between the two families, and one of a more practical sort than his contingent offer of his hand to the Queen’s niece. With the approval of King Leopold and of Palmerston he proposed a marriage between his cousin, Prince Jerome, who ultimately became the political head of the Bonaparte family, and the Queen’s first cousin, Princess Mary of Cambridge, afterwards Duchess of Teck. Princess Mary was a frequent guest at Windsor, and constantly shared in the Queen’s recreations. The Queen had
no faith in forced political marriages, and at once consulted the Princess, whose buoyant, cheerful disposition endeared her to all the royal family. The Princess rejected the proposal without hesitation, and the Queen would hear no more of it. Palmerston characteristically expressed astonishment at the hasty rejection of the Emperor's plan. He coolly remarked that Prince Jerome was at any rate preferable to a German princeling.
XIX
THE CRIMEAN WAR
But although Napoleon’s first moves led to nothing, an alliance between France and England was at hand. For the first and only time England, under the Queen’s sway, was about to engage in war in Europe. It was not France that she was to meet in battle. It was with Russia that she was, beneath Palmerston’s spell, to drift into conflict, and it was in alliance with France that she was to draw the sword. In the autumn of 1853 Russia pushed her claims to protect the Christians of the Turkish empire with such violence as to extort from Turkey a declaration of war (October 23). The mass of the British nation held that England was under an imperative and an immediate obligation to intervene by force of arms in behalf of Turkey, her protégé and ally. The English cabinet had to decide the issue on which the peace of Europe hung.
Lord Aberdeen’s Government was unfortunately divided in opinion, and the hope of firm and decisive action that had been formed of the coalition was not realised. The Prime Minister regarded the conduct of Russia as indefensible, but hoped to avert war by
negotiation with the European Powers. Palmerston, then Home Secretary, took, as was only to be expected, a clearer and more popular view. Turkey, he urged, was far too weak to meet Russia single-handed; the maintenance of the integrity of the Turkish empire was a British interest, and no delay in intervention on England's part was justifiable. Aberdeen was not disposed hastily to abandon the cause of peace. On December 16 Palmerston suddenly resigned, on the ostensible ground that he differed from proposals of electoral reform which his colleagues had adopted. The true reason was his attitude to the foreign crisis. Signs that he interpreted the voice of the country aright abounded. An agitation for his readmission to the cabinet menaced the life of the ministry. Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues bowed to the storm. Palmerston was recalled. His resumption of office meant the destruction of the peace of Europe.
To the Court the course of events was from every point of view distressing. The Queen placed implicit trust in Aberdeen, and like him she hoped to avoid war. But Palmerston's restored predominance alarmed her. A sense of the futility of her recent struggles with him, in which she thought for a season that she had come forth victorious, humiliated her. A dread of war oppressed her.
In no direction could she find a gleam of hope. Abroad the situation was not more reassuring than at home. The Emperor Napoleon had promptly offered to join his army with that of England, and the King of Sardinia also promised to follow the Emperor's example
if England would straightway attack Russia. But other foreign sovereigns with whom the Queen was in fuller sympathy privately entreated her with the utmost solemnity and persistency to thwart the bellicose designs which they identified with her most popular minister’s name. The Tsar Nicholas stoutly protested to her the innocence of his designs (November 1853). The nervous King of Prussia anxiously petitioned her at all hazards to keep the peace, and even sent her an autograph note by the hand of a special messenger, General von Gröben, adjuring her that any forward step on her part would embarrass his own position in Central Europe. Lord Clarendon, the Foreign Minister, was happily sympathetic, and gave her wise advice regarding the tenor of her replies. She reproached the King of Prussia with his weakness, and told him it was his duty to aid her in the vindication of international law and order, not to persuade her to shirk her duty; were the Great Powers of Europe united with her, Russia would yield to diplomatic pressure (March 17, 1854).
To all her continental correspondents the Queen’s attitude was irreproachable. But the country was growing impatient, and soon the rumour spread that she and her husband were employing their foreign intimacies against the country’s interest. Aberdeen’s hesitation to proceed to extremities, the known dissensions between Palmerston and the Court, the natural jealousy of foreign influences in the sphere of government, fed the suspicion that the Crown at the instance of a foreign prince-consort was obstructing
the due assertion of the country's rights, and was playing into the hands of the country's foes.
The winter of 1853-4 progressed without any signs of decisive action on the part of the English Government. Thereupon popular indignation redoubled and burst in its fullest fury on the head of Prince Albert and the Queen. The Prince was denounced as a chief agent of an Austro-Belgian-Coburg-Orleans clique on the European continent. He was held up to obloquy as an avowed enemy of England, and a subservient tool of Russian ambition. The Tsar, it was seriously alleged, communicated his pleasure to the Prince through the Prince's kinsmen at Gotha and Brussels. 'It is pretended,' the Prince told his brother (January 7, 1854), 'that I whisper [the Tsar's orders] in Victoria's ear, she gets round old Aberdeen, and the voice of the only English minister, Palmerston, is not listened to—ay, he is always intrigued against, at the Court and by the Court.'¹ The Queen's husband, in fact, served as scapegoat for the ministry's vacillation. Honest men believed that he had exposed himself to the penalties of high treason, and they gravely doubted if the Queen herself were wholly guiltless.
The Queen took the calumnies deeply to heart, and Aberdeen, who was, she told Stockmar, 'all kindness,' sought vainly for a time to console her. 'In attacking the Prince,' she pointed out to Aberdeen (January 4, 1854), 'who is one and the same with the Queen herself, the throne is assailed, and she must say she little expected that any portion of her subjects would
¹ Duke Ernest's Memoirs, ii. 46.
thus requite the unceasing labours of the Prince.' The Prime Minister in reply spoke with disdain of 'these contemptible exhibitions of malevolence and faction,' but he admitted that the Prince held an anomalous position which the constitution had not provided for.
Pity for the Queen's sufferings was soon awakened by the unscrupulous violence of her detractors. When she opened Parliament on January 31, she was respectfully received, and the leaders of both sides—Lord Aberdeen and Lord Derby in the Upper House and Lord John Russell and Spencer Walpole in the Commons—emphatically repudiated the slanders on her and her husband. The tide of abuse thereupon flowed more sluggishly, and it was temporarily checked on February 27, 1854, when the Queen sent a message to the House of Lords announcing the breakdown of negotiations with Russia. War was formally declared next day, and France and Sardinia affirmed their readiness to fight at England's side.
The popular criticism of the Queen was unwarranted. Her attitude was characterised alike by dignity and common sense. She hated war but never shrank from it when it was inevitable, nor did she believe in pursuing it half-heartedly. Repulsive as the incidents of war were to her, and active as was her sympathy with the suffering that it entailed, she never ceased to urge her ministers and her generals, when war was actually in being, to press forward with dogged resolution and not to slacken their efforts until the final goal of victory was reached. As soon as the fatal word was spoken on February 27, 1854,
she spared no effort to give encouragement to all ranks of the army and navy. For months she watched in person the departure of troops. On March 10 she inspected at Spithead the great fleet which was destined for the Baltic under Sir Charles Napier. She faced the situation with cool resolution and discretion. At the opening of the conflict the Government proposed a day of humiliation for the success of the British arms. The Queen was not enthusiastic for the proposal. She warned Aberdeen of the hypocrisy of self-abasement in the form of prayers. At the same time she deprecated abuse of the enemy.
Some alleviation of anxiety was sought in the ordinary incidents of Court life. On May 12 the Queen, by way of acknowledging the alliance into which she had entered with the Emperor, paid the French Ambassador, Count Walewski, the high compliment of attending a *bal costumé* at the French Embassy at Albert Gate. The Queen alone wore ordinary evening dress. Next day she went to Woolwich to christen in her husband's honour a new battleship of enormous dimensions, the 'Royal Albert.' In June the Queen entertained for a month her cousin, the new King of Portugal, Pedro V., and his brother the Duke of Oporto, who afterwards succeeded to the throne as King Luis. Their mother, Queen Maria da Gloria, in whom she was from childhood deeply interested, had died in childbed seven months before (November 20, 1853). The Queen showed the young men every attention, taking them with her to the opera, the theatre, and Ascot. An injudicious
suggestion made to them by some courtiers that Portugal should join England in the Crimean war was reasonably rejected by their advisers, but did not affect their relations with their hostess. The chief spectacular event of the season was the opening by the Queen at Sydenham, on June 10, of the Crystal Palace, which had, much to the Prince’s satisfaction, been transferred, under his auspices, from Hyde Park after the Great Exhibition.
In the summer the Queen confuted signally the slanderous accusations of pusillanimity. She now shared with a large section of the public a fear that the Government was not pursuing the war with requisite energy. When Lord Aberdeen, in a speech in the House of Lords on June 20, argumentatively defended Russia against the violent assaults of the English press, the Queen promptly reminded him of the misapprehensions that the appearance in him of lukewarmness must create in the public mind. Whatever were the misrepresentations of the Tsar’s policy, she said, it was at the moment incumbent on her ministers to remember that ‘there is enough in that policy to make us fight with all our might against it.’
Incessantly did she and the Prince appeal to the ministers to hasten their deliberations and to improve the organisation of the Crimean army. The most hopeful feature of the situation was Napoleon III.’s zeal. In July the Prince accepted the Emperor’s pressing invitation to inspect with him the camp at St. Omer, where an army was fitting out for the Crimea. The meeting was completely successful.
The Queen was grateful for the attentions shown her husband, and the good relations of the rulers of the two countries were placed on a surer foundation.
On August 12 the Queen took part for the last time in a ceremony, participation in which had hitherto formed one of the Sovereign's constitutional functions. For the last time she attended Parliament to command its prorogation. From time immemorial it had been customary for the Sovereign to meet members of the House of Commons at the close of each session and to listen to an harangue on the session's work of the House from the lips of the Speaker. The Speaker, Charles Shaw Lefevre, who had performed the office many times during the fifteen years that he had filled the chair of the lower chamber, now reviewed for her benefit the past labours of 'her faithful Commons.' The outbreak of war, he told her, had interrupted the progress of legislation. 'Notwithstanding your Majesty's unremitting endeavour to maintain peace,' he said, 'war has been forced upon us by the unwarrantable aggression of Russia on the Turkish empire.' He proceeded at some length to justify the struggle, and he congratulated the Queen upon sending forth 'fleets and armies complete beyond all former precedent in discipline and equipment.' Although the address was on this as on former occasions quite respectful in tone and comparatively brief, the Queen disliked receiving instruction in public, and being never unwilling to break with precedent which oppressed her, she omitted to prorogue Parliament in person again. The absence of the Sovereign from the ceremony
relieved the Speaker henceforward of the obligation of delivering his formal lecture, and the Queen thus condemned an ancient custom to desuetude.
The Crimean war remained the Queen’s absorbing anxiety. While at Balmoral in September she was elated to receive ‘all the most interesting and gratifying details of the splendid and decisive victory of the Alma.’ On leaving Balmoral she visited the docks at Grimsby and Hull, but her mind was elsewhere. From Hull she wrote to her uncle Leopold, ‘We are, and indeed the whole country is, entirely engrossed with one idea, one anxious thought—the Crimea.’ News of the victories of Inkermann and Balaclava did not entirely remove her apprehensions. ‘Such a time of suspense,’ she wrote on November 7, ‘I never expected to see, much less to feel.’
During the winter the cruel hardships which climate, disease, and failure of the commissariat inflicted on the troops strongly stirred public feeling. The Queen was fully alive to the sorrowful situation. She initiated or supported all manner of voluntary measures of relief. With her own hands she made woollen comforters and mittens for the men. On New Year’s day, 1855, she wrote to the Commander-in-Chief in the Crimea, Lord Raglan, expressing her sympathy with the army in its ‘sad privations and constant sickness,’ and entreated him to make the camps ‘as comfortable as circumstances can admit of.’ No details escaped her, and she especially called his attention to the rumour ‘that the soldiers’ coffee was given them green instead of
roasted.’ Although the Queen and the Prince grew every day more convinced of the defective administration of the War Office, they were unflinchingly loyal to the Prime Minister, Lord Aberdeen, who was the target of much public censure. Before the opening of Parliament in January 1855, by way of proof of their personal sympathy, the Queen made him a Knight of the Garter.
But it was beyond her power, had it been her ultimate wish, to prop the falling Government. The session no sooner opened than Lord John suddenly insisted on seceding in face of the outcry in the country against the management of the war. The blow was serious. After an animated debate in the cabinet, January 24, all the ministers tendered their resignation to the Queen. With the greatest eagerness she urged ‘that the decision should be reconsidered.’ Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues reluctantly yielded to her wish that they should hold on. Complete shipwreck was not long delayed. On January 29 the Government was hopelessly defeated on a hostile motion for an inquiry into the management of the war. Only 148 votes were cast in favour of Lord Aberdeen; 305 were given against him. Aberdeen’s retirement was inevitable. On February 7 the Queen addressed him an affectionate letter of farewell, generously acknowledging his past services to her. ‘She wishes to say,’ she wrote, ‘what a pang it is for her to separate from so kind and dear and valued a friend as Lord Aberdeen has ever been to her since she has known him. The day he became her Prime Minister was a very happy
one for her, and throughout his ministry he has ever been the kindest and wisest adviser, one to whom she could apply for advice on all and trifling occasions even. This she is sure he will still ever be—but the losing him as her first adviser in her Government is very painful.'
1 Lord Aberdeen, by the Hon. Sir Arthur Gordon (Lord Stanmore), 1893, pp. 291–2.
It was obvious that Lord Aberdeen's retirement left the Queen face to face with a most distasteful obligation. Destiny had ordained that she should confer the supreme power in the State on her old enemy, Palmerston. The situation called for all her fortitude. She took time before submitting. A study of the division lists taught her that Lord Derby's supporters formed the greater number of the voters who had destroyed Lord Aberdeen's ministry. She therefore, despite Aberdeen's warning, invited Lord Derby to assume the government. Derby explained to her that he could not accept the commission without aid from other parties, and a day later he announced his failure to secure extraneous assistance. Disraeli urged Lord Derby to make a more strenuous effort to help the Queen, but he declined to take further part in the negotiation.
The Queen then turned to the veteran Whig, Lord Lansdowne, and bade him privately seek advice for her from all the party leaders. Lord Lansdowne thought he might form a government if Gladstone would join it in his former office of
Chancellor of the Exchequer. But Gladstone was not yet prepared fully to identify himself with the Whigs, and declined to entertain the proposal.\(^1\) Lord Lansdowne proved no more helpful than Lord Derby. In the result the Queen summoned Lord John Russell, who had contributed largely to Lord Aberdeen’s defeat. His followers were in number and compactness second to Lord Derby’s, and the Queen pointed out that, in view of Lord Derby’s inability to act, it was incumbent on Lord John to form an administration. She could not blind herself to the inevitable course of the discussion, and, suppressing her private feeling, she assured Lord John that she hoped Palmerston would join him. But she had not gone far enough in her approach to Palmerston. Lord John declared that he was not strong enough to accept her commands.
The business of the country was at a standstill. A continuance of the deadlock was perilous. The Queen confided to her sympathetic friend Lord Clarendon her reluctance to take the next step—the only one she now feared that would end the dangerous crisis. Clarendon convinced her that the dreaded course was alone open to her to follow. He assured her that Palmerston would prove conciliatory if frankly treated, and that none other could take the helm. With grave reluctance she yielded to necessity; she sent for Palmerston, and bade him form an administration.
\(^1\) In later life Gladstone wrote: ‘I have always looked back upon [this decision] with pain as a serious and even gross error of judgment.’ He thought it helped to substitute Palmerston for Lansdowne in the office of Prime Minister, a result which he deemed calamitous. Cf. Morley’s *Gladstone*, i. 529, 530.
Palmerston’s popular strength was undoubted, and longer resistance on the part of the Crown was idle if not unsafe. As soon as the die was cast, the Queen with characteristic good sense made the best of a bad situation. She indicated that she would extend to her new Prime Minister the confidence she had extended to his predecessors. On February 15 Palmerston wrote to his brother: ‘I am backed by the general opinion of the whole country, and I have no reason to complain of the least want of cordiality or confidence on the part of the Court.’ Greatly to the Queen’s relief and satisfaction Lord Clarendon remained at the Foreign Office, Earl Granville retained the presidency of the Council, and Sir George Grey, formerly the Colonial Secretary, succeeded Palmerston at the Home Office. Lord Aberdeen had persuaded others of his colleagues to serve temporarily at least under his successor. ‘The pain [of parting with Aberdeen],’ she wrote, ‘has been to a certain extent lessened by the knowledge of all he has done to further the formation of this Government in so loyal, noble, and disinterested a manner, and by his friends retaining their posts, which is a great security against any possible dangers.’ But within a few days the Peelite members of the old Government—Gladstone, Sir James Graham, and Sidney Herbert—went out. Lord John Russell and friends of his came in to fill their places. The Queen parted with the Peelite ministers ‘with great pain,’ and ‘spoke of the difficulty of making arrangements for carrying on the Government in the present state of things.’ But the withdrawal of the Peelites secured to the new
Government a practicable unity, and Palmerston’s power was freed of restraint.
Baseless rumours of the malign influence exerted by Prince Albert on the country’s destinies were still alive, but no doubt was permissible of the devoted energy with which the Queen was promoting the relief of the wounded. In March she visited the military hospitals at Chatham and Woolwich, and encouraged the invalids by simple words of sympathy. She complained privately that she was not kept informed in sufficient detail by the War Office of the condition and prospects of disabled soldiers on their return home. She was resolved to use all her influence to alleviate their lot.
A new difficulty arose with the announcement on the part of Napoleon that he intended to proceed to the Crimea to take command of the French army there. His presence was certain to provoke complications in the command of the allied forces in the field. Gentle objections were raised by the English Foreign Office. Thereupon the Emperor hinted that it might be well for him to discuss the project in person with the Queen. The hint was taken by the Queen and her advisers. The Queen invited the Emperor and Empress to pay her a state visit.
On all sides the Queen was thrown into association with men who had inspired her with distrust. Palmerston, ‘the man who,’ in Prince Albert’s words, ‘embittered our whole life,’ was her Prime Minister. Her closest ally in Europe, whom public obligations compelled her to conciliate and honour, was Napoleon III., whose past history was, in her opinion,
infamous. But she yielded her private sentiments at the call of a national crisis with all the cheerfulness and alacrity she could command.
The Queen made every effort to give her imperial guests a brilliant reception. She personally supervised each detail of the programme of the entertainments that were organised in their honour. She drew up with her own hands the lists of guests who were commanded to meet them. On April 16 the Emperor and Empress reached Dover and proceeded through London to Windsor. No elaborate formality that at any time distinguished the reception of sovereigns in England was suffered to lapse, and the Emperor was at once favourably impressed.
The ordeal proved far less trying than the Queen feared. At a great banquet in St. George's Hall on the evening of his arrival, the Emperor won the Queen's heart by his adroit flattery and respectful familiarity. She found him 'very quiet and amiable and easy to get on with.' He reminded her of an early meeting with her, when he was a refugee in London, and affected a deep interest in her domestic concerns. Next day, when a review of the household troops in Windsor Park was followed by a state ball, the harmony was confirmed. On the 18th the Queen raised her guest's spirits to the highest pitch of elation by bestowing on him the knighthood of the Garter. Time was not standing still. Louis Philippe, the victim of Napoleon's triumph, had been no less cheered by the gift of the same high distinction from the Queen's hand a short eleven years before.
The public warmly seconded the Queen's endeavvours to render her hospitality attractive to Louis Philippe’s successor. A visit of the royal party on the 19th to the Opera House in Covent Garden, which was sumptuously decorated, evoked a great display of popular enthusiasm, and amid similar manifestations the royal party went on the 20th to the Crystal Palace. On the 21st the visit ended, and with every sign of mutual goodwill the Emperor left Buckingham Palace for Dover. Of ‘the great event’ the Queen wrote: ‘On all it has left a pleasant satisfactory impression.’ The royal party had talked much of the war with the result that was desired. On April 25 the Emperor wrote to the Queen that he had abandoned his intention of going to the Crimea.
But, throughout the hospitable gaieties, the ironies of fate that dog the steps of sovereigns were rarely far from the Queen’s mind. Three days before the Emperor arrived, the widowed ex-Queen of the French, who had fallen far from her high estate, visited her at Windsor, whence she drove away unnoticed in the humblest of equipages, and the contrast between her present and past fortunes deeply impressed her hostess. After the great ball in the Waterloo room at Windsor, when the Queen danced a quadrille with the Emperor on the 17th, she noted in her diary, ‘How strange to think that I, the granddaughter of George III., should dance with the Emperor Napoleon, nephew of England’s great enemy, and now my nearest and most intimate ally, in the Waterloo room, and this ally, only six years ago, living in this country an exile, poor and unthought of!’
¹ Beethoven’s opera of *Fidelio* was performed.
Meanwhile proposals for peace between the combatants in the Crimea were under the consideration of a conference of the Powers at Vienna. The consultation proved abortive. The Queen was resolved that, in view of the sacrifices that the war had entailed, none but the best possible terms should be entertained by her ministers. At Vienna Lord John represented England and M. Drouyn de Lhuys represented France. Lord John seemed willing to accept conditions that were to the Queen unduly favourable to Russia. He deemed it needless to insist on the assignment by Russia of material guarantees for the future immunity of Turkey from invasion. The Queen resented her envoy's pusillanimity. She wrote peremptorily on April 25, 1855, to Palmerston, 'How Lord John Russell and M. Drouyn can recommend such proposals for our acceptance is beyond her [our] comprehension.' The conference was dissolved without result. In the months that followed the Queen and Prince were indefatigable in exerting their influence on the cabinet against what they deemed unworthy concessions to Russia. From their point of view the resignation of Lord John on July 16, owing to discontent with his recent diplomatic exploits, rendered the situation more hopeful.
In May the Queen identified herself conspicuously with the national feeling by distributing war medals to the returned soldiers on the Horse Guards' Parade. It was the Queen's own suggestion, and it was the first time that the Sovereign had performed such a function with her own hands. Lord Panmure, Secretary at War, was at her side to
assist her through the ceremony, and was not very adroit in the aid he gave her.\(^1\) But of the new experience the Queen wrote in all seriousness: 'The rough hand of the brave and honest private soldier came for the first time in contact with that of their [his] Sovereign and their [his] Queen.' Later in the day she visited the riding school in Wellington Barracks while the men were assembled at dinner.
Domestic distress was occasioned the Queen in the summer by an outbreak of scarlet fever in the royal household, which attacked the four younger children. But on their recovery the Queen and Prince redoubled their energies in the public service. The maintenance of the French alliance was now, in their sight, a cause worthy of exertion. With a view to strengthening it, they accepted the Emperor's invitation to pay him a return visit to Paris. Following the example of Prince Albert, the Emperor had organised a great 'Exposition,' and it was his desire that his royal friends should compare it with their own 'Great Exhibition.' No time was lost in acceding to his wish.
On August 20, after Parliament had been prorogued by commission (as now was to be the settled custom), the Queen travelled, with the Prince and
\(^1\) Panmure was distinguished by an abnormal slowness of wit. The amusing story is told that at the conclusion of the distribution of medals, when the War Secretary was asked by the Hon. Mrs. Norton, the brilliant authoress, whether the Queen was 'touched,' he replied: 'Bless my soul, no! She had a brass railing before her, and no one could touch her.' Mrs. Norton then said: 'I mean, was she moved?' 'Moved!' answered Lord Panmure; 'she had no occasion to move.'—*Memories of an Ex-Minister* (Lord Malmesbury), p. 363.
her two eldest children, the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, from Osborne to Boulogne. There the Emperor offered them a cordial welcome. By an accident they reached Paris rather late, but they passed through it in elaborate procession to the palace of St. Cloud on the outskirts of the city. Although this want of punctuality in the arrival of the royal party caused the Parisians passing annoyance, they were loud in their acclamations of the English Queen when she appeared in their streets. Marshal Magnan declared that the great Napoleon was not so warmly received on his return from Austerlitz.
The occasion was worthy of enthusiasm. It was the first time that an English sovereign had entered the French capital since the infant Henry VI. went there to be crowned in 1422. It proved the most imposing reception that had been yet offered Queen Victoria—either within or without her own country. Splendid festivities were devised for her daily entertainment. The opportunity was also allowed her for private visits, not merely to the Exposition, but to the public buildings of Paris, St. Germain and Versailles. Their historical associations greatly stirred her, especially those which recalled the sad regal tragedies—always fascinating to her—of Marie Antoinette.
1 The palace was destroyed by the German invaders in October 1870: only ruins survive.
2 The Queen was fond of recalling that she had come into indirect association with Marie Antoinette through 'the old Lord Huntly' (i.e. the ninth Marquis of Huntly, who died in 1853 at the age of ninety-two). Lord Huntly had as a young man danced a minuet with the ill-fated Queen of France at the Tuileries before the Revolution. In his old age he joined in a square dance with Queen Victoria. Lord Ronald Gower's Old Diaries, p. 116.
James II. When she saw the dilapidated monument above James II.'s grave in the church of St. Germain, she caused it to be restored, and added to the old inscription the pathetic exordium: 'Regio Cineri Pietas Regia.' Napoleon I.'s fate likewise moved her to compassion, and she bade the Prince of Wales, who, clad in Highland costume, had accompanied his mother to the Hôtel des Invalides, kneel at the hero's tomb. A thunderstorm broke out at the moment, and the impressive scene moved to tears the French generals who were present.
Among the official celebrations were a review on the Champ de Mars of 45,000 troops, a state visit to the Opéra, and balls of dazzling magnificence at the Hôtel de Ville and at Versailles. At the Versailles fête, on August 25, the Queen made a fateful addition to her circle of acquaintance. She was introduced by the Emperor for the first time to Count (afterwards Prince) Bismarck, then Prussian Minister at Frankfort, from whose iron will her host, and afterwards her daughter, and to a smaller extent herself, were in course of time to suffer much. The Queen conversed with the resolute statesman in German with great civility. He thought that she was interested in him, but that she lacked sympathy with him. The impression was correct, and her want of sympathy with Bismarck never wore away. Among the eminent Frenchmen she met was Marshal Canrobert, Commander-in-Chief of the French army in the Crimea during the late campaigns; he was impressed
1 'Journal du Maréchal Canrobert,' in Revue Hebdomadaire, November 1901. A picture of the scene, now at Windsor, was painted for the Queen by E. M. Ward, R.A.
by her amiability in greeting him without the formalities of a presentation.\(^1\)
The French visit ended on August 27. On reaching Boulogne on her way to Osborne, she was accorded a great military farewell by the Emperor, who exchanged with her the warmest assurances of attachment to herself, her husband, and her children. Of the whole episode, which she often recalled in later life with the utmost satisfaction, she wrote a full and buoyant description in her Journal.\(^2\) The immediate effect of the experience was excellent. The anticipations of a permanent alliance between the two countries seemed at the moment assured.
These happy prognostications proved too sanguine. The political relations between Napoleon III. and the Queen were soon to be severely strained, and her faith in his sincerity to be rudely shaken. Yet his personal courtesies both at Windsor and Paris left an indelible impression on her. Despite her political distrust she constantly corresponded with the Emperor until his death in autograph letters of dignified cordiality; and the sympathetic affection which had arisen between the Queen and the Empress Eugénie steadily grew with time and the vicissitudes of fortune.
\(^1\) The Queen’s costume somewhat amazed the Marshal. ‘She wore,’ he wrote in his diary, ‘a massive hat of white silk, in spite of the great heat. Her dress was white, and she had a mantilla and a parasol of downright green, which seemed to me to be out of harmony with the rest of the costume. In the evening she was in a white toilette décolletée, with quantities of geranium blooms all over her.’ *Revue Hebdomadaire*, November 1901.
\(^2\) Numerous quotations are given in Sir Theodore Martin’s *Life of the Prince Consort*, vol. iii. chap. lxvi.
XXI
THE PEACE OF PARIS
The early autumn of 1855, which was spent at Balmoral, was brightened by two gratifying incidents. On September 10 there reached the Queen news of the fall of Sebastopol, after a siege of nearly a year—a decisive triumph for British arms, which brought honourable peace in sight. Prince Albert himself superintended the lighting of a bonfire on the top of a neighbouring cairn.
The other episode appealed directly to the Queen’s maternal feeling. The Prince of Prussia’s eldest son (afterwards the Emperor Frederick III.), who, attended by Count von Moltke, was at the time a guest at Balmoral, requested permission to propose marriage to the Princess Royal. She was not quite fifteen, and he was twenty-four, but there were indications of a mutual affection. The manly goodness of the Prince strongly appealed to the Queen, and an engagement was privately made on September 29. The public announcement was to be deferred till after the Princess’s confirmation next year.
From the politician’s point of view the betrothal had little to recommend it, and Prince Albert at once
denied that it had any political significance. A close union between the royal families of London and Berlin was not likely to approve itself to the Queen's late host of Paris. Nor was it specially congenial to the English ministry. To most English statesmen Prussia appeared to be on the downward grade under a Government which was incurably infected with reactionary stolidity. Although Prince Albert and the Queen had faith in the future of Prussia, they were themselves disappointed by the inability of its present ruler, Frederick William IV., the uncle of their future son-in-law, to maintain its supremacy in the councils of Central Europe, or to overcome internal dissensions. The Prussian King had cravenly deserted them in the recent war, but was still weakly seeking their diplomatic influence in private letters to the Queen, which he conjured her not to divulge either in Downing Street or at the Tuileries. His pertinacity had grown so troublesome of late that, to avoid friction, she deemed it wisest to suppress his correspondence unanswered.
It was not, therefore, surprising that, when the news of the betrothal leaked out in England, the public comments should be unpleasing to the Court. The 'Times' on October 3 denounced the arrangement with heat as an act of truckling 'to a paltry German dynasty.' Nor was it more warmly welcomed by statesmen at the Prussian Court. On March 26, 1856, the minister Gerlach wrote to his chief, Manteuffel, 'What do you think of the English match? Bismarck is strongly against it, and so am I. It will
1 Duke Ernest's Memoirs, vol. iii.
involve us in many things without helping us, and is, besides, very dear.'¹ Russia, too, looked with disfavour on the union. But the King of Prussia was ebullient in enthusiasm, and although his ministers continued to argue that the heir to the Prussian throne ought to have 'preferred a German princess,' they acquiesced in the alliance when they learned that both the English and the Prussian royal families were unalterably pledged to its accomplishment.
In November, when the Court was again at Windsor, the Queen extended her acquaintance among great kings and statesmen by receiving a visit from her second ally in the Crimea, Victor Emanuel, King of Sardinia, and his minister, Count Cavour. The internal affairs of one more country of Europe were thus closely pressed upon her attention. The King's brother, the Duke of Genoa, had been her guest in 1852, and she had presented him with a riding-horse in words that he interpreted to imply sympathy with the efforts of Cavour and his master to unite Italy under a single king, and to purge the separate States of native tyranny or foreign domination.² Victor Emanuel had come to Windsor to seek confirmation of his brother's version of the Queen's sentiment, and to test its practical value. He had just been at the Tuileries, where Napoleon was encouraging, while Palmerston, now Queen Victoria's Prime Minister, was known to sympathise with the Italian aspiration for Italian unity.
¹ Otto Freiherr v. Manteuffel, Unter Friedrich Wilhelm IV. iii. 115–6, 267. The princess's dowry was deemed in Germany to be unduly small.
² Duke Ernest's Memoirs, iii. 22–23.
It was not opportune at the moment for Palmerston to promise King Victor Emanuel material aid. At the same time Prince Albert, however deeply he deplored the misgovernment which it was sought to annul in Italy, deprecated any breach with Austria, the power responsible for rule in North Italy. He and the Queen dreaded, indeed, the kindling of further war in Europe, in whatever cause. Victor Emanuel and Cavour therefore received from the Queen cold political comfort. None the less she paid the Italian monarch every formal honour. His brusque and unrefined demeanour rendered much cordiality impossible. But he was invested with the Garter on December 5, and a great banquet was given him in St. George's Hall in the evening. Prince Albert personally introduced him to both Lord Clarendon, the present Foreign Secretary, and to Lord Malmesbury, the past Foreign Secretary. When the King left Windsor the Queen put herself to the trouble of rising at four o'clock in the morning to bid him farewell.
Meanwhile satisfactory terms of peace with Russia were arranged in Paris on the part of England and her allies, Turkey, France, and Sardinia. The chief provision declared the Black Sea to be neutral waters, from which all ships of war were to be excluded, while the merchantmen of all nations were to enjoy free access to it; Turkey was admitted to the advantages of the European concert, and future disputes between the Porte and any of the great Powers were to be settled jointly by them all; all conquered territory was to be restored and the boundaries of certain provinces under Turkish suzerainty were to be defined.
anew; Christians in Turkey were secured due protection.
Amid great rejoicing, in view of the happy ending of the war, the Queen opened Parliament on January 31, 1856. On March 30 the treaty was signed and the encroachment of Russia on Turkey was believed to have been effectively checked. Napoleon had shown a rather suspicious supineness in the negotiations and seemed to be developing a tendency to conciliate the common enemy, Russia. But the Queen exchanged hearty congratulations with him on the settlement, and on April 11 she celebrated the general harmony by conferring the knighthood of the Garter on Palmerston, to whom, with some natural qualifications, she acknowledged the successful issue to be mainly due.
Henceforth the army, with which she regarded herself as identified by descent, was the Queen’s care to a far larger extent than before. Military engagements she henceforth treated as more binding than any others. A visit to the military hospital at Chatham on April 16 was immediately followed by a first visit to the newly formed camp at Aldershot. There the Queen, for the first of many times, slept the night in the royal pavilion, and next day she reviewed 18,000 men. She was on horseback, and wore the uniform of a field-marshall with the star and ribbon of the Garter. Shortly after she laid two foundation-stones —of a new military (the Royal Victoria) hospital at Netley on May 19, and of Wellington College, Sandhurst, for the sons of officers on June 2. Much of the summer she spent in welcoming troops on their return
from the Crimea. On June 7 and 8 the Queen, accompanied by her guests, the King of the Belgians and Prince Oscar of Sweden, inspected a great body of them at Aldershot, and addressed to them stirring words of thanks and sympathy. Thoroughly identifying herself with the heroism of her soldiers and sailors, she instituted a decoration for acts of conspicuous valour in war, to be known as the Victoria Cross (V.C.); the decoration carried with it a pension of 10l. a year. A list of the earliest recipients of the honour was soon drawn up, and the crosses were pinned by the Queen herself on the breasts of sixty-two men at a great review in Hyde Park next year (June 26, 1857).
A melancholy incident had marked her visit to Aldershot on June 8, 1856. While the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Hardinge, who had succeeded on the Duke of Wellington’s death to that high office, was speaking to her, he was seized by incurable paralysis, and had to vacate his post.\(^1\) An opportunity seemed thus presented to the Queen of tightening the traditional bond between the Crown and the army, on which recent events had led her to set an enhanced value. Of no prerogative of the Crown was the Queen more tenacious than that which gave her a nominal control of the army through the Commander-in-Chief. It was a control that was in name independent of Parliament, although that body claimed a concurrent authority over the military forces through the Secretary of State for War. Parliament was in course of time, to the Queen’s dismay, to make its
\(^1\) He died September 24 following, in his 72nd year.
authority over the army sole and supreme, to the injury of her prerogative. But her immediate ambition was to confirm the personal connection between the army and herself. She therefore induced Palmerston to sanction the appointment of her cousin, George, Duke of Cambridge, as Commander-in-Chief, in succession to Lord Hardinge (July 14, 1856). The Duke had held a command in the Crimea, and the Queen’s recent displays of attachment to the army rendered it difficult for her advisers to oppose her wish. But the choice was not in accord with public policy, and, through the public criticisms which it constantly provoked, had the ultimate effect of weakening the military prerogative of the Crown which the Queen sought to strengthen.
Public and private affairs justified a season of exceptional gaiety. The Princess Royal had been confirmed on March 20, and her betrothal was publicly announced on April 29. In May Prince Frederick William, again accompanied by Von Moltke, paid the Court another visit. The Queen’s spirits ran high. On May 7 she gave a great banquet to the leaders of both parties and their wives. She arranged that Whig ministers should have for their partners the wives of Tory ex-ministers, and Tory ex-ministers the wives of the Whig ministers; and she was amused at the signs of discomfort which made themselves apparent. Lord Derby told the Prince that the guests constituted ‘a happy family.’ Balls were incessant, and at them all the Queen danced indefatigably.
¹ Malmesbury, Memoirs, p. 380.
On May 9 the new ball-room and concert-room at Buckingham Palace, which Prince Albert had devised, were brought into use for the first time on the occasion of a ball in honour of the Princess Royal's début. On May 27 the Queen attended a ball at the Turkish Ambassador's, and, to the Ambassador's embarrassment, chose him for her partner in the first country-dance. She was still regarded as one of the most graceful performers of the day in minuets and country-dances. At a ball in the Waterloo Gallery at Windsor on June 10 she danced every dance, and finally performed a Scottish reel to the bagpipes.\(^1\) On June 26 the Duke of Westminster gave a great ball in her honour at Grosvenor House, where she equally distinguished herself.
All who had won renown in the recent war could reckon on a hospitable welcome from her. On June 20 she entertained Sir Fenwick Williams of Kars\(^2\) at Buckingham Palace. On July 9 she gave a state reception to the Guards on their homecoming from the Crimea. In the autumn she received at Balmoral Miss Florence Nightingale, who had reorganised the nursing in the military hospitals of the Crimea; she had sent her in the previous January a valuable jewel as a memento.
The round of domestic hospitalities knew no cessation. From August 10 to 28 the Prince and Princess
---
\(^1\) Moltke, *Letters*, vol. i. passim; Malmesbury, *Memoirs*, pp. 380 sqq.
\(^2\) He was British Military Commissioner with the Turkish army during the Crimean war, and had heroically defended Kars when it was besieged by the Russians (June–November 1855).
of Prussia, the father and mother of her future son-in-law, were her guests. But in November 1856 the family were plunged in mourning by the death of Prince Leiningen, the Queen’s half-brother. It was the first gap in the circle of the younger companions of her youth.
XXII
INDIA AND THE PRINCESS ROYAL
The next year 1857 involved the Queen in a new and great public anxiety, and the serious side of life oppressed her. Parliament was opened by commission on February 3, and before the end of the month the country heard the first bitter cry of the Indian mutiny. Disaffection among the native Indian troops was spreading rapidly through Central India; little groups of English officials, isolated in scattered rural stations, were soon to be at the mercy of masses of the fanatically stirred native peoples.
A month after the earliest news of the coming danger reached the Queen’s ears, she was gravely disquieted by the confusion which suddenly involved the political world at home, owing to a conflict which had broken out in another quarter of Asia. Palmerston was defeated in the House of Commons on Cobden’s motion condemning his warlike policy in China. The crew of a Chinese ship sailing from Hong Kong under the British flag had been captured and imprisoned by the Chinese authorities at Canton on a charge of suspected piracy. The English consul had demanded their release and had been refused. The English fleet had thereupon been directed to force a
passage up the Canton river, and a severe encounter followed. Palmerston, on his defeat in the House of Commons, refused to resign. He demanded a dissolution, to which the Queen assented with characteristic reluctance. The self-confident minister had full faith that the majority of the people approved his action, and the faith was justified. His appeal to the country received a triumphant answer, and the new Parliament assembled with a majority of seventy-nine in his favour. It was a signal tribute to his personal popularity, which the Queen acknowledged with mingled feelings.
In the Queen’s sphere the interest attaching to public affairs was always in urgent competition with that attaching to domestic affairs. The calls of motherhood had not yet ceased. On April 14 the Queen’s youngest child, Princess Beatrice, was born at Buckingham Palace. The youngest-born of her nine children proved, in her view, ‘the flower of the flock.’ Sixteen days after Princess Beatrice’s birth, the last personal link that united the Queen to her predecessor, George III., was severed. On the 30th April died her aunt, Mary, the Duchess of Gloucester, the last surviving child of George III.; ‘we all looked upon her,’ wrote the Queen, ‘as a sort of grandmother.’
But domestic interests of another kind were soon to absorb her attention. The marriage of her eldest daughter was approaching. On May 16 the betrothal was formally announced at Berlin, and on the 25th the Queen sent a message to Parliament asking for a provision for the Princess. It was her first appeal
to the nation for the pecuniary support of her children, and she felt some anxiety as to the reception with which it would meet. But her fears proved groundless. The Government proposed a dowry of 40,000l. and an annuity of 8,000l. Roebuck, then a very outspoken Radical member of Parliament, raised the objection that the forthcoming marriage was an 'entangling alliance,' and opposed the grant of any annuity. Sir George Cornewall Lewis, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, called attention to the fact that the Queen's recent expenses in connection with the French visits were defrayed out of her income, and that the eldest daughters of George II. and George III. each received a dowry of 80,000l. and an annuity of 5,000l. All parties finally combined to support the Government's proposal, which found in its last stages only eighteen dissentients.
The royal betrothal continued to be celebrated by brilliant and prolonged festivities. In June and July Prince Frederick William once more stayed at Court, and Von Moltke, who was again his companion, declared the succession of gaieties to be overpowering.¹ One day (June 15) there was a state visit to the Princess's Theatre to see Charles Kean's spectacular production of Shakespeare's 'Richard II.' Next day the infant Princess Beatrice was baptized. On June 11 the Ascot ceremonies were conducted in full state, and among the royal guests was M. Achille Fould, the Paris banker and Napoleon III.'s Minister of Finance. On the 17th the whole Court attended the first Handel Festival at the Crystal Palace, when 'Judas
¹ Cf. Von Moltke's Letters to his wife and friends.
Maccabeus' was performed; the royal company drove to and fro in nine four-in-hands. On the 18th a levee was followed by a State ball, in which the Queen danced with unabated energy.
Hardly a day passed without an elaborate ceremonial. On June 26 a military review took place in Hyde Park amid extraordinary signs of popular enthusiasm, and the first batch of Victoria crosses was distributed. From June 29 to July 2 the Queen stayed with the Earl of Ellesmere at Worsley Hall to inspect the Art Treasures Exhibition at Manchester. Next month she laid the foundation at Wandsworth Common of the Royal Victoria Patriotic Asylum for daughters of soldiers, sailors, and marines, and before the end of the month time was found for a visit to Aldershot.
Royal personages from the continent thronged the Queen's palaces. The King of the Belgians brought his daughter, the Princess Charlotte, and her fiancé the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, who was later to lay down his life in Mexico under heart-rending circumstances. The Prince of Hohenzollern, the Queen of the Netherlands, and the Duke and Duchess of Montpensier arrived in quick succession, and all interested their royal hostess. She was gratified, too, on both personal and political grounds, by a short visit to Osborne of the Grand Duke Constantine of Russia, brother of the reigning Tsar Alexander II. He had been invited to the Tuileries by Napoleon, who was ominously seeking every opportunity of manifesting goodwill to Russia, and the Queen did not wish to be behind her ally in showing
courtesies to her recent foes. There was no lack of cordiality on either side.
The constant intercourse of the Queen and the Prince at this moment with the royal families of Europe led her to define her husband's rank more accurately than had been done before. On June 25, 1857, by royal letters patent, she conferred on him the title of Prince Consort. 'It was always a source of weakness,' the Prince wrote, 'for the Crown that the Queen always appeared before the people with her foreign husband.' Of that fact there was no room for doubt. Even the closest friends of the Court never overlooked his German proclivities or temperament.\(^1\) But it was doubtful whether this bestowal of a new name effectively removed the embarrassment. The 'Times' wrote sneeringly that the new title guaranteed increased homage to its bearer on the banks of the Spree and the Danube, but made no difference in his position anywhere else. Abroad, at any rate, it achieved the desired result. When, on July 29, the Prince attended at Brussels the marriage of the ill-fated Archduke Maximilian with the Princess Charlotte of Belgium, he was accorded precedence before the Austrian Archdukes and immediately after the King of the Belgians.
The English Government still deemed it prudent to cultivate the French alliance, but the Emperor's policy was growing enigmatic, and in the diplomatic skirmishes among the Powers which attended the final adjustment, in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of Paris, of the affairs of the Balkan
\(^1\) Cf. Lord Malmesbury's Memoirs of an ex-Minister, p. 323.
peninsula, he and the English Government took opposite sides. The anxiety of the Emperor to maintain good personal relations with the Queen was the talisman which restored harmony. A few informal words with the Queen, the Emperor assured her ministers, would dissolve all difficulties. Accordingly he and the Empress were invited to pay a private visit to Osborne, and they stayed there from August 6 to 10. The French ministers, Walewski and Persigny, accompanied their master, and the Queen was attended by Palmerston and Clarendon.
The blandest amiability characterised the discussion, but from the point of view of practical diplomacy ultimate advantage lay with the Emperor. He had supported the contention of Russia and Sardinia that it was desirable to unite under one ruler the two semi-independent principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia in the Balkan peninsula, which were under the suzerainty of Turkey. The English Government supported Austria’s desire to keep the two apart. Napoleon agreed at Osborne to the continued separation of the principalities. At the close of the Osborne visit affectionate compliments passed between the Emperor and the Queen in autograph letters, and the agreement was regarded as final. But two years later the two principalities, by their own efforts, joined together and founded the dominion which was afterwards named Roumania. Napoleon insisted on maintaining the union, and England found it futile to press objection.
No effort was meanwhile spared by either Court to maintain their friendly relations. The Queen and
Napoleon continued to profess the completest mutual amity. The Queen, after parting from him in 1857, wrote with ingenuous confidence of the isolation that characterised the position of a sovereign, but added that fortunately her ally, no less than herself, enjoyed the compensation of a happy marriage. The ostentatious activity with which the Emperor was strengthening his armaments at Cherbourg hardly seemed promising for the continuance of such personal harmony, but the Emperor paradoxically converted the warlike preparations, which were going forward almost within hail of the English shore, into new links of the chain of friendship which was binding the two royal families together. At his suggestion, within a fortnight of his leaving Osborne, the Queen and the Prince crossed in her yacht 'Victoria and Albert' to Cherbourg on August 19 in order to inspect the new dockyard, arsenal, and fortifications. Every facility of examination was given them, although the Emperor was absent; but amid the civilities of the welcome the Queen did not ignore the use to which those gigantic works might be put if England and France came to blows. From first to last the relations of the Queen and Emperor abounded in poignant irony.
Meanwhile the nation was in the throes of the Indian mutiny—a crisis more trying and harrowing than the recent Crimean war. Having smouldered since February, it burst into flame in June, and was in August at its cruel height. The Queen, in common with all her subjects, suffered acute mental torture. She eagerly scanned the news from
the disturbed districts, and showered upon her ministers, according to her wont, entreaties to do this and that in order to suppress the rebellion with all available speed. Palmerston resented the Queen’s urgency of counsel, and wrote (July 18) with unbecoming sarcasm, to which she was happily blind, how fortunate it was for him that she was not on the Opposition side of the House of Commons. At the same time he reminded her that ‘measures are sometimes best calculated to succeed which follow each other step by step.’
The minister’s cavils only stimulated the activity of her pen. But the public was ignorant of her energy and greatly under-estimated her vigilance. She left Osborne for her autumn holiday at Balmoral on August 28. Parliament was still sitting. Her withdrawal to the north before the prorogation, in the midst of the Indian peril, excited adverse criticism. The affairs of the nation had to yield, it was bluntly argued neither for the first nor for the last time, to the convenience of her private affairs. There was small justification for the reproach. Throughout her sojourn at Balmoral little else except India occupied her mind. She vividly felt the added anxieties due to the distance from the seat of danger and the difficulty of communication. She warned Palmerston against his habitually sanguine temper. ‘While we are putting off decisions,’ she wrote to him on September 18, ‘in the vain hope that matters will mend, and in discussing the objections to different measures, the mischief is rapidly progressing, and the time difficult to catch up again.’
Happily, while the Court was still in Scotland, events took a more favourable turn. On September 30, Delhi, the stronghold of the mutineers, was captured, and the relief of Lucknow, which was also in their hands, was at length in view. One of the earliest congratulations on the improved prospect came from Napoleon III. It reached the Queen by way of the newly invented telegraph wire. 'L'Impératrice et moi,' were the Emperor's words, 'nous félicitons cordialement sa Majesté de la prise de Delhi.' On December 3, when the Queen silenced her censors by opening Parliament in person, the mutiny was nearing extinction.
The sudden death at Claremont of the Queen's cousin, Victoria, Duchess de Nemours, in November increased at the time the Queen's depression. A first cousin on the Saxe-Coburg side of both the Queen and Prince Albert, the Duchess had been driven with her husband from France to England on the overthrow of Louis Philippe, her father-in-law. 'We were like sisters,' the Queen wrote; 'bore the same name, married the same year, our children of the same age.'
But the need of arranging for the celebration of her eldest daughter's marriage soon diverted the Queen's attention from all else. The ceremony was devised on a large scale. As many as seventeen German princes and princesses accepted invitations to be present. The festivities were varied and prolonged. They opened on January 19, 1858, with a state performance at Her Majesty's Theatre, when 'Macbeth' was performed, with Phelps and Miss Faucit in the chief parts, and Mr. and Mrs. Keeley's
rendering of the farce of 'Twice Killed' followed. At length the wedding took place at St. James's Palace on the 25th, amid appropriate splendour. 'It was the second most eventful day of my life as regards feelings,' wrote the Queen in her Journal. 'I felt as if I were being married over again myself, only much more nervous.' Eight days later the bride and bridegroom left England. The Queen felt severely the parting with her eldest daughter, and dwelt upon her mixed feelings of joy and sorrow in her replies to the addresses of congratulation which poured in upon her. Henceforth the fortunes of Germany, and especially of Prussia, became one of her urgent domestic concerns.
Before the Queen quite reconciled herself to the separation from her daughter, she was suddenly involved in the perplexities of a more than usually embarrassing ministerial crisis. The French alliance which Palmerston had initiated, and had done all that in him lay to confirm, proved a boomerang and destroyed his Government. The Emperor's position in France was never secure, and early in 1858 a desperate attempt was made on his life in Paris. On January 15 an explosive bomb was thrown in the Rue Lepelletier by one Orsini, an Italian refugee, at the Emperor and Empress of the French while they were approaching the Opera House. Though they escaped unhurt, ten persons were killed and 150 wounded. The outrage seemed at first sight in no way to touch the relations between France and England, but it was soon discovered that the plot had been hatched by conspirators in England, and that the bomb had been
manufactured there. A strongly worded despatch from the French minister Walewski to Palmerston demanded that he should take steps to restrict the right of asylum which England had hitherto freely accorded to foreign political malcontents. Addresses of congratulation from the French army to the Emperor on his escape, which were published in the official 'Moniteur,' threw the blame of the crime on England, and threatened reprisals. Palmerston ignored Walewski's despatch. No reply was sent to it. But, with a view to conciliating the Emperor Napoleon, he introduced a mild Bill making conspiracy to murder, hitherto a misdemeanour, a felony. The step was approved by the Queen, but it was denounced by the Liberals and by the public generally as a weak truckling to Palmerston's old friend Napoleon.\(^1\) Hostility to the minister was roused, and the Bill was defeated on being submitted to a second reading in the House of Commons on February 19 by nineteen votes. Thereupon Palmerston resigned.
The Queen, who had a natural horror of Orsini's crime, deemed it needlessly punctilious in her Parliament to hesitate about what she regarded as a disavowal of sympathy with the assassin's confederates. For once she found herself in full sympathy with Palmerston, and had no wish at the moment to dispense with his services. She begged him to recon-
\(^1\) By direction of Palmerston's Government Dr. Simon Bernard, a friend of Orsini, had been arrested in London on a charge of complicity in the conspiracy against the Emperor's life. He was brought to trial on April 12, 1858, and was acquitted, to the annoyance alike of the Queen and the Emperor, but to the offensively expressed satisfaction of the greater portion of the English public and press.
sider the situation and remain in office. There was another ground for her anxiety to retain the existing ministry for some time longer. If she could seldom expect to derive much comfort from her association with Palmerston, she had great faith in his colleague Clarendon, the Foreign Minister, and it was her fear that a less congenial and a less able statesman might fill his important place in a new ministry which added force to her appeal to Palmerston to hold on. But Palmerston was never desirous of conciliating his Sovereign, and persisted in resigning.
XXIII
THE RESETTLEMENT OF INDIA
The Queen had no other course open to her than to summon the Conservative leader, Lord Derby. Although both he and the Queen recognised the parliamentary weakness of a Conservative Government in a House of Commons which was dominated by a large Liberal majority, she was successful in urging him to assume power. Lord Derby found no difficulty in forming a cabinet. Most of the ministers had served in the Conservative Government of 1852, and the Queen was personally acquainted with them. Lord Malmesbury resumed the Foreign Office, and Disraeli was once more Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons. The newcomer to cabinet office who most interested the Queen was Sir Robert Peel’s brother, General Jonathan Peel. It gratified her that he should become Secretary for War. ‘His likeness to his deceased brother,’ she wrote, ‘in manner, in his way of thinking, and in patriotic feeling, is quite touching.’ At the end of her life she declared with much deliberation that General Jonathan Peel was the best War Minister she ever had.
Friendly relations with France were easily reestablished by the new ministry, and the Queen was delighted by the Emperor’s choice of the eminent General Pélissier, Duc de Malakoff, to represent France at her Court in place of Persigny, who was no favourite. General Pélissier was constantly at Court, often played with the royal children, and was much liked by all the royal family. When he withdrew, on March 5, 1859, tears were shed on all sides.
Public and domestic affairs soon again impelled her to foreign travel. The need of maintaining at full heat the French alliance called her and the Prince to France in August 1858, when they paid a second visit to Cherbourg. The meeting of the Sovereigns characteristically bore a somewhat equivocal aspect. The Queen in her royal yacht was accompanied by a great escort of men-of-war, while nearly all the ships of the French navy stood by to welcome her. On landing at Cherbourg the Emperor met her, and she joined him in witnessing the formal opening of the new arsenal. Afterwards she climbed up the steep fort La Roule in order to survey the whole extent of the fortifications. The Emperor pleasantly reminded his guest that a century before the English fleet had bombarded Cherbourg, but the cordiality between the two appeared unchanged, and the Emperor repeated, with emotion, his confidence
¹ Amable Jean Jacques Pélissier was a veteran French soldier, who had acquired notoriety by his violence in subduing Algiers, and had subsequently distinguished himself in the Crimea in command of the First French Army Corps. He succeeded Marshal Canrobert in the chief command before Sebastopol, and, in recognition of his success in storming the Malakoff (September 8, 1855), was created by Napoleon a Marshal of France and Duc de Malakoff.
in the permanence of the Anglo-French alliance. The Prince, however, thought the imperial ardour cooler than of old.
From France the Queen passed to Germany on a visit to her married daughter, whose fortunes were rarely absent from her parents' minds. The Prince Consort had already spent a few days with her in the previous June, but now he paid her a longer visit in company with the Queen. It was an extended and an interesting expedition, and the Queen renewed personal intercourse with many friends and kinsmen. She and the Prince landed at Antwerp, and at Malines met King Leopold, who travelled with them to Verviers. At Aix-la-Chapelle the Prince of Prussia, her daughter's father-in-law, joined them. Thence they travelled to Hanover to visit the blind King George and his queen at Herrenhausen, and the Queen delighted in the various memorials of her Hanoverian predecessors which she saw for the first time. Her daughter was residing at the castle of Babelsberg, about three miles from Potsdam, and there she arrived on August 13. The family gathering filled the Queen with joy, and the time passed rapidly. In the course of the next few days many visits were paid to Berlin. The Queen inspected the public buildings; spent much time at the tomb of Frederick the Great, in the shadow of whose death her mother had resented being born; and explored the royal palaces of Sans-Souci and Charlottenburg, and the Neues Palais. On the 27th she left for Cologne, and, after a brief visit to places of interest there, arrived at Osborne by way of Antwerp and Dover on the 31st.
The Queen and the Prince spent their annual rest in the north, but they paused on the journey at Leeds to open the new town-hall. They still faithfully performed each year many arduous engagements in the provinces. Three months earlier the Queen, during exceptionally hot weather, which interfered with her comfort, had made a royal progress to Birmingham in order to open the Aston Park. She and the Prince then stayed with Lord Leigh at Stoneleigh Abbey.
Nor had the foreign tour in any way withdrawn the Queen from business of great moment at home. When she was setting out the country's interest was excited by the completion of the laying of the first submarine cable between America and the United Kingdom—the most effective bond of union between the two countries that science could devise. The Queen sent an elaborate message of congratulation over the wires to the President of the United States, James Buchanan. She described the enterprise as an additional link between nations whose friendship was founded upon common interest and reciprocal esteem. Unfortunately the cable soon ceased to work, and the permanent connection was not established till 1861. But at that date the experiment proved thoroughly successful, and the benefit that the Queen had anticipated from the invention was fully realised.
During her stay in Germany, Indian affairs mainly occupied her Government's attention. While the mutiny was in course of suppression, Parliament decided to abolish the old East India Company, which had governed the greater part of the peninsula in
qualified partnership with the British Government since its incorporation by charter of Queen Elizabeth on the last day of the sixteenth century. It was resolved to transfer the whole of the Company's territories and administrative powers to the Crown. India was thenceforth to be administered by a Secretary of State in London assisted by a council of fifteen. The Queen naturally set a high value on the new and direct connection which the measure created between India and herself. She justly felt that it added dignity to the prestige of the British monarchy.
But the Queen was anxious that the royal power over India should be something more than a mere shadow. She argued that the royal prerogative should not be refined away by legislative enactments. In two details the Queen deemed the Bill for incorporating India with the dominions of the Crown to menace the free exercise of the royal power. In the first place the introduction of competitive examinations for appointments in the new Indian Civil Service cancelled the Crown's power of nomination to posts which carried with them a delegation of royal authority. In the second place the Indian army was to be put under the authority of the Indian Council. She insisted that she, as Sovereign, enjoyed supreme control of all military forces of the Crown through the Commander-in-Chief exclusively. To the first objection she attached less weight than to the second. But she laid her views on both points before Lord Derby with her usual frankness. The Government had pledged itself to the proposed arrangements, and Lord Derby informed the Queen that he could
give way on neither point. He threatened to resign if the Queen pursued the argument further. Conscious of her powerlessness, she prudently dropped the first objection, and awaited a more opportune moment for renewing discussion on the second. In the event she was, nominally at any rate, victor in the controversy as far as the Indian army was concerned. In 1860 it was decided to amalgamate the European forces in India with the home army, which remained, nominally at any rate, under the ancient control of the Crown.
The Act for the reorganisation of the Indian Government received the royal assent on August 2, 1858. Thereupon Lord Derby's cabinet drafted a proclamation to the people of India defining the principles which would henceforth determine the Crown's relations with them. The Queen was resolved that her first address to the native population should plainly set forth her personal interest in its welfare.
The Queen had already avowed her sympathy with the people of India. She had thrown the whole weight of her influence against those who defended indiscriminate retaliatory punishment of the native population for the misdeeds of the mutiny. The Governor-General, Lord Canning, who pursued a policy of conciliation, had no more sympathising adherent than the Queen. 'The Indian people should know,' she had written to him in December 1857, 'that there is no hatred to a brown skin, none; but the greatest wish on their Queen's part to see them happy, contented, and flourishing.'
The draft proclamation of her new Indian sovereignty was forwarded by Lord Derby to her at Babelsberg. She disapproved of its wording. It seemed to assert England’s power with needless brusqueness, and was not, in her opinion, calculated to conciliate native sentiment. Undeterred by the ill-success which had attended her previous efforts to modify those provisions in the India Government Bill which offended her, she now spoke out again. She reminded the Prime Minister ‘that it is a female sovereign who speaks to more than a hundred millions of Eastern people on assuming the direct government over them, and after a bloody civil war, giving them pledges which her future reign is to redeem, and explaining the principles of her government. Such a document should breathe feelings of generosity, benevolence, and religious toleration, and point out the privilege which the Indians will receive in being placed on an equality with the subjects of the British Crown, and the prosperity following in the train of civilisation.’
The Queen especially resented her ministers’ failure to refer with sympathy to native religion and customs. The deep attachment which she felt to her own religion imposed on her, she said, the obligation of protecting all her subjects in their adherence to their own religious faith. She desired to give expression to her feelings of horror and regret at the mutiny, and her gratitude to God at its approaching end. Finally she desired Lord Derby to rewrite the proclamation in what she described as ‘his excellent language,’ and give due prominence to her personal regard for
1 Martin, Prince Consort, iv. 49.
the enlightened principles of toleration and conciliation.
The Queen never brought her influence to bear on an executive act of government with nobler effect. Lord Derby accepted the Queen’s criticism with a good grace, and his second draft, which was warmly approved by the Queen, breathed throughout that wise spirit of humanity which was the best guarantee of the future prosperity of English rule in India. Her suggestion was especially responsible for this magnificent passage in the proclamation, the effect of which, from the point of view of both literature and politics, it would be difficult to exaggerate: ‘Firmly relying ourselves on the truth of Christianity, and acknowledging with gratitude the solace of religion, we disclaim alike the right and the desire to impose our convictions on any of our subjects. We declare it to be our royal will and pleasure that none be in any wise favoured, none molested or disquieted by reason of their religious faith or observances, but that all shall alike enjoy the equal and impartial protection of the law; and we do strictly charge and enjoin all those who may be in authority under us that they abstain from all interference with the religious belief or worship of any of our subjects on pain of our highest displeasure.’
By way of completing ceremonially the connection between the Crown and India, the Queen recommended the establishment of a new Order of the Star of India as a decorative reward for those native princes who were loyal to her rule, and for such of
her officials in the Indian Government as rendered conspicuous service. The first investiture was held with due elaboration on November 1, 1861, and was regarded as worthily closing the first chapter in the history of India under the Queen's immediate sway.
The reorganisation of the Indian Government reflected lasting honour on Sovereign and country.
¹ The Queen wrote in her own hand, at the close of the mutiny, on the subject of the new Order to Lord Canning, the Governor-General of India, and, although all her proposals were not finally adopted, the letter is of great interest:
'Buckingham Palace: May 18, 1859.
'The Queen must begin her letter to Lord Canning by expressing her joy and gratitude at the termination of this sad mutiny, which caused her such grief, and so much misery to so many.
'The Queen must also express again her high sense of Lord Canning's services during these most trying times.
'Lord Canning will hear from Lord Derby on a subject in which she takes a personal interest. It is the means of gratifying the personal feelings of the chief number of the native princes, binding them together in a confraternity, and attaching them by a personal tie to the Sovereign.
'These results the Queen looks for in the foundation of a high order of chivalry. The statutes might be similar to those of the Garter, the Thistle, and the St. Patrick. The number of its members to be few, perhaps twenty or twenty-four, the Viceroy to be Grand Master, the Queen the Sovereign of the Order. The members to be invested by the Viceroy in person, and thus do personal homage to him. All existing members to be summoned for the admission of a new one. The day for the investiture to be the anniversary of the assumption of the government of India by the Crown of England.
'The Queen would wish also to obtain the means of conferring honorary Knighthoods (making honorary members) of the Order on Eastern potentates, like the Shah of Persia, the sovereigns of Nepaul, Burmah, &c., as a means of extending influence over them.
'The Queen has entered into all these details in order to give Lord Canning a notion of her ideas on the subject, and to elicit his opinion and views as to whether they will be feasible.' (Cf. Martin, iv.)
The absorption by the Crown of the territories and administrative powers of the old East India Company added nearly two hundred million human beings to those who already owed direct allegiance to Queen Victoria, and more than eight hundred thousand square miles to the existing area of the British dominions. It was an imposing increase of empire. By the noble spirit of justice which the Queen infused into her proclamation of sovereignty over her new subjects and her new territories, she proved, more conspicuously than before, her consciousness of the high responsibilities that imperial rule involved.
XXIV
THE QUEEN'S FEARS OF NAPOLEON III.
In the closing months of 1858 and the opening months of 1859 time forcibly reminded the Queen of its passage. On November 9, 1858, the Prince of Wales, the heir to the throne, who had been confirmed on April 1, 1858, entered on his eighteenth year. That age in the royal family was equivalent to a majority, and the Queen in an admirable letter to her eldest son, while acknowledging that, in the interest of his own welfare, his discipline had been severe, now bade him consider himself his own master; she would always be ready to offer him advice if he wished it, but she would not obtrude it.
No sooner had she set her eldest son on the road to independence than she welcomed the first birth of that second generation of her family which before her death was to grow to great dimensions. On January 27, 1859, a son and heir was born at Berlin to the Princess Royal. The child—'dear little William' as he was long called by the Queen—ultimately became the present German Emperor, William II. For some time the Princess's condition caused grave anxiety to her family. 'The doctors despaired at the first,' the Queen wrote, 'of the child's
life,' but the crisis happily passed. The Queen thus became a grandmother at the age of thirty-nine. Congratulations poured in from every quarter.
Among the earliest and the warmest greetings came one from Napoleon III., and the Queen in her acknowledgment took occasion solemnly and frankly to urge him to abide in the paths of peace. 'Your Majesty,' she wrote, 'has now an opportunity, either by listening to the dictates of humanity and justice, and by showing to the world your intention to adhere strictly to the faithful observance of treaties, of calming the apprehensions of Europe, and of restoring its confidence in the pacific policy of your Majesty, or, on the other hand, by lending an ear to those who have an interest in creating confusion, of involving Europe in a war, whose extent and duration it is scarcely possible to foresee, and which, whatever glory it may add to the arms of France, cannot but interfere materially with her internal prosperity and financial credit. I am satisfied your Majesty will not doubt the sincerity of the friendship which alone induces me to write thus unreservedly to your Majesty; and if anything could add to the sorrow with which I should view the renewal of war in Europe, it would be to see your Majesty entering upon a course with which it would be impossible for England to associate herself.'
There was good ground for the Queen's appeal. The persistency with which Napoleon continued to increase his armaments had roused a widespread belief that he was preparing to emulate the example of his great predecessor. For a time it seemed
doubtful in which direction the Emperor would aim his first blow. But when the Queen's first grandson was born, she knew that her smooth-spoken ally was about to challenge the peace of Europe by joining the King of Sardinia in an endeavour to expel Austria from Lombardy and Venetia. He was about to promote by force of arms the unification of Italy under the kingship of the royal house of Sardinia. The Emperor accepted the Queen's pacific counsel in good part, but at the same time wrote to her to announce and to defend the projected war.
The Queen was in no complacent mood, but she cherished the notion that Napoleon was not likely to persist in his turbulent purpose. On February 3 she opened Parliament in person, and read with emphasis those passages in her speech which declared that England would be no party to the Emperor Napoleon's ambitious designs. Before the end of April the Queen's hopes of peace were defeated by the unexpected action of Austria, which, grasping its nettle, declared war on Sardinia. There was no delay in the opening of hostilities. Napoleon at once took the field with his ally of Italy.
The Queen and the Prince were harassed by fear of a universal war, and they had the added mortification of knowing that popular feeling in England in respect of the Italian struggle was entirely antagonistic to their own. English public sentiment regarded Sardinia as the courageous challenger of the absolutist tyranny of Austria. Napoleon was applauded for disinterestedly rendering Sardinia assistance. The Queen and the Prince, on the other hand, while they
deplored Austria’s precipitancy, cherished sympathy with her as a German power, whose fortunes might be expected to affect immediately those of her neighbour, Prussia. If Austria fell before French aggression, would Prussia be able to resist a like fate?
Solicitude for her newly married daughter redoubled the Queen’s desire for the safety of Prussia. Her son-in-law had risen a step nearer the Prussian throne in 1858, when the incapable King, his uncle, had, owing to failing health, been superseded by his father, the Prince of Prussia, who became Prince Regent. The change seemed to bring the affairs of Prussia more fully than before within the Queen’s sphere of influence. The new ruler of Prussia was a most intimate friend of Prince Albert and of the Queen.\(^1\) He had much faith in Prince Albert’s judgment, and had long been in the habit of freely appealing to them for confidential counsel.
It was now for the Prince Regent of Prussia to decide whether the safety of his dominions required him to throw in his lot with Austria. The English Court, mainly moved by a desire to protect a daughter from the consequences of strife, besought him to stand aside. He assented, and the Queen straightway turned again to Napoleon. In the hope of completely safeguarding Prussia, she appealed to him to keep hostilities within a narrow compass. When the Empress of the French sent the Queen
\(^1\) When he had been their guest at his son’s marriage with their daughter in 1858, the Queen, according to her Journal, had petitioned him thenceforth to call her ‘du,’ a usage in German society which attests the closest intimacy.
birthday congratulations on May 25, the Queen in reply entreated her to persuade her husband to localise the war. The prompt triumph of the French arms achieved that result. To the Queen's relief, although not without continued anxiety, she learned in June that the end of the war was in sight, and that the two Emperors were to meet at Villafranca to negotiate terms of peace.
The Queen's fears of the sequel were greatly increased by the change of Government which took place at home during the progress of the Austro-Italian war. On April 1 Lord Derby's Government, which in the main agreed with her views of the foreign situation, was defeated on its Reform Bill. The Bill had been introduced by Disraeli, but failed to provide for the extension of the franchise on the scale that the Liberal majority of the House desired. The Queen declined to accept the ministers' resignation. She suspected that the sympathy avowed by Palmerston, Lord John Russell, Gladstone, and others of their colleagues with the aspirations of Italy might bring England, if they came into power, into conflict with Austria. With some imprudence the Queen consequently assented to the only alternative to Lord Derby's resignation—a dissolution of Parliament. The elections passed off quietly, but they left the Conservatives in a minority of forty-three.
On June 10 the old Conservative ministers were attacked and defeated in the new House of Commons, and, to the Queen's disappointment, she found herself compelled to accept Lord Derby's retirement. Again Palmerston was the Conservative leader's only
practicable successor. But it was repugnant to the Queen to recall him to power at the existing juncture in foreign politics. She had convinced herself that his sympathy with Italy and his antipathy to Austria were irrepressible. Lord John Russell, too, had identified himself with Italian interests beyond all chance of misconception abroad. His return to the post of Prime Minister she dreaded almost as greatly as Lord Palmerston’s return. She therefore invited Lord Granville, a comparatively subordinate member of the party, to extricate her from her difficulties by forming a Government on his own account (June 11). To him she was personally attached, and, although his views were not known to differ materially from those of his older colleagues, he was calculated to prove more pliable than they. She was aware that no Liberal Government could be formed without the admission to it of both Palmerston and Lord John, but she met that fact in her own fashion. In autograph letters addressed to Palmerston and Lord John, which Granville was charged to deliver, she requested those veterans to serve under him.
Naturally her action was mortifying to both statesmen, and by accident it involved her and them in even more embarrassment than might have been anticipated. Owing to some indiscreet talk of Lord Granville with a friend, a correct report of the Queen’s conversation with him appeared in the ‘Times’ next morning (June 12). The Queen was in despair at this betrayal of her confidence. ‘Whom am I to trust?’ she said as she read the statement in the newspaper: ‘these were my own very words.’
In the result Palmerston proved more amiable than Lord John. Palmerston genially agreed to accept Lord Granville's leadership, but Lord John brusquely refused to entertain it. Thereupon Lord Granville withdrew from the negotiation, for which he never felt much heart. The Queen was compelled to take the uncongenial step, against which she rebelled. Nothing remained for her but to appeal to Palmerston, and to accept him as her Prime Minister for the second time.
The Queen's trials were only beginning. Before Palmerston's ministry was constituted she suffered yet another disappointment. Lord John insisted on taking the Foreign Office. As a consequence, Lord Clarendon, whom she now regarded as her only sure friend in the Liberal party and who had good claims to the post, was excluded from the Government.\(^1\)
\(^1\) Palmerston's cabinet was finally constituted thus:—
| Position | Name |
|---------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| First Lord of the Treasury | Viscount Palmerston |
| Lord Chancellor | Lord Campbell |
| President of the Council | Earl Granville |
| Lord Privy Seal | The Duke of Argyll |
| Home Secretary | Sir Geo. Cornewall Lewis, Bart. |
| Foreign Secretary | Lord John Russell |
| Secretary of State for Colonies | The Duke of Newcastle |
| Secretary of State for War | Sidney Herbert |
| Secretary of State for India | Sir Charles Wood, Bt. |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | William Ewart Gladstone |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | The Duke of Somerset |
| President of the Board of Trade | Thomas Milner Gibson |
| Postmaster-General | Earl of Elgin |
| Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster | Sir George Grey |
| Chief Commissioner of Poor Law Board | Charles Pelham Villiers |
| Chief Secretary for Ireland | Edward Cardwell |
The Queen’s forebodings of difficulty with her new ministers were amply justified. At the hands of Lord John, as Foreign Minister, she endured hardly fewer torments than Palmerston had inflicted on her when he held that office. Lord John and his chief at once avowed a resolve to serve the interests of Italy at the expense of Austria, and won, in the inner circle of the Court, the sobriquet of ‘the old Italian masters.’
Meanwhile the course of the negotiations between Napoleon and the Emperor of Austria was perplexing alike to the Queen and to her ministers. Napoleon at Villafranca arranged mysterious terms with the Emperor of Austria which seemed to the friends of Italy far too favourable to Austria, although they gave France no advantage. Austria was to lose Lombardy, but was to retain Venetia. France protested unwillingness to take further part in the matter. Sardinia was recommended to rely on her own efforts to obtain whatever other changes she sought in the adjustment of Italy. So barren a result was unsatisfactory to all Italian Liberals, and was deemed by Palmerston and Lord John to be grossly unjust to them. The English ministry opened diplomatic negotiations with a view to a modification of the proposed treaty, and frankly encouraged the Italians to fight their battle out to the end.
The Queen, who was relieved by the cessation of hostilities and by the easy terms offered to Austria, stoutly objected to her ministers’ intervention. ‘We did not protest against the war,’ she told Lord John; ‘we cannot protest against the peace.’ She insisted that the cry ‘Italy for the Italians,’ if once raised
by the Government, would compel this country to join Sardinia in war. But Palmerston and Lord John were unmoved by her appeals. They refused to stand aside and allow Italy to forfeit the advantage which appeared to them to be justly due to her recent efforts. Palmerston declared that, if the Queen rejected her ministers' advice on foreign questions, they must resign. The Queen retorted that the Prime Minister did not speak for all his colleagues. In August, when the vacation had scattered the ministers, she insisted on the whole cabinet being summoned to London, so that they might learn her unconquerable resolve to observe a strict neutrality on England's part during the progress of what she called 'the Italian Revolution.' Palmerston affected indifference to her persistency, but it had some effect. It helped to cool his ardour and to lend greater caution to his utterances. In the event, Italian affairs were suffered to take their own course without English interference.
Yet the outcome was not agreeable to the Queen. As soon as the treaty of Villafranca was signed in July 1859, Sardinia, aided by Garibaldi, sought at the sword's point, without foreign aid, full control of the independent states of the peninsula outside Rome and Venetia. Although she was aware of the weakness of their cause, the Queen could not resist sympathy with the petty Italian rulers who were driven by the armies of Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel from their principalities. The Duchess of Parma, one of the discrowned sovereigns, appealed to the Queen for protection. Lord John, whose stolidity in such matters widened the breach between him and the Queen,
drew up a cold and bald refusal of help, which she declined to send. Lord Clarendon, however, was at the moment on a visit to her at Windsor. By his advice she contrived to impart a more sympathetic tone to her reply, which better accorded with her private sentiment, yet fell short of openly defying the counsel of her ministers.
But it was not her ministers alone who exasperated her. While she was still in conflict with them she was startled to learn that, with Sardinia’s reluctant assent, Napoleon had annexed to France the provinces of Savoy and Nice as the price of his benevolent service to Italy in the past, and by way of a warning that he would tolerate no intrusion in Italian affairs from any foreign power, whether England or Germany, so long as the internal struggle for Italian unity was proceeding. The Queen viewed this episode with especial disgust. That Napoleon should benefit from the confusion into which, in her eyes, he had wantonly thrown Southern Europe roused her indignation to its full height. She bitterly reproached her ministers, whom she suspected of secret sympathy with him, with playing into his hands. Her complaint was hardly logical, for she had herself urged on them the strictest neutrality, and the need of abstaining from any sort of interference in the affairs of the Italian peninsula.
None the less, on February 5, 1860, she wrote to Lord John, ‘We have been made regular dupes, which the Queen apprehended and warned against all along.’ Europe ought to stand together to prevent the annexation; but if that were not to be hoped
for, then at least sympathy with France should be openly disclaimed by England. 'It is a belief in this [active sympathy between France and England],' she wrote to Lord John on March 27, 'which makes the rest of Europe powerless and helpless [to protest against Napoleon's unprincipled conduct].' 'All Europe was paralysed by a fear of England's full acquiescence in the various schemes of the Emperor.' The other continental Powers distrusted England and declined to aid her in diplomatic repression of the wild ambition of Napoleon, because 'the English press and general public' encouraged disorder and revolt everywhere. 'They were favourable,' she said, with sarcastic allusion to the personal prejudices of Lord John, her correspondent, 'to the Italian Revolution and the loss of the Italian provinces by Austria, and were supposed to be so with regard to the separation of Hungary from Austria and Poland from Russia.' In letters to her family she exclaimed with greater vehemence against France. 'France,' she wrote to her uncle Leopold (May 8, 1860), 'must needs disturb every quarter of the globe, and try to make mischief, and set every one by the ears. Of course this will end some day in a general crusade against the universal disturber of the world.'
Outspoken as was the Queen's language to her ministers throughout this session, she ultimately accepted what was inevitable with comparative composure. Nor did her attitude to France and to Napoleon take in permanence the openly hostile colour which her passing indignation lent it. With her ministers her relations naturally remained cool,
but she endeavoured to exert greater control over her feelings, and her criticisms proved none the less effective on that account. Later in the year Palmerston and his colleagues gave her further ground for annoyance. They proposed to abolish the post of Commander-in-Chief, and to bring the army entirely under the control of Parliament through the Secretary of State. She protested with deliberate emphasis against the change; she regarded it as an infringement of her prerogative. Her protest was respectfully heard, and for the moment the scheme was dropped.
XXV
THE SECOND VISIT TO COBURG
Apart from politics the Queen's life still knew no cloud. Her public duties continued to bring her into personal intercourse with the army which was always congenial to her. On January 29, 1859, she opened Wellington College for the sons of officers, an institution of which she had already laid the foundation-stone.¹ On June 6 she once more distributed Victoria crosses, which had been earned in the Indian mutiny. On August 26 she inspected at Portsmouth the 32nd Regiment, whence the heroes of Lucknow had been drawn.
The suspicions aroused by the Emperor Napoleon had in 1859 provoked great military enthusiasm through the country—a feeling with which the Queen eagerly identified herself. To meet surprises of invasion from France a volunteer force was called into existence by royal command in May 1859, and to this new branch of the service the Queen showed every favour. She held a special levee of 2,500 volunteer officers at St. James's Palace on March 7, 1860, and she reviewed twenty thousand men in Hyde Park on June 23. Her brother-in-law, Duke
¹ See p. 266 supra.
Ernest, who accompanied her on the occasion, did not conceal his contempt for the evolutions of her citizen soldiers, but she was earnest in her commendation of their zeal. On July 2, 1860, she personally inaugurated the National Rifle Association, which was a needful complement of the volunteer movement, and in opening its first annual meeting on Wimbledon Common she fired the first shot at the targets from a Whitworth rifle. She at once instituted the Queen’s prize of the value of 250l., which was awarded annually till the end of her reign, and was continued by her successor. When on the way to Balmoral in August 1860, she stayed at Holyrood in order to review the volunteer forces of Scotland.
Domestic life proceeded agreeably. Twice in 1859 her daughter, the Princess Royal, visited her, on the second occasion with her husband. During the autumn sojourn at Balmoral of that year the Queen was exceptionally vigorous, making many mountaineering expeditions with her children. The Prince Consort presided over the meeting of the British Association at Aberdeen in September 1859, and afterwards invited 200 of the members to be the Queen’s guests at a highland gathering on Deeside. On her way south, at the close of her northern holiday, she opened the Glasgow Waterworks at Loch Katrine, and made a tour through the Trossachs. She also paid a visit to Colonel Douglas Pennant, M.P., at Penrhyn Castle, near Bangor, and was well received by the workmen at the Penrhyn slate quarries.
Another marriage in the Queen’s family was now on her horizon. Soon after she had opened
Parliament in person on January 24, 1860, she entertained a large party at Windsor, including the King of the Belgians and the young German Princes, Louis of Hesse-Darmstadt and his brother. Prince Louis paid the Queen’s second daughter, Princess Alice, attentions on which she looked with silent favour. The Princess was barely seventeen, and, although the Queen deprecated marriage at so early an age, she awaited the result with interest.
At the same time the Queen and her husband were organising for the Prince of Wales a tour through Canada and the United States, which promised well for the good relations of England and the American commonwealth. President Buchanan, in a letter to the Queen, invited the Prince to Washington, an invitation which she herself accepted in his behalf in an autograph reply. At the conclusion of the Prince’s tour, the President wrote again to inform the Queen of the warm welcome that had been extended to her son, and of the good impression that he had personally made. The Queen acknowledged the compliment with friendly cordiality. In the letter, which Prince Albert drafted, and she copied out, she expressed anxiety to maintain the best possible relations between England and the United States, ‘two nations of kindred origin and character’ (November 19, 1860).
In the late autumn of 1860 the royal family paid a second visit to Coburg. A main inducement was to converse once more with Stockmar, who had since 1857 lived there in retirement, in advanced age and failing health. The Queen and the Prince were still actively corresponding with him, and were as
dependent as ever on his counsel. On September 22, accompanied by Princess Alice and attended by Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, they embarked at Gravesend for Antwerp. During the journey they were distressed by the intelligence of the death of the Prince Consort's stepmother, with whom they had both cherished sympathetic intimacy.\(^1\) But they were cheered while passing through Germany by a meeting with members of the Prussian royal family, including their son-in-law.
At Coburg they met their daughter and her first-born son, William, with whom his grandmother then first made acquaintance. On September 29 they removed to Rosenau. Among the guests there was Gustav Freytag, the German novelist, who greatly interested the Queen. In his 'Reminiscences' Freytag described her 'march-like gait' and affable demeanour.\(^2\)
On October 1 the Prince met with an alarming carriage accident.\(^3\) The Queen, though she suppressed her emotion, was gravely perturbed, and by way of a thank-offering instituted at Coburg, after her return home, a Victoria-Stift (i.e. foundation), endowing it with 1,000l. for the assistance of young men and women beginning life. Happily the Prince sustained slight injury, but the nervous depression which followed led his friend Stockmar to remark that he would fall an easy prey to illness. When walking with his brother on the day of his departure (October 10), he com-
---
\(^1\) Princess Antoinette Frederica, daughter of Alexander Friedrich Carl, Duke of Würtemberg. She died September 24, 1860.
\(^2\) Gustav Freytag, *Reminiscences*, Engl. trans. 1890, vol. ii.
\(^3\) Cf. Lord Augustus Loftus, *Reminiscences*, 1st ser. ii. 89.
pletely broke down, and sobbed out that he would never see his native land again.\(^1\)
On the return journey the Prince and Princess of Prussia entertained the Queen and the Prince at their palace of Coblenz, where slight illness detained the Queen for a few days. Lord John Russell and Baron von Schleinitz, the German minister, spent the time in political discussion, partly in regard to a trifling incident which was at the moment causing friction between the two countries. An English traveller, Captain Macdonald, had been imprisoned by the mistake of an over-zealous policeman at Bonn. No settlement was reached by Lord John in the interview at Coblenz. Palmerston afterwards used characteristically strong language in a demand for reparation. A vexatious dispute followed between the two Governments, and the Queen and the Prince were displeased by the manner in which the English ministers handled the matter. The Queen wisely avoided all open expression of opinion, but shrewdly observed that, 'although foreign governments were often violent and arbitrary, our people are apt to give offence and to pay no regard to the laws of the country.'
The discussion gradually dropped, and foreign politics took a brighter hue in the Queen's eyes. On January 2, 1861, the death of the paralysed Frederick William IV. placed the Queen's friend, the Prince Regent, finally on the throne of Prussia as King William I. Her son-in-law and her daughter at the same time became Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia. At the moment the Queen
\(^1\) Duke Ernest's Memoirs, iv. 55.
cherished the belief that friendship between the two countries, as between the two Courts, was permanently assured. Her wrath with Napoleon, too, was waning. A private visit to Windsor and Osborne on the part of the Empress Eugénie, who had come in search of health, revived the tie of personal affection that bound her to the Queen, and the new year saw the customary interchange of amicable letters between the Queen and Napoleon III. English and French armies had been engaged together in China. But the main burden of the Queen’s greeting to the Emperor was an appeal for peace. A further source of satisfaction sprang from the second visit which Prince Louis of Hesse paid to Windsor in November 1860. On the last day of that month he formally betrothed himself to Princess Alice.
XXVI
DEATH OF THE PRINCE CONSORT
Christmas and New Year 1860-1 were kept at Windsor with unusual spirit, although the death of Lord Aberdeen on December 14 was a cause of grief. Among the many guests were both Lord Palmerston and Mr. Disraeli with his wife. The Queen and Prince had much talk with Disraeli, of whose growing influence they took due account. Their early prejudice against him was fading on closer acquaintance, and they were gratified by his assurance that in foreign affairs his followers might be relied on to support any policy that gave due weight to national interests and national reputation. On more personal questions Disraeli was equally complacent. The Queen was about to appeal to Parliament for the endowment of her second daughter Alice on her marriage. There was always ground for apprehending public censure of grants to the royal family. Disraeli’s approval of the appeal was of importance. He delighted his royal hosts by expressing full concurrence with them. He readily agreed to support the Government in granting a dowry of 30,000l. and an annuity of 6,000l. to Princess Alice on her approaching marriage.
On February 4, 1861, the Queen opened Parliament, and herself announced the happy event. It was the last occasion on which she delivered with her own voice the speech from the throne, for the tenor of her life was to undergo, before the year was out, a terrible disruption. On February 10 she kept quietly at Buckingham Palace the twenty-first anniversary of her marriage. 'Very few,' she wrote to her uncle Leopold, 'can say with me that their husband at the end of twenty-one years is not only full of the friendship, kindness, and affection which a truly happy marriage brings with it, but of the same tender love as in the very first days of our marriage.' Death was to destroy the mainspring of her happiness within the year.
The Queen passed to the crowning sorrow of her life through a lesser grief, which on its coming tried her severely. On March 16 her mother, the Duchess of Kent, who kept her youthful spirit and cheerfulness to the last, and especially delighted in her grandchildren, died at Frogmore after a brief illness of a painful kind. It was the Queen's first experience of death in the inmost circle of her family, and for the time it overwhelmed her. Although she was much broken, the Queen at once sent the sad news in her own hand to her half-sister, to the Princess Royal, and to King Leopold. To her uncle Leopold she wrote: 'On this, the most dreadful day of my life, does your poor broken-hearted child write one line of love and devotion. She is gone—that precious, dearly beloved, tender mother, whom I never parted from but for a few months—without whom I cannot imagine life—has been taken from us! It is too dreadfulbut she is at peace—her fearful sufferings at an end!' Princess Alice, who was with the Queen at the moment of the Duchess of Kent's death, first gave proof of that capacity of consolation which she was often afterwards to display in her mother's trials. 'Good Alice was with us all through,' the Queen wrote.
Expressions of sympathy abounded, and the general sentiment was well interpreted by Disraeli, who said in his speech in the House of Commons, in seconding a vote of condolence: 'She who reigns over us has elected, amid all the splendours of empire, to establish her life on the principle of domestic love.' The words fell gratefully on the Queen's ear.
The Duchess's body was laid to rest on March 25 in St. George's Chapel, Windsor, but the Queen resolved that a special mausoleum should be built at Frogmore for a permanent burial-place, and the remains were removed thither on August 17. The Queen's behaviour to all who were in any way dependent on her mother was exemplary. She pensioned her servants; she continued allowances that the Duchess of Kent had made to her elder daughter, the Princess Hohenlohe, and to her grandsons, Prince Victor and Prince Edward of Leiningen (sons of the Duchess's son, Prince Charles of Leiningen). To the Duchess's lady-in-waiting, Lady Augusta Bruce, sister of Lord Elgin, who had shown great devotion, the Queen was herself much attached, and she at once made her her own bed-chamber woman in permanent attendance upon her.
The mourning at Court put an end for the time to festivities, and some minor troubles added to the Queen's depression. In May, when Prince Louis of
Hesse visited Osborne, he fell ill of measles. On July 14 the Queen was greatly shocked by news of the attempted assassination at Baden of her friend the new King of Prussia.
But she gradually resumed the hospitalities and activities of public life. Before the end of the season she entertained the King of the Belgians, the Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia, the King and Prince Oscar of Sweden, and the ill-fated Archduke and Archduchess Maximilian.
On August 21 the Queen, with the Prince Consort, the Princesses Alice and Helena, and Prince Arthur, set out from Osborne to pay Ireland a third visit. The immediate inducement was to see the Prince of Wales, who was learning regimental duties at the Curragh camp. The royal party travelled by railway from Southampton to Holyhead, and crossed to Kingstown in the royal yacht. The Queen took up her residence in the Viceregal Lodge in Phoenix Park on the 22nd. On Saturday the 24th she went to the Curragh to review a force of 10,000 men, among whom her eldest son held a place.
The Queen was wisely desirous of conciliating her Irish subjects outside Dublin, and she extended her journey to districts far from the capital. On the 26th she and her family went south, travelling to Killarney and taking up their residence at Kenmare House. They were received by the people of the countryside with every mark of enthusiasm. Next day they explored the lakes of Killarney, and removed in the evening to Muckross Abbey, the residence of Mr. Herbert. Among the Queen’s guests there was
James O'Connell, brother of Daniel O'Connell the agitator, with other members of the agitator's family. A stag hunt was organised for the royal party, and it proved enjoyable, although no stag was found. On the 29th the Queen left Killarney for Dublin and Holyhead on her way to Balmoral. Nearly thirty-nine years were to pass before the Queen visited Ireland again.
At Balmoral the Queen occupied herself mainly with outdoor pursuits. On September 4, to her delight, she was joined by her half-sister, the Princess Hohenlohe, who came on a long visit. Near the end of October, on the journey south, a short halt was made at Edinburgh to enable the Prince Consort to lay the foundation-stones of a new post office and the industrial museum of Scotland (October 22). Windsor Castle was reached the next morning. This was the last migration of the Court which the Prince Consort was destined to share.
As usual, guests were numerous at Windsor in November, but the deaths of Sir James Graham, who had served under both Peel and Aberdeen, as well as of the Queen's two cousins, Pedro V., King of Portugal, and his brother Ferdinand, damped the spirits of host and hostess.
In the middle of November signs that the Prince's health was failing became obvious. A year before he had had an attack of English cholera, and he suffered habitually from low fever; he had shown much nervous depression on his last visit to Coburg. Though the Queen was solicitous on his account, she, like most persons in robust health, was inclined to
take a hopeful view of his condition, and not until the last did she realise that a fatal issue was impending.
A serious political crisis suddenly arose to absorb her attention, and for the last time she, by her husband's advice, brought personal influence to bear on her ministers in the interests of the country's peace. In April the civil war in America had broken out, and the Queen's Government had issued a proclamation of neutrality. Public opinion in England was divided on the merits of the two antagonists, but the mass of the people favoured the Confederation of the South. Palmerston, the Prime Minister, Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and many of their colleagues made no secret of their faith in the justice of the cause of the South. The Queen and Prince Consort inclined to the opposite side.
In November the prevailing English sentiment of sympathy with the South seemed on the point of translating itself into actual war with the North. Two Southern envoys, named respectively Mason and Slidell, had been despatched by the Southern Confederates to plead their cause at the English and French Courts. They had run the Northern Federals' blockade of the American coast, and, embarking on the 'Trent,' an English steamer, at Havana, set sail in her on November 8. Next day a Federal ship-of-war fired at the 'Trent.' The Federal captain (Wilkes) boarded her after threatening violence, and captured the Confederate envoys with their secretaries.
On November 27 the 'Trent' arrived at Southampton, and the news was divulged in England. The spirit of the Government and the country was roused.
On November 30 Palmerston forwarded to the Queen the draft of a despatch to be forwarded to Washington. In peremptory and uncompromising terms the English Government demanded of the Northern Federals immediate reparation and redress for a wanton breach of international law. The strength of Palmerston's language seemed to place any likelihood of an accommodation out of question.
The Prince Consort realised the perils of the situation. He did not share the Prime Minister's veneration of the Southerners, and war with any party in the United States was abhorrent to him. He at once suggested, in behalf of the Queen, gentler phraseology, and, in spite of his rapidly developing illness, wrote to Lord Palmerston for the Queen (December 1) urging him to recast the despatch. All belief that the assault on the 'Trent' was the deliberate act of the Government of the United States should be disavowed. Let the Prime Minister assume that an over-zealous officer of the Federal fleet had made an unfortunate error which could easily be repaired by 'the restoration of the unfortunate passengers and a suitable apology.'
This note to Palmerston 'was the last thing' the Prince 'ever wrote,' the Queen said afterwards, and it had the effect its author desired. The English Government had a strong case. The Emperor of the French, the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia had at once expressed themselves in full sympathy with England. But happily the Prince Consort's wiser counsels prevailed. Palmerston and Russell accepted the Prince's
correction. They substituted his moderation for their own virulence, with the result that the Government of Washington assented cheerfully to their demands. The risk of war between England and the United States was averted by the despatch which the Prince Consort had drafted in the name of the Queen and with her enthusiastic assent.
Both in England and America it was acknowledged that a grave disaster had been averted by the Prince’s tact. Leaders of the Northern States afterwards admitted a conviction that the outbreak of war with England in 1861 would have brought in its train the formal recognition of the Southern Confederacy by the great European States. The most earnest democrats among the Northern Federals gratefully recognised that they owed preservation from an imminent calamity to the personal intervention of royalty. Walt Whitman, the poet, in whom the democratic spirit of the United States burnt with full force, wrote some years later of the successful intervention of the Queen and Prince Albert in the ‘Trent’ affair in such exuberant terms as these:
‘Very little, as we Americans stand this day, with our sixty-five or seventy millions of population, an immense surplus in the treasury, and all that actual power or reserve power (land and sea) so dear to nations—very little, I say, do we realise that curious crawling national shudder when the “Trent affair” promis’d to bring upon us a war with Great Britain—follow’d unquestionably, as that war would have been, by recognition of the Southern Confederacy from all the leading European nations. It is now certain that all
this then inevitable train of calamity hung on arrogant and peremptory phrases in the prepared and written missive of the British Minister, to America, which the Queen (and Prince Albert latent) positively and promptly cancell'd; and which her firm attitude did alone actually erase and leave out, against all the other official prestige and Court of St. James's. On such minor and personal incidents (so to call them) often depend the great growths and turns of civilisation. This moment of a woman and a queen surely swung the grandest oscillation of modern history's pendulum. Many sayings and doings of that period, from foreign potentates and powers, might well be dropt in oblivion by America—but never this, if I could have my way.'
But Prince Albert was never to witness the fruits of his successful intervention in the affair of the 'Trent.' The beneficent result of the action to which his prudence had prompted the Queen and her ministers was never known to him. Before the critical despatch had been finally corrected he had a presentiment that he was going to die, and the presentiment proved true. The Prince did not cling to life. He had none of the
1 These words form a note which Walt Whitman appended to the following poetic greeting to the Queen:
'For Queen Victoria's Birthday.—An American arbutus branch to be put in a little vase on the royal breakfast table, May 24, 1890.
Lady, accept a birthday thought—haply an idle gift and token,
Right from the scented soil's May-utterance here,
(Smelling of countless blessings, prayers, and old time thanks,)
A bunch of white and pink arbutus, silent, spicy, shy,
From Hudson's, Delaware's, or Potomac's woody banks.'
(Walt Whitman's Complete Prose Works, Boston, Mass. 1898.)
Queen’s sanguineness or elasticity of temperament, and of late irremovable gloom had oppressed him. During the early days of December his weakness grew, but good hope was entertained of his recovery, when on the 14th he passed away unexpectedly at Windsor in the Queen’s presence. He was little more than forty-two years old. The Queen was only his senior by three months. Almost without warning the romance of the Queen’s life was at its meridian changed into a tragedy.
XXVII
THE QUEEN'S GRIEF
No heavier blow than the Prince's removal could have fallen on the Queen. Rarely was a wife more dependent on a husband. More than fifteen years before she had written to Stockmar (July 30, 1846) in reference to a few days' separation from the Prince: 'Without him everything loses its interest...it will always be a terrible pang for me to separate from him even for two days, and I pray God never to let me survive him.' Now that the permanent separation had come, the future for her spelt desolation. As she wrote on a photograph of a family group, consisting of herself, her children, and a bust of the Prince Consort, 'day for her was turned into night.'
Her tragic fate appealed strongly to the sympathies of her people, who mourned with her through every rank. 'They cannot tell what I have lost,' she said; but she was not indifferent to the mighty outburst of compassion. Personal sympathy with her in her bereavement was not, however, all that she asked. She knew that the exalted estimate she had formed of her husband was not shared by her.
¹ Lady Bloomfield, ii. 148.
subjects, and as in his lifetime, so to a greater degree after his death, she yearned for signs that he had won her countrymen's and countrywomen's highest esteem. 'Will they do him justice now?' she cried, as, in company with her friend, the Duchess of Sutherland, she looked for the last time on his dead face.
Praise of the Prince was the Queen's fullest consolation, and happily it was not denied her. The elegiac eulogy with which Tennyson prefaced his 'Idylls of the King,' within a month of the Prince's death, was the manner of salve (she said) that best soothed 'her aching, bleeding heart:'
'We know him now: all narrow jealousies
Are silent; and we see him as he moved,
How modest, kindly, all accomplished, wise,
With what sublime repression of himself,
And in what limits, and how tenderly;
Not swaying to this faction or to that;
Not making his high place the lawless perch
Of wing'd ambitions, nor a vantage ground
For pleasure; but thro' all this tract of years
Wearing the white flower of a blameless life,
Before a thousand peering littlenesses,
In that fierce light which beats upon a throne
And blackens every blot: for where is he,
Who dares foreshadow for an only son
A lovelier life, a more unstain'd than his?'
The memorials and statues that sprang up in profusion over the land served to illumine the gloom that encircled her, and in course of years she found in the task of supervising the compilation of his biography a potent mitigation of her grief. Public opinion proved tractable, and ultimately she enjoyed the satisfaction of an almost universal acknowledgment that the Prince had worked zealously and honestly for the good of his adopted country.
Few parallels can be found in history to the length of time during which the actively vivid sense of loss clung to the Queen's heart. 'Here I and sorrows sit,' the words of the bereaved Constance in Shakespeare's play of 'King John,' fitted her lips not for a year but for a generation. No act of hers nor of her children's, however trivial, did she during that period dissociate from the Prince's memory.¹ Nothing that reminded her of him was ever disturbed—no room that he inhabited, scarcely a paper that he had handled. She never ceased to wear mourning for him; she long lived in seclusion, and took no part in Court festivities or ceremonial pageantry. The anniversary of the Prince's death was, until her own death, kept as a solemn day of rest and prayer, and the days of his birth, betrothal, and marriage were held in religious veneration.
But, despite the poignancy of her sorrow, and the sense of isolation which thenceforth abode with her, her nerve was never wholly shattered. Naturally and freely as she gave vent to her grief, her woe did not degenerate into morbid wailing. One of its most lasting results was to sharpen her sense of sympathy, which had always been keen, with the distresses of others, especially with distresses resembling her own; no widow in the land, in what-
¹ Three years after her husband's death she was still signing her letters to her younger children 'your unhappy mama,' and never referred to their present experiences without adding a reminiscence of 'your darling papa.'
ever rank of life, had henceforth a more tender sympathiser than the Queen.\(^1\)
At the time of the Prince’s death, her daughter Alice and her stepsister the Princess Hohenlohe were with the Queen at Windsor, and all the comfort that kindred could offer they gave her in full measure. Four days after the tragic event she drove with Princess Alice to the gardens at Frogmore, and chose a site for a mausoleum, where she and her husband might both be buried together. Her uncle Leopold, in letters forwarded in haste from Brussels, took control of her immediate action, and at his bidding she reluctantly removed to Osborne next day. In the course of December 20 she mechanically signed some papers of State. At midnight her brother-in-law, Duke Ernest, reached Osborne, and, dissolved in tears, she at once met him on the staircase. On December 23, in all the panoply of state, the Prince’s remains were temporarily laid to rest in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor. The Prince of Wales represented her as chief mourner. Early in January her uncle Leopold came to Osborne to console and counsel her.
During the following weeks the Princess Alice and Sir Charles Phipps, keeper of her privy purse, acted as intermediaries between her and her ministers, but before the end of the first month of bereavement her ministers reminded her that she was bound to
\(^1\) As early as January 10, 1862, twenty-seven days after the Prince’s death, she sent a touching message of sympathy with a gift of 200l. to the widows of the victims of a great colliery explosion in Northumberland.
communicate with them directly. Palmerston at the moment was disabled by gout, and the cabinet was under the somewhat severe and pedantic control of Lord John Russell. The reproof awoke the Queen to a sense of her position.
Gradually she controlled her anguish, and deliberately resigned herself to her fate. She had lost half her existence. Nothing hereafter could be to her what it had once been. No child could fill the place that was vacant. But she did not seek to ease herself of her burden. She steeled herself to bear it alone. Hitherto the Prince, she said, had thought for her. Now she would think for herself. His example was to be her guide. The minute care that he had bestowed with her on affairs of State she would bestow. Her decisions would be those that she believed he would have taken. She would seek every advantage that she could derive from the memory of his counsel.\(^1\)
Now that the grave had closed over the Queen’s sole companion and oracle of one-and-twenty years, she felt that a new reign had begun, and must in
---
\(^1\) Most of the expressions employed in this and earlier paragraphs of this chapter are drawn from letters of the Queen sent to friends soon after the Prince’s death, or from records of her early interviews with them. There is a remarkable unanimity as to the simple sincerity with which she spoke of her sorrow, her self-possession, and the earnestness with which she faced her future responsibilities. Cf. Clark and Hughes, *Life of Adam Sedgwick*, ii. 382; Morley, *Life of Gladstone*, ii. 89, 90. Of her absolute reliance on the Prince’s opinions in the years that followed, Gladstone wrote to his wife while in attendance on the Queen at Balmoral, September 28, 1864: ‘Whenever she quotes an opinion of the Prince, she looks upon the question as completely shut up by it for herself and all the world.’ Morley, *Life of Gladstone*, ii. 105.
outward aspect—in perpetual signs of mourning and in suppression of ceremonial pomp—be distinguished from the reign that had closed. But the lessons that the Prince had taught the Queen left so deep an impression on her, she clung so tenaciously to his spirit, that her attitude to the business of State and her action in it during the forty years that followed his death bore little outward sign of change from the days when he was perpetually at her side.
XXVIII
FIRST ANXIETIES OF WIDOWHOOD
In the 'two dreadful first years of loneliness' that followed the Prince's death the Queen lived in complete seclusion, dining often by herself or with her half-sister, and seeing for any length of time only members of her own family. But her widowhood rendered her more dependent than before on her personal attendants, and her intimacy with them grew greater.
Of the female members of her household on whose support she rested, the chief was Lady Augusta Bruce. On Lady Augusta's marriage to Dean Stanley on December 23, 1863, congenial successors to her were found in Jane Marchioness of Ely, who had been a lady of the bedchamber since 1857, and filled that office till April 30, 1889, and in Jane Lady Churchill, who was a lady of the bedchamber from July 4, 1854. Till her sudden death on Christmas day 1900—less than a month before the Queen herself died—Lady Churchill remained in constant attendance on her.
Even from the lower ranks of her household she welcomed sympathy and proofs of personal attachment. She found Scotsmen and Scotswomen of all classes, but especially of the humbler, readier in the
expression of kindly feeling than Englishmen and Englishwomen. When she paid, in May 1862, the first painful visit of her widowhood to Balmoral, her reception was a real solace to her. Her Scottish chaplain, Dr. Norman Macleod, gave her, she said, more real consolation than any clergyman of the south.
The Queen consequently found a satisfaction in employing Scots men and women in her domestic service. John Brown, a son of a farmer on her highland estate, had been an outdoor servant or gillie at Balmoral since 1849, and had won the regard of the Prince and herself. She soon made him a personal retainer, to be in constant attendance upon her in all the migrations of the Court. He was of rugged exterior and uncourtly manners, but she believed in his devotion to her and in his strong common sense, and she willingly pardoned in him the familiarity of speech and manner which old servants are in the habit of acquiring. She came to regard him as one of her trustiest friends.\(^1\)
In official business the Queen derived invaluable assistance in the early years of her widowhood from those who were filling more dignified positions in her
\(^1\) The Queen wrote of him in 1866, in her *Journal of the Highlands*, p. 93, note: 'His attention, care, and faithfulness cannot be exceeded; and the state of my health, which of late years has been sorely tried and weakened, renders such qualifications most valuable, and indeed most needful in a constant attendant upon all occasions. . . . He has all the independence and elevated feeling peculiar to the Highland race, and is singularly straightforward, simple-minded, kind-hearted, and disinterested; always ready to oblige; and of a discretion rarely to be met with. He is now in his fortieth year.' Archibald, a brother of John Brown, was valet to the Queen's youngest son, Prince Leopold.
household. The old objections to the appointment of a private secretary to the Queen, now that the Prince who had acted in that capacity was no more, were not revived, and it was at once conferred without debate on General the Hon. Charles Grey, a younger son of the second Earl Grey, who had been since 1846 private secretary to the Prince, and whose sister, Lady Caroline Barrington, was since 1851 the governess of the royal children. Some differences of opinion were held outside Court circles as to his tact and judgment, but until his death in 1870 his devotion to his work relieved the Queen of much pressing anxiety. 'In many, many ways he was most valuable to the Queen,' she wrote, 'and a very devoted, zealous, and very able adviser and friend.'
The Queen also reposed full confidence in Sir Charles Phipps, Keeper of the Privy Purse, who died in 1866, and in Sir Thomas Biddulph, who was Master of her Household from 1851, and after 1867 sole Keeper of the Privy Purse until his death in 1878. No three men could have served her more single-mindedly than Grey, Phipps, and Biddulph. She was especially fortunate, too, in General Sir Henry Ponsonby, Grey's successor as private secretary, who had been equerry to the Prince Consort, and had been brought within the sphere of influence which the Queen deemed the best inspiration for her advisers. Like Grey, he was personally of Liberal politics, but he treated party questions officially with great width of view. Sir Henry remained her secretary for the long period of a quarter of a century—April 8, 1870, to May 1895, when he was succeeded
by her last private secretary, Colonel Sir Arthur Bigge.
Outside her household she derived much benefit from the counsel of Gerald Wellesley, son of Lord Cowley, and nephew of the Duke of Wellington, who had been her domestic chaplain since 1849, and was Dean of Windsor from 1854 until his death in 1882. She was often in consultation with him, particularly in regard to the Church appointments which her ministers suggested to her, and in Mr. Gladstone’s view his unvarying prudence was of inestimable value alike to the Crown and the Church. Sir Arthur Helps, who had become Clerk of the Council in 1860, and was an author of repute, was also much in her confidence, and aided and advised her in her private and personal affairs until his death in 1875.
Public business, in accordance with her resolve, occupied her almost as soon as her husband was buried. On January 9, 1862, she received the welcome news that the authorities at Washington had solved the difficulty of the ‘Trent’ by acceding to the requests of the English Government. She reminded Lord Palmerston that ‘this peaceful issue of the American quarrel was greatly owing to her beloved Prince,’ and Palmerston considerately replied that the alterations in the despatch were only one of innumerable instances ‘of the tact and judgment and the power of nice discrimination which excited Lord Palmerston’s constant and unbounded admiration.’ A day or two later she assented to Palmerston’s proposal to confer the Garter on Lord Russell, though she would not hear of a chapter of the Order being
held, and insisted, contrary to precedent, on conferring the distinction by warrant. On January 11 she presided over a meeting of her Privy Council, and a month later (February 10) she formally instituted the 'Royal Order of Victoria and Albert'—a commemorative decoration to be conferred on ladies of her family and household.
In one direction only did the Queen relieve herself of any of her official work on the Prince's death. It had been her custom to sign (in three places) every commission issued to officers in all branches of the military service, but she had fallen into arrears with the labour of late years, and 16,000 documents now awaited her signature. In March 1862 a Bill was introduced into Parliament enabling commissions to be issued without bearing her autograph, though her right of signing was reserved in case she wished to resume the practice—and this she subsequently did.
Two plans of domestic interest which the Prince had initiated she at once carried to completion. It had been arranged that the Prince of Wales should make a tour to the Holy Land with Dr. Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, the late Prince's chaplain. In January 1862 the Queen finally settled the tour with Stanley, who visited her at Osborne for the purpose, and from February 6 till June 14 her eldest son was absent from her on the expedition. There was some inevitable delay, too, in the solemnisation of the marriage of Princess Alice, but it was quietly celebrated at Osborne on July 1. The Queen was present in deep mourning. Her brother-in-law, the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, gave the Princess away. The Queen felt
acutely the separation from the daughter who had chiefly stood by her in her recent trial.
During the autumn visit to Balmoral (August 21, 1862) the Queen began that long series of memorials to her dead husband which she encouraged almost to her own death. She laid near Balmoral Castle the foundations of a cairn 'to the beloved memory of Albert the Great and Good, Prince Consort, raised by his broken-hearted widow.' She and the six children who were with her placed on it stones on which their initials were to be carved.
Despite her grief, the Queen directed with eager interest the fortunes of her children. Next month (September 1862) negotiations were in progress for the betrothal of the Prince of Wales, the heir to the throne. His choice had fallen on Princess Alexandra, daughter of Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg, the next heir to the throne of Denmark, to which he ascended shortly afterwards, on November 15, 1863, as King Christian IX. The Princess's mother, Princess Louise of Hesse-Cassel, was niece of Christian VIII. of Denmark, and sole heiress of the old Danish royal family. Princess Alexandra was thus already a distant connection of the Queen by marriage, for the Queen's aunt, the old Duchess of Cambridge, a member of the princely house of Hesse-Cassel, was also aunt of the Princess's father. The Queen readily assented to the match, and the Princess was her guest at Osborne in November. Her grace and beauty fascinated from the first the Queen as well as the people of England. The Princess's connection with Denmark did not
recommend the alliance to the Prussian Government, which anticipated complications with its little northern neighbour, but the betrothal had little political significance or influence, and was universally welcomed in England.
More perplexing was the consideration which it was needful for the Queen to devote in December 1862 to a question affecting the future of her second son, Alfred, who, under the Prince Consort's careful supervision, had been educated for the navy. A sudden offer came to him from the extreme end of Europe. The popular assembly of the kingdom of Greece had driven their King, Otho, a scion of the royal house of Bavaria, from the throne, and they abruptly resolved to confer the vacant crown on Prince Alfred, as a representative of the country which had helped to restore to Greece her independence in 1828. The Queen at first regarded the proposal with unconcealed favour, but her ministers declared its acceptance to be impracticable and to be contrary to the country's treaty obligations with the Powers.
Unhappily for the Queen's peace of mind, the ministers' rejection of the invitation to her second son, in which she soon acquiesced, did not relieve her of further debate on the subject. A substitute for Alfred as a candidate for the Greek throne was suggested in the person of her brother-in-law, Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg. He at once came to England to take the Queen's advice, and his conduct greatly harassed her. The Duke had no children, and his throne of Saxe-Coburg would naturally devolve, should he die childless, on his only brother's eldest son, the
Prince of Wales; but it had already been agreed that, in view of the Prince of Wales's heirship to the English throne, he should transfer to his next brother Alfred his claim to the German duchy. Duke Ernest was quite willing to ascend the Greek throne, but made it a condition that he should be at liberty to retain for an indefinite period after his accession to it his ducal position in Coburg.
Such a condition was treated as impossible of acceptance, alike by English ministers and by Greek leaders, but the Duke obstinately urged the Queen to forward his impracticable scheme. From the first she summarily rejected it. It had nothing to recommend it in her eyes. For the Duke to abandon Coburg meant its immediate assignment to Prince Alfred. That event was congenial to the Queen, who was deeply attached to the principality, and was always solicitous of the future fortunes of her younger children. But Duke Ernest was not easily silenced. He querulously complained that his sister-in-law's attitude was ambiguous; she was insufficiently considerate of his interests. Their uncle, King Leopold, added to her perplexities by coming to Duke Ernest's support. The King was also indisposed to sanction the premature transference of the Saxe-Coburg-Gotha duchies to the third generation of the family.
The Queen was embarrassed and displeased. She endeavoured to soothe her brother-in-law with civil phrases, but she resented his querulous pertinacity. On January 29, 1863, she begged him to spare her further reproaches. 'What I can do to remove difficulties, without prejudicing the rights of our children
and the welfare of the beloved little country, you may rely upon. You are sure of my sisterly love, as well as my immense love for Coburg and the whole country. . . . I am not at all well, and this whole Greek matter has affected me fearfully. Much too much rests upon me, poor woman, standing alone as I do with so many children, and every day, every hour, I feel more and more the horrible void that is ever growing greater and more fearful.'
Finally, the Duke realised that the union of Coburg and Greece under a single ruler was impossible of attainment, and his candidature for the Greek throne was withdrawn. He made the Queen what reparation he could for the trouble he had caused her. He admitted that he was wrong in questioning her solicitude for the welfare of his small country, and declared himself reconciled to the ultimate succession of Prince Alfred to his throne. The Greek crown was thereupon placed by England, in concert with the Powers, on the head of George, brother of the Princess Alexandra, who was the affianced bride of the Prince of Wales. The settlement freed the Queen from the worry of family bickerings, and Greece was well contented with her new sovereign.
Through all ranks of the nation the marriage of the Queen’s eldest son, the heir to the throne, aroused abundant enthusiasm. At the Queen’s request Parliament readily granted an annuity of 40,000l. for the Prince, which, added to the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall, brought his income to over 100,000l. a year, while his bride was assigned an immediate
¹ Duke Ernest, iv. 99–100.
annuity of 10,000l. and a prospective one of 30,000l. in case of widowhood. In accordance with the marriage treaty, which was signed at Copenhagen on January 15, 1863, the marriage took place on March 10, 1863, at St. George's Chapel, Windsor. The Queen played no part in the ceremony, but witnessed it from a gallery overlooking the chancel. The sadness of her situation impressed so unsentimental a spectator as Lord Palmerston, who shed tears as he gazed on her.
The Queen’s protracted withdrawal from public life was beginning to excite censure among the people. This trend of public feeling was well within her knowledge, but she had no intention of conciliating it. There was an anticipation that she would make her son’s wedding the occasion of ending the period of gloomy seclusion in which she had chosen to encircle the Court. But the hope was very imperfectly realised. After the Prince’s marriage the Court resumed something of its old routine; state balls and concerts were revived to a small extent, but the Queen disappointed expectation by refusing to attend Court entertainments herself. She entrusted her place in them to her eldest son and his bride, and to others of her children.
XXIX
THE QUEEN AND PRUSSIA
But while ignoring the pleasures of the Court, the Queen did not relax her devotion to the business of State. Her main energy was applied to foreign politics. While anxious that the prestige of England should be maintained abroad, she was desirous to keep the peace, and to impress other sovereigns with her pacific example. Her dislike of war in Europe was fostered to a growing extent by family considerations—by her concern for the interests of her married daughters at Berlin and Darmstadt, and in a smaller degree for those of her ungrateful brother-in-law at Coburg. The fortunes of all, and especially those of the Crown Princess of Prussia, seemed to her to be involved in every menace of the tranquillity of Europe. Into the precise merits of the difficulties which arose among the nations she did not enter with quite the same fulness as her husband. But the safety of existing dynasties was a principle that had appealed to him, and by that she stood firm.
Consequently, the points of view from which the Queen and her ministers, Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, approached the foreign questions that engrossed the attention of Europe from 1863 to 1866
were invariably divergent. She made no endeavour to study her ministers' idiosyncrasies or make allowance for their personal convictions. She pressed her own counsel on them with unfailing pertinacity, and was often heard with ill-concealed impatience. Constantly she had to acquiesce, however unwillingly, in the rejection of her advice. Nevertheless, she largely fulfilled her purpose of keeping her country free from such European complications as were likely to issue in war. And though she was unable to give effective political aid to her German relatives, she was often successful in checking the activity of her ministers' or of her people's sympathies with their enemies.
The different mental attitudes in which the Queen and her ministers stood to current foreign events are well illustrated by the sentiments which the Polish insurrection excited in them respectively in 1863. Palmerston and his colleague, Lord John, sympathised with the efforts of Poland to release itself from the grip of Russia, and their abhorrence of the persecution of a small race by a great reflected popular English feeling. The Queen's views of the situation altogether ignored the grievances of the Poles. In 1859 she had taunted Lord John Russell with the distrust that was inspired in her and her Government at foreign Courts by the favour which the Liberal press bestowed on Polish insubordination. She now tacitly identified herself with the oppressors of Poland. The Grand Duke Constantine, who was Governor-General of Poland when the insurrection broke out, had been her guest after the Crimean war. His life
was menaced by the Polish rebels, and his modes of tyranny, however repugnant in other circumstances, became in her sight inevitable weapons of self-defence. The question had, moreover, driven France and Prussia into opposite camps. France, affecting horror at Russia's cruelty, invited English co-operation in opposing her. The Queen sternly warned her Government against any manner of interference. Prussia, where Bismarck now ruled, declared that the Poles were meeting their deserts. Maternal duty prompted the Queen to endorse the view of Prussia, her eldest daughter's adopted country and future dominion.
Early in the autumn of 1863 the Queen visited Germany and examined the foreign situation for herself at close quarters. The main object of her tour was to revive her memories of the scenes of her late husband's youth. After staying a night with her uncle Leopold at the summer palace of Laeken, she proceeded to Rosenau, Prince Albert's birthplace, and thence passed on to Coburg. The recent death (on July 9, 1863) of her husband's constant counsellor, Stockmar, at Coburg, intensified the depression in which public and private anxieties involved her, but she took pleasure in the society of the Crown Prince and Princess, who joined her at Rosenau.
The political prospects of the Prince and Princess, however, filled her with fresh alarms. The sovereigns of Germany were meeting at Frankfort to consider a reform of the confederation of the German States. For reasons that were to appear later, Prussia declined to join the meeting, and Austria assumed the leading
place in the conference. It looked probable that an empire of Germany would come into being under the headship of the Emperor of Austria, that Prussia would be excluded from it, and would be ruined by its helpless isolation. The jealousy with which not only Austria, but the smaller German States, regarded Prussia seemed to the Queen to render imminent its decay and fall.
Maternal instincts spurred her to exert all her personal influence in Germany to set the future of Prussia and her daughter’s fortunes on a secure basis. Her brother-in-law, Duke Ernest, was attending the German Diet of Sovereigns at Frankfort. From Rosenau she addressed to him constant appeals to help to protect Prussia from the disasters with which the Frankfort meeting threatened it. On August 29, after drawing a dismal picture of Prussia’s rapid decline, she wrote: ‘All the more would I beg you, as much as lies in your power, to prevent a weakening of Prussia, which not only my own feeling resists—on account of the future of our children—but which would surely also be contrary to the interest of Germany; and I know that our dear angel Albert always regarded a strong Prussia as a necessity, for which therefore it is a sacred duty for me to work.’
Two days later, on August 31, the King of Prussia, at her request, paid her a visit at Coburg. Bismarck, who had a year before assumed control of the policy of Prussia, and understood the situation better than the Queen, was in his master’s retinue. He was not present at the interview, and, by cynically
hinting to King William that the ulterior motive of the Queen’s intrigue was to make the interests of England predominant in Germany, did what was necessary to render her negotiation abortive. The King’s tone was kindly, but he failed to reassure the Queen. He civilly deprecated her interference. She thought he failed to realise his country’s and his family’s danger.
But the King of Prussia’s apparent pusillanimity did not check the Queen’s energies. A personal explanation with the ruler from whom Prussia had, in her view, everything to fear, became in her mind essential. Early in September Francis Joseph, the Emperor of Austria, was returning to Vienna from the Diet at Frankfort. She invited him to visit her on the way at the castle of Coburg. On September 3 he arrived there. It was her first meeting with him. She had been interested in him since his accession to the throne in the eventful year 1848. Ten years later, in August 1858, he had sent to her when at Babelsberg a letter regretting his inability to make her personal acquaintance while she was in the neighbourhood of his dominions; and when his son and heir was born a day or two later, on August 22, 1858, she at once wrote a cordial note of congratulation. She had sympathised with him in the indignities which the Emperor of the French had put on him by aiding Sardinia to deprive him of his territory in North Italy.
The Queen met the Emperor of Austria in an earnest spirit, and her interview with him lasted three hours. Only Duke Ernest was present with them. The Queen prudently deprecated the notion
that she desired to enter in detail into political questions, but her maternal anxiety for her children at Berlin impelled her, she said, to leave no stone unturned to stave off the dangers that threatened Prussia. She knew how greatly Prussia would benefit if she won a sympathetic hearing from the Emperor. He heard her respectfully, but committed himself to nothing, and the interview left the situation unchanged. It had as little effect as her conversation with the King of Prussia. But the interest of the episode cannot be measured by its material result. It is a signal proof of the Queen’s courageous will and passionate devotion to her family.
Soon after parting with the Emperor Francis Joseph, the Queen set her face homewards, only pausing at Darmstadt to see her daughter Alice under her own roof. Arrived in England, she paid her customary autumn visit to Balmoral, and spent some days in September with her friends the Duke and Duchess of Athol at Blair Athol.
The second year of her widowhood was ending, and she had relaxed none of the strict etiquette of mourning. But before the two years reached their final close she temporarily issued from her seclusion in order to unveil publicly at Aberdeen, on October 13, 1863, a bronze statue of the Prince Consort. It was designed at the expense of the city and county by Baron Marochetti, an Italian sculptor high in the Queen’s favour, who had been patronised by Louis Philippe, and had fled from France to England on his patron’s fall. In reply to the address from the subscribers the Queen
¹ Duke Ernest, Memoirs, iv. 134.
declared through Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary, that she had come 'to proclaim in public the unbounded reverence and admiration, the devoted love that fills my heart for him whose loss must throw a lasting gloom over all my future life.' The occasion was one of severe and painful trial to her; but it proved the first of numerous occasions on which she presided over a like ceremony. The warmth with which she welcomed the multiplication of statues of the late Prince was such that by degrees, as Gladstone said, they 'covered the land.'
XXX
THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION
Before the end of the year 1863 there broke out in Central Europe the struggle which had long been threatened by the conflicting claims of Germany and Denmark to the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein. English ministers and the Queen had always kept the question well in view, and knew that at some time or other it would call for the arbitrament of the sword. In 1852 a conference in London of representatives of the various parties had arranged, under the English Government's guidance, a compromise, whereby the relation of the duchies to Germany and Denmark was so defined as to preserve peace for eleven years. The Danes held them under German supervision. But in the course of 1863 Frederick VII. of Denmark asserted new and independent claims on the disputed territory. Although he died just before he gave effect to his intentions, his successor, the Princess of Wales's father, Christian IX., fully accepted his policy.
Opinion in Germany, while at one in its hostility to Denmark, and in its deliberate resolve henceforth to exclude her from the duchies, ran in two sharply divided currents in regard to their future status and relation to Germany. One German party was desirous that the duchies should form an independent State of
the German Confederation; another party was resolved to absorb them altogether in existing German States.
In 1852 Denmark had bought off a German claimant to the duchies in the person of Duke Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg, but his son Duke Frederick declined to be bound by the bargain, and had, also in 1863, reasserted an alleged hereditary right to the territory, with the enthusiastic concurrence of the smaller German States, who were congenitally jealous of the Prussian kingdom, and of a minority in Prussia, mainly formed of Liberal politicians who were representing Bismarck’s high-handed and illiberal methods of rule. Duke Frederick’s claim was sincerely believed by its champions to rest on right and justice.
Before the end of 1863 an abortive endeavour was made by those who urged the formation of the duchies into an independent unit of the German Confederation, to give effect to their views by force. Two of Duke Frederick’s adherents, the Kings of Saxony and Hanover, actually sent troops to drive the Danes from Kiel, the chief city of Holstein, in December 1863, and to put him in possession. But the attempt failed and the situation was not appreciably affected.
The Government of Prussia was hostile to Duke Frederick’s pretensions, and was proposing to settle the Schleswig-Holstein problem in its own fashion. Anticipating embarrassments from co-operation with the small German States, most of which cherished aims antagonistic to its own, it took the matter entirely out of their hands. The King of Prussia induced the Emperor of Austria to join him exclusively
in expelling the Danes from the two duchies. It was agreed at the same time that the two Powers, having overcome the Danes, should hold the territories jointly until some final arrangement was reached.
There were thus three parties to the Schleswig-Holstein dispute—the King of Denmark, Duke Frederick of Augustenburg with his German champions, and the rulers of Prussia and Austria. With all of these Queen Victoria had more or less close personal relations. Two of the three litigants, the King of Denmark and Duke Frederick, each clamoured for her support and begged without concealment for the intervention of English arms.
The Queen, who narrowly watched the progress of events, and surprised ministers at home and envoys from abroad by the minuteness and accuracy of her knowledge, was gravely disturbed. Her sympathies were naturally German and anti-Danish; the Prince Consort had not recognised the justice of the Danish pretension; but between the two sections of German opinion she hesitated. Family considerations gave each a claim to her active sympathy. Duke Frederick of Augustenburg was the husband of the daughter of her half-sister Féodore; she had entertained him at Windsor and regarded him with affection. The Crown Prince of Prussia was his close friend, and his cause was also espoused by the Queen’s daughter Alice and her husband, Prince Louis of Hesse, as well as by her brother-in-law, Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg, who was loud in his appeals to the Queen to declare herself on Duke Frederick’s side. But while regarding with benevolence and sympathy the pretensions of Duke Frederick
of Augustenburg, and pitying the misfortunes of his family, she could not repress the thought that the policy of Prussia, although hostile to Duke Frederick's interests, was calculated, if successful, to increase materially that kingdom's strength and prestige, the promotion of which was for her 'a sacred duty.'
Nor was England at liberty to ignore the arrangements made at the conference of London in 1852, when the claim of Duke Frederick's father to the duchies had been abrogated with his assent. 'You seem quite to overlook the fact,' she wrote to Duke Ernest on January 8, 1864, 'that England is bound by the treaty of 1852, and, greatly as I may deplore the manner in which the treaty was concluded, the Government here has no other choice but to adhere to it. Our beloved Albert could not have acted otherwise.'
There were other grounds which impelled her to restrain her impulse to identify herself completely with any one party to the strife. Radical divergences of opinion were alive in her own domestic circle. The Princess of Wales, the daughter of the King of Denmark, naturally felt acutely her father's position, and when, in December 1863, she and her husband were fellow-guests at Windsor with the Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia, who were the friends of Duke Frederick, the Queen treated Schleswig-Holstein as a forbidden subject at her table. To her ministers and to the mass of her subjects, moreover, the cause of Denmark made a strong appeal. The threats of Prussia and Austria against a small power like Denmark seemed to them another instance of brutal oppression of the weak by the strong, far worse than
Russia’s oppression of Poland, or Austria’s oppression of Hungary. Duke Frederick’s position was deemed futile. The popularity of the Princess of Wales, the King of Denmark’s daughter, tended to strengthen the prevailing popular sentiment in favour of the Danes.
In view of interests and opinions so widely divided, the Queen hoped against hope that peace might be preserved. To that end she directed all her energies. In private letters to German friends and relations she frankly denounced as ‘rash and precipitate’ the action of the small German States—even that of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha—in identifying themselves past recall with Duke Frederick’s cause. She declared that they were setting Germany on the road to ‘revolution and civil war.’ ‘Every one must show a disposition to be conciliatory,’ she told the querulous Duke Ernest. At any rate she was resolved that England should not directly engage in the strife. If the conflict could not be restrained altogether, she wished to see it restricted to the narrowest possible limits of time and space.
It was therefore with deep indignation that she learned that active interference in behalf of Denmark was contemplated by her cabinet. Napoleon III. was sounded as to whether he would lend his aid, but he had grown estranged from Palmerston, and answered coldly. The ministers’ ardour in behalf of Denmark was not diminished by this rebuff. But the Queen’s repugnance to their Danish feeling was strengthened. She made no endeavour to conceal her German sympathies, although they became, to her regret, the subject of reproachful comment in the press. To be
attacked on account of her German sympathies, she wrote to Duke Ernest, was all that was needed to make her sad position unbearable. But her unconquerable frankness was responsible for the public censure. Theodor von Bernhardi, the Prussian historian and diplomatist, had an interview with her at Osborne on January 8, 1864. She openly deplored the strength of the Danish party in England, which had won, she said, the leading journalistic organs. She thought that Germany might exert more influence in the same direction. She was dissatisfied, she added, with the position of the Crown Prince, and lamented the depressed condition of the Liberal party in Prussia.
¹ The writer's full account of the interview is of interest. It runs as follows:
'I found the Queen very cheerful—one might almost say happy—and she welcomed me in the most friendly manner.
'She spoke German—the language of the royal family when alone—and told me that she knew me by name and reputation; the Prince Consort, "who to my desolation is no more," had often spoken of me, and always with great approbation; he had read to her many passages from my works.
'Then she turned the conversation on to the Prince's brother, the Duke of Coburg; asked in what humour and state of mind I had left him, and soon let it be clearly seen that she gave the conversation this turn, and dwelt on it, in order to show me that she thought little of the Duke, that he could achieve nothing with her, that she attached no sort of importance to his advice or views. With womanly wit and womanly penetration she made unsparing merriment over the Duke, his variable quixotic disposition.
'It was so managed as to convey to me that if I wished to keep my post I must take care not to be identified with good Duke Ernest; I must show that I in no way belonged to his party, and knew perfectly well how to estimate him.
'The Queen then asked with interest after Duke Friedrich von Augustenburg, and regretted that public opinion—the prevailing opinion in England—was so decidedly for Denmark and against
At the same time she gave a final and direct refusal to the urgent petitions of Duke Frederick's friends for material assistance or outward show of her Germany. The Danish party had set itself for many years to win the leading organs of the daily press; in this they had succeeded and influenced public opinion. On the side of Germany that was unfortunately wanting. She thought that German effort should be directed to win weighty support in Parliament and in the press, and to enlighten the public and public opinion on the particular nature and importance of the German-Danish dispute. In short, she said enough to let it be recognised most definitely that she personally stood upon the side of Germany in this dispute, and, so far as she could, took part with Germany.
'I merely followed, allowed myself to be instructed, let it be recognised through a few remarks that I knew how to value the worth of the hint, and naturally made no attempt to go deeper into the subject, or to lead the conversation farther than the Queen wished. There was, indeed, no necessity; we did not need to win her.
'The Queen then spoke of the present disagreeable state of things in Prussia; of the unpleasant and difficult position of the Crown Prince. Under those conditions, under the dominion of the present system, the Crown Prince would naturally wish to hold aloof from the centre of government. His particular desire was to receive a military command in the provinces, that would permit him to settle in some place far from the capital; the general command in Breslau was, he considered, most suitable.
'Here I held it necessary to speak the truth. I said that the Crown Prince's position was undoubtedly a very difficult one, and there was a good deal to say for the provincial command which he desired. But there were also many things to be considered. The general situation might possibly become worse if he remained away for a long time from the centre of things and renounced all influence. The most intelligent of our Liberals, the personal friends of the Crown Prince, had already regretted that the Queen and the Prince had so long stayed away from Berlin; that all had kept away from whom the King might have heard something else than the views of the reactionary party.
'The Queen listened in kindly fashion and with interest to those remarks, and after some talk on trivial matters I was dismissed.'—Bernhardi, *Aus dem Leben*, 1895, pt. v. 276–81.
friendship. Within a few hours of her interview with Bernhardi she wrote to her brother-in-law at Coburg that she had come to see with her Government that Duke Frederick's claim was hopeless. She was resolved to work with her Government for peace alone. Her German relatives were aggravating her difficulties by circulating reports of her differences with her Government. 'The sad tension'—between Germany and England—'which is really to nobody's advantage'—could only be reduced by tactful reticence and moderate courses on all sides.
None the less her ministers' words and acts remained, in their defiance of Germany, hardly more consonant with her own views than the German Princes' tactless outcry. When her ministers introduced, at the opening of Parliament (February 4, 1864), expressions into the Queen's speech which she regarded as committing England to active interference on behalf of Denmark, she insisted on their removal. She substituted for their ambiguous menaces of Germany the following colourless paragraph: 'Her Majesty has been unremitting in her endeavours to bring about a peaceful settlement of the differences which have arisen between Germany and Denmark, and to ward off the dangers which might follow from a beginning of warfare in the north of Europe, and her Majesty will continue her efforts in the interest of peace.'
A more critical stage in the eventful history of the duchies was reached a few weeks later, when hostilities actually broke out between Austria and Prussia on the one hand, and Denmark on the
other. German troops invaded the disputed territories. Although the Danes fought bravely, they were soon defeated, and the English Government, with the assent of the Queen, urged on the belligerents not merely an armistice, but a conference in London, so that an accommodation might be reached and the war abridged. The conference met on April 20. The Queen saw many of the envoys, and talked to them with freedom. She energetically recommended mutual concessions. But it was soon seen that the conference would prove abortive. In May it broke up without arriving at any decision.
To the Queen's annoyance, before the conference dissolved, the leading members of her Government championed with new vehemence the cause of the Danes, and warlike operations in their behalf were again openly threatened. Palmerston told the Austrian Ambassador, Count Apponyi, that if the Austrian fleet went to the Baltic it would meet the British fleet there. The Queen, through Lord Granville, expressed grave dissatisfaction with the threat, and roused herself to greater efforts. As on a former occasion while Palmerston was Prime Minister, she appealed to the cabinet to aid her against the Prime Minister. She invited, too, in the service of peace, the private support of the leader of the Opposition, Lord Derby. She hinted that, if Parliament did not adopt a pacific and neutral policy, she would have resort to a dissolution, and let the country decide between her and her ministry.
In the Queen's foreign correspondence, as the situation developed, she grew more and more scrupulous. Her German relatives continued to complain to
her of the encouragement that her ministers and subjects were giving the Danes. She deprecated the notion that she had it in her power to take any course to which her Government was adverse.
The war in Schleswig-Holstein was resumed in June with triumphant results to the German allies, who quickly routed the Danes and occupied the whole of the disputed duchies. Throughout these further operations England maintained the strictest neutrality, despite the occasional threats of public speakers. The credit of upholding in England a neutral policy was laid with justice, in diplomatic circles, at the Queen's door. Gladstone wrote privately from Balmoral early in 1864 that it was 'just' for her to take 'credit to herself for having influenced beneficially the course of policy and of affairs in the late controversy.' Her 'extraordinary integrity of mind' had, it seemed to him, overborne 'all prepossessions and longings, strong as they are, on the German side,' and had enabled her 'spontaneously to hold the balance tolerably even.'
Much of this agitation waged round the Princess
¹ Morley, Life of Gladstone, ii. 104, 105, 192. Cf. Duke Ernest's Memoirs; Count von Beust's Memoirs; Count Vitzthum von Eckstädt's Memoirs. The Queen's ministry, although it abstained from active interference, never affected acquiescence in the result of the struggle. At the close of the war, when the Prussian Government formally announced to the English Government the joint occupation of Schleswig-Holstein, and attempted to justify its action, Lord Russell informed Bismarck that the war was an act of unjust aggression and perfectly needless, and that the British Government lamented the advantages that Austria and Prussia had gained by their success in hostilities. He urged that the people of the disputed duchies should still be allowed to choose their own ruler and enjoy 'free constitutional institutions.' Cf. Politische Briefe von Bismarcks, 1849–89, iii. 144–9.
of Wales, and while it was at its height a new interest was aroused in her. On January 8, 1864, she became, at Frogmore, the mother of a son (Albert Victor), who was in the direct line of succession to the throne. The happy event gave the Queen, in the heat of the political anxiety, immense gratification. It was soon followed by her first public appearance in London since her bereavement. On March 30 she attended a flower show at the Horticultural Gardens in London. She also permitted her birthday on May 24 to be celebrated for the first time since her widowhood with state formalities.
Unhappily, from her point of view, public attention was absorbed during the same months by the visit to England of Garibaldi, the hero of the Italian war of emancipation, with which she was out of sympathy. The English people of all ranks welcomed the Italian general with a passionate enthusiasm which the Queen viewed with ill-concealed disdain. 'She felt half ashamed,' she said impatiently, 'of being the head of a nation capable of such follies.'
In the autumn Duke Ernest and his wife were her guests at Balmoral, and German politics continued to be warmly debated. But she mainly devoted her time in the North to well-earned recreation. She made, as of old, many excursions in the neighbourhood of her highland home. But her thoughts still reverted to the past. For the second time in Scotland she unveiled a statue of the Prince Consort, on this occasion at Perth; and on her return to Windsor she paid a private visit to her late husband's foundation of Wellington College.
XXXI
THE QUEEN'S SECLUSION
A heavy addition to her trials was now awaiting the Queen. A feeling was growing throughout the country that her seclusion was unduly prolonged, and was contrary to the nation's interest. Expressions of discontent were growing ominous.
It was not within the knowledge of the majority of her subjects that she was performing the routine business of her station with all her ancient pertinacity, in spite of her withdrawal from public ceremonials. She had never failed to give public signs of interest in social and non-political questions affecting the people's welfare. On December 27, 1864, she, on her own responsibility, addressed a letter to the railway companies, calling their attention to the frequency of accidents, and to their responsibilities for the safety of their passengers.¹ In London, in March
¹ The letter contained the following passages:—
'It is not for her own safety that the Queen has wished to provide in thus calling the attention of the Company to the late disasters. Her Majesty is aware that when she travels extraordinary precautions are taken, but it is on account of her family, of those travelling upon her service, and of her people generally, that she expresses the hope that the same security may be insured for all as is so carefully provided for herself. . . . The Queen hopes it is unnecessary for her to recall to the recollection of the railway directors the heavy
1865, she visited the Consumption Hospital at Brompton. She watched with active interest all that passed, not merely on the continent of Europe, but in more distant parts of the globe. The assassination of President Lincoln on April 14 called forth all her sympathy, and she at once sent to the President's widow an autograph letter of condolence, which excited enthusiasm on both sides of the Atlantic, and did much to relieve the tension that English sympathy with the Southern Confederates had introduced into the relations of the Governments of London and Washington.
But at the same time her neglect of the ceremonial functions of her office was patent, and it was held to diminish the dignity of Government. On three occasions she had failed to open Parliament in person. That ceremony most effectually brought into prominence the place of the Sovereign in the constitution; it was greatly valued by ministers, and had in the past been rarely omitted. William IV., who had excused his attendance at the opening of Parliament in 1837 on the ground of the illness of his sister, the Duchess of Gloucester, had been warned that his absence contravened a principle of the constitution; and Lord Melbourne, the Prime Minister, wrote to Lord John Russell that that was the first occasion in the history of the country on which a Sovereign had failed to present himself at the opening of Parliament, except in cases of personal illness or infirmity.\(^1\)
\(^1\) Walpole's *Russell*, i. 275.
The Queen was known to be in the enjoyment of good health, and, despite her sorrow, had regained some of her native cheerfulness. Her absence from Parliament seemed to lack adequate justification. When, therefore, early in 1864 the rumour spread that she would resume her place on the throne at the opening of the new session, signs of popular satisfaction abounded. But she did not come, and the disappointment emphasised the popular discontent.
Radicals, who had no enthusiasm for the monarchical principle, began to argue that the cost of the crown was out of all proportion to its practical uses. The press almost unanimously declared her attitude to the public to be a breach of public duty. The Queen, although pained from the first by the outcry, had no intention of yielding to popular clamour. She frankly defied the criticism of her conduct. On April 1, 1864, the 'Times' newspaper in a leading article, after referring to a revived rumour 'that the Sovereign is about to break her protracted seclusion,' declared it to be futile on her part to attempt to exert 'an abiding influence on public affairs without appearing as a factor of them.' 'They who would isolate themselves from the world and its duties must cease to know and to care, as well as to act, and be content to let things take their course. This in effect they cannot do; this they never do; and the only result is a struggle in which they neither live nor die—neither live, as they wish, in the past, nor do their duty in the "working world."'
On April 6, 1864, five days later, the Queen
replied to the 'Times' newspaper by a peremptory denial of the current report that she 'is about to resume the place in society which she occupied before her great affliction; that is, that she is about again to hold levees and drawing-rooms in person, and to appear as before at Court balls, concerts, &c. This idea cannot be too explicitly contradicted.'
'She would not shrink,' she boldly proceeded, 'from any personal sacrifice or exertion, however painful. But there are other and higher duties than those of mere representation which are now thrown upon the Queen, alone and unassisted—duties which she cannot neglect without injury to the public service, which weigh unceasingly upon her, overwhelming her with work and anxiety.' She had worked hard in the public service to the injury of her health and strength. The fatigue of mere state ceremonies, which could be equally well performed by other members of the royal family, she was unable to undergo. 'She would do what she could—in the manner least trying to her health, strength, and spirits—to meet the loyal wishes of her subjects; to afford that support and countenance to society, and to give that encouragement to trade which was desired of her. More the Queen could not do, and more the kindness and good feeling of her people would surely not exact of her.'
The Queen remained steadfast to her resolve, but public opinion was not diverted from the channel in which it had begun to flow, and throughout the year the tide of censure continued to rise. On the third anniversary (December 14, 1864) of the Prince Consort's death, the 'Times' newspaper renewed its attack.
'The living' (the Queen was reminded) 'have their claims as well as the dead; and what claims can be more imperative than those of a great nation, and the society of one of the first European capitals? . . . It is impossible for a recluse to occupy the British throne without a gradual weakening of that authority which the Sovereign has been accustomed to exert. . . . For the sake of the Crown as well as of the public we would, therefore, beseech her Majesty to return to the personal exercise of her exalted functions. It may be that in time London may accustom itself to do without the Palace, but it is not desirable that we should attain that point of Republican simplicity. For every reason we trust that now that three years have elapsed, and every honour that affection and gratitude could pay to the memory of the Prince Consort has been offered, her Majesty will think of her subjects' claims and the duties of her high station, and not postpone them longer to the indulgence of an unavailing grief.' On September 28, 1865, a cartoon in 'Punch' portrayed the Queen as the statue of Hermione in Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale,' while Britannia figuring as Paulina was represented as addressing to her the words: 'Tis time; descend; be stone no more' (v. iii. 99).
The violence and persistence of the denunciations brought with them a partial reaction; chivalrous defenders pointed to the natural womanly sentiment which explained if it did not justify the Queen's retirement. In the first number of the 'Pall Mall Gazette,' which appeared on February 7, 1865, the day of the opening of a new Parliament, the first article, headed 'The
Queen’s Seclusion,’ sympathetically sought to modify public hostility.
A more influential voice came to her support some months later. At a great Liberal meeting at St. James’s Hall on December 4, 1866, after Mr. A. S. Ayrton, member of Parliament for the Tower Hamlets, had denounced the Queen’s neglect of public duty in no sparing terms, John Bright, the Radical orator, who was present, brought his eloquence to her defence and said with fine feeling: ‘I am not accustomed to stand up in defence of those who are the possessors of crowns. But I think there has been, by many persons, a great injustice done to the Queen in reference to her desolate and widowed position; and I venture to say this, that a woman, be she the Queen of a great realm, or be she the wife of one of your labouring men, who can keep alive in her heart a great sorrow for the lost object of her life and affection, is not at all likely to be wanting in a great and generous sympathy with you.’ Mr. Ayrton endeavoured to explain his words, but was refused a hearing.
Nevertheless the agitation was unrepressed, and to a small extent the Queen gave way. She opened Parliament in person once again,¹ but she still declined formally to resume her old place in public life, and grew to regard the complaint of her seclusion as unmerited persecution. In her view the public censure was based on misapprehension of the constant work and anxiety which her position imposed on her. Her health suffered from the incessant calls that public
¹ See p. 366.
affairs made on her time and thought. She thought that the criticism of the press would be silenced by a frank statement on the part of friends of her absorption in public and private affairs. Her relatives deeply sympathised with her perturbation. But her confidential advisers deprecated public notice of the journalistic invectives.
XXXII
THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR
There was force in the Queen's contention that she was always hard at work. Apart from public questions, which were rarely absent from her mind, the individual fortunes of her numerous kindred constantly filled her thoughts. In the autumn of 1865 domestic matters largely occupied her. Accompanied by her family, she paid another visit to her husband's native country, in order to unveil, in the presence of his relatives, a statue to him at Coburg (August 26). Twenty-four of her near kinsmen and kinswomen attended the ceremony.
While at Coburg the Queen approved a matrimonial project affecting her third and eldest unmarried daughter, Helena, who had of late years been her constant companion. Largely at the instance of her brother-in-law, Duke Ernest, the Princess was betrothed to Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein - Sonderburg - Augustenburg, the younger brother of that Duke Frederick whose claim to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein had been pressed by the smaller German States on Denmark and on the Prussian-Austrian alliance with results disastrous to himself. After the recent Schleswig-Holstein war
Bismarck had deprived Duke Frederick and his family of their property and standing, and the claimant's younger brother, Prince Christian, who had previously been an officer in the Prussian army, had been compelled to retire. In view of recent events the match was calculated strongly to excite political feeling in Germany. The sympathy felt by the Crown Prince and Princess for the injured house of Augustenburg rendered the match congenial to them; but it was viewed with no favour at Berlin, and the Queen was freely reproached there with a wanton interference in the domestic affairs of Germany. She unmistakably identified herself with the arrangement, and by her private munificence met the difficulty incident to the narrow pecuniary resources of the young Prince.
The Queen returned to England in good health and spirits, meeting at Ostend her uncle Leopold for what proved to be the last time. Events in the autumn unfortunately intensified her sense of isolation. In the summer of 1865 a dissolution of Parliament had become necessary; it was in its seventh year, and the ministry's hold on the House of Commons was slackening. In the result the Liberals slightly increased their majority in the new House of Commons; they numbered 361 to 294 Conservatives. But, before the new Parliament met, it was faced by disaster. Palmerston, the Prime Minister, died on October 18, two days before his eighty-first birthday. The Queen was at the moment at Balmoral, and her unwillingness to shorten her stay there in order to arrange on the spot for the necessary reconstitution of the
Government tended to intensify the misgivings of those who feared she was underrating her obligations to the public service.
But the Queen, despite her refusal to come south to meet the emergency, was deeply touched by Palmerston’s death. She had known him as a minister of the Crown from almost the hour of her accession, twenty-eight years before, and although she never was in genuine sympathy with him, and had suffered bitter anguish from his conduct towards her, his removal broke for her a strong link with the past. In the presence of death the Queen magnanimously forgot all the trials that the minister had caused her. She only felt, she said, how one by one her servants and ministers were taken from her. She acknowledged the admiration which Lord Palmerston’s acts, even those that met with her own disapproval, had roused in his fellow-countrymen, and, justly interpreting public sentiment, she accepted the suggestion, which came in the first instance from Gladstone, that a public funeral in Westminster Abbey should be accorded her dead minister. Afterwards, on her return to London, she paid Lady Palmerston a touching visit of condolence.
As soon as the news of Palmerston’s death had reached Balmoral, the Queen without hesitation sought his successor in Lord John, the oldest minister in her service. In 1861 he had gone to the House of Lords as Earl Russell. She now bade him take Palmerston’s place at the head of the Government. The change was rendered grateful to her, not by any special confidence in the value of Lord John’s political views or experience, but because his promotion enabled her to bestow the office of Foreign Secretary, which he had hitherto held, on her trusted friend, Lord Clarendon. Another necessary change in the constitution of the ministry caused her a little anxiety. It was inevitable that Gladstone, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, should become leader of the House of Commons in succession to Palmerston. She had admired Gladstone when he was the active lieutenant of Peel, and she had not yet lost confidence in his judgment or patriotic ardour. But she recognised that his opinions were inclining towards democratic liberalism, a direction which was obnoxious to her. Although she had long known him personally, his new and dignified position brought her for the first time into close personal relations with him, and on nearer acquaintance his manner and tone of thought failed to be congenial to her. At his entrance on the responsible duties of leader of the Lower House, she was prepared to view his conduct with indulgence. After the opening of the session in which he first took the helm in the House of Commons, she wrote to express her gratification 'at the account she hears from all sides of the admirable manner in which he has commenced his leadership' (February 21, 1866). But in the years that were soon to follow, Gladstone was to play a part in the drama of her life not wholly unlike that which Palmerston had abandoned only with his death.
On December 10 the Queen suffered another loss, which brought her acute sorrow—the death of King Leopold. She had depended on him almost since
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1 Morley, *Life of Gladstone*, ii. 157.
her birth for advice on both public and private questions. Since the Prince Consort's death her reliance on him in her private affairs had steadily increased. In St. George's Chapel, Windsor, she at once placed a monument to his memory, beside the tomb of his first wife, Princess Charlotte, George IV.'s only lawful child, and in the inscription she recorded that he held the place of a father in her affections.\(^1\) There was no member of the Saxe-Coburg family, of which henceforth she was herself the head, who could take her uncle's place. None of her relatives were qualified to fill the position in her circle of advisers which his death left vacant. Her brother-in-law Ernest, who was vain and quixotic, looked up to her for counsel, and in his judgment she put no faith. Of her children she was the mentor who offered advice and sought none in return. In her family circle it was now, more than before, on herself alone that she had to rely.
But she recognised that the future had calls upon her as well as the past. The forthcoming marriage of Princess Helena coincided with the coming of age of her second son, Prince Alfred. For her son and daughter the Queen was anxious that due pecuniary provision should be made by Parliament, and the public temper did not give her confidence in the issue. This circumstance, coupled with the fact that a new Parliament was assembling, led her to yield to the pressure of her ministers, and once more, after an interval of five years, she opened the Legislature in
\(^1\) Cf. Saint-René Tallandier's *Le Roi Léopold et La Reine Victoria*. 2 vols. Paris, 1878.
person (February 10, 1866). She came to London from Windsor only for the day, and she deprived the ceremony of its ancient splendour. No flourish of trumpets announced her entrance. The gilded state carriage was replaced by one of more modern build, though it was drawn as of old by the eight cream-coloured horses. The Queen, instead of wearing the royal robes of state, had them laid on a chair at her side, and her speech was read not by herself, as had been her habit hitherto, but by the Lord Chancellor (Lord Cranworth). The old procedure was never restored by the Queen, and on the six subsequent occasions that she opened Parliament before the close of her reign the formalities followed the new precedent of 1866. She was dressed in black, wearing a Marie Stuart cap and the blue ribbon of the Garter. During the ceremony she sat perfectly motionless, and manifested little consciousness of what was proceeding. A month later she showed the direction that her thoughts were still taking by instituting the Albert medal, a new decoration for those endangering their lives in seeking to rescue others from perils of the sea (March 7, 1866).
Later in the year she again forsook her seclusion, and, for the first time after the Prince's death, revisited Aldershot. She went there twice to review troops—on March 13 and on April 5. On the second occasion she gave new colours to the 89th Regiment, which she had first honoured thus in 1833, and she now bestowed on the regiment the title 'The Princess Victoria's Regiment,' permitting the officers to wear on their forage-caps the badge of a princess's coronet.
Visits to Aldershot.
The summer perceptibly illumined her gloom. It was brightened by two marriages in her immediate circle. Not only her daughter Helena, but her cousin and friend, Princess Mary of Cambridge, had recently become engaged. The latter was betrothed to the Duke of Teck, who was congenial to the Queen by reason of his Saxe-Coburg connections. He was her second cousin, being the son, by a morganatic marriage, of Duke Alexander Constantine of Würtemberg, whose mother, of the Saxe-Coburg family, was elder sister of the Duchess of Kent, and thus the Queen’s aunt. On June 12, dressed in deep black, she was present at Princess Mary’s wedding, which took place at Kew. On July 5 she attended the solemnisation of marriage at Windsor of her third daughter, Helena, with Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein.
Parliament had been conciliatory in the matter of grants to her children. Princess Helena received a dowry of 30,000l. and an annuity of 6,000l., while her second son, Prince Alfred, received an annuity of 15,000l., to be raised to 25,000l. in case of his marriage. There was, contrary to expectation, no opposition to either arrangement.
But throughout the session the position of the Government and the course of public affairs in Germany filled the Queen with alarm. It was clear that the disputes between Prussia and Austria in regard to the final settlement of the conquered duchies of Schleswig-Holstein were to issue in a desperate conflict between the two Powers. Not otherwise could their long rivalry for the headship of the German States be finally decided. The prospect of
war caused the Queen acute distress. The merits of the quarrel were blurred in her eyes by domestic preoccupations. The struggle hopelessly divided her family in Germany. The Crown Prince was identified with Prussia; but her son-in-law of Hesse, her cousin of Hanover, and her brother-in-law of Saxe-Coburg were supporters of Austria. The likelihood that her two sons-in-law of Prussia and Hesse would fight against each other was especially terrifying to her. Her former desire to see Prussia strong and self-reliant was now in conflict with her fear that Prussian predominance meant ruin for all the smaller States of Germany, to which she was personally attached.
In the early months of 1866 the Queen eagerly inquired of Lord Clarendon how best to direct her influence to the maintenance of peace. She bade Lord Russell, the Prime Minister, take every step to prevent war; and in March 1866 her ministry, with her assent, proposed to the King of Prussia that she should act as mediator. Bismarck, however, brusquely declined her advances. In letters to the King of Prussia he heaped terms of contumely on the head of the Queen, whom he regarded as seeking to foil for selfish domestic reasons his policy of humiliating Austria and of giving Prussia the supremacy of Central Europe. He declaimed against the baneful influence she exerted in Prussian affairs. Through her daughter, she dominated the Crown Prince. She prompted the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, who shared (Bismarck asserted) in every intrigue that was likely to undermine Prussian power.
¹ Bismarck’s Politische Briefe.
The Queen’s perplexities were increased in May by her Government’s domestic difficulties. Lord Russell warned her of the probable defeat of the Government on the Reform Bill, which they had lately introduced into the House of Commons. The Queen had already acknowledged the desirability of a prompt settlement of the long-debated extension of the franchise. She had even told Lord Russell that vacillation or indifference respecting it, on the Government’s part, now that the question was in the air, weakened the power of the Crown. She thought that the consideration of the whole question might well have been postponed, but now that it had been raised by the Government, it was essential that it should be ‘prosecuted to its completion.’
In effect the continental complication tended to reduce home politics to small dimensions in the Queen’s eye. She declined to recognise a Reform Bill to be a matter of the first importance, and she wrote with heat to the Prime Minister, Lord Russell, that, whatever happened to his franchise proposals in the Commons, she would permit no resignation of the ministers until the foreign peril was averted. Her ministers begged her to remain at Windsor in May instead of paying her usual spring visit to Balmoral, so that she might be at hand in case they were unable to carry on the government. She declined, with the remark that they were bound at all hazards to avert a ministerial crisis.
In June the worst happened, alike at home and abroad. War was declared between Prussia and Austria, and Lord Russell’s Government was defeated.
while its Reform Bill was in committee in the House of Commons. On June 19 Lord Russell forwarded his resignation to Balmoral; he deprecated a dissolution at so early a date after the general election. The Queen was filled with anger. She wrote protesting that she was taken completely by surprise. 'In the present state of Europe,' she said, 'and the apathy which Lord Russell himself admits to exist in the country on the subject of Reform, the Queen cannot think it consistent with the duty which the ministers owe to herself and the country that they should abandon their posts in consequence of their defeat on a matter of detail (not of principle) in a question which can never be settled unless all sides are prepared to make concessions; and she must therefore ask them to reconsider their decision.'¹ Lord Russell quickly retorted that his continuance in office was impracticable, and the Cabinet supported him. On her return to Windsor, June 26, she at once saw the Prime Minister and Gladstone. She repeated her view that the Government was resigning on a 'matter of detail,' and that the 'state of the Continent' rendered their action perilous. She suggested that her opinion should be announced to Parliament; but her ministers deemed her advice impolitic.² Lord Russell, after careful reconsideration, declined to retract his own or his colleagues' resignation, and with the ministry's retirement he ended his long public life.
The Queen regarded his withdrawal as amounting to desertion, and her anger did not readily cool.
¹ Walpole, *Lord John Russell*, ii. 415.
² Morley, *Life of Gladstone*, ii. 209-211.
For some days she suffered the Government to lie in abeyance. At length the Conservative leader, Lord Derby, accepted her command to form a new ministry, with Disraeli as Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons (July 6, 1866). Disraeli was called anew to the captaincy of a House of Commons which was less than one year old, and in which the party majority against him numbered nearly seventy. The perils of the new Government were consequently great, but the Queen was hopeful of its ability to defend itself. She welcomed back to office with especial warmth Lord Malmesbury, who
The members of the cabinet were as follows:
First Lord of the Treasury . . . Lord Derby.
Lord Chancellor . . . Lord Chelmsford.
President of Council . . . Duke of Buckingham.
Privy Seal . . . Lord Malmesbury.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Mr. Disraeli.
Home Secretary . . . Mr. Spencer Walpole.
Foreign Secretary . . . Lord Stanley (son of the Prime Minister).
Secretary for the Colonies . . Lord Carnarvon.
Secretary for War . . . General Jonathan Peel.
Secretary for India . . . Lord Cranborne (who succeeded as Marquis of Salisbury, 1868).
President of the Board of Trade Sir Stafford Northcote (afterwards Earl of Iddesleigh).
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster . . . Lord Devon.
First Commissioner of Works . Lord John Manners (afterwards the Duke of Rutland).
First Lord of the Admiralty . Sir John Pakington (afterwards Lord Hampton).
President of the Poor Law Board Mr. Gathorne Hardy (afterwards Viscount Cranbrook).
became Lord Privy Seal, and General Peel, who was again Minister of War. Lord Stanley, the Prime Minister's son, became Foreign Secretary, and of him she always cherished grateful recollection.
Meanwhile the Austro-Prussian war was waging in Germany, and many of the Queen's relatives were in the field. The Crown Prince was alone fighting for Prussia, the rest were standing by Austria. She was in constant communication with her kindred on the two sides, and her anxiety was intense. She took charge of the children of Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt at Osborne, and she sent their mother at Darmstadt much linen for the wounded. The result of the conflict was not long in doubt. At the outset, the rapid invasion of Hanover by Prussian troops drove the Queen's cousin, the blind King George, from his throne, and summarily blotted out the kingdom, converting it into a Prussian province. 'It is too dreadful,' she telegraphed to Duke Ernest in reply to his announcement of the distressing news, June 28, 1866; 'where is the poor King and his son?' The Queen bitterly felt the humiliation involved in the extinction of a kingdom which had long been identified with England. She was deeply interested in arrangements for the future safety of the expelled royal family of Hanover, but came to agree with Disraeli and the King of Prussia that their settlement in England might provoke further tension between England and Prussia.¹ The King of Hanover finally, with the Queen's full assent, made his residence at Paris.
¹ Appendix to Bismarck's Gedanken u. Erinnerungen, i. 169–170, Letter 193.
But in the welfare of him and of his family, especially of his daughter Frederica, whom she called 'the poor lily of Hanover,' her affectionate interest never waned.
Elsewhere Prussia's triumph in the war was as quickly assured. The Austrians were decisively defeated at the battle of Sadowa near Königgrätz on July 3, 1866, and the conflict was at an end seven weeks after it had begun. Meanwhile the Queen suffered more disappointments. Italy had joined Prussia against Austria. Austria was summarily deprived of Venetia, her last hold on the Italian peninsula, and the union of Italy under Victor Emanuel—a project with which the Queen had no sympathy—was virtually accomplished.
Thus Prussia was finally placed at the head of the whole of Western Germany; its accession to the imperial crown of Germany was in sight, and Austria was compelled to retire from the German Confederation. It was with mixed feelings and with more misgiving than gratification that the Queen saw her early hopes of a strong Prussia realised. The price of the victory was abolition of the kingdom of Hanover, loss of territory for her son-in-law of Hesse-Darmstadt, and reduction of power and dignity for the other small German States with which she was lineally associated. Moreover, the undisguised contempt with which Bismarck, who was the minister mainly responsible for Prussia's triumph, treated her daughter and son-in-law, the Crown Prince and Princess, checked in her the elation of spirit that she had thought in earlier days to derive from every conspicuously forward step in the career of Prussian power.
XXXIII
THE PRINCE CONSORT'S BIOGRAPHY
The Queen's withdrawal to the quiet of Balmoral in October gave welcome relief after such severe political strains. She repeated at Dunkeld a short sojourn, which she had made the year before, with the lately widowed Duchess of Athol, a favourite lady of the bedchamber, with whom her sympathy was complete.
The Queen was persuaded to take part in two public ceremonials before the end of the year. She opened the Aberdeen Waterworks at Invercannie (October 16, 1866), when for the first time in her widowhood she herself read the answer to the address of the Lord Provost. Another public ceremonial in which she took part after her return south revealed the vast store of loyalty which, despite detraction and criticism, the Queen still had at her command. On November 30 she visited Wolverhampton to unveil a statue of the Prince Consort in the market-place. It was the earliest mark of respect that any English municipality had paid his memory. She expressed a desire that her route should be so arranged as to give the inhabitants, both poor and rich, full opportunities of showing her respect. A network of streets
measuring a course of nearly three miles was traversed. The Queen acknowledged that 'the heartiness and cordiality of the reception' left nothing to be desired, and her spirits rose.
The perpetuation of her husband's memory was still a main endeavour of her life, and she now enlisted biography in her service. At her wish Sir Arthur Helps edited for her a collection of the Prince's 'Speeches and Addresses' in 1862. She inscribed copies, which she sent to friends, with the words 'from his broken-hearted widow, Victoria.' Subsequently, under her direction her private secretary, General Grey, who had served the Prince in the same position, set to work on a minute account of the early years of the Prince Consort. The Queen designed the volume, which was based on confidential and intimate family correspondence, for private distribution among friends and relatives. It was sent to press in 1866. It brought the Prince's life only to the date of his marriage, but interest was manifested in it, and in 1867 the Queen placed the book at the disposal of the wider audience of the general public. The work, when it was published in the ordinary way, was well received. At the Queen's request Bishop Wilberforce reviewed it in the 'Quarterly.' He described it as a cry from the Queen's heart for her people's sympathy, and he said that her cry was answered.¹
The Queen at once resolved that the biography should be continued, but General Grey's heavy occupations did not permit him to proceed further with the task. Thereupon, in August 1866, the Queen
¹ Life of Wilberforce, iii. 236.
consulted Sir Arthur Helps respecting the choice of a successor. She wished the biography of the Prince’s later life, which so nearly concerned her own, to be, she wrote, ‘as faithful a representation as it possibly can be.’ Sir Arthur recommended Mr. (afterwards Sir Theodore) Martin, who was a German scholar and was free from political bias. Sir Theodore Martin was offered, and with some hesitation undertook, the work. Much of her time was thenceforth devoted to the sorting of her and her husband’s private papers and correspondence, and to the selection of extracts for publication. Every chapter as it was completed was carefully read and criticised by the Queen. She was quick to detect and correct errors in dates and names, and to suggest at times tactful modifications of language. But she left the biographer free to map out and develop his narrative as seemed best to him. She was always insistent that at all points the facts should be fully told.
The work was designed on an ample scale, the first volume appearing in 1874, and the fifth and last in 1880. Amazement was felt even by her own children at the want of reserve which characterised their father’s biography. The whole truth best vindicated him, she explained, and it was undesirable to wait before telling it till those who had known him had passed away. The German side of his character, which alienated sympathy in his lifetime, could only be apprehended in a full exposition. Both she and he would suffer, she said, were the work not carried through.
¹ Princess Alice’s Letters, pp. 333–5.
As the work progressed her conviction of the wisdom of her plan steadily grew upon her. Memoirs of some of the Prince's contemporaries were appearing, and gave impressions of the Prince's opinion or conduct, which called, in her opinion, for authoritative correction. The record of Stockmar's life, which was published by his son in 1872, dissatisfied her. She deemed that it did scant justice to the trusted mentor of herself and of her husband. Her daughter Alice continued to express doubt of her wisdom in communicating private information to the public; the Queen repeated her assured belief that it was of 'much use to posterity and to princes to see what an unselfish self-sacrificing and in many ways hard and unenviable life beloved papa's was.'
At the same time she deprecated indiscretion or levity in writing of the royal family, and in 1874 she was greatly irritated by the publication of the first part of the 'Greville Memoirs.' She judged the work, by its freedom of comment on her predecessors, to be disrespectful to the monarchy. Henry Reeve, the editor, was informed of her displeasure, and she was not convinced by his defence that monarchy had been injured by George IV.'s depravity and William IV.'s absurdity, and had only been placed on a sure footing by her own virtues.
The Queen was not content to leave the whole of the burden of setting the true facts of her life before her people in the hands of others. She herself attempted authorship in order to help forward that design. To
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1 Princess Alice's Letters, pp. 333–5.
2 Laughton, Memoir of Henry Reeve.
illustrate the happy character of her married life, she in 1867 privately issued for circulation among friends some extracts from her own regularly kept diary under the title of 'Leaves from a Journal of our Life in the Highlands from 1848 to 1861.' This she was induced to publish at the beginning of the following year (1868). She derived aid in preparing the manuscript for press from Sir Arthur Helps, who did what he could to remedy the colloquial inaccuracy of her style. She always wrote with great rapidity, and her faults of composition were ineradicable; on one occasion she naïvely confessed to Lord John Russell that she often in writing found herself in the middle of a long sentence from which she saw no chance of extricating herself—a confession on which Lord John bluntly commented: 'Yes, Madam, so I perceive.'¹ But the unaffected simplicity and naïveté of her published journal attracted the public, who saw in the book, with its frank descriptions of her private doings, proof of her wish to share her joys and sorrows with her people. The favourable reviews of the publication in the press greatly moved and cheered her.
The year 1867 abounded in political incidents which distracted the Queen's attention amid her literary occupations. With her new Conservative ministers her relations were invariably cordial. Their views on foreign politics were mainly identical with her own, and there was none of the friction which had marked her relations with Palmerston and Lord Russell. The new ministers' sympathetic tone led her to modify still further her habits of seclusion. She
¹ C. L. Graves, *Life of Sir George Grove*, pp. 130–1.
bore public testimony to the harmony existing between them and herself by consenting once more to open Parliament in person on February 5. In May she again appeared in public, when she laid the foundation of the Royal Albert Hall, which was erected in her husband's memory. Her voice, in replying to the address of welcome, was scarcely audible. It had been with a struggle, she said, that she had nerved herself to take part in the proceedings. The mental strain which public ceremonials imposed on her was evident to all.
XXXIV
FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN 1867
The chief event of the year in domestic politics was the passage of Disraeli’s Reform Bill through Parliament. The Queen encouraged the Government to settle the question, which had been more or less agitating the country for sixteen years. Although she had no enthusiasm for sweeping reforms, and regarded domestic legislation as of small importance compared with movements in foreign diplomacy, her old Whig training inclined her to regard extensions of the franchise with favour. She deemed the widening of the electorate of advantage to the monarchy and to the foundations of her government.
But now, as always, foreign affairs were her main concern. The European sky had not grown clear, despite the storms of the previous year. The Queen was particularly perturbed in the early months of 1867 by renewed fear of her former ally, Napoleon III. Although her personal correspondence with him was still as amiable as of old, her distrust of his political intentions was greater than ever, and she employed all her influence to foil what she believed to be his dangerous purposes. It was long generally recognised that he was seeking an opportunity to annex to France
the eastern bank of the Rhine, and the Queen in 1863 had plainly warned him against so serious a menace to the peace of Europe. The success of her first remonstrance was generally admitted. King Leopold in 1863 pointed out to the Crown Prince of Germany that the Queen’s emphatically expressed disapproval of Napoleon’s ambitious design on the integrity of German territory had deterred him from pursuing it. The King of Prussia at the same time assured the sceptical Bismarck that the Queen’s calm and prudent conduct had, in the opinion of all her relatives, preserved Germany from French invasion.
In 1867 Napoleon was again fomenting disquiet. He professed to detect danger to France in the semi-independence of the frontier state—the duchy of Luxemburg—which lay between France and Germany. The new conditions which Prussian predominance created in North Germany had given that Power the right at will to fortify the duchy on its French border, which had hitherto been unprotected. Napoleon objected to the establishment of any new German armaments on the boundaries of France. He therefore negotiated with the King of Holland, the suzerain of the duchy of Luxemburg, for the annexation of the duchy to the King’s dominions, or he was willing to see it annexed to Belgium if some small strip of Belgian territory were assigned to him. Prussia raised protests and Belgium declined to entertain Napoleon’s suggestion. Both German and French susceptibilities were excited, and the shadow of war seemed to darken Central Europe. The Queen renewed her action of 1863, and vehemently appealed to her Government to
urge on all the Powers concerned the necessity of peace. Her appeal had its effect. A conference met in London (May 11 to 14, 1867), with the result that the independence of the duchy of Luxemburg was guaranteed by the Powers, though all its fortresses were to be dismantled. Napoleon was disappointed by his failure to secure any material advantage from the settlement. He was inclined to credit the Queen with thwarting his ambition.
His relations with her endured a further strain next month when his fatal abandonment in Mexico of her friend and connection, the Archduke Maximilian, became known. In 1864 Napoleon had managed to persuade the Archduke, the Austrian Emperor's brother, who had married the Queen's first cousin, Princess Charlotte of Belgium, and had frequently been a favoured guest at Windsor, to accept the imperial throne which a French army was setting up in republican Mexico. Few of the inhabitants of the country acknowledged the title of the new Emperor, and in 1866, after the close of the American civil war, the Government at Washington warned Napoleon that, unless his troops were summarily withdrawn from the North American continent, force would be used to expel them. The Emperor pusillanimously offered no resistance to the demand, and the French army was withdrawn, but the Archduke declined to leave with it. His wife, Princess Charlotte of Belgium, as soon as she realised her husband's peril, came to Europe to beg protection for him, and to the Queen's lasting sorrow her anxieties permanently affected her intellect. She was thenceforth confined
in a lunatic asylum. Meanwhile the inhabitants of Mexico restored the Republic, and the Archduke Maximilian was shot in the city by order of a court-martial on June 20, 1867.
The catastrophe appalled the Queen, whose personal attachment to its victims was great. She wrote a frank letter of condolence to the Archduke's brother, the Emperor of Austria, and spoke of Napoleon as politically past redemption. But political disagreement with the Emperor and disgust at his reckless courses failed to diminish the Queen's affection for the Empress of the French, and she privately entertained her as her guest at Osborne in July, while her sorrow for the fate of the Emperor Maximilian and Empress Charlotte was uppermost in her heart. Nor, when misfortune overtook the Emperor himself in 1870, did she permit her repugnance to his political action or principles to repress her sense of compassion.
While the Mexican tragedy was nearing its last scene the second Great Exhibition was taking place at Paris. Napoleon III., despite the universal suspicion that he excited, succeeded in entertaining many royal personages, among them the Tsar Alexander II., the King of Prussia, Abdul Aziz, the Sultan of Turkey, Ismail Pasha, the Khedive of Egypt, and the Prince of Wales. The Queen's ministers recommended that she should renew the old hospitalities of her Court and invite the royal visitors in Paris to be her guests. The Queen of Prussia had spent several days with her in June before the arrival of the Empress Eugénie, but she demurred to acting
as hostess in state on a large scale, or to entertaining sovereigns who were not already her personal friends. She was, however, persuaded, with a view to confirming her influence in Eastern Europe, which she always regarded as of importance to British interests, to entertain Abdul Aziz, the Sultan of Turkey, and to receive Ismail Pasha, the Khedive of Egypt. The Khedive had, uninvited, announced his intention of coming, and was in the country from July 6 to 18.
No Sultan of Turkey had yet set foot on English soil, and the visit, which seemed to set the seal on the old political alliance between the two Governments, evoked intense popular excitement. The Sultan was magnificently received on his arrival on July 12, and was lodged in Buckingham Palace. Though the Queen took as small a part as possible in the festivities, she did not withdraw herself altogether from them. Princess Alice helped her in extending hospitalities to her guest, who lunched with her in state at Windsor and greatly appreciated her attentions. A great naval review by the Queen at Spithead was arranged in his honour, and he accompanied his hostess on board her yacht, the 'Victoria and Albert.' The weather was bad, and amid a howling storm the Queen invested the Sultan with the Order of the Garter on the yacht's deck. The general effect of her hospitality was all that was wished. When the Sultan left on July 23 he exchanged with her highly complimentary telegrams.
At Balmoral, in the autumn, she showed more than her usual energy. On her way thither she made an excursion in the Scottish border country,
staying for two days with the Duke and Duchess of Roxburghe at Floors Castle, near Kelso (August 21 to 23). On the 22nd she visited Melrose Abbey, and thence proceeded to Abbotsford, the former home of Sir Walter Scott, where she was received by its tenant, Mr. Hope Scott, the husband of Sir Walter’s grand-daughter, and was greatly interested in the memorials of the great novelist. In the study, at her host’s request, she wrote her name in Scott’s journal, an act of which she modestly wrote in her diary: ‘I felt it to be a presumption in me to do.’ Subsequently she unveiled with some formality a memorial to Prince Albert at Deeside, and in September visited the Duke of Richmond at Glenfiddich.
Unfortunately, when she returned next month to Windsor, all her old depression was renewed. After the homely freedom of her life at Balmoral, she was harassed by the formal constraint of the court etiquette that was inseparable from residence at Windsor. The passion for seclusion and privacy which her husband’s death had roused in her had lost little of its intensity at the close of the six years that had elapsed since her bereavement.
XXXV
DISRAELI'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION
Early in 1868 the Queen accepted, for the seventh time in her experience, a new Prime Minister and one with whom her intimacy was to be greater than with any of his six predecessors. In February Lord Derby resigned owing to failing health. The choice of a successor lay between Disraeli and Lord Derby's son, Lord Stanley. Disraeli's steady work for his party for nearly a quarter of a century seemed to entitle him to the great reward. Since 1850 he had been the chief of the Conservatives in the House of Commons, and by his gifts of speech and dexterous party management had done more than any of his colleagues to strengthen their position in the country. The Queen without any hesitation conferred the prize on him.
As her Prime Minister Disraeli from the first confirmed her recent good opinion of him. Her relations with him had been steadily improving. Though she acknowledged that he was eccentric, his efforts to please her convinced her of his devotion to the Crown. His bearing was invariably courteous, and, despite his cynicism and sardonic temperament, she believed
in his genuine kindness of heart. His deepening enthusiasm for the monarchical principle of government and his growing faith in the imperial destiny of England strongly appealed to her, and by the adroitness of his counsel he increased her sense of power and dignity. His power in Parliament was insecure; his own followers were in a minority, and the Queen was soon face to face with a new ministerial crisis. But in that crisis Disraeli contrived that she should play not unwillingly an unwontedly prominent part.
In April Gladstone brought forward his first and main resolution in favour of the disestablishment of the Irish Protestant Church—a measure which had been long clamoured for by the Roman Catholic population of Ireland and had been formally admitted into the official Liberal programme. The Government resisted Gladstone’s motion, and on May 1 was sharply defeated by a majority of sixty-five. Next day Disraeli went to Windsor and tendered his resignation to the Queen. He had held the post of Prime Minister barely three months.
Personally the Queen disliked Gladstone’s proposal. She regarded the Established Church throughout her dominions as intimately associated with the Crown, and interference with it seemed to her to impair her prerogative. But as a constitutional sovereign she realised that the future of the Church Establishment in Ireland or elsewhere was no matter for her own decision, whatever were her convictions;
¹ Almost all the members of Lord Derby’s cabinet took office under Disraeli. The main change was the substitution of Lord Cairns for Lord Chelmsford in the office of Lord Chancellor.
it was for the decision of her Parliament and people. In the present emergency she desired the people to have full time in which to make up their minds regarding the fate of the Irish Church. But the position of affairs was complex.
The simplest course open to her was to accept Disraeli's resignation, and to confer office on Gladstone. But in that event her Government would be committed instantly to Irish Disestablishment, and this result she resolved, if she could, to avoid. Disraeli pointed out that she could, if not escape, at least defer the evil moment by declining to accept his resignation and by dissolving Parliament. But that course involved especial difficulty. An immediate dissolution was for peculiar reasons undesirable, if not impossible. New constituencies had been created by the late Reform Bill, and all parties wished that the electoral appeal should be made to these. The Scottish and Irish Reform Bills and the Boundary Bills for the whole country which were required to complete the recent measure of electoral reform had yet to pass through their final stages. Consequently the Queen's refusal to accept the existing Government's resignation meant no early dissolution. It meant the continuance of Disraeli in office, in spite of his defeat, during the six months which were fully needed before all the arrangements for the appeal to the newly enfranchised electors could be accomplished.
The Opposition might decline to keep the Government in power during that period, but in that case the Sovereign would not be the better disposed to offer them power. She would then in all probability, as
she always could, insist on a dissolution before the new electoral reform was consummated. To such a step the Opposition had strong objection, for their chance of conspicuous victory in the country depended largely on their securing the suffrages of the new voters.
Disraeli discussed the situation with the Queen in great detail. Finally he left her to choose between the only two possible alternatives which she or he recognised—the acceptance of his resignation or the refusal of his resignation coupled with a resolve to appeal to the country six months later. After two days' consideration the Queen elected to take the second course.
The Queen was prepared to accept full responsibility for her decision, and when Disraeli announced it to Parliament on May 5 he described, with her assent, the general drift of his negotiations with her, and made it plain that she had determined the issue for herself. Grave doubts were expressed in the House of Commons as to whether his conduct was consistent with that of the ministerial adviser of a constitutional sovereign. In his first conversation with the Queen he had acted on his own initiative, and had not consulted his colleagues. This self-reliance somewhat damped enthusiasm for his action in the ranks of his own party. The leaders of the Opposition boldly argued that the minister was bound to offer the Sovereign definite advice, which it behoved her to adopt; that the constitution recognised no power in the Sovereign to exercise personal volition, and that the minister was faithless to his trust in offering her
two courses and abiding by her voluntary selection of one.
The question of constitutional practice was one of delicacy. But the argument against the minister was pushed too far. The Queen had repeatedly exerted a personal choice between a dissolution and a resignation of the ministry in face of an adverse vote in the House of Commons. The new features that the present situation offered were, first, the acceptance of a deferred, not of an immediate, dissolution; and, secondly, Disraeli’s open attribution to the Queen of responsibility for the final decision. The first point was accidental and relatively unimportant: the second was crucial. But Disraeli’s procedure was no serious breach with precedent; it served to bring into clearer relief than before the practical ascendency, within certain limits, which under the constitution a ministerial crisis assured the Crown, if its wearer cared to assert it. The revelation was in the main to the advantage of the prestige of the throne. It confuted the constitutional fallacy that the monarch was necessarily and invariably an automaton.
But, despite the open assertion of her personal freedom of choice, the Queen had no intention of exceeding her constitutional power. When, immediately after the settlement of the ministerial difficulty, the House of Commons, by an irresistible vote of the Opposition, petitioned her to suspend new appointments within the Crown’s control in the Irish Church, and to place royal patronage at the Parliament’s disposal, she did not permit any personal predilections to postpone her assent for a day. Alarmists,
who affected to believe that she and her minister were hatching a plot against the independence of Parliament, were thereby silenced.
Disraeli’s accession to office was distinguished by the Queen’s occasional resumption of public functions. On March 10, 1868, for the first time since her widowhood, she held a drawing-room at Buckingham Palace. On June 20 she reviewed 27,000 volunteers in Windsor Park, and two days later gave a public ‘breakfast,’ or afternoon party, in the gardens of Buckingham Palace.\(^1\) She appeared to observers to enjoy the entertainment. But these activities were not to be permanently exercised nor to grow in scope. She had no intention of introducing any permanent change into her habitually secluded mode of life.
By way of illustrating her desire to escape from Court restriction, she in August paid a first visit to Switzerland. She travelled incognito under the name of the Countess of Kent, and forbade any public demonstration in her honour. But she accepted the Emperor Napoleon’s courteous offer of his imperial train in which to travel through France. On the outward journey she rested for a day at the English Embassy in Paris,
\(^1\) From the early years of the nineteenth century ‘breakfasts’ were a very popular form of entertainment in fashionable society. Mrs. Bagot, in *Links with the Past* (1901, pp. 13, 286), writes of London society in 1840: ‘In those days garden parties were called “breakfasts,” and most of the big houses gave them weekly during the summer months. The Duchess of Bedford’s breakfasts at the house known later as Argyll Lodge, at Campden Hill, were very popular entertainments. There was generally dancing after what was in reality a luncheon at those so-called breakfasts, and occasionally some of the male *habitués* not only remained to dinner, but also really breakfasted with their hosts the following morning.’
where the Empress Eugénie paid her an informal visit (August 6). Next day she reached Lucerne, where she had rented the Villa Pension Wallace near the lake. She stayed there, engaged in the recreations of a private pleasure-seeker, till September 9, when she again passed through France in the Emperor’s train. She paused at Paris on September 10 to revisit St. Cloud, which revived sad memories of her happy sojourn there thirteen years before. The Emperor was absent, but courteous greetings by telegraph passed between him and the Queen.
Removing, on her arrival in England, to Balmoral, she there gave yet additional proof of her anxiety to shrink from publicity or Court formality. She took up her residence for the first time in a small house, called Glassalt Shiel, which she had built in a wild deserted spot in the hills at the head of Loch Muick, under the shadow of Loch-na-gar. She regarded the dwelling as in all ways in keeping with her condition. ‘It was,’ she wrote, ‘the widow’s first house, not built by him, or hallowed by his memory.’ At the end of the year she attended a mournful ceremony which brought some relief to her inveterate sense of desolation. On December 14, 1868, a special service was held in her presence at the new Frogmore mausoleum, where a permanent sarcophagus had now been placed over her husband’s coffin. It was destined to hold her own remains as well as those of the Prince. The whole cost of the completed mausoleum was 200,000l.
While she was still in Scotland the general election took place, under the new Electoral Act, and Disraeli’s Government suffered a crushing defeat.
The Liberals came in with a majority of 128, and Disraeli, contrary to precedent, resigned office without waiting for the meeting of Parliament. He had enjoyed the highest office in the State for only ten months.
The Queen, although in view of the pronounced results of the elections she deemed 'immediate resignation the most dignified course to pursue and the best for the public interests,' parted with Disraeli regretfully. She was anxious to show him a special mark of favour. He declined her offer of a peerage because he judged it right that he should remain in the House of Commons. But the Queen was aware of his chivalric devotion to his wife, and he welcomed her suggestion that Mrs. Disraeli should receive the distinction which he felt himself unable to accept. Accordingly Mrs. Disraeli became a peeress in her own right as Viscountess Beaconsfield on November 30, 1868.
Despite the Queen's liking for Disraeli, his last official act excited a passing difference of opinion with her. The incident showed how actively she asserted her authority even in her relations with a minister with whose general policy she was in agreement, and with whom her personal relations were unfailingly harmonious. The Archbishopric of Canterbury became vacant on October 28, 1868, owing to the death of Archbishop Longley. The Queen at her own instance recommended for the post Archibald Campbell Tait, Bishop of London since 1856, in whom she had long taken a personal interest.¹
¹ Tait was a Scotsman, born in Edinburgh December 21, 1811. After a very successful career at Oxford, he was seven years tutor at
another candidate. But the Queen persisted; Disraeli yielded, and Tait received the primacy.
Tait was the first Archbishop of Canterbury with whom the Queen maintained a personal intimacy. Neither with Archbishop Howley, who held office at her accession, nor with his successors, Archbishops Sumner and Longley, had she sought private association. But with Tait and with his successor, Benson, she cultivated a close friendship.
With bishops, as a class, she was not in personal sympathy, and no ceremonial function in which she had to take part did she like less than that of receiving the homage of bishops, who were obliged to kiss her hand on their appointment. A feeling of shyness invariably overcame her on the occasion, and her manner often appeared, to the chief actors in the scene, brusque and indifferent. Nor as a rule did she appreciate, with a few conspicuous exceptions, the sermons of bishops. Their tone and manner were rarely simple or homely enough to harmonise with her predilection. Her attitude to bishops was possibly due in part to the Lutheran sympathies which she had derived from the Prince Consort. But to the principle of the episcopal form of Church government she was in no sense
Balliol, and was, from 1842 till 1850, head master of Rugby. While Dean of Carlisle, in 1856, he had the misfortune to lose five children from scarlet fever—an experience which aroused the Queen's pity. Lord Palmerston made him Bishop of London in 1856, and in 1862 offered him the Archbishopric of York, which he declined. In 1866 he won the Queen's admiration by his energy in meeting the cholera epidemic in the East of London. A Whig by early conviction, he had resisted the Oxford movement, and given many proofs of an enlightened Protestantism, and of a desire to make the Church of England national and comprehensive.
opposed. Her desire was that it should work with the highest spiritual advantage to her subjects. The misgivings with which many bishops inspired her were mainly attributable to the native simplicity of her religious faith, which made suspicion of worldly pride or parade in spiritual affairs distasteful to her. She was always an attentive hearer of sermons and a shrewd critic of them. She chiefly admired in them simplicity and brevity, and was better satisfied with unpretending language and style than with polish and eloquence. A failure on the part of a preacher to satisfy her sentiment sometimes proved a fatal bar to his preferment.
Disraeli’s experience in regard to the appointment of Tait was not uncommon with preceding or succeeding prime ministers. Throughout her reign the Queen took a serious view of her personal responsibilities in the distribution of Church patronage; and though she always received her ministers’ advice with respect, she did not confine herself to criticism of their favoured candidates for Church promotion; she often insisted on quite other arrangements than they suggested.
To the choice of bishops she attached an ‘immense importance,’ and the principles that in her view ought to govern their selection were sound and statesmanlike. She deprecated the influence of religious or political partisanship in the matter. ‘The men to be chosen,’ she wrote to Archbishop Benson, January 3, 1890, ‘must not be taken with reference to satisfying one or the other party in the Church, or with reference to any political party,
but for their real worth. We want people who can be firm and conciliatory, else the Church cannot be maintained. We want large broad views, or the difficulties will be insurmountable.'
While holding such wise views, she was not unaffected by her personal likes or dislikes of individuals, and she would rather fill an ecclesiastical office with one who was already agreeably known to her than with a stranger, especially if its holder were likely to be brought officially into relations with her. In 1845 she refused to accept Sir Robert Peel's recommendation of Buckland for the Deanery of Westminster, and conferred the post on a personal acquaintance, Samuel Wilberforce, though she did not oppose the bestowal of the deanery on Buckland when Wilberforce vacated it later in the same year to become Bishop of Oxford. Subsequently Dean Stanley owed the same benefice to the Queen's great personal regard for him; while she influenced the choice of Dean Stanley's friend, Dean Bradley, to succeed Dean Stanley because the latter had himself expressed a dying wish to that effect.
While watchful of the interests of her own Church the Queen was tolerant of almost all religious opinions, and respected most of those from which she differed; only the extreme views and practices of Ritualists irritated her, and the tendencies of the High Church party at times caused her alarm. Although never forgetful of her headship of the Anglican Church, she was at the same time proud of her connection with the Presbyterian establishment of Scotland. Without bestowing much attention on the theology peculiar
to it, she gratefully recognised what she somewhat erroneously took to be its Lutheran tendencies, and she enjoyed its unadorned services and the homely exhortations of its ministers. To her Scottish chaplains she extended a cordiality which was rare in her attitude to her English chaplains.
XXXVI
GLADSTONE'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION
On Disraeli's resignation the Queen at once sent for Gladstone, and he for the first time became her Prime Minister in December 1868. Gladstone had been prominent in the highest walks of public life from almost the opening of her reign, and his loyalty to Peel through his long administration had excited in the Queen much interest in him. She had joined in the chorus of congratulation which had greeted his budget speeches of former years—speeches by which he first earned the confidence of the general public. But he had gradually abandoned his Tory associations. After transferring his allegiance to the Liberal party, he steadily developed advanced opinions on almost all pressing questions of domestic reform. With such opinions the Queen was out of sympathy. Not that her political intuitions were illiberal, but the Liberalism to which she clung was confined to the old Whig principles of religious toleration and the personal liberty of the subject. She deprecated change in the great institutions of government, especially in the army and the Church. The obliteration of class distinctions was for her an idle dream. Radicalism she
judged to be a dangerous compromise with the forces of revolution.
Nor did Gladstone share the Queen’s view that foreign affairs were of greater practical moment than home affairs. His theory that England had little or no concern with European politics, and no title to exert influence on their course, conflicted with her training and the domestic sentiment that came of her foreign family connections. At the same time Gladstone cherished Palmerston’s enthusiasm for those struggles for freedom of oppressed nationalities which the Queen viewed coldly and was always averse from encouraging.
The Queen fully recognised Gladstone’s abilities, and he always treated her personally with a deferential courtesy to which Palmerston’s temperament very often made him a stranger. His early intercourse with her had, indeed, inspired him on his part with warm admiration for her character. ‘Her love of truth,’ he had written of her while in attendance at Balmoral in 1864, ‘and wish to do right prevent all prejudices from effectually warping her.’ But this appreciative judgment was now to suffer many severe shocks. As soon as the Queen and Gladstone began to drift apart it was inevitable that the breach between them should widen with the progress of years. From almost his first interview with her in his capacity of Prime Minister Gladstone failed to inspire her with confidence. She detected in his arguments a mutability of political principle and a tendency to move in directions which she regarded as unsafe. She confessed herself ‘afraid.’ Her nerves
were tried, and she showed an irritability of temper in future intercourse with him which at times tended to hinder despatch of public business.\(^1\)
During Gladstone's first ministry he and his colleagues undertook a larger number of legislative reforms than any Government had essayed during her reign, and the obligation which she felt to be
\(^1\) Gladstone's first cabinet was thus constituted:
First Lord of the Treasury, Mr. Gladstone; Lord Chancellor, Lord Hatherley (Page Wood); President of the Council, Lord de Grey and Ripon (created Marquis of Ripon, 1871); Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Kimberley (formerly Lord Wodehouse); Chancellor of the Exchequer, Robert Lowe (created Viscount Sherbrooke, 1880); Home Secretary, Henry Austin Bruce (created Lord Aberdare, 1873); Foreign Secretary, Lord Clarendon; Colonial Secretary, Lord Granville; War Secretary, Edward Cardwell (created Viscount Cardwell, 1874); Indian Secretary, Duke of Argyll; President of the Board of Trade, John Bright; Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Lord Dufferin; Postmaster-General, Lord Hartington (afterwards Duke of Devonshire); First Lord of the Admiralty, H. C. E. Childers; President of the Poor Law Board, G. J. Goschen (now Viscount Goschen).
In 1870 W. E. Forster, Vice-President of the Privy Council, was given a seat in the cabinet. On Lord Clarendon's death in 1870 Lord Granville became Foreign Secretary; Lord Kimberley, Colonial Secretary; and Lord Halifax (Sir C. Wood), Lord Privy Seal. John Bright retired owing to illness in the same year, and was succeeded by Chichester Fortescue, afterwards Lord Carlingford. In January 1871 Goschen succeeded Childers at the Admiralty, and James Stansfeld became President of the Poor Law Board. In May 1872 Childers succeeded Lord Dufferin as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; and in October of this year, on the resignation of Lord Hatherley, Roundell Palmer (created Lord Selborne) became Lord Chancellor. In 1873 Lord Ripon and Childers retired; John Bright re-entered the ministry as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Gladstone took, in place of Lowe, the Chancellorship of the Exchequer in addition to the Treasury; Bruce (created Lord Aberdare) was made President of the Council; and Robert Lowe, Home Secretary.
DD
imposed on her of studying the arguments in their favour overtaxed her mental strength.\(^1\) New questions arose with such rapidity that she complained that she had not the time wherein to form a judgment. Gladstone, although he was unwearied in his efforts to meet her protests or inquiries, and was (she frankly admitted) ‘most ready to enter into her views and to understand her feelings’ on public affairs, had not the faculty of brevity in exposition. His intellectual energy, his vehemence in argument, the steady flow of his vigorous language, tormented her. With constitutional correctness she acknowledged herself to be powerless to enforce her opinion against his; but she made no secret of her personal hostility to most of his proposals.
Gladstone’s social accomplishments, moreover, were not of a kind calculated to conciliate the Queen in intercourse outside official business, or to compensate for the divergences between their political points of view. The topics which absorbed him in private life were far removed from the Queen’s sphere of knowledge or interest.
Another seed of alienation had been sown and was likely to prove of fertile growth. In her private affairs the Queen often thought that Gladstone felt ‘little interest’ or was ‘very helpless.’ In point of fact Gladstone held far more strongly than any of his predecessors that it was in her own interest and
\(^1\) The six chief legislative enactments for which Gladstone’s ministry was responsible between 1869 and 1873 were: Irish Church Disestablishment Act (1869), Irish Land Act (1870), Elementary Education Act (1870), Army Regulation Act (1871), Ballot Act (1872), and Supreme Court of Judicature Act (1873).
in that of the monarchical principle for her resolutely to subordinate private predilections to the requirements of public policy. He never concealed a fear that persistence in that seclusion, which was the fruit of private feeling, was prejudicial to her position in the state, and tended to rob the Crown of its proper influence. More than two years before he became Prime Minister—when the Queen refused to quit Balmoral in order to direct in London the pressing business consequent on Palmerston’s death—Gladstone had written of her, ‘she is getting into a groove, out of which some one ought to draw her.’¹ As her Prime Minister he felt that this obligation lay to some extent on himself.
Some of Gladstone’s colleagues in his first ministry were entirely congenial to the Queen, however much she anticipated lack of harmony with their chief. She was already on friendly terms with Lord Granville, who became Colonial Secretary, and with the Duke of Argyll, who became Indian Secretary. John Bright, who had chivalrously defended her for her persistence in her sorrow, now entered the ministry as President of the Board of Trade. To him she extended a warm welcome, and when illness compelled his retirement two years later, she sent him an autograph expression of sympathy and regret. Although she had long placed implicit faith in Lord Clarendon, Court gossip had recently attributed to him some thoughtless language concerning her which she deemed wanting in respect. She did not therefore welcome his resumption of the post of Foreign
¹ Morley’s Life of Gladstone, ii. 152.
Secretary with her old warmth, but her earlier relations with him were happily soon restored.
The first measure which Gladstone as Prime Minister introduced was the long-threatened Bill for the disestablishment of the Irish Church. He knew of his sovereign’s prejudices against the proposal, and endeavoured to remove them by sending her, along with a draft of the Bill, an explanatory letter of ‘over a dozen closely written quartos.’ The Queen found it difficult to follow her minister’s intricate, if exhaustive, argument, and in despair caused a précis of the disquisition to be prepared for her enlightenment by a friendly pen. After she had mastered Gladstone’s justification of the measure, she avowed vehement dislike of it, and talked openly of her sorrow that he should have started ‘this about the Irish Church.’ In correspondence with her daughter Alice she argued that the question would ‘be neither solved nor settled in this way. Injustice to Protestants might come of it. The settlement was not well considered.’ On February 4 Gladstone entered in his diary that a letter from her about the Bill ‘showed much disturbance, which I tried to soothe.’ She told him how deeply she ‘deplored the necessity under which he conceived himself to be of raising the question as he had done,’ and how unable she was to divest herself of apprehensions as to the possible consequences.
Although the Queen at first deprecated ‘the hasty introduction of the measure,’ she was never under
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1 Morley’s Life of Gladstone, ii. 254.
2 Ibid. ii. 427.
3 Wilberforce’s Life, iii. 97.
any illusion as to Gladstone's resolve and power to pass it through Parliament. She frankly admitted that the House of Commons had been 'chosen expressly to speak the feeling of the country on the question,' and that it had spoken in favour of Irish Disestablishment. She believed that if a second appeal were made to the electorate it would produce the same result. At the suggestion of Lord Granville, and with the concurrence of the Prime Minister, she discussed the situation with Dr. Magee, Bishop of Peterborough, a moderate opponent of the Government's policy. Common sense, and the advice of friends, taught her that the quicker the inevitable trial were faced the better for the country's peace.
The Queen rightly apprehended difficulty in a formidable quarter. She saw that a fruitless and perilous resistance was threatened by the House of Lords. In the previous session the peers had thrown out the Bill suspending further appointments in the Irish Church which Gladstone had carried through the House of Commons, and Tait, then Bishop of London, and now Archbishop of Canterbury, had voted with the majority. A sharp collision between the two Houses was apparently inevitable unless special measures were taken to prevent it. Such a collision always seemed to the Queen to shake the constitution, and she knew that in a conflict like the present the Upper House must incur defeat. She therefore, on her own initiative, proposed to mediate between the Government and the House of Lords before the battle could open. Although Gladstone declined to listen to her argument for postponing the
introduction of the Bill into the House of Commons, he welcomed her offer of intervention as far as the Upper House was concerned, and the Queen expressed relief at his 'conciliatory spirit.'
Accordingly, the day before Parliament opened, February 15, 1869, the Queen asked Archbishop Tait whether the House of Lords could not be persuaded to give way. Gladstone, she said, 'seems really moderate.' The principle of Disestablishment must be conceded, but the details might well be the subject of future discussion and negotiation. At her request Tait and Gladstone met in consultation. After the Bill had passed through the House of Commons with enormous majorities (May 31), she importuned Tait to secure the second reading in the Lords. Her appeal was successful, and the second reading was carried by 33 (June 18). Gladstone fully acknowledged that the Queen had contributed to this result, though he deplored her departure for Balmoral in the thick of the crisis, and the interposition of 600 miles between herself and the centre of disturbance. Greater efforts on the Queen's part were indeed required before the crisis was at an end. The numerous and crucial amendments adopted by the Lords were for the most part rejected by Gladstone. On June 11 the Queen pressed on both sides the need of concessions, and strongly deprecated a continuance of the struggle. But the strife proceeded for yet another month. The Queen, while declining to be 'a party to this or that particular scheme,' never relaxed her efforts in the direction of a compromise. Ultimately the Govern-
¹ Morley's Life of Gladstone, ii. 259-62.
ment gave way on certain subsidiary points, and the Bill, to the immense relief of both Gladstone and his sovereign, passed safely its last stages.\(^1\) How much of the result was due to the Queen’s interference, and how much to the stress of events, may be matter for argument; but there is no disputing that throughout this episode she by her personal energy oiled the wheels of the constitutional machinery.
While the Irish Church crisis was in progress the Queen did not neglect comparatively unimportant topics of government business. She showed her versatility of mind by discussing through the same months with as much earnestness as she discussed Disestablishment of the Irish Church a very trifling innovation in the navy. In March 1869 she was much moved by a proposal of her half-nephew, Prince Leiningen, captain of the royal yacht, to give sailors in the navy permission to wear beards. She raised objection to the concession, and bade Childers, the First Lord of the Admiralty, in whose control the decision lay, commit himself to nothing without consulting a representative body of naval officers. When Childers agreed to the suggested change the Queen assented reluctantly, and added the proviso that moustaches without beards should be forbidden sailors on the ground that the personal appearance of sailors should be adequately distinguished from that of soldiers.\(^2\)
During this busy period, when questions of the smallest and the largest importance equally taxed the Queen’s thoughts, her public activities were
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\(^1\) *Life of Tait*, ii. passim.
\(^2\) Childers’s *Life of Childers*, i. 175 seq.
mainly limited to a review of troops at Aldershot on April 17. On May 25 she celebrated quietly her fiftieth birthday, and at the end of June entertained for a second time the Khedive of Egypt. On June 28 she gave a 'breakfast' or afternoon party in his honour at Buckingham Palace. It was the main festivity in which she took part during the season. In the course of her autumn visit to Balmoral she went on a tour through the Trossachs and visited Loch Lomond. Towards the end of the year, November 6, she made one of her rare passages through London. She opened the new Blackfriars Bridge and Holborn Viaduct, but she came from Windsor only for the day. It was the first public progress through the capital that she had made since her widowhood, and she had looked forward to the ordeal with much nervous apprehension. Her welcome was unexpectedly gratifying. Nothing was said or done that disturbed her equanimity for a moment.
The Queen now occasionally sought a new form of relaxation in intercourse with some of the men of letters whose fame contributed to the glory of her reign. Her personal interest in literature was not strong, and it diminished in later years; but she respected its producers and their influence.
With Tennyson, whose work her husband had admired, and whose 'In Memoriam' gave her comfort in her grief, she was already in intimate correspondence. This she maintained till his death, and whenever he visited her at Windsor or Osborne she treated him with the utmost confidence.
Through her friends, Sir Arthur Helps and Dean Stanley, she had come to hear much of other great living writers. Lady Augusta Stanley told her of Carlyle, and she sent him a message of condolence, of which he was duly appreciative, on the sudden death of his wife in 1866. In May 1869 the Queen visited the Westminster Deanery, mainly to make Carlyle's personal acquaintance. The Stanleys' guests also included Grote, the historian of Greece, and his wife, Sir Charles Lyell, the geologist, and Lady Lyell, and the poet Browning. The Queen was in a most gracious humour. Carlyle deemed it 'impossible to imagine a politer little woman; nothing the least imperious; all gentle, all sincere... makes you feel too (if you have any sense in you) that she is Queen.'¹ The impression Carlyle made on the Queen was far less agreeable than that which she produced on him. To her he appeared to be gruff-tempered, if not unmannerly. She told Browning that she admired his wife's poetry.²
Among the novels she had lately read was George Eliot's 'Mill on the Floss,' and she afterwards read with close attention the same writer's 'Middlemarch,' which she criticised with shrewdness; but Dickens's work was the only fiction of the day that really attracted her in the early and middle years of her reign. In him, too, she manifested personal interest. She had attended in 1857 a performance by Dickens and other amateurs of Wilkie Collins's 'The Frozen Deep' at the Gallery of Illustration, and some proposals, which came to nothing, had been
¹ Froude, Carlyle in London, ii. 379–80.
² Reid, Lord Houghton, ii. 200.
made to him to read the 'Christmas Carol' at Court in 1858. In March 1870 Dickens, at Helps's request, lent her some photographs of scenes in the American civil war, and she took the opportunity that she had long sought of making his personal acquaintance. She summoned him to Buckingham Palace in order to thank him for his courtesy. On his departure she asked him to present her with copies of his writings, and handed him a copy of her 'Leaves' with the autograph inscription, 'From the humblest of writers to one of the greatest.'
Other writers of whom she thought highly included Dr. Samuel Smiles, whose 'Lives of the Engineers' she presented to her son-in-law of Hesse-Darmstadt in 1865. She was interested, too, in the work of Dr. George Macdonald, on whom she asked Lord Beaconsfield to confer a pension in 1877.
1 At the sale of Thackeray's property in 1864 she purchased for 25l. 10s. the copy of the 'Christmas Carol' which Dickens had presented to Thackeray.
XXXVII
ANXIOUS YEARS, 1870-1
In 1870 European politics once more formed the most serious topic of the Queen's thought, and the death in July of her old friend, Lord Clarendon, the Foreign Secretary, increased her anxieties. Despite her personal attachment to Lord Granville, who succeeded to Clarendon's post, she had far smaller faith in his political judgment, and was inclined to regard her own experience as more than a match for his.
Although she watched events with attention, the Queen was hopeful until the last that the struggle between France and Germany, which had long threatened, might be averted. In private letters to the rulers of both countries she constantly counselled peace; but her efforts were vain, and in July 1870 Napoleon declared war. She regarded his action as wholly unjustified, and her indignation grew when Bismarck revealed designs which he alleged Napoleon to have formed to destroy the independence of Belgium. In the fortunes of that country she was deeply concerned by reason of the domestic ties that linked her with its ruler.
In the opening stages of the conflict that followed her ruling instincts identified her fully with the cause of Germany. Both her sons-in-law, the Crown Prince
and Prince Louis of Hesse-Darmstadt, were in the field, and through official bulletins and the general information that her daughters collected for her, she studied their movements with painful eagerness. She sent hospital stores to her daughter at Darmstadt, and encouraged her in her exertions in behalf of the wounded. When crushing disaster befell the French arms she regarded their defeat as a righteous judgment. She warmly approved a sermon preached before her by her friend, Dr. Norman Macleod, at Balmoral on October 2, 1870, in which he implicitly described France as 'reaping the reward of her wickedness and vanity and sensuality.'
But many of her subjects sympathised with France, and her own tenderness of heart evoked pity for her French neighbours in the completeness of their overthrow. With a view to relieve their sufferings, she entreated her daughter, the Crown Princess, and her son-in-law the Crown Prince, as well as her friend the Queen of Prussia, to avert the calamity of the bombardment of Paris. On October 2, 1870, the Crown Prince noted in his diary: 'Queen Victoria, who watches our actions with touching sympathy, has telegraphed to his Majesty [the King of Prussia] to urge him to be magnanimous in regard to the proposals of peace [for which the French were already suing], although she has no practical measures to propose.'
Bismarck bitterly complained that 'the petticoat sentimentality' which the Queen communicated to
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1 More Leaves, p. 151.
2 Diaries of Emperor Frederick, edited by Margaretha von Poschinger, 1902.
the Prussian royal family hampered the fulfilment of German designs. The Crown Prince's unconcealed devotion to her, and the ready ear he lent to her counsel, wholly compromised him in the eyes of Bismarck. He cynically taunted her son-in-law with his innocent faith in her genuine attachment to German interests.\(^1\) But Bismarck's scorn did not deter the Queen from pressing her ministers formally to offer her mediation with the object not merely of bringing the war to an early close, but of modifying the vindictive terms which Germany sought to impose on France.
Her endeavours were of small avail. English influence was declining in the councils of Europe. Russia had made the preoccupation of France and Germany with their own quarrel the occasion for breaking the clause in the treaty of Paris which excluded Russian warships from the Black Sea. This defiant act was acquiesced in by Gladstone's Government, in spite of the Queen's indignant protest.
Yet the Queen's efforts for France were well appreciated there. Some years later (December 3, 1874) she accepted, with sympathetic grace, at Windsor, an address of thanks from representative Frenchmen for the charitable services rendered by English men and women during the war. She replied in French. The elaborate volumes of photographs illustrating the campaigns, which accompanied the address, she placed in the British Museum.
Hatred of Napoleon's policy did not estrange her compassion from him in the ruin that overtook him
\(^1\) See the Prince's 'Diary,' edited by Professor Geffcken, in Deutsche Rundschau, 1888.
and his family. Very early in the conflict, the fortune of war turned against him; his empire was brought to a violent end, and a republic was proclaimed in Paris. The Empress Eugénie fled to England in September 1870, and took up her residence at Chislehurst. The Queen at once sent her a kindly welcome, and on November 30 paid her a long visit, which the exiled Empress returned at Windsor five days later. The Empress's calm resignation to her fate excited the Queen's admiration, and she was thankful for the public sympathy generally extended to her unhappy guest. Thenceforth the friendship of Queen and Empress grew closer than before. When, too, Napoleon, on his release from a German prison, joined his wife in March 1871, the Queen lost no time in visiting him at Chislehurst, and until his death on January 9, 1873, openly showed her fellow-feeling with him in his melancholy fate. His misfortune dissipated every trace of her former distrust and animosity, and she fell anew under the spell of his charming courtesy, which had fascinated her at their first meeting in 1855.
The course that domestic affairs were taking during 1870 was hardly more agreeable to her than the course of foreign affairs. In January the cabinet resolved to take another great step in their endeavour to conciliate Ireland, by submitting to Parliament a Bill for the reform of Irish land tenure. This measure, which bore notable testimony to the progressive principles which governed his Irish policy, evoked in Gladstone intense enthusiasm. To 'mark the gravity of the occasion,' he implored the Queen to open in
person the new session. He tried to persuade himself that, despite her attitude to Irish disestablishment, her sympathies on the land question would be 'in the same current' as his own.\(^1\) But the Queen heard his appeal unmoved, and declined, on the ground of feeble health, to entertain the notion of a visit to Westminster. In April the attempt by a Fenian to assassinate Prince Alfred while on a visit at Port Jackson, New South Wales, greatly disturbed her and further weakened her faith in the wisdom of Gladstone's conciliatory policy towards Ireland. Happily the Prince recovered; and she had no reason to doubt the genuineness of public sympathy which was given her in full measure.
Further political anxiety was caused her by the Government's large scheme for the reorganisation of the army, which had been long contemplated. The first step taken by Cardwell, the Secretary of State for War, was to subordinate the office of Commander-in-Chief to his own. Twice before the Queen had successfully resisted or postponed a like proposal. She regarded it as an encroachment on the royal prerogative. Through the Commander-in-Chief she claimed that the Crown directly controlled the army without the intervention of ministers or Parliament; but her ministers now proved resolute, and she, on June 28, 1870, with ill-concealed reluctance, signed an Order in Council which deposed the Commander-in-Chief from his place of sole and immediate dependence on the Crown.\(^2\)
\(^1\) Morley's *Life of Gladstone*, ii. 293.
\(^2\) *Hansard*, ccii. 10 sq.; *Parl. Papers*, 1870 c. 164.
Next session the Government's plan for reorganising the army was pushed a step further in a Bill for the better regulation of the army, of which a main clause sought to abolish promotion by purchase. The measure passed through the House of Commons by large majorities. In the House of Lords the Duke of Richmond carried resolutions which practically excluded the crucial clause for the abolition of purchase. Characteristically, the Queen deprecated a conflict between the Houses, but the Government extricated her and themselves from that peril by a bold device which embarrassed her. They advised her to accomplish their reform by exercise of her own authority without further endeavour to win the approval of the Upper House. The purchase of commissions had been legalised not by statute, but by royal warrant, which could be abrogated by the Sovereign on the advice of her ministers without express sanction of Parliament. The Queen was in a painful dilemma. She was, on the one hand, required to cancel a royal warrant, the terms of which did not to her judgment seem in need of change. On the other hand, she was expected violently to strain the power of the prerogative against a branch of the Legislature with which she was at heart in sympathy. Lacking all enthusiasm for the proposed reform, she feared to estrange the House of Lords from the Crown by action on her part which circumvented its authority. But the ministerial counsel was imperative, and the Queen accepted it with mixed feelings. At any rate, she had this much consolation. Despite her dislike of the manoeuvre, the assertion of the prerogative was never ungrateful.
to her, and it was well understood that the responsibility for her present exercise of it was her minister's. So that there might arise in the future no doubt on the latter point, she directed the cabinet, immediately after she had signed the warrant, to draw up a formal minute declaratory of the advice they had given her (July 19, 1871).
The Queen's industrious pursuit of public business in private failed to reconcile the people to the continued infrequency of her appearances in public. She alienated sympathy, too, by occasional promises of attendance at formal functions which she at the last moment failed to fulfil. Of the only two public ceremonies in which she engaged to take part in 1870, she figured in no more than one. She opened the new buildings of London University at Burlington House (May 11, 1870); but to the general disappointment, indisposition led her to delegate to the Prince of Wales the opening of so notable a London improvement as the Thames Embankment (July 13, 1870). Throughout the year the galling criticism continued in full force, and she appealed in vain to the Prime Minister, to make some declaration in her defence. The outcry caused Gladstone hardly less anxiety than it caused the Queen, but he conscientiously believed that it could only be met effectively by a more regular and more public resumption of the Queen's ceremonial duties.
The feeling of discontent was somewhat checked by the announcement in October 1870 that she had assented to the betrothal of her fourth daughter, Princess Louise, to a subject, and one who was in the
eye of the law a commoner. The Princess had given her hand at Balmoral to the Marquis of Lorne, eldest son of the Duke of Argyll. It was the first time in English history that the Sovereign sanctioned the union of a Princess with one who was not a member of a reigning house since Mary, youngest daughter of Henry VII. and sister of Henry VIII., married, in 1515, Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.\(^1\) The Queen regarded the match merely from the point of view of her daughter’s happiness, to which she believed it would signally contribute.
Princess Louise’s engagement rendered necessary an appeal to Parliament for her daughter’s provision; and as her third son Arthur was on the point of coming of age, and also needed an income from public sources, it seemed politic to conciliate popular feeling by opening Parliament in person. Accordingly, on February 9, 1871, she occupied her throne in Westminster for the third time since her bereavement. The ceremony was curtailed as on the two previous occasions.
The Duke of Argyll, the Marquis of Lorne’s father, was Secretary of State for India, and Sir Robert Peel, son of the former Prime Minister, denounced as impolitic the approaching marriage of a Princess with a ‘son of a member of her Majesty’s Government.’\(^2\) But the proposed dowry of 30,000l. with an annuity of 6,000l. was granted almost unanimously (350 to 1). Less satisfaction was manifested when the Queen requested Parliament to provide for Prince Arthur.
\(^1\) James II.’s marriage to Anne Hyde in 1660 did not receive the same official recognition.
\(^2\) Hansard, cciv. 359.
An annuity of 15,000l. was ultimately bestowed. But, although the minority on the final vote numbered only eleven, as many as fifty-one members voted in favour of an unsuccessful amendment to reduce the sum to 10,000l.
Meanwhile the Court cast off some of its gloom. The marriage of Princess Louise took place at St. George's Chapel, Windsor, with much pomp, on March 21, 1871, in the presence of the Queen, who for the occasion lightened her usual mourning attire. With unaccustomed activity in the months that followed she opened the Albert Hall (March 29), inaugurated the new buildings of St. Thomas's Hospital, and on June 30 reviewed the household troops in Bushey Park. At the review the Emperor Napoleon's heir, the young Prince Imperial, joined the royal party.
In the autumn the Queen entertained at Balmoral a large family party, including the Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia and Princess Alice. But her health gave increased cause for anxiety. She suffered severely from rheumatic gout and neuralgia. Her illness caused her intense pain, and she attributed it to worry over public business. As the news of her suffering spread, a more friendly tone characterised the references to her in the press, and she noted the change with pleasure. But she still cherished some resentment at the failure of her ministers to explain to the people that her seclusion was due to the constant demands made on her strength by official work.
The Queen's anxieties were not destined at present
1 Hansard, ccviii. 570-90.
to know much diminution. The glimpse of increasing happiness in the royal circle was darkened at the end of the year by a grief almost as great as that which befell it just ten years before. At the end of November the Prince of Wales, the heir to the throne, fell ill of typhoid fever, at his house at Sandringham, and as the illness reached its critical stage, the gravest fears were entertained. The Queen went to Sandringham on November 29, and news of a relapse brought her thither again on December 8 with her daughter Alice, who had been for many months her guest. Both remained for eleven days, during which the Prince’s life hung in the balance. Happily, on the fateful December 14, the tenth anniversary of the Prince Consort’s death, the first indications of recovery appeared, and on the 19th, when the Queen returned to Windsor, the danger was passed. A week later the Queen issued for the first time a letter to her people, thanking them for the touching sympathy they had displayed during ‘those painful terrible days.’
As soon as her son’s health was fully restored the Queen temporarily abandoned her privacy to accompany him in a semi-state procession from Buckingham Palace to St. Paul’s Cathedral, there to attend a special service of thanksgiving (February 27, 1872). She was dressed in black velvet, trimmed with white ermine. For the last time the sovereign was received by the Lord Mayor with the traditional ceremonies at Temple Bar, the gates of which were first shut against her and then opened.
¹ The Bar was removed in the winter of 1878–9, and was sold to Sir Henry Meux, who re-erected it as a lodge gate on his estate of
Queen endured renewal of a disagreeable experience of earlier years. A lad, Arthur O'Connor, who pretended to be a Fenian emissary, pointed an unloaded pistol at her as she was entering Buckingham Palace. He was at once seized by her attendant, John Brown, to commemorate whose vigilance she instituted a gold medal as a reward for long and faithful domestic service. She conferred the first that was struck on Brown, together with an annuity of 25l. On the day following O'Connor's senseless act the Queen addressed a second letter to the public, acknowledging the fervent demonstrations of loyalty which welcomed her and her son on the occasion of the public thanksgiving.
That celebration, combined with its anxious cause and the general sympathy evoked by the Queen's own recent illness, strengthened immensely the bonds of sentiment between the Crown and the people. There was a peculiar need at the instant of strengthening these bonds. The formation of a republic in France had greatly stimulated that tendency to disparage monarchical institutions which the alleged self-effacement of the Queen had done much to create. A strong body of latent opinion even in educated society took a serious view of the situation. Lord Selborne, the Lord Chancellor, when the guest of the Queen at Windsor, was bold enough to tell her that if the French republic held its ground it would influence English public opinion in a republican direction.¹ An advanced
Theobalds Park, Hertfordshire. Its site in Fleet Street was marked by a memorial which is adorned by statues of the Queen and the Prince of Wales, now Edward VII.
¹ Selborne, Memorials, vol. ii.
thinker like John Richard Green, the historian, wrote somewhat cynically on December 19, 1871, that the feeling of 'domestic loyalty' engendered by the Prince of Wales's illness—the constant repetition of the statement that 'the Queen is an admirable mother, and that her son has an attack of typhoid'—would not settle the 'question of republicanism.'¹ Despite the modified renewal of the Queen's personal popularity, the cry against the monarchy threatened to become formidable.
Mob orators prophesied that Queen Victoria would at any rate be the last monarch of England. The main argument of the noisier anti-royalists touched the expenses of the monarchy, which now included large provision for the Queen's children. Criticism of her income and expenditure was developed with a pertinacity which deeply wounded her. Pamphlets, some of which were attributed to men of position, compared her income with the modest 10,000l. allowed to the President of the United States. A malignant tract, published in 1871, which enjoyed a great vogue, and was entitled 'Tracts for the Times, No. 1: What does she do with it? by Solomon Temple, builder,' professed to make a thoroughgoing examination of her private expenditure. The writer argued that while the Queen was constantly asking
¹ 'I am sorry,' Green added, 'when any young fellow dies at thirty, and am far more sorry when any mother suffers; but the sentiment of newspapers and town councils over "telegrams from the sick-bed" is simply ludicrous. However, one remembers that all France went mad with anxiety when Lewis the Well-Beloved fell sick in his earlier days, and yet somehow or other '89 came never the later.' Letters of John Richard Green, ed. Leslie Stephen, 1901.
Parliament for money for her children she was not spending her official annuity on the purposes for which it was designed. A comparatively small proportion of it was applied, it was asserted, to the maintenance of the dignity of the Crown, the sole object with which it was granted; the larger part of it went to form a gigantic private fortune which was in some quarters estimated to reach already 5,000,000l. To these savings the writer protested she had no right; any portion of the Civil List income that at the end of the year remained unexpended ought to return to the public exchequer.
Personally, it was said, the Queen was well off, apart from her income from the Civil List. Besides Neild’s bequest¹ she had derived more than half a million from the estate of the Prince Consort, and the receipts from the Duchy of Lancaster were steadily increasing.
These reports of the Queen’s affluence were largely founded on erroneous information. The Queen’s savings in the Civil List were rarely 20,000l. a year, and her opportunities of thrift were grossly misrepresented. But in the hands of the advocates of a republican form of government the pecuniary argument was valuable, and it was pressed to the uttermost. Sir Charles W. Dilke, M.P. for Chelsea, when speaking in favour of an English republic at Newcastle, on November 6, 1871, complained that the Queen paid no income tax, and the statement added fuel to the agitation throughout the land.
Ministers at the Queen’s request refuted in detail the
¹ See p. 231.
damaging allegations. Mr. (afterwards Sir) Algernon West, one of the Treasury officials, was directed by the Prime Minister to prepare an answer to the obnoxious pamphlet, 'What does she do with it?' Robert Lowe, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, announced that income tax was paid by the Queen. Twice at the end of the Session of 1871 Gladstone, in the House of Commons, insisted that the whole of the Queen's income was justly at her personal disposal.
But the agitators were not readily silenced. Next Session, on March 19, 1872, Sir Charles Dilke introduced a motion for a full inquiry into the Queen's expenditure with a view to a complete reform of the Civil List. His long and elaborate speech abounded in minute details, but he injured his case by avowing himself a republican, and thus suggesting that he was moved by hostile prejudice. When the same avowal was made by Mr. Auberon Herbert, who seconded the motion, a scene of great disorder in the House of Commons followed. The Prime Minister, Gladstone, denied that the Queen's savings were on the alleged scale, or that the expenses of the Court had appreciably diminished since the Prince Consort's death. Only two members of the House, Mr. G. Anderson and Sir Wilfrid Lawson, voted with Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Herbert, and their proposal was rejected by a majority of 274.
In the event the wave of republican sentiment was soon spent, but the conviction that the people paid an unduly high price for the advantages of the
---
1 Hansard, ccvii. 1124, ccviii. 158-9.
2 Ibid. ccx. 253 sq.
monarchy remained fully alive in the minds of large sections of the population, especially of the artisan class, until the Queen conspicuously modified her habits of seclusion. The main solvent of the popular grievance, however, was the affectionate veneration for her personality which was roused in course of time throughout her dominions by the veteran endurance of her rule, and by the growth of the new and powerful faith that she symbolised in her own person the unity of the British Empire.
From the flood of distasteful criticism in 1872 the Queen escaped for a few weeks in the spring to the continent (March 23 to April 8). She crossed to Germany in order to visit at Baden-Baden her step-sister, whose health was failing. After her return home the German Empress was a welcome guest (May 2). With her the Queen was in thorough sympathy, especially in her dread of a renewal of war in Central Europe. In the same month the Queen sought unusual recreation by attending a concert which her favourite composer, Gounod, conducted at the newly opened Albert Hall.
But death was again busy in her circle and revived her grief. The assassination of Lord Mayo, Viceroy of India, startled the world on February 12, 1872. He was suddenly killed by a native Indian while inspecting the convict settlement at Port Blair, in the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal. The Queen had known him as a member of Lord Derby's three administrations, in all of which he filled the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland. He had been nominated by Disraeli to the chief governorship of India on the eve of that minister's resignation in 1868.
He had won the Queen’s personal regard, and after his murder, which she was inclined to attribute to neglect of simple precautions, she bore public testimony to the ability of her murdered representative, and to his personal loyalty. Memories of the Indian mutiny crowded to her mind, but happily the crime proved an isolated manifestation of native rancour, and did not disturb the peace of the empire.
Other incidents of the year were equally sad, if less tragic in their circumstance. The Queen had derived immeasurable comfort from conversation with Dr. Norman Macleod, her Scottish chaplain. ‘How I love to talk to him,’ she said, ‘to ask his advice, to speak to him of my sorrows, my anxieties!’¹ but on June 16, 1872, he passed away. Her first mistress of the robes and lifelong friend, the Duchess of Sutherland, had died in 1868, and she now visited the duchess’s son and daughter-in-law at Dunrobin Castle (September 6 to 12, 1872), so that she might be present at the laying of the first stone of a memorial to her late companion.
More trying than either of these bereavements was the loss, also in 1872, of her step-sister, the Princess Féodore, the last surviving friend of her youth, who died at Baden-Baden, September 23. There had been no slackening in recent years of the ties of affection that first united them in childhood. Yet another death on the following January 9 intensified the Queen’s sense of desolation. On that day died, in his exile at Chislehurst, Napoleon III., ex-Emperor of the French. The amiability which
¹ More Leaves, pp. 148–161.
characterised his personal relations with the Queen and her family was never conquered by disaster, and the Queen at once undertook the mournful task of consoling his widow. The sympathy and feeling shown by the nation on the occasion were grateful to the Queen, and she appreciated the 'very generous and kind' terms in which the Empress Augusta wrote to her of the event from Berlin. Pity for Napoleon's sufferings seems to have ultimately blotted out in the Queen's mind all his moral defects. Her final charitable judgment of him was unjustified by his deserts, and was mainly inspired by the unfailing courtesy of his demeanour in social life, which had deeply impressed her on her first introduction to him. She offered a public and practical proof of her regard by providing the sarcophagus which enclosed the ex-Emperor's remains in St. Mary's Church, Chislehurst.
The year that opened thus sadly witnessed several incidents in public affairs that stirred in the Queen more pleasurable sensations. In March Gladstone's Irish University Bill was rejected by the House of Commons, and he at once resigned (March 11). The Queen accepted his resignation with alacrity, suggested his elevation to the House of Lords, and invited Disraeli to take his place as Prime Minister; but Disraeli declined the invitation in view of the normal balance of parties in the existing House of Commons, where the Conservatives were in a minority. Disraeli was vainly persuaded by the Queen to take another course. Gladstone pointed out to her that the refusal of office on the part of Disraeli, who had
brought about his defeat, amounted to an unconstitutional shirking of his responsibilities. But Disraeli was awaiting with confidence an appeal to the constituencies; and although that appeal could not be long delayed, he had no greater desire than Gladstone to invite it at the moment. In face of Disraeli's obduracy, and his own unreadiness to face a dissolution, Gladstone was compelled, however reluctantly, to return for a season at least to the Treasury bench (March 20). His Government was greatly shaken in reputation, but it succeeded in holding on till the beginning of next year.
When the ministerial crisis ended the Queen paid for the first time an official visit to the East End of London in order to open an important extension of Victoria Park. She was received with noteworthy enthusiasm.
The summer saw her occupied in extending hospitality to a political guest, the Shah of Persia, who, like the Sultan of Turkey, was the first wearer of his crown to visit England. The Queen's regal position in India rendered it fitting for her to welcome Oriental potentates to her Court, and the rivalry in progress in Asia between Russia and England gave especial value to the friendship of Persia. The Queen was in full accord with the policy that brought the Persian monarch to her shores. The
1 Victoria Park (in the districts of Bethnal Green and Hackney) was originally formed by Act of Parliament in 1842, and named after the Queen. An outer fringe of the land which the Government had acquired was destined for building purposes. This fringe was purchased by public subscription in 1872, and the Queen consecrated it to the public use next year.
Shah stayed at Buckingham Palace from June 19 to July 4, and an imposing reception was accorded him. The Prince of Wales for the most part did assiduous duty as host in behalf of his mother, but she thrice entertained her guest at Windsor, and he wrote with enthusiasm of the cordiality of her demeanour. At their first meeting, on June 20, she invested him with the Order of the Garter; at the second, on June 24, he accompanied her to a review in Windsor Park; at the third, on July 2, he exchanged photographs with her, and he visited the Prince Consort’s mausoleum at Frogmore.
Meanwhile the governments of both Russia and England were endeavouring to diminish the friction and suspicion that habitually impeded friendly negotiations between them. At the opening of the year Count Schouvaloff was sent by the Tsar, Alexander II., on a secret mission to the Queen. He assured her that the Russians had no intention of making further advances in Central Asia. Events proved that assurance to be equivocal; but there was another object of Schouvaloff’s embassy which was of more immediate interest to the Queen, and accounted for the amiability that she extended to him. A matrimonial union between the English and Russian royal houses was suggested. The families were already slightly connected. The sister of the Princess of Wales had married the Tsarevitch (afterwards Tsar Alexander III.), Tsar Alexander II.’s eldest (surviving) son. It was now proposed that Prince Alfred, the Queen’s second son, should be betrothed to the Grand Duchess
¹ *Diary of the Shah*, translated by Redhouse, 1874, pp. 144 sq.
Marie Alexandrovna, the Tsar Alexander II.'s only daughter.
At the date of the Shah's visit the Tsarevitch and his wife came on a visit to the Prince and Princess of Wales at Marlborough House in order to facilitate the project. The match was regarded by the Queen as of political promise, and in July she formally assented to it. Subsequently the Queen chose her friend, Dean Stanley, to perform at St. Petersburg the wedding ceremony after the Anglican rite (January 23, 1874), and she struggled hard to read in the Dean's own illegible handwriting the full and vivid accounts he sent her of his experiences.
The Queen welcomed the formation of this new tie with the family of England's present rival in Asia and her old antagonist on the field of the Crimea; but she did not exaggerate its power of allaying the turmoil of political dispute between the two Powers. In the following May the coping-stone seemed to be placed on the edifice of an Anglo-Russian peace by the Queen's entertainment at Windsor of the Tsar Alexander II., her new daughter-in-law's father. But the political issues at stake between Russia and England were not of the kind to be affected by social amenities, and within three years the two countries were on the verge of war.
Disraeli in power, 1874.
The Liberal Government had survived its defeat by nearly ten months, when, in January 1874, the Queen learned 'with some surprise,' although with no regret, of Gladstone's decision to dissolve Parliament. The result was a triumphant victory for the Conservatives. To the Queen's relief, Gladstone's term of office was ended. He resigned office before the new Parliament met. She took formal leave of him with friendly dignity and self-control. 'She felt sure,' she said, 'that he might be reckoned upon to support the throne.' She renewed her offer of a peerage, but this honour was declined from motives which (the Queen wrote) she fully appreciated. At the same time she made no attempt to conceal the gratification with which she recalled Disraeli to power. She saw in the Conservative success proof that the advance of Radicalism, which she feared, was stayed, and that the Conservative instinct of the country had renewed its strength.
Her new minister's position was exceptionally strong. He enjoyed the advantage, which no minister, since Peel took office in 1841, had enjoyed, of comWindsor Castle.
Feb: 19th, 1844.
The Queen has just seen Mr. Macdonald, who has tendered his resignation of his office, which the Queen has accepted.
She therefore has Bt. Macdonald, to be appointed Prime Minister & form
to Government, which the Hon. Mr. Justice Searle H. Dinwiddie at 2 p.m. 12 (Tuesday) in
THE
LADY
OF
THE
LAKE
London: Published by Smith, Elder, & Co., 15 Waterloo Place.
manding large majorities in both Houses of Parliament. Despite a few grumblers, he exerted supreme authority over his party, and the Queen was prepared to extend to him the fullest confidence. She had reached the unalterable conviction that he was a man of high character and patriotic ambition. His private and public life now alike evoked her admiration. Since he had last been in office Lady Beaconsfield had died (December 15, 1872). Disraeli's chivalric devotion to his wife, and the marks of respect that he paid to her memory, especially appealed to the Queen; they gave him, in her eyes, a moral force which she deemed rare in the upper class of society.
The more she came to consider Disraeli's political views the more strongly they commended themselves to her. His elastic Conservatism did not run counter to her hereditary whiggish sentiment. His theory of the Constitution gave to the Crown a semblance of strength and dignity which she valued the more after her experience of her recent ministers, who had been loth to listen patiently to her advice. Moreover, his opinion of the Crown's relations to foreign affairs precisely coincided with the belief which her husband had taught her, that it was the duty of a sovereign of England to seek to influence the fortunes of Europe.
In his social intercourse, of which the Queen was now to enjoy much, Disraeli had the advantage of a personal fascination, which grew with closer acquaintance, and developed in the Queen a genuine affection. He conciliated her idiosyncrasies. He affected interest in the topics which he knew to
interest her. He showered upon her all his arts and graces of conversation. He did what no other minister in the reign succeeded in doing in private talk with her—he amused her. His social charm lightened the routine of State business. He briefly informed her of the progress of affairs, but did not overwhelm her with details.
Nevertheless, Disraeli well understood the practical working of the Constitution, and, while magnifying the Queen’s potential force of sovereignty, he did not prejudice the supreme responsibilities of his own office. His general line of policy being congenial to her, prolonged argument or explanation was rarely needful; but in developing his policy he was not moved by her suggestions or criticism in a greater degree than his predecessors. Even in the matter of making important appointments he did not suffer her influence to go beyond previous limits. But by his exceptional tact and astuteness he reconciled her to almost every decision he took, whether or no it agreed with her inclination. When he failed to comply with her wishes he expressed regret with a felicity which never left a wound. In immaterial matters—the grant of a Civil List pension or the bestowal of a subordinate post or title—he not merely acceded to the Queen’s requests, but saw that effect was given to them with promptness. Comparing his attitude to the Queen with Gladstone’s, contrasting the harmony of his relations with her with the tension that characterised his rival’s, he was in the habit of saying, ‘Gladstone treats the Queen like a public department; I treat her like a woman.’
Disraeli’s Government began its work quietly. Its main business during its first session was ecclesiastical legislation, with which the Queen was in full sympathy. Both the Churches of Scotland and England were affected. The Public Worship Regulation Bill, which was introduced by Archbishop Tait, was
1 Disraeli constituted his Cabinet thus:
First Lord of the Treasury . Mr. Disraeli (created Earl of Beaconsfield, August 1876).
Lord Chancellor . . . Lord Cairns.
Lord President of the Council . The Duke of Richmond.
Lord Privy Seal . . . The Earl of Malmesbury.
Foreign Secretary . . . The Earl of Derby.
Secretary for India . . . The Marquis of Salisbury.
Colonial Secretary . . . The Earl of Carnarvon.
Secretary for War . . . Mr. Gathorne Hardy (created Viscount Cranbrook, 1878).
Home Secretary . . . Mr. Richard Cross (created Viscount Cross, 1886).
First Lord of the Admiralty . Mr. Ward Hunt.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Sir Stafford Northcote (created Earl of Iddesleigh, 1885).
Postmaster-General . . . Lord John Manners (afterwards Duke of Rutland).
In July 1876, on the resignation of Malmesbury, Lord Beaconsfield took the Privy Seal in addition to the First Lordship of the Treasury. In August 1877, on the death of Ward Hunt, W. H. Smith, Secretary to the Treasury, became First Lord of the Admiralty. In February 1878, on the resignation of Lord Carnarvon, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach became Colonial Secretary, and Mr. James Lowther Secretary for Ireland, with a seat in the Cabinet; at the same time the Duke of Northumberland became Lord Privy Seal. In April 1878, on the resignation of Lord Derby, Lord Salisbury became Foreign Secretary; Mr. Gathorne Hardy (afterwards Viscount Cranbrook), Secretary for India; and the Hon. Frederick Stanley (afterwards Lord Stanley of Preston and Earl of Derby), War Secretary.
an endeavour to check in England the growth of ritualism, which the Queen abhorred. The Scottish Church Patronage Bill substituted congregational election for lay patronage in the appointment of ministers in the Established Church of Scotland. This last measure was deemed essential to the prosperity of the Established Church of Scotland, which the Queen made a personal concern. She had at an earlier date favoured resistance to this reform, but she had seen with regret the disruption of the Established Church of Scotland to which that resistance had led, and she was not now inclined to dispute the justice of the innovation. Scottish Dissenters, especially those who had left the Church, raised stout opposition to a concession which they regarded as too belated to be equitable. To the Queen’s disgust, Gladstone vehemently opposed the measure. His speech against the Bill excited her warm displeasure. She denounced his attitude as mere obstruction. ‘He might so easily have stopped away,’ she remarked to her friend, Principal Tulloch, when he spoke to her of the great orator’s contribution to the debate. But the Bill was carried in spite of Gladstone’s protest, and the Queen was content.
It was the Queen’s full intention to have opened Parliament in person in February 1875, by way of indicating her sympathy with the new ministers; but the serious illness of Prince Leopold, who was suffering from typhoid fever, kept her away.
On her son’s recovery, in conformity with the views that she and her Prime Minister held of the obligations of intervention in European politics that lay
upon an English monarch, the Queen immersed herself in delicate negotiations with foreign sovereigns. Rumour spread abroad that the Franco-German war was to be at once renewed. Republican France had been pushing forward new armaments. It was recognised that she was bent on avenging the humiliations of 1870-1. The Queen’s relatives at Berlin and Darmstadt informed her in the spring of 1875 that Bismarck was resolved to avoid a possible surprise on the part of France by suddenly beginning the attack. Her recent friend, Tsar Alexander II., was travelling in Germany, and she wrote appealing to him to use his influence with the German Emperor (his uncle) to stay violence.
On June 20, 1875, the Queen addressed herself directly to the German Emperor and offered her mediation. She quoted expressions that she had been informed Field-Marshal von Moltke had used, and begged her old friend to preserve Europe from a great calamity. The King of Prussia replied by denying the truth of her allegations. He thanked her for her suggestion of mediation, but expressed pain that she regarded him as a disturber of the peace of Europe. Her knowledge of his character should have made such an assumption impossible. ‘No one is more thoroughly convinced than the writer that he who provokes a war in Europe will have the whole of public opinion against him and will accordingly have no ally, no neutrale bienveillant, but rather adversaries. The expressions which the Queen attributes to Field-Marshal Moltke represent an opinion which every one would hold
in case of a quarrel—namely, *de se mettre en avantage*; but no politician, including Moltke, would ever contemplate wantonly plunging Europe into war.' The Queen replied that her fears were not exaggerated. Bismarck was informed of her action and wrote to the Emperor with cynical resentment of her interference. He ridiculed her suspicions. But, in spite of Bismarck's and his master's scornful disclaimer, it is undoubtedly true that there was a likelihood of an outbreak of hostilities between France and Germany in the early months of 1875. An accommodation may have been in progress before the Queen intervened. Although Bismarck affected to ignore her appeals, they clearly helped to incline the political scales of Central Europe in the direction of peace, and the scare of war soon passed away.
The Queen, in a subsequent letter to the Emperor, remarked that, apparently without his knowledge, the views that she had reported had been freely proclaimed in his 'entourage.' 'She will, however, say no more about it' (she wrote), 'as the whole affair is now consigned to oblivion.' The correspondence closed with the Emperor's assurance that as she did not give the names of her informants he would make no further inquiries. Bismarck maintained his attitude of scorn, and satirically expressed sorrow that the matter was suffered to drop so inconclusively.
It was agreeable to the Queen to turn from Euro-
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1 Bismarck, *Recollections*, ii. 191 sq.; Appendix to Bismarck's *Recollections*, i. pp. 256–60; Busch, *Conversations with Bismarck*; Princess Alice's Letters, p. 339.
pean complications to the plans whereby Disraeli proposed to enhance the prestige of her crown, and to strengthen the chain that, since the legislation of 1858, personally linked her with the great empire of India. Her pride in her relations with India and her interest in the welfare of its inhabitants never waned. Disraeli's first suggestion regarding her personal connection with India was that the Prince of Wales should, as her representative, make a state tour through the whole territory, and should visit the native princes. To this she readily assented. The needful arrangements were rapidly made, and the Queen took an affectionate leave of her son at Balmoral on September 17, 1875. The expedition was completely successful. The Prince returned to England in the following May, when the Queen welcomed him in London. He brought her welcome proof of the loyalty of India to the Crown.
Disraeli's Indian policy also included a measure more directly affecting the Queen. He proposed to bestow on her a new title which would declare her Indian sovereignty. The Royal Titles Bill, which conferred on her the designation of Empress of India, was the chief business of the session of 1876, and she fittingly opened it in person amid much popular enthusiasm (February 8). The opposition warmly criticised Disraeli's proposal, but he assured the House of Commons that the new title would only be employed in India and in Indian affairs, and was designed to complete the connection between the Crown and the Indian Empire, which had been inaugurated after the Mutiny. The Bill passed
through all its stages before May 1, when the Queen, to her immense satisfaction, was formally proclaimed Empress of India in London. The words which were adopted after much deliberation for the purpose of translating the new title into the Indian vernacular were Kaisar-i-Hind.
By the ruling princes and chieftains in India her acceptance of the Imperial dignity was hailed with enthusiasm, and they expressed their gratification in personal addresses to the Queen that were characterised by exuberant Oriental imagery which greatly amused and interested her. 'This is the third time,' wrote one chieftain of the historical aspect in which the new title presented itself to the native mind, 'that India is going to be ruled by an Empress. The first was the widow of the Hindu King Agniborna; the second was the Rizia Begum, the daughter of the Mohammedan Emperor Altamash; the third is Queen Victoria, the English Sovereign. But something greater has been achieved. Such a powerful Sovereign of so vast a territory never ruled India. This proclamation may consequently be considered superior to all its kind.'
¹ On January 1, 1877, at Delhi, the Governor-General of India (Lord Lytton) officially announced the Queen's assumption of her title of Empress to an imposing assembly of sixty-three ruling princes. Lord Lytton wrote out and sent to the Queen a very full account of the proceedings (see Lord Lytton's Indian Administration, 1899, by Lady Betty Balfour, pp. 115-32). Memory of the great ceremonial was perpetuated by the creation of a new Order of the Indian Empire, while a new Imperial Order of the Crown of India was established as a decoration for ladies whose male relatives were associated with the Indian Government. The Queen held the first investiture at Windsor on April 29, 1878.
The Queen herself gloried in her new honour, and, despite Disraeli’s assurances, soon ceased to recognise restrictions in its use. She at once signed herself ‘Victoria R. & I.’ in documents relating to India, and early in 1878 she adopted the same form in English documents of State. In 1893 the words ‘Ind[iae] Imp[eratrix]’ were engraved among her titles on the British coinage.
After the close of the session of 1876 the Queen was glad of the opportunity of marking her sense of the devotion that Disraeli had shown her by offering him a peerage (August 21, 1876); his health had suffered from his constant attendance in the House of Commons, and he contemplated resignation. The Queen declined to entertain the notion of his retirement from office, but she was anxious that he should relieve himself, as far as was practicable, of the pressure of public business. Accordingly he entered the House of Lords next year as Earl of Beaconsfield.
The Queen’s cheering relations with Lord Beaconsfield stimulated her to appear somewhat more frequently in public, and she played prominent parts in several military ceremonials in the early days of Disraeli’s government. She had narrowly watched the progress of the little Ashanti war on the West Coast of Africa, and at its successful conclusion she reviewed sailors, marines, and soldiers who had taken part in it in the Royal Clarence Victualling Yard at Gosport on April 23, 1874. At the end of the year, too, she distributed medals to the men.¹ On May 2,
¹ She suffered a severe shock in the autumn of 1875, when, while crossing to the Isle of Wight, her yacht, the ‘Royal Albert,’ ran down
1876, she reviewed troops at Aldershot, and in the following September presented at Balmoral colours to her father's regiment, the Royal Scots. She reminded the men of her military ancestry.
During the early spring of 1876, too, she was more active than usual in London. She attended a concert given by her command at the Royal Albert Hall (February 25). She opened in semi-state a new wing of the London Hospital (March 7). Two days later she inspected in Kensington Gardens the gorgeous Albert Memorial, the most elaborate of the many monuments to her husband; the central space in it is filled by a colossal gilded figure of the Prince. Thence, with her three younger daughters, she went to the funeral in Westminster Abbey of her old friend, Lady Augusta Stanley, whose death, after a thirty years' association, deeply moved her; in memory of Lady Augusta she erected a monumental cross in the private grounds at Frogmore.
Later in the season of 1876 the Queen left for a three weeks' vacation at Coburg (March 31 to April 20); she travelled from Cherbourg through France, but avoided Paris, and on the return journey had an interview at La Villette station, in the neighbourhood of the capital, with the President of the Republic, Marshal MacMahon. The meeting was a graceful recognition on her part of the new form of government, and every courtesy was paid her.
On her return to England the German Empress was once more her guest, and she debated anew the another yacht, the 'Mistletoe,' and thus caused three of its occupants to be drowned in her presence (August 18, 1875).
prospects of the Crown Prince and Princess, which continued to cause her anxiety. While going to Balmoral a few months later she unveiled at Edinburgh yet another Albert Memorial, on August 17. For the first time since the Prince Consort's death, she kept Christmas at Windsor instead of at Osborne, owing to illness in the Isle of Wight, and she transgressed what seemed to be her settled dislike of Court entertainments by giving a concert in St. George's Hall on December 26.
During the two years that followed, the Queen's mind was absorbed in the intricacies of European politics far more deeply than at any time since the Crimean war. She had now, she often said, more to do and think of than ever before, and bitterly complained of want of rest. A great conflict among the Powers of Europe seemed imminent. The subject races of the Turkish Empire in the Balkans threatened the Porte with revolt in the autumn of 1875. The insurrection spread rapidly, and it was obvious that Russia, to serve her own ends, intended to come to the rescue of the insurgents after the manner of her action in 1854. Beaconsfield adopted Palmerston's policy of that year, and declared that British interests in India and elsewhere required the inviolate maintenance of the Sultan's authority.
The course of events was not propitious for the peace of Europe. Turkey endeavoured to suppress the insurrection in the Balkans with great barbarity, notably in Bulgaria; and in the autumn of 1876 Gladstone, who had lately announced his retirement from public life, suddenly emerged from his seclusion
in order to stir the people of the United Kingdom by the energy of his eloquence to resist the bestowal on Turkey of any English favour or support. Gladstone's interposition exasperated the Queen. One effect of his vehemence was to tighten the bond between her and Lord Beaconsfield. At Christmas 1876 the crisis had reached a very acute stage. The Queen was at Windsor, and Lord Beaconsfield had arranged to spend the holidays with friends in the country. But at the Queen's earnest entreaty he altered his arrangements at the eleventh hour and remained in London. She appealed to him 'not to leave her at this moment.' She 'declared it an act of high imprudence' (the Prime Minister wrote to a friend) 'for myself and Derby [the Foreign Minister] to leave town at this conjuncture.'
The Queen accepted unhesitatingly Lord Beaconsfield's view that England was bound to protect Turkey from injury at Russia's hands, and she bitterly resented the embarrassments that Gladstone's impassioned denunciation of his policy caused her minister. But the Queen did not readily abandon hope that Russia might be persuaded by diplomatic pressure to abstain from interference in the Balkans. The occupants of the thrones of Russia and Germany were her personal friends, and she believed her private influence with them might keep the peace. Princess Alice met the Tsar at Darmstadt in July 1876, and he assured the Queen through her daughter that he had no wish for a conflict with England. Thus encouraged, she wrote to him direct, and then appealed to the German Emperor to use his influence.
She even twice addressed herself to Bismarck in the same sense. But Bismarck disbelieved in her sincerity. He affected to credit her at heart with as rash a passion for active hostilities with Russia as her friend Napoleon III. had cherished for active hostilities with Germany in 1870. He had not forgiven her interference in German affairs in 1875, and urged the German Emperor and Empress to address her in much the same terms as she had addressed them when she denounced Germany's alleged designs on France. Her efforts to restrain Russia from attacking Turkey failed. Russia declared war on Turkey on April 24, 1877, and before the end of the year won a decisive victory.
As Russia's triumph over Turkey became complete, the Queen did not dissemble her disgust and disappointment. Thereupon she identified herself with her minister's aggressive foreign policy as unmistakably as she had identified herself with Peel's Free Trade policy more than thirty years before. She, no less than Lord Beaconsfield, resolved that England should regulate the fruits of Russia's successes. Twice did she openly indicate her sympathy with her minister's anxieties in the course of 1877—first by opening Parliament in person in February, and secondly by paying him a visit in circumstances of much publicity at his country seat, Hughenden Manor, Buckinghamshire. She had honoured Melbourne and Peel in a similar way, but more than a quarter of a century had passed since she was the guest of a Prime
1 Appendix to Bismarcks Gedanken u. Erinnerungen, ii, 488; Busch, Conversations with Bismarck, ii. 277.
Minister. She, with Princess Beatrice, travelled by rail on December 21, 1877, from Windsor to High Wycombe station, where Beaconsfield and his secretary, Mr. Montagu Corry (afterwards Lord Rowton), met her. The mayor presented an address of welcome. Driving with her host to Hughenden, she lunched with him, staying two hours, and on leaving planted a tree on the lawn.¹ The incident created a powerful impression both in England and Europe.
The situation revived at all stages the Queen’s memory of the earlier conflict with Russia, the course of which had been largely guided by her husband’s influence. She had lately re-studied the incidents of the Crimean war in connection with the ‘Life of the Prince Consort,’ on which Sir Theodore Martin was engaged under her supervision. At all events she desired the whole truth to be told without qualification. The Crimean period of the Prince’s career was reached by his biographer before the great crisis of 1877, and a suggestion was made that the marriage of her second son with a Russian princess called for the modification of episodes in the narrative in order
¹ A poem in Punch on December 29, 1877, illustrating a sketch by Mr. Linley Sambourne, humorously suggested the continental alarm. One stanza runs:—
‘Did the Czar in far Bucharest shiver?
Did Gortschakoff thrill with a dread?
Did the Sultan in Stamboul feel less of
The storms where he pillows his head?
As from luncheon in Hughenden Manor
The Queen and my radiant Lord B.
Walked out to the lawn and proceeded
To plant a memorial tree!’
to conciliate the Russian royal family. But the Queen scouted such considerations. Facts and documents must be followed at any cost.
At the end of 1877 there appeared the third volume of the biography, which illustrated the intensity of Court and national feeling against Russia when the Crimean war was in its critical stages. The 'Spectator,' a journal supporting Gladstone, censured the volume as 'a party pamphlet' in favour of Lord Beaconsfield, and Gladstone himself—a member of Lord Aberdeen's cabinet which made the war—reviewed it in self-defence. The issue of the volume, for which the Queen was freely held responsible, added fuel to the bitter controversy at home and abroad.
In 1878 the crisis reached its height, and the Queen's activities were incessant. At the beginning of the year the Sultan made a personal appeal to her to induce the Tsar to accept lenient terms of peace. She telegraphed to the Tsar an entreaty to accelerate negotiations; but when the Tsar forced on Turkey conditions which gave Russia a preponderating influence within the Sultan's dominions, she supported Lord Beaconsfield in demanding that the whole settlement should be referred to a congress of the European Powers.
Through the storms that succeeded no minister received stauncher support from his sovereign than Lord Beaconsfield from the Queen. The diplomatic struggle brought the two countries to the brink of war, but the Queen scorned the notion of retreat. A congress of the Powers was summoned to meet in
Berlin in June 1878. The Queen recommended that Lord Beaconsfield should himself represent England, together with Lord Salisbury, the Foreign Secretary. The Prime Minister warned the Queen before he set out that his determination to prevent Russia from getting a foothold south of the Danube might abruptly issue in active hostilities. The Queen declared herself ready to face all risks. War preparations were set in motion with the Queen’s full approval. On May 13, 1878, she held a review on a great scale at Aldershot in company with the Crown Prince of Prussia and the Princess, who were her guests. On August 13 she reviewed at Spithead in inauspicious weather a strong fleet for ‘special service.’
Meanwhile the Congress of Berlin had, in spite of obstacles, re-established peace. At an early session a deadlock arose between Lord Beaconsfield, the English envoy, and Prince Gortschakoff, who acted as the Russian envoy. Lord Beaconsfield refused to countenance any cession of territory or material influence to Russia south of the great dividing river. Neither side would give way. Lord Beaconsfield threatened departure from Berlin so that the dispute might be settled by ‘other means.’ Therein he made no empty boast. He acted in accord with the understanding which he had previously reached with the Queen. But Russia yielded the specific point at Bismarck’s persuasion, and the pacific treaty of Berlin was soon formulated and signed.
The material and moral advantages that England derived from her intervention in the Russo-Turkish war of 1877 were long questioned, but the Queen
entertained no doubt of the reality of the benefit in both kinds. When Lord Beaconsfield returned from Berlin, bringing, in his own phrase, 'peace with honour,' she welcomed him with unrestrained enthusiasm. On July 22, 1878, she invested both him and his colleague, Lord Salisbury, at Osborne with the Order of the Garter.
Domestic incident during 1878 was hardly less abundant than public incident. On February 22 there took place at Berlin the first marriage of a grandchild of the Queen. Charlotte, the eldest daughter of the Crown Prince and Princess, was then married to the hereditary Duke of Saxe-Meiningen. But it was mainly death or threatenings of death in the Queen's circle that marked the year. Her former ally, Victor Emanuel, had died on January 9. Two attempts at Berlin to assassinate the old German Emperor (May 11 and June 2) gave her an alarming impression of the condition of Germany, where she specially feared the advance of socialism and atheism. On June 4 died her former Prime Minister, Lord Russell, and she at once offered his family, through Lord Beaconsfield, a public funeral in Westminster Abbey; but the offer was declined, and he was buried at Chenies. A few days later (June 12) there passed away at Paris her first cousin, the dethroned and blind King of Hanover. She gave directions for his burial in St. George's Chapel, Windsor, and herself attended the funeral on June 25.
But the heaviest blow that befell her in 1878 was the loss of her second daughter, Princess Alice, who had been her companion in her heaviest trials. The
Princess died of diphtheria at Darmstadt on December 14, the seventeenth anniversary of the Prince Consort’s death. It was the first loss of a child that the Queen had experienced, and no element of sorrow was absent. The Princess was nursing her own children when she contracted the fatal illness. The people again shared their Sovereign’s grief in full measure, and on the 26th she addressed to them a simple letter of thanks describing the dead Princess as ‘a bright example of loving tenderness, courageous devotion, and self-sacrifice to duty.’ She erected a granite cross to her memory at Balmoral next year, and showed the tenderest interest in her motherless family.
Fortunately the succeeding year 1879 brought more happiness in its train. Amid greater pomp than had characterised royal weddings since that of the Princess Royal, the Queen attended on March 13 the marriage at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, of her third son, the Duke of Connaught. The bride was third daughter of Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia (the Red Prince), a nephew of the German Emperor, and first cousin of the Crown Prince. A new connection was thus formed with the Prussian House, and one that was thoroughly congenial to the Queen.
Twelve days later the Queen enjoyed the new experience of a visit to Italy. She stayed for nearly a month, till April 23, at Baveno on Lago Maggiore. She delighted in the scenery, and was gratified by a visit from the new King Humbert and Queen Margherita of Italy. On her return to England she learned of the birth of her first great-grandchild, Feodora, the firstborn of the hereditary Princess of
Saxe-Meiningen.\textsuperscript{1} The Queen was herself just completing her sixtieth year. It was an early age at which to welcome a third generation of descendants.
Hardly had the congratulations ceased when she suffered a severe shock. On June 19, 1879, the telegraph wires brought her news of the death, in the Zulu war in South Africa, of the Prince Imperial, the only child of her friend the ex-Empress of the French.\textsuperscript{2} He had gone to Africa as a volunteer in the English army, and was slain when riding almost alone in the enemy's country. He was regarded with much affection by the Queen and by the Princess Beatrice, and all the Queen's wealth of sympathy was bestowed on the young man's mother, the widowed Empress Eugénie. The Prince's remains were brought to England, and while they were being interred at Chislehurst, the Queen was the Empress's sole companion (July 12).
Nowhere was the political situation promising at the time. The outlook alike in South Africa and India was a source of especially grave concern to the Queen. The Zulu war in which the Prince Imperial met his death was only one symptom of the unrest in South Africa which the Governor of the Cape, Sir Bartle Frere, had brought about in an endeavour to assert British supremacy over the
\textsuperscript{1} The infant grew up to womanhood during the Queen's lifetime, and married, September 24, 1898, Prince Henry XXX. of Reuss.
\textsuperscript{2} The Queen wrote in her \textit{Journal}, June 20, 1879: 'Had a bad restless night, haunted by this awful event, seeing those horrid Zulus constantly before me, and thinking of the poor Empress, who did not yet know it.... My accession day, forty-two years ago: but no thought of it in presence of this frightful event.' (\textit{More Leaves}, p. 258.)
whole of that territory. Sir Bartle Frere's policy generally enjoyed the Queen's support and was proved by after-events to be in principle wise and statesmanlike. But it was not attended at the moment by success. Lord Beaconsfield did not conceal his disapproval of many actions of the Governor, but his preoccupation with Eastern Europe had not permitted him to control the South African situation. He felt morally bound to defend all the awkward positions into which the Government had been led by its accredited representative, with the result that the pertinacious Opposition had often the best of the argument.
Equal difficulties were encountered by Lord Beaconsfield's Government in India, where the rival pretensions of England and Russia to dominate the Amir of Afghanistan had involved the Indian Government, under Lord Lytton's viceroyalty, in two successive wars with the Afghans (November 1878 and December 1879). These wars were represented by the Government's enemies to be acts of wanton aggression. The Queen took a very different view. Throughout his term of office Lord Lytton constantly sent direct to her letters describing the course of events, and she in her replies gave every encouragement to the policy that he was pursuing. When in the late autumn of 1879 the murder of Sir Louis Cavagnari, the English envoy, at Cabul momentarily convulsed the Indian Government and rendered the second invasion of Afghanistan necessary, the Queen at once despatched to Lord Lytton a cheering message of sympathy which he described as 'kind,
patriotic, and manly.' 'She is really,' the Viceroy wrote to a friend of this incident, 'a better Englishman than any one of her subjects, and never falls short in a national crisis, when the interests and honour of her empire are at stake.'
The strife of political parties at home greatly complicated the situation of affairs in distant parts of the empire, and gave the Queen additional cause for distress. Gladstone, during the autumn of 1879, in a series of passionate speeches delivered in Midlothian, charged the Government with recklessly fomenting disaster throughout the globe by their blustering imperialism. Oratorical crusades which excited popular feeling were invariably obnoxious to her and the Queen warmly resented Gladstone's Midlothian campaign. Gladstone's persistent attacks on Lord Beaconsfield as the author of the whole evil especially roused her wrath. In private letters she invariably described Gladstone's denunciations of her favourite minister as shameless or disgraceful.
The Queen's faith in Beaconsfield was now unquenchable. He acknowledged her sympathy in avowals of the strongest personal attachment to her. He was ambitious, he told her, of securing for her office greater glory than it had yet attained. He was anxious to make her the dictatress of Europe. 'Many things,' he wrote, 'are preparing, which for the sake of peace and civilisation render it most necessary that her Majesty should occupy that position.' But there were ominous signs that Beaconsfield's own
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1 *Lord Lytton's Indian Administration*, by Lady Betty Balfour, 1899, p. 360.
lease of power was reaching its close, despite the Queen's anxiety to lengthen it. For the fourth time while he was Prime Minister she opened the last session of his Parliament, on February 5, 1880. The ceremonial was conducted with greater elaboration than at any time since the Prince's death. On March 24 Parliament was dissolved at the will of the Prime Minister, who believed the omens auspicious for his success at the polls. The future fortune of the Queen's favourite minister was put to the hazard of the people's vote.
Deeply as the Queen was interested in the result of the coming election, she did not remain in England to watch its progress. Spring holidays had been arranged some weeks before, and, on the day after Parliament was dissolved, she left on a month's visit to Germany. She spent most of her time at the Villa Hohenlohe, her late half-sister's residence at Baden-Baden, but she went thence to Darmstadt to attend the confirmation of two daughters of the late Princess Alice. At the palace at Darmstadt she lived in the rooms that her dead daughter had occupied. Her attention was diverted by intercourse with her grandchildren who gathered round her, and while she was still abroad a domestic incident in the family of her eldest daughter, the Crown Princess, gratified her highly. Her grandson, Prince William of Prussia (now Emperor William II.), in whom the Queen had delighted from his infancy, was just betrothed to Princess Augusta Victoria of [Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg] Augustenburg, daughter of Duke Frederick, the claimant to the duchy of Holstein, who had fared so disastrously in the Schleswig-Holstein struggle. Duke Frederick had died in the previous January, crushed by Bismarck's Prussian policy.
The Queen fully sympathised with the sentiment of young Prince William's parents, who acknowledged that poetic justice was rendered to Duke Frederick's memory by the entrance of his daughter into the direct line of succession to the crown of the Prussian ruler's consort.
But, in spite of her joy at her grandson's betrothal and her happy intimacy with Princess Alice's children, her keenest interests were absorbed in the vicissitudes of the general election in England. Telegrams passed constantly between her and the Prime Minister, and her spirits sank when the completeness of the defeat of the Conservative party proved to her that he could serve her no longer. Liberals and Home Rulers had in the new House of Commons a majority over the Conservatives of no less than 166.
On April 17 the Queen was back at Windsor, and next day had two hours' touching conversation with her vanquished minister. She felt bitterly her isolation. The least agreeable of her past experiences seemed to threaten her anew. As in 1855 and 1859, when a ministerial crisis brought her in view of the mortifying experience of making Prime Minister one whom she distrusted, she carefully and deliberately examined all possible alternatives. For five days she refrained from any overt action. On April 22 Lord Beaconsfield paid her a second visit at Windsor, and when he left, the Queen summoned by his advice Lord Hartington, who was nominal leader of the Liberal party in the House of Commons; for, in spite of Gladstone's activity in agitation through the country, he had never formally resumed the post of leader of the
party since his retirement in 1875, when Lord Hartington had been chosen to fill his place in the House of Commons. She invited Lord Hartington to form a ministry 'as a responsible leader of the party now in a large majority.' She emphasised her faith in his 'moderation.' To her own and to Lord Beaconsfield's disappointment, Lord Hartington replied in effect, that Gladstone alone had won the victory and that he alone must reap the rewards. In vain she urged on her listener 'the obligations arising out of his position.' Finally she desired him to ascertain whether or no Gladstone would enter the cabinet in a secondary post under another's leadership.\(^1\) Beaconsfield said that Lord Hartington showed want of courage in hesitating to take office; he 'abandoned a woman in her hour of need.'
On returning to London Lord Hartington called on Gladstone and reported his conversation with the Queen. It was to Lord Granville, the Liberal leader of the House of Lords, and not to Lord Hartington, Gladstone argued, that he had transferred the leadership of the party in 1875, and he was of opinion that the Queen was defying precedent in sending in the first instance for Lord Hartington instead of for Lord Granville. But he had made up his mind to serve under neither the one nor the other. He would enter the new cabinet as its head or remain outside. Next morning (April 23) Lord Hartington went back to Windsor in company with Lord Granville, who was an old friend of the Queen. Against her will they convinced her that Gladstone
\(^1\) Morley's *Life of Gladstone*, ii. 622-4.
alone was entitled to power, and, making the best of the difficult situation, she entrusted Lord Granville with a message to him requesting an interview. Gladstone hurried to Windsor the same evening, and he accepted the Queen’s commission to form a government. To him she appeared to be ‘natural under effort.’ She expressed the hope that the new Government’s general action would be ‘conciliatory,’ frankly confessed that some of his recent expressions had caused her pain, and, when he remarked that his language while in office would differ from that which he had employed while out of it, she quietly retorted that he would ‘have to bear the consequences’ of his past freedom of speech. Of Lord Beaconsfield the Queen took formal leave at Windsor on April 27. They conversed together in a spirit of deep dejection. She offered the fallen minister as a mark of her esteem promotion to a higher rank in the peerage, but this he declined.
Gladstone’s second administration was soon in being. Small heed was paid to the Queen’s suggestions as to the allotment of portfolios. Fearful of further changes in the organisation of the army, she recommended that Lord Hartington should become Secretary of War. Gladstone selected Lord Hartington for the India Office; and the Queen accepted Childers’s appointment to the War Office with ill-concealed impatience.\(^1\) Nor did she approve the bestowal of a viscounty on Robert Lowe, a prominent member of Mr. Gladstone’s first Government for
\(^1\) Lord Hartington was, however, transferred to the War Office in December 1882.
whom no place was found in the second ministry. A barony, the Queen insisted, met all the requirements of the case. She deprecated the introduction into the cabinet of a politician holding opinions so markedly Radical as Mr. Chamberlain held, and when, two years later, Gladstone found it politic to strengthen the Radical element in his ministry by the admission of Sir Charles Dilke to the cabinet, the Queen was vehement in expressions of dissent.
Gladstone at all points remained firm. But, although some of the personnel of the new Government was little to the Queen’s taste and she disliked the manner in which offices were distributed, she received all her new advisers with constitutional correctness of demeanour.¹
¹ Gladstone’s second Cabinet was constituted thus
First Lord of the Treasury and W. E. Gladstone.
Chancellor of the Exchequer
Lord Chancellor . . . . Lord Selborne.
President of the Council . . Earl Spencer, K.G.
Lord Privy Seal . . . . Duke of Argyll, K.T.
First Lord of the Admiralty . . Earl of Northbrook.
Home Secretary . . . . Sir W. Vernon Harcourt.
Foreign Secretary . . . . Earl Granville, K.G.
War Secretary . . . . Hugh C. E. Childers.
Colonial Secretary . . . . Earl of Kimberley.
Secretary for India . . . . Marquis of Hartington.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster John Bright.
President of the Board of Trade Joseph Chamberlain.
President of the Local Government Board. J. G. Dodson (afterwards Lord Monk Bretton)
Chief Secretary for Ireland . . W. E. Forster.
Changes were numerous later. Lord Carlingford, who succeeded Argyll as Privy Seal (May 1881), was also President of the Council from March 1883, in place of Lord Spencer, who succeeded Lord
Two acts due to the Queen’s native kindness of heart involved her in some public censure as soon as the new Liberal Government was installed. She felt lifelong compassion for the family of her exiled cousin, the King of Hanover, and showed great tenderness to his daughter Frederica, whom she called ‘the poor lily of Hanover.’ She not only countenanced her marriage with Baron von Pawell-Rammingen, who was formerly her father’s equerry, but arranged for the wedding to take place in her presence in her private chapel at Windsor (April 24, 1880). The match was deemed to be wanting in dignity, especially in Germany, and to be undeserving of the Queen’s countenance, but she lost no opportunity of proving that it received her full sanction.
A few months later she, as visitor of Westminster Abbey, urged the erection of a monument there in memory of the late Prince Imperial. The scheme was brought to the notice of the House of Commons, where, in spite of Gladstone’s support, it was em-
Cowper as Irish Lord Lieutenant (May 1882). Mr. Forster, Irish Secretary, gave way (May 1882) to Lord Frederick Cavendish, on whose murder Mr. (afterwards Sir) G. O. Trevelyan succeeded. Dodson succeeded Bright as Chancellor of the Duchy (July 1882), and Sir Charles Dilke Dodson at the Local Government Board. Gladstone yielded the Chancellorship of the Exchequer to Childers (Dec. 1882), when Lord Hartington became War Secretary, Lord Derby Colonial Secretary, and Lord Kimberley India Secretary. Mr. Trevelyan succeeded Dodson in the Duchy (Oct. 1884), Mr. Campbell-Bannerman becoming Irish Secretary. Lord Rosebery was First Commissioner of Works from 1884 and Privy Seal also (in place of Carlingford) from February 1885.
1 The Queen published in the Court Circular, on April 26, a long list of the Princess’s wedding presents, and on April 28 she announced that the Princess’s wedding dress and veil, which were fully described, were her own gift.
phatically condemned on the ground alike of the Prince's nationality and of public policy (July 16, 1880). Five days later the Queen reluctantly withdrew the proposal and at once appointed a site for the monument in St. George's Chapel, Windsor.
As soon as the new Government had settled down to its work, the Queen recalled to Gladstone's recollection the character and procedure of Peel's ministry in which he had himself first held high office. She pronounced in a communication to the Prime Minister a 'high eulogy' on Peel's achievements, which she thought Gladstone would do well to emulate. The Prime Minister declared himself in general agreement with the Queen's verdict on past history, and expressed in vague phraseology his desire to tread in his predecessor's footsteps.\(^1\) The Queen was not reassured, and was disinclined to watch events passively. The misgivings with which her new advisers inspired her stimulated her critical activity, and during the five years that they held office there was increase rather than diminution in her energetic supervision of the conduct of public business. She informed Gladstone and his colleagues at the outset that she insisted on a full exercise of her right of 'commenting on all proposals before they are matured.' Ministers must take no decision before their completed plans were before her. She was punctilious to the last degree in requiring of ministers strict conformity with traditional etiquette, and when Gladstone in September 1883 took, without previous communication with her, a holiday cruise in
\(^1\) Morley's *Life of Gladstone*, i. 642, 643.
the North Sea and visited the Danish Court at Copenhagen, the Queen promptly pointed out to him that he had broken a rule requiring the sovereign’s permission before a prime minister could visit a foreign land. Gladstone admitted his fault in a letter of apology.
One of the new Government’s first domestic measures—the Burials Bill—caused her disquietude. The bill was designed to authorise the conduct of funerals by Nonconformist ministers in parish churchyards, and the Queen sought the opinion of Lord Selborne, like herself a firm adherent of the Anglican Establishment, respecting the forms of religious service in churchyards that were to be sanctioned.
More serious perturbation was caused the Queen by the ministry’s plans for the further reorganisation of the army, the control of which, despite recent legislation, she persisted in treating as the Crown’s peculiar province. No military reform escaped her censorious vigilance. In May she stoutly protested against the proposal for the complete abolition of flogging in the army. She hated the system, she wrote, but she saw no possible alternative ‘in extreme cases of cowardice, treachery, plundering, or neglect of duty on sentry.’ She objected to the suspension of the practice of giving honorary colonelcies with incomes attached as rewards for distinguished service; any abuse in the method of distribution could be easily remedied. When Childers, the Secretary of War, in the winter of 1880 sketched out a scheme for linking battalions and for giving regiments territorial
¹ Morley’s Life of Gladstone, iii. 115–117.
designations, she warmly condemned changes which were likely, in her opinion, to weaken the regimental esprit de corps. Childers, though he respectfully considered the Queen’s suggestions, rarely adopted them, and in a speech at Pontefract on January 19, 1882, he deemed it prudent openly to contest the view that the Crown still governed the army.
During the first months of Gladstone’s second Administration the Queen’s main energies were devoted to urging on the ministers the duty of spirited and sustained action in bringing to an end the wars in Afghanistan and South Africa, which their predecessors had left on their hands. The Afghan campaign of 1880 she watched with the closest attention. After the defeat of the English troops at Maiwand she wrote to Childers of her dread lest the Government should not adequately endeavour to retrieve the disaster. She had heard rumours, she said, of an intended reduction of the army by the Government. She thought there was need of increasing it. On August 22 she proved her anxiety by inspecting the troopship ‘Jumna’ which was taking reinforcements to India. But, to her intense satisfaction and gratitude, Sir Frederick (now Earl) Roberts, by a prompt march on Kandahar, reduced the Afghans to submission. The new Amir, Abdur-Rahman, was securely installed on the Afghan throne, and to the Queen’s relief he maintained to the end of her reign friendly relations with her and her Government, frequently speaking to his family and court in praise of her character and rule.
1 Amir Abdur-Rahman, Autobiography, 1900.
In like manner the Queen put every obstacle she could in the way of the recall of Sir Bartle Frere, the High Commissioner in South Africa, who was responsible for the forward policy that had of late years been pursued there. The Queen's prepossessions carried no weight with the cabinet; the feeling of the majority of the House of Commons strongly pronounced itself against Sir Bartle's retention of office, and he was accordingly dismissed. The Queen taunted Gladstone with allowing the House of Commons to trench unduly on the business of the Executive. After the outbreak of the Boer war in December 1880, and the defeat and death of General Colley on February 27, 1881, at Majuba Hill, the Queen was unremitting in her admonitions to the Government to bestir themselves. She recommended General Roberts for the vacant chief command in the Transvaal—a recommendation which the Government made independently at the same moment. Her ministers, however, decided to carry to a conclusion the peace negotiations which had previously been opened with the Boers, and before General Roberts landed in South Africa the war was ended by the apparent capitulation of the Queen's government to the enemy. The ministerial action conflicted with the Queen's views and wishes. She openly contemned it as weak and pusillanimous. The restoration to the Boers of practical autonomy served signally to increase her distrust of ministerial policy.
But, whatever her opinion of her Government's diplomacy, she was not sparing in signs of sympathy with the sufferings of her troops in the recent hostilities. By her desire the colours of the 24th regiment, which were recovered after being temporarily lost during the Zulu war at the battle of Isandhlwana, were brought to Osborne; while speaking to the officers who bore the flag of the bravery of the regiment and its trials in South Africa, she decorated the colours with a wreath (July 28, 1880). During 1882 she once more held a review at Aldershot (May 16), and on August 17, at Parkhurst, Isle of Wight, she presented new colours to the second battalion of the Berkshire regiment (66th), which had lost its old colours at Maiwand in Afghanistan.
Discontent with her present advisers intensified the grief with which she learned of the death of Lord Beaconsfield—her 'dear great friend' she called him—on April 19, 1881. For the moment the blow overwhelmed her. She and all members of her family treated his loss as a personal bereavement. Two days after his death she wrote from Osborne to Dean Stanley: 'His devotion and kindness to me, his wise counsels, his great gentleness combined with firmness, his one thought of the honour and glory of the country, and his unswerving loyalty to the throne make the death of my dear Lord Beaconsfield a national calamity. My grief is great and lasting.' To another friend she described the dead statesman as 'my dear valued and devoted friend and counsellor whose loss is so great to the country and to me... Every sympathetic recollection of him is a satisfaction to me.' When the question of a public funeral was raised the Queen said she knew that he would wish to
be buried beside his wife at Hughenden, but she directed that a public monument should be placed to his memory in Westminster Abbey.
At the funeral at Hughenden, on the 26th, she was represented by the Prince of Wales and Prince Leopold. Of two wreaths which she sent, one, of primroses, bore the inscription, 'His favourite flower. . . . A tribute of affection from Queen Victoria.' Thus was inaugurated the permanent association of the primrose with Lord Beaconsfield's memory.
Such marks of regard did not, however, exhaust the Queen's public acts of mourning. Four days after the burial, she and the Princess Beatrice visited Lord Beaconsfield's house at Hughenden, and the Queen placed with her own hands a wreath of white camellias on the coffin, which lay in the still open vault in the churchyard. Next year, on the wall above the seat in the chancel of the church which Lord Beaconsfield was wont to occupy—a position chosen by herself—she caused to be set up an elaborate memorial tablet—a low-relief profile portrait of the minister—with an inscription from her own pen: 'To the dear and honoured memory of Benjamin, Earl of Beaconsfield, this memorial is placed by his grateful sovereign and friend Victoria R.I. ("Kings love him that speaketh right.")—Proverbs xvi. 13.'
1 Life of Stanley, ii. 565. The actual burial of great men in Westminster Abbey never evoked much enthusiasm in the Queen. When in 1873, on the death of Bishop Wilberforce, his family declined the offer of that honour, the Queen remarked that she was very glad, for 'to her nothing more gloomy and doleful [than the Abbey] exists.' Morley's Life of Gladstone, ii. 460.
February 27, 1882.'¹ No sovereign in the course of English history had given equal proofs of attachment to or respect for a minister.
The Queen's generous sympathies were never, however, wholly absorbed by her own subjects or her friends at home. A few weeks before Lord Beaconsfield's death she was shocked by the assassination of the Tsar Alexander II., father of her daughter-in-law, the Duchess of Edinburgh (March 13), and a few months later the death by a like violence of President Garfield of the United States drew from her an autograph letter of condolence to the widow which the veteran politician Charles Pelham Villiers described as a 'masterpiece' of womanly consideration and political tact.
Before the end of 1881 the Government was involved in grave difficulties in Egypt. Arabi Pasha, the Khedive's war minister, fomented a rebellion against the Khedive's authority in the autumn, and by the summer of 1882 he had gained complete control of the Egyptian Government. Grave disorders in the administration of Egyptian finance had led England and France in 1878 to form what was known as the dual control of the Egyptian revenue, and this arrangement imposed on them the responsibility of
¹ The Queen also had a brass plate fixed to Lord Beaconsfield's seat in the church cut with words commemorating the fact. Furthermore she paid his memory the unique distinction of claiming of Garter King-at-Arms the insignia—banner, helmet, and sword—belonging to him as Knight of the Garter, which hung in his lifetime in St. George's Chapel, Windsor. She ordered these insignia to be transferred to Hughenden Church and to be suspended on the wall of the chancel above her own memorial tablet.
preserving order in the country. France now, however, declined to join England in active defence of the Khedive's authority. The Queen came to the conclusion, independently of her ministers, that it was obligatory to assume at all hazards undivided control of Egyptian affairs. Gladstone hesitated to accept this view, but after much consultation the cabinet undertook to repress the insurrection of Arabi singlehanded.
The Queen, convinced of the need of armed intervention, betrayed characteristic solicitude for prompt and effectual action. On July 10, when hostilities were imminent, she inquired of the War Minister, Childers, what forces were in readiness, and deprecated the selection of a Commander-in-Chief until she had had time to consider the Government's suggestions. The condition of the transport and the supply of horses demanded, she pointed out, immediate consideration. On the 21st she approved the appointment of Sir Garnet (afterwards Viscount) Wolseley as Commander-in-Chief, with Sir John Adye as Chief of the Staff. On July 28 she asked for information respecting the press regulations. The Queen's concern for the success of the expedition was increased by the appointment, with her full consent, of her son, the Duke of Connaught, to the command of the Guards Brigade in the first division of the army, while the Duke of Teck, husband of her first cousin, Princess Mary, filled a place on Sir Garnet Wolseley's staff.
Until the whole of the expeditionary force was embarked the Queen never ceased to advise the War Office respecting practical points of equipment, and
was peremptory in her warnings in regard to food supplies and hospital stores. The comfort as well as the health of the troops needed, in her view, attention. In a single day in August she forwarded no less than seventeen notes to the Minister of War.
The opening of the campaign redoubled her zeal. On September 12 she wrote from Balmoral, 'My thoughts are entirely fixed on Egypt and the coming battle.' When the news of the decisive victory at Tel-el-Kebir reached her (September 13), she caused a bonfire to be lit on the top of Craig Gowan, thus celebrating the receipt of the news in the same way as that of the fall of Sebastopol in 1855. But her joy at the victory was dashed by the fear that the Government would not follow it up with resolution. She was aware of differences of opinion in the Cabinet, and she spared no exertion to stiffen the backs of her ministers. On September 19 she protested alike against any present diminution of troops in Egypt, and against the lenient treatment of the rebellious Arabi. On September 21, 1882, she wrote to her ministers:¹ 'If Arabi and the other principal rebels who are the cause of the deaths of thousands are not severely punished, revolution and rebellion will be greatly encouraged, and we may have to do all over again. The whole state of Egypt and its future are full of grave difficulties, and we must take great care that, short of annexation, our position is firmly established there, and that we shall not have to shed precious blood and expend much money for nothing.'
¹ Childers's Life, ii. 33.
Finally Egypt was pacified, and English predominance was secured, although disorder was suffered to spread in the subsidiary provinces of the Soudan, with peril to the future. In the last months of the year the Queen turned to the grateful task of meting out rewards to those who had engaged in the recent operations. In October she devised a new decoration of the Royal Red Cross for nurses who rendered efficient service in war. The final regulations were issued on April 7, 1883. On November 18 she reviewed in St. James's Park eight thousand troops who had just returned from Egypt; and at Windsor, three days later, when she distributed war medals, she delivered to the men a stirring address of thanks.
But it was not only abroad that anxieties confronted the Queen and her Government during 1882. For the fifth time the Queen’s life was threatened by assassination. A lunatic, one Roderick Maclean, fired a pistol at her—happily without hitting her—on March 2 at Windsor railway station, as she was returning from London.¹ Soon afterwards disaffection in Ireland reached a climax in the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish, the Chief Secretary, and of Thomas Henry Burke, the Under-Secretary (May 6). She had watched the progress of the Nationalist agitation since 1879 with ‘terrible anxiety.’ ‘What a dreadful state that unhappy country is in!’ she wrote on December 26, 1880. Resolution in the suppression
¹ Sir Samuel Wilson, who at the time rented Hughenden Manor after Lord Beaconsfield’s death, placed a stained-glass window in the church there: ‘To the glory of God and in commemoration of His merciful protection of her Majesty Queen Victoria from great peril at Windsor on March 2, 1882.’
of disorder always won the Queen's admiration, and she had given every encouragement to W. E. Forster, Lord Frederick Cavendish's predecessor as Irish Secretary, in his strenuous efforts to uphold the law. She had made diligent inquiries respecting the personnel of the agitators, of whom she spoke with impatience, and had urged every effort to protect the law-abiding landlords and tenants from outrage. The more conciliatory policy which ultimately prevailed with Forster's successors awoke in her no enthusiasm.
Happily the Queen found some compensation for her varied troubles at home in annual travel abroad, and in other agreeable vicissitudes of private life. In the spring she spent a vacation abroad for the first time in the Riviera, staying for a month at Mentone. Once more, too, a marriage in her family gladdened her. Her youngest son, Leopold, Duke of Albany, had become engaged to Princess Helen Frederica, a princess of the German house of Waldeck-Pyrmont, whose sister was second wife to the King of the Netherlands. The Queen had no previous personal acquaintance with the young princess, and was doubtful of the stability of Prince Leopold's health, but she gave her consent to the union with good hope.
The marriage compelled the Queen once more to approach Parliament for a financial settlement on behalf of the Prince. Precedent was on the Queen's side and Gladstone was amiable. He invited Parliament on March 23 to increase the Prince's income, as in the case of his two next elder brothers, from 15,000l., which he had enjoyed since he came of
age, to 25,000l. Gladstone pressed the proposal on the House of Commons with tact and zeal, but as many as forty-two members—mainly from Ireland—voted against the proposal. It was ultimately carried by a majority of 345. The customary corollary, that in case of the Prince’s death 6,000l. a year was to be allowed his widow, happily passed without dissent.
Shortly after the Queen’s return from Mentone she attended the marriage of Prince Leopold and Princess Helen of Waldeck-Pyrmont, at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor. She provided handsomely for her youngest son and his bride. She purchased in perpetuity the Crown property of Claremont, which had been granted her for life by Parliament in 1866 on the death of its former holder, King Leopold, and this estate she generously presented to the newly married pair for their residence.
Twice during the year she took part in public ceremonies of interest. On May 6 she went to Epping Forest, which the Corporation of London had recently secured for a public recreation ground, and she dedicated it formally to public use. At the end of the year, on December 4, at the request of Lord Selborne, the Lord Chancellor, she inaugurated the new Law Courts in the Strand.
XLI
GENERAL GORDON
The prevailing note of the Queen's life, owing alike to public and private causes, during the two years that followed was one of gloom. At the close of 1882 she had been deprived by death of another friend in whom she trusted—Archbishop Tait. He gratified her by sending from his deathbed a message by way of 'a last memorial of twenty-six years of devoted service with earnest love and affectionate blessing' for her and her family. An offer was made by the Dean and Chapter of a tomb for the dead prelate in Westminster Abbey, but his daughters preferred that he should lie with his relatives in Addington churchyard. The question of the Primate's last resting-place was submitted by his daughters to the Queen's decision, and she promptly gave her voice for Addington.
The Queen was at one with the Prime Minister, Gladstone, in treating as a matter of the highest seriousness the choice of a successor to Tait in the Archbishopric of Canterbury. The topic had formed a subject of discussion between them during Gladstone's first ministry, in 1870, when Tait's recovery from a serious illness looked doubtful and a vacancy
in the Primacy seemed imminent. Then the Queen and her minister agreed to offer the great office to Dean Wellesley of Windsor, who was the confidential friend of both and the Queen’s constant adviser for many years past in ecclesiastical matters. But the Dean at the time refused to entertain the suggested promotion, and now—just ten weeks before Tait’s death—he had himself passed away. The Queen felt keenly the unwonted absence of his counsel. But she faced the situation with active energy. Many names were suggested by the minister. ‘Never,’ writes Dean Church, ‘for hundreds of years has so much honest disinterested pains been taken to fill the Primacy—such inquiry and trouble resolutely followed out to find the really fittest man, apart from every personal and political consideration, as in this case. Of that I can bear witness.’¹ Tait shortly before his death expressed the wish that Dr. Harold Browne should be his successor. Dr. Browne had, on Gladstone’s nomination, succeeded Samuel Wilberforce as Bishop of Winchester in 1873, and still held that see. The Queen was not disinclined to act upon Tait’s dying recommendation; but Dr. Browne was past seventy years old, and Gladstone pointed out to her that precedents and prudence alike rendered his age an insuperable bar to his appointment. In due time the Queen explained to the Bishop of Winchester, who was made aware of the course of events: ‘The Queen feels it would be wrong to ask him to enter on new and arduous duties, which now more than ever tax the health and strength of him
¹ *Life and Letters of Dean Church*, 1895, p. 307.
who has to undertake them, at his age, which, as the Bishop himself says, is the same as that of our dear late friend [Tait].'
Fortunately she found herself ultimately in agreement with Gladstone as to the fitness of Edward White Benson to succeed to the Primacy. He had been the first headmaster of her husband's foundation of Wellington College, and was afterwards first Bishop of Truro. Benson's acceptance of the office was, she said, 'a great support to herself,' and with him her relations were no less cordial than with his predecessor.
At the moment that Benson took the appointment, the Queen suffered a new sense of desolation from the death, on March 27, 1883, of her faithful attendant, John Brown. She placed a tombstone to his memory in Crathie churchyard, and invited suggestions from Tennyson for the inscription, which she prepared herself. At Balmoral she caused a statue of her humble friend to be erected, and at Osborne a granite seat was inscribed with pathetic words to his memory. 'His loss to me (ill and helpless as I was at the time from an accident),' she wrote a few months later, 'is irreparable, for he deservedly possessed my entire confidence; and to say that he is daily, nay, hourly, missed by me, whose lifelong gratitude he won by his constant care, attention, and devotion, is but a feeble expression of the truth:
'A truer, nobler, trustier heart,
More loyal and more loving, never beat
Within a human breast.'
1 Kitchin's Life of Dr. Harold Browne, p. 456; Morley's Life of Gladstone, iii. 93-5.
An accidental fall on the staircase at Windsor, early in 1883, rendered the Queen unable to walk for many months, and increased her tendency to depression. Even in January, 1884, it was formally announced that she could not stand for more than a few minutes.\(^1\) In the summer of 1883 she consoled herself in her loneliness by preparing for publication another selection from her journal—'More Leaves from a Journal of Life in the Highlands, 1862–1882,' and she dedicated it 'To my loyal highlanders, and especially to the memory of my devoted personal attendant and faithful friend, John Brown.' She still took a justly modest view of the literary value of her work. When she sent a copy to the poet Tennyson she described herself as 'a very humble and unpretending author, the only merit of whose writing was its simplicity and truth.'
The public reception of the volume revived her spirits, but they were quickly dashed by the second loss of a child. On March 28, 1884, the Duke of Albany, her youngest and her lately married son, died suddenly at Cannes. His health had caused her constant concern and intensified her affection for him. The trial of his death shook her severely. A great help and support had been taken from her, she said, in her declining years. But she met the blow with courage and with religious resignation. To one message of condolence she replied: 'Yes, God has taken most away who were my dearest, as well as those I most needed as helps and comforts. I am sorely stricken indeed. This is but a pilgrimage, a
\(^1\) Court Circular, January 21.
great struggle, and not our real home.'¹ 'Though all happiness is at an end for me in this world,' she wrote to Tennyson, 'I am ready to fight on.' In a letter to her people, dated from Windsor Castle April 14, she promised 'to labour on for the sake of my children, and for the good of the country I love so well, as long as I can;' and she tactfully expressed thanks to the people of France, in whose territory her son had died, for the respect and kindness that they had shown. Although the pacific temper and condition of the Prince's life rendered the ceremony hardly appropriate, the Queen directed a military funeral for him in St. George's Chapel, Windsor, on April 6.
The conduct of the Government during the year (1883–4) gave her small cause for satisfaction. Egypt, which was now practically administered by England, was the centre of renewed anxiety. Since Arabi's insurrection, the inhabitants of the Soudan had, under a fanatical leader, the Mahdi, been in revolt against Egyptian rule, and they were now menacing the Egyptian frontier. During 1883 the English ministry had to decide whether to suppress by force the rebellion in the Soudan, or to abandon the territory to the insurgents and cut it off from Egypt altogether. To the Queen's dismay, the policy of abandonment was adopted, with a single qualification. Some Egyptian garrisons still remained in the Soudan in positions of the gravest peril, and these the English Government undertook to rescue. The Queen recommended prompt and adequate action, but her words fell on deaf ears (January 1884).
¹ Lord Ronald Sutherland Gower, Old Diaries, p. 404.
The Government, yielding to journalistic clamour, confined itself to sending General Gordon to Khartoum, the capital of the disturbed districts, in order to negotiate with the rebels for the relief of the threatened garrisons. His influence with natives of the Soudan had in the past proved very great, but at once the Queen expressed doubts whether he could possibly execute his present difficult mission single-handed. She watched Gordon’s advance towards his goal with the gravest concern, and constantly reminded the Government of the danger he was running.
The Queen’s forebodings proved well justified. Gordon’s influence with the natives of the Soudan was of small avail. Soon after his arrival at Khartoum, he urged the home Government to nominate Zobeir Pasha, an influential Egyptian slave-dealer and slave-hunter, Governor-General of the Soudan. Expert opinion supported this advice; the Queen pronounced in its favour; but though Gladstone was willing to adopt it, he failed, despite the Queen’s entreaty, to remove the scruples of the majority of the cabinet. Gordon’s position at once became desperate, and he was soon besieged in Khartoum by the Mahdi’s forces. Thereupon the Queen solemnly warned the Government of the obligation it was under of despatching a British expedition to deliver him. The Government feared to involve itself further in war in Egypt, but the Queen was not to be silenced. Public opinion was clearly with her, and in the autumn a British army was tardily sent out, under Lord Wolseley, to attempt Gordon’s rescue. The Queen reproached the Government with
the delay, which she brought herself to regard as a neglect of public duty. The worst followed. The expedition failed to effect its purpose; Khartoum was stormed, and Gordon was killed before the relieving force reached the city (January 26, 1885).
No disaster of her reign caused the Queen more pain and indignation. On receipt of the news the Queen sent an angry telegram to Gladstone and Lord Hartington (then Minister of War), who happened to be together at the latter's house, Holker Hall, stating that 'it was too fearful to consider that the fall of Khartoum might have been prevented and many precious lives saved by earlier action.' The despatch was forwarded openly, and not in the cipher which was usual in the Queen's telegraphic communication with ministers.\(^1\) In all directions she expressed herself on the catastrophe with unqualified frankness. In a letter, penned with her own hand at Osborne, and addressed to Gordon's sister a very few weeks after the tragedy, she said that she 'keenly felt the stain left upon England' by General Gordon's 'cruel but heroic fate.' She found it difficult to describe the poignancy of her grief at the remembrance that her urgent counsels had not been followed.
'Dear Miss Gordon' (the letter ran),
'How shall I write to you or how shall I attempt to express what I feel? To think of your dear, noble,
\(^1\) Morley's *Life of Gladstone*, iii. 167–9. Gladstone urged in reply to the Queen's condemnation, that whatever errors had been committed were due to the impossibility of obtaining trustworthy information as to the actual position of affairs in the disturbed districts.
heroic brother, who served his country and his Queen so truly, so heroically, with a self-sacrifice so edifying to the world, . . . is to me grief inexpressible. Indeed it has made me ill!
'My heart bleeds for you, his sister, who have gone through so many anxieties on his account, and who loved the dear brother as he deserved to be. You are all so good and trustful to have such strong faith that you will be sustained even now, when real absolute evidence of your dear brother's death does not exist, but I fear there cannot be much doubt of it.
'Some day I hope to see you again, to tell you all I cannot express!
'My daughter Beatrice, who has felt quite as I do, wishes me to express her deepest sympathy with you. I have so many expressions of sorrow and sympathy from abroad—from my eldest daughter the Crown Princess, and from my cousin the King of the Belgians—the very warmest.
'Would you express to your other sisters and your elder brother my true sympathy, and what I do so keenly feel—the stain left upon England for your dear brother's cruel, though heroic fate?
'Ever, dear Miss Gordon,
'Yours sincerely and sympathisingly,
'V. R. I.'
The diary which Gordon kept while he was besieged at Khartoum, as well as his Bible, was ultimately re-
1 This and the letters quoted below were bequeathed by Miss Gordon to the British Museum, on her death in 1893. The second letter is on public exhibition there.
covered by the relieving force, and was forwarded to Miss Gordon. She at once presented her brother's Bible to the Queen. The Queen expressed her gratitude in a letter dated Windsor Castle, March 16, 1885.
'It is most kind and good of you to give me this precious Bible,' the Queen wrote, 'and I only hope that you are not depriving yourself and family of such a treasure, if you have no other. May I ask you during how many years your dear heroic brother had it with him? I shall have a case made for it with an inscription; and place it in the library here with your letter and the touching extract from his last to you.
'I have ordered, as you know, a marble bust of your dear brother to be placed in the corridor here, where so many busts and pictures of our greatest generals and statesmen are, and hope that you will see it before it is finished to give your opinion as to the likeness.
'Believe me, always yours very sincerely,
'VICTORIA R. I.'
Gordon's diary at Khartoum was sent by Miss Gordon for the Queen's perusal in July. The Queen acknowledged it without delay from Osborne on July 11, 1885.
'I must myself thank you,' she wrote, 'for the volume of your dear brother's diary. Beatrice and I are reading it with the deepest and saddest interest.'
She referred anew to her sense of mortification in having been unable to persuade her ministers in
due time of Gordon's imminent peril. She signed herself
'Ever yours most sincerely,
'V. R. I.'
The Queen duly placed the bust of Gordon in the corridor at Windsor. His Bible she kept in a case in the corridor near her private rooms, and often showed it to her guests as one of her most valued treasures. Meanwhile the Queen keenly interested herself in the further efforts to rescue the Egyptian garrisons in the Soudan. In February 1885 the Grenadier Guards, who were ordered thither, paraded by her command before her at Windsor. She was gratified by offers of men from the Australian colonies, which she acknowledged with warm gratitude, and was not well pleased that the Government should decline them. At the end of the year she visited wounded soldiers from the Soudan at Netley, and she distributed medals to non-commissioned officers and men at Windsor.
But the later operations in the Soudan brought the Queen cold comfort. They lacked the decisive success which she loved to associate with the achievements of British arms. Against the final decision of the Government completely to abandon Khartoum and the Soudan to the Mahdi and his followers the Queen was warm in protest. She argued that her position in India was thereby seriously imperilled. Gladstone, in justification of the latest phase of his policy, reminded the Queen that even George III. had yielded his convictions in regard to the American colonies when circumstances arose to make a change
of view imperative. The Queen retorted, through her secretary, with an obvious innuendo, that George III.'s Prime Minister, Lord North, 'never flinched from his task till it became hopeless, that he then resigned office, but did not change his opinions to suit the popular cry.'¹ Gladstone elaborately disputed the Queen's reading of history, but his argument failed to convince her, and she regretfully saw the Soudan relapse into barbarism.
Home politics had meanwhile kept the Queen closely occupied through the autumn of 1884. In the ordinary session of that year the Government had passed through the House of Commons a bill for a wide extension of the franchise: this the House of Lords had rejected in the summer, whereupon the Government announced their intention of passing it a second time through the House of Commons in an autumn session. A severe struggle between the two Houses was thus imminent. The Queen had fully adopted Lord Beaconsfield's theory that the broader the basis of the constitution, the more secure the crown, and she viewed the fuller enfranchisement of the labouring classes with active benevolence. At the same time 'organic change' in the Upper Chamber, which Gladstone and prominent Radicals threatened, should the Lords persist in opposing the decision of the Commons, was highly objectionable in her eyes. She always regarded a working harmony between the hereditary and elective Houses of Parliament as essential to the due stability of the monarchy. In the existing crisis she was filled with a lively desire
¹ Morley's Life of Gladstone, iii. 179-82.
to settle the dispute between two estates of the realm with the least possible delay and before any distinct constitutional issue respecting the position of the Upper House was publicly raised. Her action was modelled on that which she took in the dispute over the Irish Church Disestablishment in 1869.
In her private secretary, Sir Henry Ponsonby, the Queen had a tactful counsellor, and she did not hesitate through him to use her personal influence with the leaders of both parties to secure a settlement. Luckily, it was soon apparent that the danger of conflict looked greater than it was. Before her intervention had gone far, influential members of the Conservative party, including Lord Randolph Churchill and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, had independently reached the conclusion that the House of Lords might safely pass the Franchise Bill, if to it were joined a satisfactory Bill for the redistribution of seats. This view rapidly gained favour in the Conservative ranks, and was approved by some of Gladstone’s colleagues, although he himself at first opposed it. The Queen urged on all sides a compromise on these lines. She was indefatigable in correspondence with the leaders of both political parties. With customary frankness she reproved Gladstone and some of his colleagues for using ‘strong expressions’ in their speeches, while negotiations were proceeding, and she complained that they rendered the ‘task of conciliation’ which she had undertaken ‘a most difficult one.’ Her work was well done. Her influence with the Duke of Richmond and leading Conservatives of the House of Lords contributed very largely to a pacific settlement of the dispute. Assurances which proved satisfactory were given by Gladstone to Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote, the Opposition leaders. The latter were privately consulted as to the details of a Redistribution of Seats Bill, which the Government solemnly promised to pass through Parliament as soon as the House of Lords accepted the Franchise Bill. Peace was rapidly ratified on these terms. Gladstone thanked the Queen for 'the wise, gracious, and steady influence on her part which has so powerfully contributed to bring about this accommodation and to avert a serious crisis of affairs' (November 27, 1884). The Queen replied: 'To be able to be of use is all I care to live for now.' It was an immense satisfaction to her thus to see averted, largely through her own influence, the kind of warfare that she most dreaded within the borders of the Constitution.
The Queen still found the most effective relief from political anxiety in the frequent renewal of her intercourse with her German kindred in their own homes. Her devotion to the children of her dead daughter, Princess Alice, was an unfailing resource. In 1884, immediately after Prince Leopold's death, she went on a visit to them at Darmstadt for three weeks. There she attended, on April 26, 1884, the marriage of Princess Alice's eldest daughter, Princess Victoria of Hesse, to her relative, Prince Louis of Battenberg. Next spring was spent at Aix-les-Bains, but she revisited Darmstadt on her return journey, and was
1 Morley's Life of Gladstone, iii. 138.
present at the confirmation of Princess Irene of Hesse, Princess Alice’s third daughter.
Prince Louis of Battenberg, who became by marriage a member of the Queen’s family, was one of three brothers in whom she felt much interest. They were first cousins of the Grand-Duke of Hesse, and the Queen’s care for the Hesse family led to her making their acquaintance. Their father, Prince Alexander of Hesse, was the grand-duke’s uncle, and they were his sons by a morganatic marriage with the Countess von Hauke, who was created Countess of Battenberg in 1851. The eldest son, Prince Louis, who was now wedded to the Queen’s granddaughter, Princess Victoria of Hesse, had long been a special protégé of hers; she had permitted him to join the British navy as a boy, and become a naturalised British subject. He rose to the rank of Commander in 1885, and becoming Assistant Director of Naval Intelligence in 1899, was appointed Director in 1902. Prince Louis’ next brother, Prince Alexander of Battenberg, had been appointed by the Powers of Europe, with the Queen’s marked approval, Prince of the new State of Bulgaria in 1879. She had entertained him at Windsor, and was attracted by his handsome bearing.
The third brother, Prince Henry of Battenberg, was first introduced to the Queen and Princess Beatrice at Darmstadt at the wedding of his brother, Prince Louis, in the spring of 1884. The meeting had important consequences. Prince Henry then won the affections of Princess Beatrice, and at the end of the year (November 29, 1884) their engagement was announced. The match was not popular in England,
where nothing was known of Prince Henry except his German origin. Nor was it well received at the Court of Berlin, where the comparatively low rank of the Battenbergs was held to unfit them for close relations with the Queen. Nor, again, was it approved in Russia, where Prince Henry's brother, the Prince of Bulgaria, was cordially disliked on account of his defiance of Russian domination. The Queen, however, anticipated much happiness from her youngest daughter's projected union with Prince Henry, and viewed with indifference the hostile comments which it provoked. In writing of the engagement to her friends, she spoke of Prince Henry's soldierly accomplishment, although, she frankly added, he had not seen active service. The Princess had long been the Queen's constant companion, and it was agreed that the Princess with her husband should still reside with her.
At the Queen's request Parliament, on Gladstone's motion, voted the Princess the usual dowry of 30,000l., with an annuity of 6,000l. The minority numbered 38, the majority 337. The marriage took place, in a simple fashion which delighted the Queen, at Whippingham Church, near Osborne, on July 23.
All the Queen's nine children had thus entered the matrimonial state. The Queen's mode of life was in no way affected by the admission of Prince Henry into the royal circle. With him she was soon in confidential relations, and she was exhilarated by his gaiety and genial temper. She always enjoyed the society of the young, and in course of time she was cheered by the presence in her household of the children of Princess Beatrice.
Much besides the Princess's marriage happened to brighten the Queen's horizon in the summer of 1885. In the spring Gladstone had, to her satisfaction, shown unusual resolution in definitely warning Russia against the encroachments that that country was making on the boundaries of Afghanistan. Russia defied the admonition, and for some weeks the Queen believed another Anglo-Russian war to be inevitable. She urged the ministers, whose competence to carry through a great war she gravely doubted, to hasten preparations, and reminded them of the old errors committed in the Crimea with a view to their avoidance, should a war with Russia recur. Ultimately Russia agreed to submit the points in dispute to arbitration, and the peace remained unbroken. The result brought immediate relief of anxiety. But the Queen had no confidence in Gladstone's foreign diplomacy, and it was with unconcealed elation that she witnessed, soon after the Russian crisis, the fall of his Government. The ministry had been too effectually discredited by its incoherent Egyptian policy to maintain its stability long, and it was defeated on its budget proposals on June 8, 1885. Gladstone at once resigned. The Queen, while frankly acknowledging her satisfaction in her own circle, expressed surprise that Gladstone should treat his defeat as a vital question, and she asked what course he would pursue should the leader of the Opposition decline office. He answered indecisively, and caused the Queen some concern by failing to offer his advice in person at Balmoral. But she did not permit differences of opinion to restrain her from once again offering Gladstone, in accordance with prescriptive practice, a peerage in
recognition of 'his long and distinguished services.' She pressed on him the honour of an earldom. The magnanimous terms in which she made the proposal 'must,' Gladstone remarked to a friend, 'have cost her much to write.' Gladstone declined the distinction in equally creditable language. He was fully alive, he told her, to all the circumstances which gave her action value.\(^1\)
The Queen without hesitation invited Lord Salisbury, Lord Beaconsfield's successor in the leadership of the Conservative party, to form a ministry. He was at first reluctant to accede to her wish, but at his request she endeavoured to obtain from Gladstone, whose followers had still a nominal majority in the House of Commons, some definite promise of parliamentary support during the next few months. A dissolution of Parliament was fixed for November, in accordance with the provisions of the recent Reform Bill. The Queen's action closely resembled that which she had taken in 1845, when on Peel's retirement she had invited Lord John Russell to take his place in a hostile House of Commons. She flung herself into the negotiations with characteristic energy, and a long correspondence followed. Gladstone replied evasively to the Queen's inquiry as to the aid that he was ready to lend a Tory Government. But the Queen, after many letters had passed between them, at length persuaded Lord Salisbury to
\(^1\) Morley's *Life of Gladstone*, iii. 209. This was the fourth time that the Queen had suggested Gladstone's withdrawal to the House of Lords. She had recommended it twice during his first ministry, and already once during his second ministry early in 1883, when his health showed signs of failure.
rest content with Gladstone’s vague assurances. He accordingly took office on June 24.
With Lord Salisbury the Queen was at once on good terms. She regarded him as the wearer of Lord Beaconsfield’s mantle. He took her own view of the importance of foreign politics, and she looked forward to a reign of peace in her political world. It was therefore disappointing to her that Lord Salisbury’s first tenure of office should be threatened by the result of the general elections in November. Two hundred and fifty Conservative members were then returned against 334 Liberals and eighty-six Irish
1 Salisbury’s Cabinet was constituted thus:
| Position | Name |
|-----------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Foreign Secretary | The Marquis of Salisbury. |
| Lord Chancellor | Lord Halsbury. |
| President of the Council | Viscount Cranbrook. |
| Lord Privy Seal | The Earl of Harrowby. |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons | Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. |
| Home Secretary | Sir Richard Cross. |
| Colonial Secretary | Sir Frederick Stanley (afterwards Earl of Derby). |
| War Secretary | W. H. Smith. |
| Secretary for India | Lord Randolph Churchill. |
| Secretary for Scotland | Duke of Richmond. |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | Lord George Hamilton. |
| First Lord of the Treasury | The Earl of Iddesleigh. |
| Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland | The Earl of Carnarvon. |
| Lord Chancellor of Ireland | Lord Ashbourne. |
| President of the Board of Trade | Edward Stanhope. |
| Postmaster-General | Lord John Manners (afterwards Duke of Rutland). |
In January 1886, on the eve of the Government’s retirement, Lord Carnarvon resigned the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. W. H. Smith thereupon succeeded to the office of Chief Secretary in the place of Sir William Hart-Dyke, and Lord Cranbrook was nominated to Smith’s place at the War Office.
Nationalists. The Nationalists, by joining the Liberals, would leave the Government in a hopeless minority. The Queen gave public proof of her sympathy with her Conservative ministers by opening Parliament in person on January 21, 1886. It proved the last occasion on which she took part in the ceremony. Five days later Lord Salisbury's Government was outvoted. The Queen of necessity accepted his retirement, and faced with as much resignation as was possible to her the inevitable invitation to Gladstone to assume power for the third time.\(^1\) Although, when Gladstone had audience of her on taking office anew, he thought that she evinced 'less of that armed neutrality' which had characterised her attitude to him during his former Administration, their relations were destined to experience a sharper strain than ever before.
\(^1\) Gladstone's Government was constituted thus on February 1:
First Lord of the Treasury and W. E. Gladstone.
Privy Seal
Lord Chancellor . . . Lord Herschell.
President of the Council . Earl Spencer.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Sir William Vernon Harcourt.
Home Secretary . . . Hugh C. E. Childers.
Foreign Secretary . . . The Earl of Rosebery.
Colonial Secretary . . . Earl Granville.
War Secretary . . . Mr. Henry Campbell-Bannerman.
Secretary for India . . . Earl of Kimberley.
Secretary for Scotland . Sir George Trevelyan, Bt.
First Lord of the Admiralty . The Marquis of Ripon.
Chief Secretary for Ireland . Mr. John Morley.
President of the Board of Trade Mr. A. J. Mundella.
President of the Local Government Board Mr. Joseph Chamberlain.
In March 1886 James Stansfeld became President of the Local Government Board, and Lord Dalhousie Secretary of Scotland, Mr. Chamberlain and Sir George Trevelyan having resigned.
The session that followed Gladstone’s third accession to the highest office in the State was the stormiest the Queen had watched since Peel abolished the Corn Laws in 1846. But her attitude to Gladstone through the crisis of 1886 was the antithesis of her attitude forty years earlier to Peel. Peel had changed front in 1846 on the critical question of Protection, and the Queen had encouraged him with all her youthful enthusiasm to persevere in his new path of Free Trade. Gladstone suddenly resolved to grant Home Rule to Ireland, after having, as it was generally understood, long treated the proposal as a dangerous chimera. To Gladstone’s change of front she offered a strenuous resistance.
To the bestowal of Home Rule on Ireland the Queen was uncompromisingly opposed from the early days of her reign. When the new Government was in course of formation she appealed to the Prime Minister to admit into the cabinet no ‘separation’—a word the employment of which sufficiently expressed her view of the Home Rule policy. As soon as the ministry was installed, she freely spoke to all who came into intercourse with her of her repugnance to any change in the principle of Irish government.
The grant of Home Rule appeared to her to be a concession to the forces of disorder. It was to her mind a betrayal of the loyalists of Ulster.\(^1\) But what she felt most strongly was that the grant of Home Rule amounted to a practical separation between England and Ireland, and that to sanction the disunion was to break the oath that she had taken at her coronation to maintain the union of the two kingdoms. To Gladstone's arguments she turned a deaf ear. She complained that he had sprung the subject on her and on the country without giving either due notice. The voters, whom she believed to be opposed to it, had had no opportunity of expressing their opinion. Gladstone and his friends contended that the establishment of a Home Rule Parliament in Dublin increased rather than diminished the dignity of the Crown by making it the strongest link which would henceforth bind the two countries together. But the Queen remained unconvinced.
To her immense relief, Gladstone was deserted by a large number of his followers, and the seceders formed themselves into an independent party, which adopted the name of Liberal-Unionist. Through
\(^1\) In the midst of the agitation caused by Gladstone's Home Rule Bill the Queen had occasion to write to Lord Tennyson to condole with him on the mortal illness of his son Lionel (April 26, 1886). Lord Tennyson shared the Queen's horror of Home Rule. 'I cannot in this letter allude to politics,' the Queen wrote, 'but I know what your feelings must be.' On this sentence Tennyson, to the Queen's satisfaction, commented thus: 'Since your Majesty touches upon the disastrous policy of the day, I may say that I wish I may be in my own grave, beyond sight and hearing, when an English army fires upon the loyalists of Ulster.'—Lord Tennyson's *Life of Tennyson*, ii 445–6.
the junction of the Liberal-Unionists with the Conservatives in the division lobby, Gladstone's Home Rule Bill was decisively rejected in the House of Commons by a majority of thirty.
With the result of that vote the Queen was content. She desired the question to sleep. She did not fear the issue of a fresh election; she was confident that the hostility to Home Rule would steadily grow; but she deprecated an immediate appeal to the country. She deemed it a needless disturbance of her own and of the country's peace to involve the people in the excitement of a general election twice within nine months. But Gladstone was resolute. The Parliament, which was barely eight months old, was dissolved without delay.
To the Queen's satisfaction the ministry was heavily defeated. Gladstone fought his battle with unwearied intrepidity, and was not seriously moved by the Queen's reminder that by persisting in oratorical agitation outside his own constituency he was establishing an undesirable and undignified precedent in ministerial etiquette. His efforts proved of no avail. Three hundred and sixteen Conservatives and seventy-eight Liberal-Unionists were returned to oppose one hundred and ninety-one English Home Rulers or Gladstonians and eighty-five Irish Home Rulers. Gladstone resigned without meeting the new Parliament. His farewell audience with the Queen was of the character that might have been expected. Of his Irish policy she could not trust herself to speak, and hardly a word about public affairs passed her lips. 'The conversation was mainly filled up
with nothings,' wrote Gladstone. 'Her mind and opinions have,' he added with not unnatural asperity, 'been seriously warped, and I respect her for the scrupulous avoidance of anything which could have seemed to indicate a desire on her part to claim anything in common with me.'¹ It was recognised on both sides that the breach was irreparable. In July Lord Salisbury for the second time was entrusted by the Queen with the formation of a Government.²
The Queen's political anxieties were at once diminished. Although the unexpected resignation on
¹ Morley's Life of Gladstone, iii. 348.
² Lord Salisbury's second Cabinet was constituted thus:
First Lord of the Treasury . . . The Marquis of Salisbury.
Foreign Secretary . . . The Earl of Iddesleigh (who was almost immediately succeeded by the Prime Minister).
Lord Chancellor . . . Lord Halsbury.
President of the Council . . Viscount Cranbrook.
Lord Privy Seal . . . Earl Cadogan.
Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons
Home Secretary . . . Mr. Henry Matthews (afterwards Viscount Llandaff).
Colonial Secretary . . . Edward Stanhope.
War Secretary . . . W. H. Smith.
Secretary for India . . . Lord Cross.
First Lord of the Admiralty . . Lord George Hamilton.
Lord Chancellor of Ireland . . Lord Ashbourne.
Chief Secretary for Ireland . . Sir Michael Hicks-Beach.
President of the Board of Trade . . Lord Stanley of Preston (afterwards Earl of Derby).
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
President of the Local Government Board
In January 1887 Mr. Goschen became Chancellor of the Exchequer,
December 20, 1886, of the new leader of the House of Commons (Lord Randolph Churchill) roused in her doubts of the stability of the Government, and caused her to scan the chances of yet another dissolution, the crisis passed, and Lord Salisbury’s second ministry retained office for a full term of years. Indeed, with an interval of less than three years (1892–5), Lord Salisbury now remained her Prime Minister until her death, fourteen and a half years later. His total length of service during her reign extended over twelve and a quarter years,¹ and almost equalled Gladstone’s twelve and a half years’ service, which, by the irony of fate, proved by far the longest of all her Prime Ministers’ terms of office.
The Queen’s relations with Lord Salisbury were no less cordial during his second and third long administrations than during his first brief experience of government. She continued to regard him as the former colleague of Lord Beaconsfield and the depositary of her favourite minister’s wisdom. With his general views of policy she remained in full accord. His deep interest in, and full knowledge of, foreign affairs assured him her increasing appreciation as years
Lord Randolph Churchill having resigned; Mr. W. H. Smith became First Lord of the Treasury and leader of the House of Commons; Mr. Edward Stanhope, War Secretary; Sir Henry Holland (afterwards Viscount Knutsford), Colonial Secretary. In March Mr. A. J. Balfour became Secretary for Ireland (Sir M. Hicks-Beach having resigned); Lord Lothian became Secretary for Scotland. In April 1888 Sir Michael Hicks-Beach rejoined the Cabinet as President of the Board of Trade in place of Lord Stanley who became Governor-General of Canada.
¹ Lord Salisbury remained Prime Minister nearly eighteen months after the Queen’s death, so that the ultimate length of his tenure of power exceeded Gladstone’s by fifteen months. He died on August 22, 1903.
went on. Her confidence in his judgment and her admiration of his sturdy common sense steadily grew. Hence there was none of that tension between him and the Queen which was inevitable between her and Gladstone. Lord Salisbury's second and third Governments gave her a sense of security to which Gladstone had made her a stranger during the long periods of his supremacy. She soon placed a portrait of Lord Salisbury in the vestibule of her private apartments at Windsor, face to face with one of Lord Beaconsfield.
Within a few days of the laying of the spectre of Home Rule, the Queen began the fiftieth year of her reign. The entrance on her year of jubilee and the approaching close of a quarter of a century of widowhood conquered some of her reluctance to figure in public life. At length she resumed much of her earlier public activity. It cost her no small effort of will to overcome her aversion to frequent meetings with her people in ceremonial functions. But she resolutely made the effort, and something of her old elation of spirit was roused by the invariable enthusiasm with which she was greeted in public by her subjects. On February 26, 1886, she had listened amid a crowded company to Gounod's 'Mors et Vita' at the Albert Hall. On May 11 she visited Liverpool to open an international exhibition of navigation and commerce. She drove through the city in drenching rain, but was so warmly received that her dread of such experiences was perceptibly weakened. The resumption in advanced life of those public duties which could alone bring her within view of her people, finally
stemmed the tide of discontent which her seclusion had fostered. She won anew and in a larger measure than before the respect of her nation and empire.
Yet the notable change of popular feeling towards the throne which characterised the last years of the Queen’s reign was not primarily attributable to any alteration in the personal conduct of her life. There was a fundamental cause of greater historical significance. A potent imperialist sentiment, a new sense of imperial unity, was growing steadily throughout the whole British Dominion. It was strengthening the bonds between the colonies and India and the home country, and was deepening the sense of loyalty by making the crown the symbol of the unity of the Empire. To what source the rapid growth of the new imperialist sentiment is traceable is not easily defined. The Queen’s renewed appearance in public was largely timed so as to indicate her sympathy with it. Her action encouraged its diffusion. But she did not inaugurate it. Its origin must be sought in a wider sphere of observation.
With the increased speed of steamships and the spread to every ocean of the submarine electric telegraph, the distance of the home country from India and her colonial settlements had sensibly diminished. Social and trading relations had become easier of maintenance. The unqualified acceptance by the home Government of the autonomous principle of colonial rule had reduced to the smallest dimensions the political friction between the British settlements and the mother-country. The closer intercourse and the improved political understanding dissipated ancient
jealousies which had bred mutual disrespect and offence, and in the place of envious and unmannerly rivalry there was beginning to flourish a sense of kinship on the part of the mother-country and of filial affection on the part of the colonies. Such sentiments touched the Queen's heart. But it was involuntarily that she became the central figure of the great imperialist movement. She owed that position to circumstances which lay beyond the scope of any individual control.
Whatever the Queen could do to cherish the spirit of imperialism in the United Kingdom she henceforth did with conscientious zeal. In the early months of 1886 the Prince of Wales had actively engaged in organising a Colonial and Indian Exhibition at South Kensington. In this enterprise the Queen manifested great interest, and on May 1 she visited the exhibition, which drew numerous visitors to England from India and the colonies. On July 2 she attended a review at Aldershot held in honour of the Indian and colonial visitors, whom, three days later, she entertained at lunch at Windsor. On July 8 she received there Indian and other native workmen who had taken part in the exhibition, and she accepted gifts from them. In August, on her way to Balmoral, she visited another international exhibition at Edinburgh, and later in the year she approved the suggestion made by the Prince of Wales to the Lord Mayor of London to commemorate her fifty years of reign by inviting public subscriptions for the erection of an Imperial Institute which should be a meeting-place for visitors to England from India.
and the colonies, and should exhibit specimens of the products of every corner of her empire.
During the next year—her year of jubilee—1887, the Queen more conspicuously illustrated her attachment to India, that part of her empire which always moved her especial pride, by including native Indians among her personal attendants. From one of these, the Munshi Abdul Karim, who served her as groom of the chamber, she began taking lessons in Hindustani. Although she did not make much progress in the study, the Munshi remained to instruct her till her death.
Since the Prince Consort’s death her visits to London had been few and brief, rarely exceeding two nights. In order suitably to distinguish the jubilee year, 1887, from those that preceded it, she spent in the opening quarter the exceptional period of ten successive days in her capital. The following month was devoted to the Continent; the first six days were spent at Cannes and the following twenty-four at Aix-les-Bains. On returning to England she paid another visit to London, and on May 14 opened the People’s Palace in the East End. The enthusiastic loyalty which was displayed on her long journey through the metropolis once more greatly elated her.
After her customary sojourn at Balmoral (May to June) she reached London on June 20 to play her part in the celebration of her jubilee. On every detail of the ceremonies which were planned in honour of the occasion she was consulted by her officers of state, and she proved fertile in suggestion and in criticism. During a single day, while the final arrangements were under consideration, she addressed
to the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Lathom, no fewer than forty-two telegrams.\(^1\) As the day of the chief ceremonial drew near she confessed nervous fears of the part she was to fill in it, and recalled with much agitation her losses and her sorrow. But the celebration proved more congenial than she anticipated. On June 21 the chief ceremony took place, when she passed in procession to Westminster Abbey to attend a special thanksgiving service, which called up vivid memories of her coronation fifty years before. In front of her carriage rode, at her own suggestion, a cortège of princes of her own house, her sons, her sons-in-law, and grandsons, thirty-two in all. In other processions there figured representatives of Europe, India, and the British colonies, all of whom brought her rich gifts. From India came a brilliant array of ruling princes. Europe sent among its envoys four kings: those of Saxony, of Belgium, of the Hellenes, and of Denmark, together with the Crown Princes of Prussia, Greece, Portugal, Sweden, and Austria. The Pope Leo XIII. sent a representative, the courtesy of whose presence the Queen acknowledged next year by presenting the Pontiff at the papal jubilee with a rich golden basin and ewer. The streets through which she and her guests passed were elaborately decorated, and her reception almost overwhelmed her in its warmth.\(^2\)
\(^1\) *Letters of a Diplomat’s Wife*, by Mary King Waddington, pp. 252, 258.
\(^2\) The Queen’s route on the outward journey from Buckingham Palace lay through Constitution Hill, Piccadilly, Waterloo Place, and Parliament Street, and on her return she passed down Whitehall and Pall Mall.
No accident dimmed the glory of the day, and, despite her forebodings, the Queen was never 'more cheerful.' The first message that the Queen received on reaching Buckingham Palace at the conclusion of her progress was an inquiry after her health from her aged aunt, the Duchess of Cambridge. The Queen replied at once that she was 'very tired but very happy.' In the evening there were illuminations on a lavish scale in all the chief cities of her dominions, and at a signal given from the Malvern Hills at 10 p.m. beacon fires were lit on the principal promontories and inland heights of Great Britain from Shetland and Orkney to Land's End.
Next day the Queen accepted a personal gift of 75,000l. subscribed by nearly three million women of England. A small part of this sum she applied to a bronze equestrian statue of the Prince Consort—a replica by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Edgar Boehm of a statue by Marochetti—to be erected on Smith's Lawn, Windsor Park, where she laid the foundation-stone on July 15.¹ The bulk of the women's gift she devoted to the foundation of a sick nurses' institute on a great scale, which was to provide trained attendants for the sick poor in their own homes. The foundation proved of the highest benefit to the humbler classes throughout the country.
Succeeding incidents in the celebration of the Queen's Jubilee, in which she took a foremost part, included, besides court dinners and receptions, a fête in Hyde Park on June 22 to twenty-six thousand poor school children; a visit to Eton on her return
¹ She unveiled the statue May 12, 1890.
to Windsor the same evening; the laying of the foundation-stone of the Imperial Institute on July 6; a review at Aldershot on July 9; and a naval review on July 29. The harmony subsisting between her and her Prime Minister she illustrated by attending a garden party given by him in honour of her jubilee at his house at Hatfield on July 13. When the jubilee ceremonies were at an end, and the Queen surveyed them in retrospect, she felt grateful for the warmth of feeling which the people had shown towards her. The popular enthusiasm presented itself to her mind as a welcome recognition of the labours and trials which she had endured in recent years.
The processions, reviews, and receptions proved no transient demonstration. Permanent memorials of the jubilee were erected by public subscription in almost every town and village of the empire, taking the form of public halls, clock towers, fountains, or statues. The celebration was of historic import. The mighty outburst of enthusiasm which greeted the Queen, as loudly in the colonies and India as in the United Kingdom, gave new strength to the monarchy. Thenceforth the Sovereign was definitely regarded as the living symbol of the unity not merely of the British nation but of the British Empire.
Unhappily amid the jubilee festivities a new cloud was gathering over the royal house. Since the autumn of 1886 the Crown Prince, to whose future rule in Germany the Queen had for nearly thirty years been looking forward with intense hope, was attacked by a mysterious affection of the throat. Early in June 1887 he and the Crown Princess came to England and settled in Upper Norwood in the hope of benefiting by change of environment. He was well enough to play a conspicuous part in the jubilee procession, when his handsome figure and his white uniform of the Pomeranian Cuirassiers attracted universal admiration. Subsequently he stayed in the Isle of Wight and at Braemar, and he did not return to Germany till September 14. The winter of 1887–8 he spent at San Remo, and it there became apparent that he was suffering from cancer.
The Queen, who completely identified herself with the happiness of her eldest daughter, was constantly with her and her husband while they remained in England or Scotland, and she suffered greatly from the anxiety. Nor was it lessened when, on March 9, 1888, the Queen’s old friend, the Emperor William I., died, and the crown which she and her daughter had
through earlier days longed to see on the Crown Prince’s head was now at length placed there while he was sinking into the grave. But the Queen did not during this season altogether abstain from rejoicings in another of her children’s households. On March 10 she dined with the Prince and Princess of Wales at Marlborough House to celebrate their silver wedding, and at night, on her return to Windsor, she drove through London to witness the illuminations.
On March 22 she left England for a month’s holiday at Florence. It was her first visit to the city, and it and its surroundings charmed her. King Humbert, son and successor of King Victor Emanuel, courteously paid her a visit on April 5, and the attention pleased her. On April 20 she started for Germany, where she had resolved to visit the dying Emperor Frederick. On the journey—at Innsbruck—she was gratified by meeting the Emperor of Austria, who had come to cherish a warm personal regard for her. It was their second interview; the first was now nearly a quarter of a century old.\(^1\)
On April 21 she drove through Berlin to Charlottenburg, her son-in-law’s palace. But it was not solely to bid farewell to the stricken Prince that she had come. It was to mediate in a quarrel in her daughter’s family, which was causing grave embarrassment in political circles in Berlin, and for which she was herself freely held responsible. The source of the difficulty was the Queen’s kindly interest in the young Princes of Battenberg—a sentiment which was shared by her eldest daughter.
\(^1\) See p. 341, ante.
Of the three brothers of Battenberg, the eldest, Louis, had married her granddaughter, Princess Victoria of Hesse, and the youngest, Henry, was husband of her daughter, Princess Beatrice. The second brother, Alexander, who was still unmarried, and was now no more than thirty-one years old, had had an adventurous career. For seven years he had been Prince of Bulgaria, but he had incurred the distrust of the Tsar, and in 1886, having been driven from his throne, retired to private life at Darmstadt.
Prince Alexander of Battenberg, like his brothers, was personally known to the Queen, whose guest he was at Windsor in 1879. She sympathised with his misfortunes, and she played with the fancy that he also, like his brothers, might marry into her family. An opportunity was at hand. The second daughter of the Emperor Frederick, Victoria, fell in love with him, and a betrothal was arranged with the full approval of the young Princess's mother and grandmother. But violent opposition was manifested at the German Court. Prince Bismarck, Chancellor of the Empire, who had always been on hostile terms with the Crown Princess, denounced the match as the sinister work of Queen Victoria, who had taken the Battenbergs under her protection. He declared that such a union was injurious to the interest of the German royal family. Not merely did it humiliate the imperial house by allying it with a prince of inferior social standing, but it compromised the good relations of Berlin with St. Petersburg, where Prince Alexander was heartily disliked. Bismarck even credited the Queen with a deliberate design of alienating Russia
and Germany in the hope of bringing about an Anglo-German alliance against the Tsar.
When the Queen reached Charlottenburg this awkward dispute was at its height. The Empress Frederick stood by her daughter, who was unwilling to abandon Prince Alexander. The dying Emperor and his son, the Crown Prince William, in vain endeavoured to move her. Prince Bismarck threatened resignation unless Prince Alexander was summarily dismissed. On April 24 the Queen, after much conversation with her daughter, boldly discussed the question in all its bearings with Prince Bismarck. The statesman forced her to realise the meaning of resistance to his will. She yielded to his power. After parting from him, she used her influence with her daughter and granddaughter to induce them to break off the engagement with Prince Alexander. Reluctantly they gave way; the Crown Prince William, who had stoutly opposed his mother throughout the episode, was by the Queen’s persuasion now reconciled to her, and domestic harmony was restored.
On the night of her interview with Bismarck, the Queen attended a state banquet in the Charlottenburg Palace, and the reconciliation was ratified. None the less the Queen always cherished sympathy with Prince Alexander, whose humiliation she deplored; and though she regretted his marriage next year (February 6, 1889) to Fräulein Loisinger, a singer at the Dresden and Darmstadt court theatres, she used no harsh language, merely remarking pathetically, ‘Perhaps they loved one another.’
¹ The Prince survived his marriage barely four years; he died on February 17, 1893.
On June 15, 1888, the Emperor Frederick died, and the Queen’s hopes of thirty years were blighted for ever. A week later she wrote from Windsor to her friend, Archbishop Benson: ‘The contrast between this year and the last jubilee one is most painful and remarkable. Who could have thought that that splendid, noble, knightly Prince—as good as he was brave and noble—who was the admiration of all, would on the very day year (yesterday)—be no longer in this world? His loss is indeed a very mysterious dispensation, for it is such a very dreadful public as well as private misfortune.’
Court mourning prevented any celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Queen’s coronation on June 28. But on her visit to Balmoral in the autumn she took part in several public ceremonials. She stayed with Sir Archibald Campbell at Blythswood in Renfrewshire in order to open new municipal buildings at Glasgow, and to visit the exhibition there. She also went to Paisley, which was celebrating the fourth centenary of its incorporation as a borough. In November the widowed Empress Frederick was her mother’s guest at Windsor for the first of many times. The Queen suggested to friends that some public demonstration of sympathy with her ‘poor dear persecuted daughter’ would be grateful to her, but nothing was done. The Queen, however, showed the Empress the unusual attention of meeting her on her landing in England at Port Victoria (November 19).
During 1889 the Queen’s health was good and her activity undiminished. Her spring holiday was spent
¹ Life of Archbishop Benson, ii. 211.
for the first time at Biarritz, in former days the favoured health resort of the Queen’s friend, the Empress Eugénie. On March 27 she made an excursion into Spain to visit the widowed Queen Regent at San Sebastian. This was another new experience for an English sovereign. None before had set foot on Spanish soil, although Charles I. and Charles II. went thither as princes.
On her return to England she was distressed by the death of her aunt, the Duchess of Cambridge, at the age of ninety-one (April 6). The final link with her childhood was thus severed. To the Duchess the Queen had extended from earliest infancy the fullest measure of filial tenderness. She wished the Duchess to be buried at Windsor, but her aunt had left instructions that she should be buried beside her husband at Kew. The Queen was present at her funeral on the 13th and placed a wreath on the coffin.
At the end of the month she paid a visit to her eldest son at Sandringham, and on the 26th she witnessed there a performance by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Henry Irving and his company of ‘The Bells’ and the trial scene from ‘The Merchant of Venice.’ It was the second time that the Queen had permitted herself to witness a dramatic performance since the Prince Consort’s death. The first occasion, which was near the end of her twentieth year of widowhood, was also afforded by the Prince and Princess of Wales, who, when at Abergeldie Castle in 1881, induced the Queen to come there and see a London company of actors perform Mr. (afterwards Sir) Francis Burnand’s comedy of ‘The Colonel’ (October 11, 1881).
Public activity continued to distinguish her life. In May 1889 she laid the foundation-stone of new buildings at Eton (on the 18th), and she reviewed troops at Aldershot (on the 31st). On June 3 she presented at Windsor new colours to the regiment with which she had already closely identified herself, Princess Victoria's Royal Irish Fusiliers; she had presented colours to it in 1833 and 1866.¹ Next day she witnessed at Eton for the first time the annual procession of boats which celebrated George III.'s birthday.
In the summer came new difficulties which tried her tact and temper. She turned to consider the pecuniary prospects of her numerous grandchildren. Provision had already been made by Parliament for every one of her nine children, and for her three first cousins, the Duke of Cambridge and his sisters; and although the deaths of Princess Alice and Prince Leopold had caused a net reduction of 25,000l., the sum annually assigned to members of the royal family, apart from the Queen, amounted to 152,000l. No responsibility for providing for the German royal family, the offspring of her eldest daughter, the Empress Frederick, or for the family of the Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt, attached to her; but she had twenty-two other grandchildren—domiciled in England—for whom she regarded it as her duty to make provision.
In July, 1889, events seemed to her to render appropriate an appeal to Parliament in behalf of the third generation of her family. The question had
¹ See pp. 38 and 367, ante.
long been on her mind, and she had more than once called Gladstone’s attention to it. But no suitable opportunity of bringing it to the notice of Parliament had presented itself. Now the elder son of the Prince of Wales was coming of age, while his eldest daughter was about to marry, with the Queen’s assent, the Earl (afterwards Duke) of Fife. She therefore sent two messages to the House of Commons requesting due provision for the two elder children of her eldest son. The manner in which her request was approached was not what she wished. New life was given to the old cry against the expenses of monarchy.
The Queen’s financial position still from time to time excited jealous comments, not only among her subjects, but in foreign countries. Exaggerated reports of the extent of her fortune were widely current, and small heed was paid to her efforts to correct the false impression. In 1885 it was stated with some show of authority that she had lately invested a million pounds sterling in ground-rents in the City of London. Through her private secretary, Sir Henry Ponsonby, she denied that she had any such sum at her disposal. At Berlin, Bismarck often joked coarsely over her reputed affluence, to which he attributed the power she exerted in the Crown Prince’s household. But while the best friends of the Crown deprecated or ignored such kind of criticism, they deemed it inexpedient for the country to undertake the maintenance indefinitely of the Queen’s family beyond the second generation. Both the extreme and the moderate opinions found free expression in the House of Commons, and calm observers like Lord Selborne
perceived in the discussion ominous signs of a re-crudesence of republican sentiment.
The Government proposed to appoint a committee representative of all sections of the House to determine the principles which should govern the reply to the Queen’s messages. A hostile amendment to refer the whole question of the revenues of the Crown to the committee was moved by Mr. Bradlaugh,¹ who had for thirty years been advocating republican principles and denouncing the wasteful extravagance of the nation in maintaining the throne. He argued that the Queen’s savings on the Civil List enabled her unaided to provide for her grandchildren, and that the royal grants were an intolerable burden on the people. The amendment was rejected by a majority of 188, but 125 votes were cast in its favour.
On the due appointment of the committee the Government recommended, with the Queen’s approval, the prospective allocation to the Prince of Wales’s five children of annuities amounting, on their coming of age and marrying, to 49,000l., besides a sum of 30,000l. to be divided equally among the three daughters, by way of dowries. The eldest son was to receive an annuity of 10,000l., to be increased to 15,000l. on his marriage; and the second son was to receive, on coming of age, an annuity of 8,000l., to be increased on marriage to 15,000l.; each daughter was to receive, on coming of age, an annuity of 3,000l. The grant immediately payable would thus be 13,000l. annually, together with 10,000l. for the dowry of the
¹ Member for Northampton.
Princess Louise of Wales. Precedent, it was shown, justified public provision for all the children of the Sovereign's sons. The daughters of former sovereigns had invariably married foreign reigning princes, and their children, not being British subjects, were outside the purview of the British Parliament. The question whether the children of the Sovereign's daughters who were not married to foreign reigning princes were entitled to public provision had not previously arisen.
The Queen and the Government perceived that public opinion was not in the mood to permit lavish or unconditional grants, and it was soon apparent that a compromise on the submitted proposals would be needful. The Queen disliked the debate, but showed a wish to be conciliatory. She at once agreed to forego any demand on behalf of her daughters' children, for whom she undertook to provide herself. She demurred to a formal withdrawal of her claim on behalf of her younger sons' children, but she stated that she would not press it. Gladstone, whose faith in the monarchy was always strong, and who, despite his personal differences with the Queen, respected the royal family as its symbol, was anxious to ward off agitation, and he induced the Government to modify its original proposal by granting to the Prince of Wales a fixed annual sum of 36,000l., to be paid quarterly, for his children's support.
This proposal was accepted by a majority of the committee; but when it was presented to Parliament, although Gladstone induced Parnell and the Irish Nationalists to support it, it met with
opposition from the Radical side of the House. Mr. Labouchere invited the House to refuse peremptorily any grant to the Queen’s grandchildren. The invitation was rejected by 398 votes against 116. Mr. John Morley then moved an amendment to the effect that the manner of granting the 36,000l. to the Prince of Wales left room for future applications from the Crown for further grants, and that it was necessary to give finality to the present arrangement. Most of Gladstone’s colleagues in the late Government supported Mr. Morley, but his amendment was defeated by 355 votes against 134, and the grant of 36,000l. a year was secured.
In the course of the debate and inquiry it was officially stated that the Queen’s total savings from the Civil List amounted to 824,025l., but that out of this sum much had been spent on special entertainments to foreign visitors. In all the circumstances of the case the Queen accepted the arrangement gratefully, and she was not unmindful of the value of Gladstone’s intervention. For a season she displayed unusual cordiality towards him. On July 25, while the negotiation was proceeding, she sent to him and Mrs. Gladstone warm congratulations on their golden wedding. Meanwhile, on June 27, she attended the marriage of her granddaughter, Princess Louise of Wales, to the Duke of Fife in the private chapel of Buckingham Palace.
After the thorny pecuniary question was settled, hospitalities to foreign sovereigns absorbed the Queen’s attention. In July 1889 she entertained, for
---
1 Hansard, 3rd ser. cccxxxvii. cols. 1840 sq.
a second time, the Shah of Persia, and in August she welcomed her eldest grandson, the German Emperor William II., on his first visit to this country since his accession to his throne. The incident greatly absorbed her, and she arranged every detail of the reception. The Queen had been deeply interested in the Emperor from his birth. She always showed him marked affection, which he fully reciprocated, but at the same time she freely asserted her authority in her intercourse with him, and frankly expressed to him any disapproval that action on his part moved in her. The Emperor came to Cowes on his way to Osborne in his yacht 'Hohenzollern,' accompanied by twelve warships. The Queen held a naval review in his honour at Spithead, August 8, and next day reviewed the seamen and marines of the German fleet at Osborne. All passed off happily, and she congratulated herself on the cordial relations which the visit established between the two countries. The young Emperor gave proof of private and public friendship by causing the Queen to be gazetted honorary colonel of his first regiment of Horseguards, on which he bestowed the title of Queen of England's Own (August 12).
The Emperor repeated his visit to Osborne next year, when a sham naval fight took place in his presence, and he came back in 1891, when he was officially received in London, as well as in 1893, 1894, and 1895. At the opening of the following year the Queen saw ground in the Emperor's conduct for reproof, and there was three years' interval before he saw her again.
During the last eleven years (1889–1901) of her long career the Queen’s mode of life followed in all essentials the fixed routine. Three visits to Osborne, two to Balmoral, a few days in London or in Aldershot, alternated with her spring vacation abroad and her longer sojourns at Windsor. Occasionally, in going to or returning from Balmoral or Osborne, she modified her route to fulfil a public or private engagement.
In August 1889, on her way to Scotland, she made a short tour in Wales, which she had been contemplating for some ten years. Henry Cecil Raikes, the Postmaster-General, who was a resident in Denbighshire, was nominated, contrary to precedent, minister in attendance, although he was not a member of the cabinet. The Queen reached Palé, near Lake Bala, a residence which Mr. (afterwards Sir) Henry Robertson lent her, on August 23, and stayed there four days. On her arrival she spoke a few words of Welsh to a party of tenants of the district who presented her with a walking-stick of native wood. She listened to much choral singing which interested her.
The loyalty shown by the Welsh people was thoroughly congenial.\(^1\)
In later years the Queen illustrated her varied sympathies by carrying out at least six somewhat arduous engagements in the great provincial cities of England. On July 26, 1890, she opened the deep-water dock at Southampton. On February 26, 1891, at Portsmouth, she christened and launched the 'Royal Sovereign,' the largest ironclad in her fleet, as well as the 'Royal Arthur,' an unarmoured cruiser of new design. On May 21, 1891, she laid the foundation-stone of the new royal infirmary at Derby. On May 21, 1894, she revisited Manchester, after an interval of thirty-seven years, in order to inaugurate officially the great ship canal. On May 21, 1897, she went to Sheffield to open the new town hall, and on November 15, 1899, she performed a last function in the English provinces, when she went to Bristol to open the convalescent home which had been erected to commemorate her length of rule.
But although a sense of duty impelled her to these exertions, it was only in her foreign tours that she sought change of scene with any ardour. For the most part she confined her visits to the south of France.\(^2\) On returning from Cimiez in March 1897,
\(^1\) On the 26th she paid a visit to Bryntysilio, near Llangollen, the residence of Sir Theodore and Lady Martin. Next year she privately visited another of her subjects. On May 14, 1890, she spent a day at Baron Ferdinand de Rothschild's beautiful Château at Waddesdon Manor.
\(^2\) In 1890 her destination was Aix-les-Bains; in 1891, Grasse; in 1892, Costebelle, near Hyères; and in the five successive years, 1895 to 1899, Cimiez, a suburb of Nice, about two miles from the centre of the town.
while passing round Paris, she was met at the station of Noisy-le-Sec by M. Faure, the President of the French Republic, who greeted her with every courtesy. Next year the President arrived in Cimiez while the Queen was staying there, mainly with the object of paying her a visit. The interview took place in the afternoon of April 13, 1898, and the Queen highly appreciated the civility. Twice in her latest years she renewed her pleasing experience of Italy. Her Italian sojourns belonged to 1893 and 1894. In each of these years she again passed the spring at Florence. Her delight in the city and neighbourhood grew with closer acquaintance. She constantly inspected the chief sights in Florence and its neighbourhood, and her interest was always fresh and keen.¹ Each year King Humbert paid her a visit; and in 1894 Queen Margherita, whose solicitude for the welfare of the Italian people much impressed the Queen, accompanied him.
On her homeward journey from the south she usually continued to pay brief visits to Germany. Thrice in 1890, 1892, and 1895 she revisited Darmstadt. On her return journey in 1894 she paid a last visit to Coburg, the city and duchy which were identified with her happiest memories. There she
¹ On April 19, 1893, she spent an hour in the monastery of San Marco. ‘The Queen arrived at five o’clock. She was wheeled in her chair through the church and the cloisters, but could not, unluckily, inspect the cells on the first floor; but the Queen saw what is most worth seeing in San Marco—namely, “The Last Supper,” by Ghirlandaio, and Fra Angelico’s great “Crucifixion”—also Sogliani’s great fresco, the so-called “Providenza,” before which the Queen remained a long time.’—Lord Ronald Gower, Old Diaries, p. 196.
was present, on April 19, 1894, at the intermarriage of two of her grandchildren—the Princess Victoria Melita of Coburg, the second daughter of her second son, Alfred, with the Grand Duke of Hesse, the only surviving son of her second daughter, Alice.
On May 5, 1899, the Queen touched foreign soil for the last time when she embarked at Cherbourg on her home-coming from Cimiez. She frequently acknowledged with gratitude the amenities which were extended to her abroad, and sought to reciprocate them. On August 19, 1891, she welcomed the officers of the French squadron, which was in the Channel under Admiral Gervais, and on July 11, 1895, she entertained the officers of an Italian squadron which was off Spithead under the Duke of Genoa.
The Queen’s Court in her last years regained a part of its pristine gaiety. Music and the drama were again among its recognised recreations. In February, 1890, there were private theatricals and tableaux at Osborne, in which the Queen’s daughters took part, and in their preparation the Queen found much amusement. Next year, for the first time since the Prince Consort’s death, a dramatic performance was commanded at Windsor Castle (March 6, 1891), when Messrs. Gilbert and Sullivan’s comic opera of ‘The Gondoliers’ was performed. In 1894 the Italian actress, Signora Eleanora Duse, performed
¹ This marriage was unhappily dissolved by the Supreme Court of the Grand-Duchy of Darmstadt on December 21, 1901, eleven months after the Queen’s death. The ground for the divorce assigned by the Court was ‘irreconcileable natural antipathy.’ The only child of the marriage, a daughter Elizabeth, born March 11, 1898, died November 16, 1903.
Goldoni’s ‘La Locandiera’ before the Queen at Windsor, and Mr. Tree acted in ‘The Red Lamp’ at Balmoral. Her birthday in 1895 she celebrated by a performance of Verdi’s opera of ‘Il Trovatore’ in the Waterloo chamber at Windsor Castle. On June 26, 1900, Mascagni’s ‘Cavalleria Rusticana,’ with a selection from ‘Carmen,’ was given there; and on July 16, 1900, the whole of her favourite opera of ‘Faust.’
Domestic incidents continued to bring the Queen alternations of joy and grief in abundant measure until almost the day of her death. In December, 1891, she was gratified by the betrothal of Princess Mary (May), daughter of her first cousin the Duchess of Teck, to the Duke of Clarence, elder son of the Prince of Wales, who was in the direct line of succession to the throne. But death stepped in to forbid this union. On January 14, 1892, the Duke died. The tragedy for a time overwhelmed the Queen. ‘Was there ever a more terrible contrast?’ she wrote to Tennyson; ‘a wedding with bright hopes turned into a funeral!’ In an address to her people she described the occasion as ‘one more sad and tragical than any but one that had befallen her.’ The nation fully shared her sorrow. Gladstone wrote to Sir William Harcourt: ‘The national grief resembles that on the death of Princess Charlotte, and is a remarkable evidence of national attachment to the Queen and Royal Family’ (February 6, 1892). Lord Selborne foresaw in the good feeling thus evoked a new bond of affection between the Queen and the masses of her people.
On the Duke of Clarence’s death, his brother
George, Duke of York, became next heir to the crown after his father; and on May 3, 1893, the Queen assented to his betrothal to the Princess May of Teck. Sorrow was thus succeeded by gladness. The Duke of York's marriage in the Chapel Royal at St. James's Palace on July 6, 1893, which the Queen attended, revived her spirits. She made the event the occasion of a published address to her people, which breathed a joyful spirit of hope and gratitude for her subjects' sympathy.
Another change in her domestic environment followed within the year. On August 22, 1893, her brother-in-law, Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg, died. The cordiality of her early relations with him had not been maintained. She had never thought highly of his judgment, and his mode of life in his old age did not commend itself to her. When he passed away, many years had elapsed since they met. His death gave effect to the old-standing arrangement by which the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha passed to her second son, Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh. Duke Alfred and his family thenceforth made Coburg their chief home. Thus the German principality, which was endeared to the Queen through her mother's and her husband's association with it, was brought permanently under the sway of her descendants.
The matrimonial fortunes of her grandchildren occupied an increasing share of her attention. At the time of the Grand Duke of Hesse's marriage with a daughter of the new Duke of Saxe-Coburg, which she herself attended at Coburg (April 19, 1894),¹ she had
¹ See p. 519.
given warm approval to the betrothal of another granddaughter—Alix, sister of the Grand Duke of Hesse—with the Tsarevitch Nicholas. This was the most imposing match that any of her grandchildren made, or indeed any of her children save her eldest daughter. Her second son was already the husband of a Tsar’s daughter. But this union of her granddaughter with the Tsarevitch brought the head of the Russian royal family into far closer relations with her own. Before the marriage took place the bridegroom was elevated by the death of his father, Tsar Alexander III., on November 1, 1894, to the Russian throne. The marriage followed on November 23. The Queen gave an elaborate banquet at Windsor in honour of the event, and made the new Tsar Nicholas II.—now the husband of her granddaughter—an honorary officer of her army, Colonel-in-Chief of the second Dragoons (Royal Scots Greys).
Meanwhile, on June 23, 1894, the birth of a first son (Edward) to the Duke and Duchess of York added a new heir in the fourth generation to the direct succession to her throne. The Queen was present at the christening at White Lodge, Richmond, on July 16.
The Queen preserved her active interest not only in the growing army of her own direct descendants, but in the children and grandchildren of early friends and kinsmen who occupied foreign thrones. In 1895 she gave a hearty welcome to a foreign kinsman in the third generation, Carlos, King of Portugal, friendship with whose father, King Luis, and with whose grandparents (Queen Maria II. and
her consort, Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg), she had warmly cherished through more than half a century. She celebrated King Carlos's visit by conferring on him the Order of the Garter on November 9, 1895.
Politics at home had once more drifted in the direction which the Queen dreaded. At the end of June 1892, the twelfth Parliament of the reign was dissolved after a life of just six years, and a majority of English Liberals and Irish Home Rulers pledged to support Gladstone’s scheme of Irish Home Rule was returned (355 to 315). Lord Salisbury, at the Queen’s request, and contrary to recent precedents, waited for the meeting of Parliament before resigning, but a vote of want of confidence was at once carried against him, and he retired on August 12. The Queen defied custom by giving public expression to her disappointment at this turn of events. The ‘Court Circular’ next day contained the unusual announcement that the Queen had accepted Lord Salisbury’s resignation ‘with much regret.’
No choice was left her but to summon Gladstone.
¹ Gladstone’s fourth Ministry was constituted thus on August 16, 1892:
First Lord of the Treasury and W.E. Gladstone.
Privy Seal
Lord Chancellor . . . . Lord Herschell.
Lord President of Council and Earl of Kimberley.
Secretary of State for India
for a fourth time to fill the post of Prime Minister, and once again a period of irritation opened for her. With the legislation which the new Government projected the Queen found herself in no greater sympathy than on former occasions. Her objections to Home Rule for Ireland were rooted and permanent, and she was greatly depressed by the passage of Gladstone's second Home Rule Bill through the House of Commons (July 27, 1893). But relief was not far distant. The Queen rejoiced at the rejection of the measure by the House of Lords on September 8 by the decisive majority of 378. As far as her reign was concerned, the scheme then received its death-blow. She suffered no further anxieties in regard to it.
In 1894 her political horizon brightened further. The session of Parliament, which had begun on January 31, 1893, only ended in the opening days of
| Office | Name |
|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | Sir William Vernon Harcourt. |
| Home Secretary | Mr. H. H. Asquith. |
| Foreign Secretary | Earl of Rosebery. |
| Colonial Secretary | Marquis of Ripon. |
| War Secretary | Mr. Henry Campbell-Bannerman. |
| Secretary for Scotland | Sir G. O. Trevelyan. |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | Earl Spencer. |
| Chief Secretary for Ireland | Mr. John Morley. |
| Postmaster-General | Mr. Arnold Morley. |
| President of the Board of Trade | Mr. Mundella. |
| President of the Local Government Board | Mr. Henry Fowler. |
| Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster | Mr. James Bryce. |
| First Commissioner of Works | Mr. Shaw-Lefevre. |
| Vice-President of the Council | Mr. A. H. D. Acland. |
March of the following year, and on the eve of its close Gladstone wrote to inform the Queen that the burden of his years and failure of his sight and hearing compelled his withdrawal from her service. On the evening of March 2, 1894, Gladstone went to Windsor formally to resign his office next morning. His relations with the Queen had not grown of late in cordiality. Interviews with him during his last ministry tried her equanimity more than ever before,¹ and she accepted his resignation without any expression of regret. She confined her remarks to three or four perfunctory and colourless sentences. 'There was not one syllable on the past,' wrote Gladstone of the interview, 'except a repetition, an emphatic repetition, of the thanks she had long ago amply rendered for what I had done, a service of no great merit, in the case of the Duke of Coburg.'² . . . There was the question of eyes and ears, of German versus English oculists, she believing in the German as decidedly superior. Some reference to my wife, with whom she had had an interview and had ended it affectionately—and various nothings.'³ No word of politics escaped the Queen's
¹ The Queen did not conceal the feeling of weariness which her interviews with Gladstone during his last ministry usually caused her. When on March 10, 1893, Madame Waddington, wife of the retiring French ambassador, paid her a private farewell visit at Buckingham Palace, the Queen remarked to Madame Waddington at the outset that Mr. Gladstone, who had just left the palace, had detained her. Madame Waddington, who stood high in the Queen’s favour, made some general remark on his intellectual eminence; the Queen merely replied ‘He is very deaf.’—Letters of a Diplomat’s Wife, 1883–1900, by Mary King Waddington, p. 371.
² Gladstone had facilitated the settlement whereby the Coburg Duchy passed the year before to the Queen’s second son, Alfred.
³ Morley’s Life of Gladstone, vol. iii. book x. p. 514.
lips in taking formal leave of the most conspicuous political personage among her subjects. The critical question of her appointment of a successor in his high office was excluded altogether from the conversation. Later in the day the Queen sent her old minister 'a few lines' acknowledging his own letter of resignation, and stated that she deemed him right in seeking 'to be relieved at his age of these arduous duties,' and wishing him 'peace and quiet.'
There yet followed one brief meeting between these two veterans of the State, whose paths of thought and feeling had diverged so widely in the course of their long lives. In January 1897 the Queen and Gladstone were both wintering at Cimiez, and Gladstone and his family were invited by the Queen's daughter, Princess Louise, to visit the royal party one afternoon. The Queen, according to Gladstone's account, 'did not show the old and usual vitality;' her manner was motionless, but she manifested a kindliness to which Gladstone confessed he had long been a stranger. She gave him her hand, which she had not done before at any period of his life. But all that was said amounted to a few words of routine about Cimiez and the Queen's accommodation in her hotel. Both sovereign and statesman endeavoured to ignore the sense of constraint which their former association bred in them, but freedom of intercourse was impossible.
Gladstone and the Queen did not see one
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1 Morley's *Life of Gladstone*, vol. iii. p. 514.
2 *Ibid.* iii. 524.
another again. On May 19, 1898, he died. She felt sympathy with his relatives, and was grateful for the proofs he had given of attachment to the monarchy. In late years she rarely spoke harshly of him in private. If his name happened to be mentioned to her, she was wont to confine herself to the remark, 'He was always most considerate to me and my family.' When he lay dead, she honestly refrained from any larger avowal of admiration for his public labours. Yet she was fully alive to the exalted view of his achievements which was cherished by a large number of her subjects, and in a telegram to Mrs. Gladstone on the day of her late husband's funeral in Westminster Abbey she wrote with much adroitness of the gratification with which his widow must 'see the respect and regret evinced by the nation for the memory of one whose character and intellectual abilities marked him as one of the most distinguished statesmen of my reign.' The Queen did not commit herself to any personal appreciation beyond the concluding sentence: 'I shall ever gratefully remember his devotion and zeal in all that concerned my personal welfare and that of my family.'
On Gladstone's resignation in 1894 the Queen, by her own authority, and without seeking any advice from her retiring minister, promptly chose the Earl of Rosebery to succeed him.¹ She had long
¹ Before Gladstone had his last official audience with the Queen, her secretary, Sir Henry Ponsonby, informally asked his opinion of a rumoured movement 'among a body of members of Parliament against having a peer for Prime Minister.' Gladstone, while deprecating the attachment of importance to such a movement, declined
known him and his family; his grandmother had been invited to join the Queen’s household on her accession, and his mother had been one of the Queen’s bridesmaids. She admired his abilities, and she appreciated the deferential consideration which he invariably paid her.
But the Government’s policy underwent small change on Lord Rosebery’s acceptance of the highest office in the State, and with it the Queen remained out of sympathy. The Welsh Disestablishment Bill, which was read a second time in the House of Commons on April 1, 1895, ran directly counter to the Queen’s convictions in favour of Church establishments. Although she came to recognise the necessity of the changes at the War Office, which relieved her cousin, the Duke of Cambridge, of the Commandership-in-Chief of the Army, she did not welcome them. By strictly limiting the future tenure of the post to a period of five years, the cabinet in their reorganisation of the War Office gave the death-blow to the cherished fiction that the Commander-in-Chief was the permanent personal deputy of the Sovereign. But Lord Rosebery’s Government was not firmly established. His leadership was not acquiesced in with a good grace by many prominent
to discuss the future, unless at the explicit request of the Queen. That request was not made.
¹ Lord Rosebery made little change in the existing constitution of the Cabinet. He resigned the seals of Foreign Secretary, which he bestowed on Lord Kimberley. Mr. Henry Fowler succeeded Lord Kimberley at the India Office; Mr. Shaw-Lefevre succeeded Mr. Fowler at the Local Government Board, and Mr. Herbert Gladstone took Mr. Shaw-Lefevre’s place as First Commissioner of Works, without a seat in the Cabinet.
members of the party. Enthusiasm for him in the rank and file was wanting. The ministers were consequently defeated in June in the House of Commons, and Lord Rosebery at once resigned, after only fourteen months' tenure of office.
Lord Salisbury, to the Queen's satisfaction, resumed power for the third time on the understanding that he would be permitted an early appeal to the country. In the new ministry the Conservative leaders coalesced with the leaders of the Liberal Unionists, and the dissolution of Parliament was followed by the return of the Unionists in a strong majority. The Unionist party under Lord Salisbury's leadership retained power till her death.
With Lord Salisbury and his Unionist colleagues the Queen's relations were to the last harmonious.\(^1\) Her sympathy with the imperialist sentiments, which Mr. Chamberlain's control of the Colonial Office conspicuously fostered, was whole-hearted. As in the
\(^1\) Lord Salisbury's third Cabinet was constituted thus:
| Position | Name |
|---------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Foreign Secretary | The Marquis of Salisbury. |
| Lord Chancellor | Earl Halsbury. |
| Lord President of the Council | The Duke of Devonshire. |
| Lord Privy Seal | Viscount Cross. |
| First Lord of the Treasury | Mr. A. J. Balfour. |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. |
| Home Secretary | Sir M. W. (afterwards Viscount) Ridley. |
| Colonial Secretary | Mr. Joseph Chamberlain. |
| Secretary for India | Lord George Hamilton. |
| Secretary of War | Marquis of Lansdowne. |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | Mr. G. J. (afterwards Viscount) Goschen. |
| Lord Lieutenant of Ireland | Earl Cadogan. |
| Lord Chancellor of Ireland | Lord Ashbourne. |
case of Peel and Disraeli, her first knowledge of him had not prepossessed her in his favour. When he was a leader of a Radical section of the Liberal party she regarded him with active distrust. He had been President of the Board of Trade in Gladstone's second ministry, but he had then rarely come in contact with her, and her conversation with him in his few visits to Windsor rarely passed beyond an inquiry on her part as to the efforts that his department was making with a view to diminishing the risk of railway accidents. But Mr. Chamberlain's steady and strenuous resistance to the policy of Home Rule, and his secession from the ranks of Gladstone's followers, dissipated her fears, and his imperialist administration of colonial affairs from 1895 till her death was in complete accord with her sentiment. She showed him to the end numerous marks of respect, and encouraged him in all his efforts to consolidate her colonial empire.
But, despite the Queen's confidence in her advisers, her energy in criticising their counsel never slackened. She still required all papers of State to be regularly submitted to her; she was impatient of any sign of carelessness in the conduct of public business, and she
| Position | Person |
|---------------------------------|-------------------------|
| Secretary for Scotland | Lord Balfour of Burleigh|
| Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster | Lord James of Hereford |
| President of the Board of Trade | Mr. C. T. Ritchie |
| President of the Local Government Board | Mr. Henry Chaplin |
| President of the Board of Agriculture | Mr. W. H. Long |
| First Commissioner of Works | Mr. Akers Douglas |
pertinaciously demanded full time for the consideration of ministers' proposals. She read most of her ministers' speeches in the country, and when these specially pleased her would send an autograph note of congratulation. All appointments to high public offices continued to be submitted to her by the responsible ministers, and she would frankly criticise the qualifications of the selected candidate. At times the minister would admit the justice of her criticism and explain that his choice was the best to be made out of the material available. But she would shrewdly declare herself unconvinced by the apology. She had lately resumed her early practice of signing commissions in the army, and when in 1895 the work fell into arrears and an appeal was made to her to forego the labour, she declined the suggestion. To diplomatic and other commissions she appended her signature to the last. In no case would she countenance the proposal that she should employ a stamp. She would often travel to Osborne or Balmoral with hundreds of boxes filled with documents that required her sign-manual; she would work on them continuously for two or three hours a day, and would sign two or three hundred papers at a sitting.
The Queen's resolve to identify herself with the army never knew any diminution. On May 10, 1892, she opened with much formality the Imperial Institute, but participation in civil ceremonial was rare in her closing years. Her public appearances in London and its neighbourhood came to have almost exclusively military associations, and she conspicuously renewed her old relations with Aldershot. On July 4, 1890, she
inspected the military exhibition at Chelsea Hospital. On June 27, 1892, she laid the foundation-stone of a new church at Aldershot, and witnessed the march past of ten thousand men. Next year, to her joy, but amid some signs of public discontent, her son the Duke of Connaught took the Aldershot command. In July 1894 she spent two days there; on the 11th there was a military tattoo at night in her honour, and a review followed next day. In July 1895, July 1898, and June 1899, she repeated the agreeable experience. In 1898, besides attending a review, she presented colours to the 3rd battalion of the Coldstream Guards.
Early in 1896 the military ardour which she encouraged in her immediate circle cost her a sad bereavement. At the end of 1895 Prince Henry of Battenberg, her youngest daughter’s husband, who resided under her roof, volunteered for active service in Ashanti, where native races were in revolt against British rule. The Queen was reluctant to part with him. But he wrote to her that he had been brought up as a soldier, and sought the opportunity of proving his devotion to his adopted country. By joining the expedition he would establish his position in a manner that would be to his children’s interest. His wife, Princess Beatrice, supported this plea, and the Queen yielded. After taking some part in the operations in Ashanti, the Prince was invalided home with fever, and died on board H.M.S. ‘Blonde’ on the way to Madeira on January 20, 1896. The Queen declared she had ‘lost the sunbeam of her household,’ and with painful grief turned to console her widowed
daughter, her own constant companion. The Prince’s body was met on its arrival at Cowes on February 5 by the Queen and the Princess, who accompanied it to its last resting-place in the church at Whippingham where the marriage of the Prince to the Princess took place less than eleven years before.
The Queen always welcomed with warmth signs of her people’s sympathy with her domestic sorrows. They afforded her genuine consolation, and she constantly dwelt on them in private talk. It was rarely that the rendering of any personal attention passed from her memory. A few months after Prince Henry’s death she sought a method of recording permanently those acts of devotion to herself by which she set especial store. She instituted, on April 21, 1896, a new decoration which she called the Royal Victorian Order. It was to be conferred on ‘such persons, being subjects of the British Crown, as have rendered extraordinary, or personal, or important services to her Majesty, her heirs or successors.’ The Queen kept in her own hands the control of the Royal Victorian Order, and carefully selected those who were to be admitted to its honours.
In the autumn of 1896 the Queen had the gratification of entertaining at Balmoral the young Tsar Nicholas II. and her granddaughter the Tsaritza, with their infant daughter. The Tsar’s father, Alexander III., his grandfather, Alexander II., and his great-grandfather, Nicholas I., had all been her guests in earlier days. The Tsar Alexander I., elder stepbrother and predecessor of the Tsar Nicholas I., had been her own godfather. The
rivalry which characterised the political relations of Russia and England during the reign the Queen regarded as inevitable. To the last she deemed it the duty of her statesmen to watch jealously the forward movements of Russia in Asia. But at the same time she felt pride in the lineal ties that united her with the Russian royal house.
On September 23, 1896, the Queen achieved the distinction of having reigned longer than any other English sovereign. She had worn her crown nearly twice as long as any contemporary monarch in the world, excepting only the Emperor of Austria, and he ascended his throne more than eleven years after her accession. Hitherto George III.'s reign of fifty-nine years and ninety-six days had been the longest known to English history. Hers was now a day longer.
In 1897 it was resolved to celebrate the completion of her sixtieth year of rule—her 'Diamond Jubilee'—with appropriate splendour. She readily accepted the suggestion that the celebration should be so framed as to emphasise that extension of her empire which was now recognised to be one of the most imposing characteristics of her sovereignty. It was accordingly arranged that prime ministers of all the colonies, delegates from India and the dependencies, and representatives of all the armed forces of the British Empire should take a prominent part in the public ceremonies. The main feature of the celebration was a state procession through London on June 22. The Queen made almost a circuit of her capital, attended by her family, by envoys from foreign
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
MEDAL COMMEMORATIVE OF QUEEN VICTORIA'S DIAMOND JUBILEE OF 1897
countries, by Indian and colonial officials, and by a great band of imperial troops—Indian native levies, mounted riflemen from Australia, South Africa, and Canada, and coloured soldiers from the West Coast of Africa, Cyprus, Hongkong, and Borneo.
From Buckingham Palace the mighty cortège passed to the steps at the west end of St. Paul's, where a short religious service was conducted by the highest dignitaries of the Church.¹ Thence the royal progress was continued over London Bridge, through the poorer districts of London on the south side of the Thames. Buckingham Palace was finally reached across Westminster Bridge and St. James's Park. Along the six miles' route were ranged millions of the Queen's subjects, who gave her a welcome which brought tears to her eyes. Her feelings were faithfully reflected in the telegraphic greeting which she sent to all parts of the Empire as she set out from the palace: 'From my heart I thank my beloved people. May God bless them!'
In the evening, as in 1887, every British city was illuminated, and every headland or high ground in England, Scotland, and Wales, from Cornwall to Caithness, was ablaze with beacons.
The festivities lasted a fortnight. There was a garden party at Buckingham Palace on June 28; a review in Windsor Park of the Indian and colonial troops on July 2; a reception on July 7 of the colonial
¹ In the pavement at the foot of the steps at the west end of St. Paul's Cathedral there were afterwards inscribed in large deeply cut letters these words in commemoration of this ceremony: 'Here Queen Victoria returned thanks to Almighty God for the sixtieth anniversary of her accession. June 22nd, A.D. 1897.'
Prime Ministers, when they were all sworn of the Privy Council; and a reception on July 13 of 180 prelates of English-speaking Protestant peoples who were assembled in congress at Lambeth. By an error on the part of officials, members of the House of Commons, when they presented an address of congratulation to the Queen at Buckingham Palace on June 23, were shown some want of courtesy. The Queen at once took steps to atone for the unintentional slight by inviting the members and their wives to a garden party at Windsor on July 3.
The only official celebration which the Queen’s age of seventy-eight years prevented her from attending in person was a great review of battleships at Spithead (June 26), which in the number of assembled vessels exceeded any preceding display of the kind. Vessels of war to the number of 173 were drawn up in four lines stretching over a course of thirty miles. The Queen was represented by the Prince of Wales. Not the least of many gratifying incidents that marked the celebration was the gift to Great Britain of an ironclad from Cape Colony.
On July 18 the close of the rejoicings drew from the Queen a letter of thanks to her people, expressing in simple language her boundless gratitude. The sentiment was common to her and her people. The passion of loyalty which the jubilee of 1887 had called forth reached at the close of the next decade a degree of intensity which had no historic precedent. During the few years of life that yet remained to the Queen it burned with undiminished force throughout the Empire in the breast of almost every one of her subjects, whatever their race or domicile.
XLVII
THE GREAT BOER WAR
The anxieties which are inseparable from the government of a great empire pursued the Queen and her country in full measure during the rest of her reign, and her armies were engaged in active hostilities in many parts of the world. Most of her energies were consequently absorbed in giving proof of her concern for the welfare of her troops. She closely scanned the many military expeditions which were needed to repress disorder on the frontier of India (1897–99). The campaign of British and Egyptian troops under Lord Kitchener, which finally crushed the long drawn-out rebellion in the Soudan at the battle of Omdurman on September 2, 1898, and restored to Egypt the greater part of the territory that had been lost in 1883, was a source of immense gratification to her. When Lord Kitchener visited Windsor on his return to England to receive her congratulations, she proved the alertness of her memory by reminding him of incidents in former Soudan campaigns, which had passed from his recollection.
In 1898 the Queen indicated the course of her sympathies by thrice visiting at Netley Hospital the
wounded men from India and the Soudan (February 11, May 14, and December 3). Weekly reports were now forwarded her from Netley, and she studied them with minute care.\(^1\) One of her favourite recreations was the making of quilts for the hospital where her wounded soldiers were nursed.
She was still active in inspecting troops or in presenting new colours to regiments. At Balmoral, on October 29, 1898, she presented colours to the newly raised 2nd battalion of the Cameron Highlanders. On July 1, 1899, she reviewed in Windsor Great Park the Honourable Artillery Company, of which the Prince of Wales was Captain-General, and a few days later, on July 15, in the courtyard of Windsor Castle, she presented colours to the Scots Guards, afterwards attending a march past in Windsor Park. On August 10, while at Osborne, she inspected the Portsmouth Volunteers in camp at Ashley, and at Balmoral on September 29 she presented new colours to the 2nd battalion of the Seaforth Highlanders.
Apart from these marks of regard for her army, the Queen’s chief public appearance during 1899 was on May 17, when she laid the foundation-stone of the new buildings of the Victoria and Albert Museum at Kensington. The South Kensington Museum, as the institution had hitherto been named, had been brought
\(^1\) When on one occasion she heard that the convalescents at Netley found agreeable amusement in doing woolwork, she at once caused the materials to be purchased by one of her ladies-in-waiting, and to be forwarded promptly to the hospital.
into being by the Prince Consort after the Great Exhibition of 1862, and was always identified in the Queen’s mind with her husband’s public services.
All other military experiences which had lately confronted the Queen sank into insignificance in the autumn of 1899 in the presence of the great Boer war. Recent events in South Africa had greatly interested her. When Cecil Rhodes revisited England in 1891 to discuss with the Imperial Government the settlement of Mashonaland, she invited him to dine with her at Windsor. Rhodes afterwards expressed surprise at the Queen’s knowledge of South African politics, and her clear and statesmanlike remarks on the prospects of Mashonaland. She listened with close attention to his description of the Kimberley diamond mines and the manner in which the stones were prepared for the market.¹ The interview left the Queen one of Rhodes’s admirers. Subsequently, when she was talking of him with her ladies, one of them remarked to her that he was a woman-hater. ‘Oh, but he was extremely kind to me,’ she said with characteristic simplicity.
With her ministers’ general policy in South Africa before the great war she was in agreement, although she studied the details somewhat less closely than had been her wont. Failing sight disabled her after 1898 from reading all the official papers that were presented to her, but her confidence in the wisdom of Lord Salisbury and her faith in Mr. Chamberlain’s devotion to the best interests of the Empire spared her any misgivings while the negotiations with the
¹ *Cecil Rhodes*, by Howard Hensman, 1902, pp. 192–3.
Transvaal Government were pending. As in former crises of the same kind, so long as any chance remained of maintaining an honourable peace she cherished the hope that there would be no war; but when she grew convinced that peace was only to be obtained on conditions that were derogatory to the prestige of her government she focussed her energies on entreaties to her ministers to pursue the war with all possible promptitude and effect.
From the opening of active operations in October 1899 until consciousness failed her on her deathbed in January 1901, the serious conflict occupied the chief place in her thoughts. The disasters which befell British arms at the beginning of the struggle caused her infinite distress, but her spirit rose with the danger. Fresh defeats merely added fuel to the zeal with which she urged her advisers to redouble their exertions. Sir Redvers Buller’s terrible reverse at Colenso in December, which followed hard upon two minor repulses of other commanders—Lord Methuen and Sir William Gatacre—did not long disturb her equanimity. When those round her gave voice to gloomy prognostications, she declared that she would suffer no depression in her house: ‘All will come right.’
It was with the Queen’s especial approval that, before the end of December 1899, reinforcements on an enormous scale, drawn both from the regular army and the volunteers, were hurriedly ordered to South Africa under the command of Lord Roberts, while Lord Kitchener was summoned from the Soudan to serve as chief of the staff. In both generals she had the fullest trust.
Offers of assistance from the colonies stirred her enthusiasm, and she sent many messages of thanks. She was consoled, too, by a visit at Windsor from her grandson, the German Emperor, with the Empress, and two of his sons, on November 20, 1899. Of late there had been less harmony than of old between the courts of London and Berlin. A misunderstanding between the two countries on the thorny subject of English relations with the Boer republics of South Africa had threatened early in 1896. The German Emperor had then replied in congratulatory terms to a telegram from President Kruger informing him of the success of the Boers in repelling a filibustering raid which a few Englishmen under Dr. Jameson had made into the Transvaal. The Queen, like her subjects, reprobated the Emperor’s interference, although it had little of the deliberately hostile significance which popular feeling in England attributed to it.
The Emperor’s visit to the Queen and Prince of Wales in November, 1899, had been arranged before the Boer war broke out, and the Emperor did not permit his display of friendly feeling to be postponed by the opening of hostilities. His meeting with the Queen was most cordial, and his relations with the English royal family were thenceforth unclouded. By way of indicating his practical sympathy with the British army, he subscribed 300l. to the fund for the relief of the widows and orphans of the men of the 1st Royal Dragoons who were then fighting in South Africa—the regiment of which he was colonel-in-chief.
Throughout 1900 the Queen was indefatigable in inspecting troops who were proceeding to the seat of
war, in sending to the front encouraging messages, and in writing letters of condolence to the relatives of officers who lost their lives, often requesting a photograph and inquiring into the position of their families. In the affairs of all who died in her service she took a vivid personal interest. She worked with her own hand woollen comforters and caps for the men in South Africa, and expressed annoyance when she was told that her handiwork had been distributed among the officers and not among the privates.
The Queen’s anxieties at Christmas, 1899, kept her at Windsor and precluded her from proceeding to Osborne for the holiday season, as had been her invariable custom, with one exception, for nearly fifty years. On Boxing Day she entertained in St. George’s Hall, Windsor, the wives and children of the non-commissioned officers and men of the regiments which were stationed in the royal borough. She caused a hundred thousand boxes of chocolate to be sent as her personal gift to the soldiers at the front, and on New Year’s Day, 1900, forwarded greetings to all ranks. When the tide turned at the seat of war, and the news of British successes reached her in the early months of 1900—the relief of Kimberley (February 15), the capture of General Cronje (February 27), the relief of Ladysmith (February 28), the occupation of Bloemfontein (March 13), the relief of Mafeking (May 17), and the occupation of Pretoria (June 5)—she exchanged warm congratulations with her generals and showed the utmost elation of spirit.
The gallantry displayed by the Irish soldiers was
peculiarly gratifying to her, and she acknowledged it in a most emphatic fashion. On March 2 she gave permission to her Irish troops to wear on St. Patrick's Day, by way of commemorating their achievements in South Africa, the Irish national emblem, a sprig of shamrock, the display of which had been hitherto prohibited in the army. On March 7 she came to London, and on the afternoons of the 8th and 9th she drove publicly through many miles of streets in order to illustrate her watchful care of the public interests and her participation in the public anxiety. Enthusiasm ran high, and she was greeted everywhere by cheering crowds. On March 22 she went to the Herbert Hospital, at Woolwich, to visit wounded men from South Africa.
But the most signal evidence that she gave of the depth of her sympathy with those who were bearing the brunt of the struggle was her decision to abandon for this spring her customary visit to the South of Europe and to spend her vacation in Ireland, whence the armies in the field had been largely recruited. This plan was wholly of her own devising. Nearly forty years had elapsed since she set foot in Ireland. In that interval political disaffection had been rife, and had discouraged her from renewing her acquaintance with the country. At one time she cherished a feeling of exasperation with her disaffected Irish subjects, and she declined to entertain all invitations to visit their land. She had many times definitely refused the suggestion of establishing a royal residence in Ireland, which many ministers had from time to
1 See pp. 202, 236, and 314 ante.
time made to her, in the hope of reviving the drooping loyalty of the island.
But now, within a few months of her death, the Queen’s recent feeling for Ireland underwent complete revulsion. She spent three weeks in Dublin, staying at the viceregal lodge in Phoenix Park nearly the whole of April—from the 4th to the 25th. Abandoning every mark of her recent alienation, she came, she said, in reply to an address of welcome from the Corporation of Dublin, to seek change and rest, and to revive happy recollections of the warm-hearted welcome given to her, her husband, and children in former days. Her reception was all that could be wished, and it vindicated her renewed confidence in the loyalty of the Irish people to the Crown, despite the continuance of political agitation. The days were spent busily and passed quickly. She entertained the leaders of Irish society, attended a military review and an assembly of fifty-two thousand school children in Phoenix Park, and frequently drove through Dublin and the neighbouring country. She left nothing undone whereby she might show her regard for the Irish troops. On April 5 she gave orders for the formation of a new regiment of Irish guards. On her departure from Ireland on April 26 she thanked the Irish people for their greeting in a public letter addressed to the lord-lieutenant.
The war in South Africa was still in progress, and was never long absent from the Queen’s mind. After her return to Windsor on May 2, 1900, she inspected the men of H.M.S. ‘Powerful’ who had been besieged in Ladysmith, and warmly welcomed their
commander, Captain Hedworth Lambton. On the 17th she visited the wounded at Netley. Lord Roberts's successes in South Africa relieved her and her people of pressing anxieties during the summer, and ordinary court festivities were suffered to proceed. On May 4 she entertained at Windsor the King of Sweden and Norway, who had often been her guest as Prince Oscar of Sweden. On May 10 she held a drawing-room at Buckingham Palace; it was the only one she attended that season, and proved her last. Next day she was present at the christening of the third son of the Duke of York, when she acted as sponsor. After the usual visit to Balmoral (May 22 to June 20) she gave several musical entertainments at Windsor. On June 11 there was a garden party at Buckingham Palace, and on June 28 at Windsor a state banquet to the Khedive of Egypt, who was visiting the country. Her old friend the Empress Eugénie was once more her guest at Osborne in September.
Apart from the war, she was interested in a political measure which passed during the session through the House of Commons. This was the Australian Commonwealth Bill, which had for its object the creation of a federal union among the Australian colonies in much the same manner as the colonial provinces of North America had, twenty-three years before, been consolidated into the Dominion of Canada. She received at Windsor on March 27 the delegates from Australia, who were in England to watch the Commonwealth Bill's progress. But she avowed characteristic misgivings of the measure in one
particular. She found the title obnoxious to her. She had an ingrained dislike of the word 'Commonwealth,' which she identified with Cromwell and his republican form of government. She suggested the substitution of the word 'Dominion,' which had been applied to federated Canada. Explanations were furnished her that the signification of 'Commonwealth' was identical with that of 'Dominion,' and had historical associations other than those which she exclusively attached to it. With some reluctance she suffered her objections to drop, but they illustrate her unimpaired vigilance over all that touched the historic dignity of the Crown. With the policy and aim of the projected statute she was in full sympathy.
When in the autumn the Bill received the royal assent, she, on August 27, cordially accepted the suggestion that her grandson, the Duke of York, should, with the Duchess, proceed as her representative to Australia in 1901, to open in her name the first session of the new Commonwealth Parliament at Melbourne in the following May. She was meanwhile especially desirous of showing her appreciation of the part taken by colonial troops in the Boer war, and she directed that the inauguration of the Commonwealth at Sydney on January 1, 1901, should be attended by a guard of honour representing every branch of the army, including the volunteers. The force selected comprised 1,000 men, and included representatives of all branches of the service—viz. regulars, militia, yeomanry, and volunteers. They left England on November 12; they played
their part in the Sydney ceremonies in January, and before returning to the mother-country they visited, at the invitation of the various Australasian Governments, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, Western Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand.
But the situation in South Africa remained a source of concern, and in the late summer it gave renewed cause for distress. Despite Lord Roberts's occupation of the chief towns of the enemy's territory, fighting was still proceeding in the open country, and deaths from disease or wounds in the British ranks were numerous. The Queen was acutely distressed by the reports of suffering that reached her through the autumn, but, while she constantly considered and suggested means of alleviating the position of affairs, and sought to convince herself that her ministers were doing all that was possible to hasten the final issue, she never faltered in her conviction that she and her people were under a solemn obligation to fight on till absolute victory was assured. Owing to the prevailing feeling of gloom, the Queen, when at Balmoral in October and November, allowed no festivities. The usual highland gathering for sports and games at Braemar, which she had attended for many years with keen enjoyment, was abandoned. She never despaired of the final issue of the war, but the sense of its seriousness oppressed her.
She still watched closely public events in foreign countries, and she found little consolation there. The assassination of her friend Humbert, King of
Italy, on July 29 at Monza greatly disturbed her equanimity. A few days later her disquietude was increased by an anarchist's abortive attempt on the life of the Shah of Persia while he was on a visit to Paris. She regarded the Shah as belonging to her own caste, despite all differences of race and condition of sovereignty, and deemed the menace of his safety one more indication of the progress of antinomian and radical principles. In France, too, a wave of strong anti-English feeling involved her name, and the shameless attacks on her by unprincipled journalists were rendered the more offensive by the approval they publicly won from the royalist leader, the Duc d'Orléans, great-grandson of Louis Philippe, to whom and to whose family the Queen had proved the staunchest of friends. Fortunately for his credit the Duc afterwards sent to the Queen a humble apology for his misbehaviour, and she magnanimously pardoned him. The libels of the French press were indeed less warmly resented by herself than by her children and many of her subjects. The unvarying courtesy which she experienced at the hands of French people on her visits to France she always gratefully remembered. The journalistic abuse in France chiefly defaced anti-republican or clerical newspapers, and hardly warranted the Queen in assigning the ill-feeling (as she was wont to do in conversation) to the spreading influence of Radicalism, which to her mind was a base and perverted sentiment.
1 To the like Radical influence in France the Queen had attributed the violent assaults made in the French press upon the
In October a general election was deemed necessary by the Government—the existing Parliament was more than five years old—and the Queen was gratified by the result. Lord Salisbury's Government, which was responsible for the war and its conduct, received from England and Scotland overwhelming support. The elected Unionists, who numbered 402, secured a majority of 134 over the Liberals and Home Rulers, who numbered respectively 186 and 82. The election emphatically supported the Queen's view that, despite the heavy cost of life and treasure, hostilities must be vigorously pursued until the enemy acknowledged defeat.
When the Queen's fifteenth and last Parliament was opened in December, Lord Salisbury was still Prime Minister; but he resigned the Foreign Secretaryship to Lord Lansdowne, formerly Minister of War, and he made, with the Queen's approval, some changes in the constitution of the ministry, which did not impress the country favourably.¹ The policy of the Government remained unaltered.
Empress Frederick when she paid a somewhat ill-advised visit to Paris and Versailles in February 1891. The Queen hardly seems to have appreciated the political situation in France at the time, and was disappointed by the failure of the English ambassador to secure for the German Empress a welcome from M. Carnot, the President of the French Republic, or from Madame Carnot.
¹ Changes were made in the following offices. The new holders of them were:
- Privy Seal . . . . . . . The Marquis of Salisbury.
- Foreign Secretary . . . . The Marquis of Lansdowne.
- Home Secretary . . . . Mr. C. T. Ritchie.
- Secretary for War . . . . Mr. Brodrick.
Death had again been busy among the Queen’s relatives and associates, and cause for private sorrow abounded in her last years. Her cousin and the friend of her youth, the Duchess of Teck, had passed away on October 27, 1897. Another blow was the death at Meran, on February 5, 1899, of her grandson, Prince Alfred, only son of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. The throne of the Duchies of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha was thus deprived of an heir. The Diet of the Duchies eventually offered the reversion to the Queen’s third son, the Duke of Connaught; but, although he temporarily accepted it, he, in accordance with the Queen’s wish, renounced the position in his own behalf and in that of his son a few months later. The Duke of Albany, the posthumous son of the Queen’s youngest son, Leopold, was proposed in his stead. To the Queen’s satisfaction, the little Duke of Albany was adopted on June 30, 1899, as heir-presumptive to the beloved principality. This arrangement unhappily took practical effect far earlier than was anticipated. A mortal disease attacked Alfred, the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg, the Queen’s second son, and before a fatal issue was expected he died suddenly at Rosenau on July 30, 1900.
The last bereavement in the royal circle which the Queen suffered was the death, on October 29, 1900,
First Lord of the Admiralty . Earl of Selborne.
President of the Board of Trade Mr. Gerald Balfour.
President of the Local Government Board Mr. W. H. Long.
President of the Board of Agriculture Mr. Hanbury.
Postmaster-General . . . The Marquis of Londonderry.
of her grandson, Prince Christian Victor of Schleswig-Holstein, eldest son of Princess Helena, the Queen's third daughter. The young man fell a victim to the Boer war. He had contracted enteric fever on the battlefields of South Africa. But even more distressing was it for the Queen to know that her eldest child, the Empress Frederick, was the victim of an incurable malady that was making slow but fatal progress. Although the Empress was thenceforth gravely disabled, she survived her mother rather more than six months.
It was amid these griefs that the Queen's long life reached its final stage. On November 7, 1900, the Queen returned to Windsor from Balmoral in order to console Princess Christian on the death of her son, and twice before the end of the month she took the opportunity of welcoming home a few of the troops from South Africa, including colonial and Canadian detachments. On each occasion she addressed a few grateful words to the men. On December 12 she made her last public appearance by attending a sale of needlework by Irish ladies at the Windsor Town Hall. Among other purchases that she made was a screen embroidered with violets, the Napoleonic badge, which she sent as a Christmas present to her faithful friend of past and present days, the Empress Eugénie. On December 14 she celebrated the thirty-ninth anniversary of the Prince Consort's death at Frogmore with customary solemnity. On the 18th she left for Osborne. It was the last journey of her life.
XLVIII
THE QUEEN'S DEATH
Throughout life the Queen's physical condition was robust. She always believed in the efficacy of fresh air and abundant ventilation, and those who waited on her had often occasion to lament that the Queen never felt cold. She invariably drove out twice a day for one hour and a half in the morning and two hours in the afternoon. She was extremely careful about her health, and towards the close of her career usually consulted her resident physician, Sir James Reid, many times a day.
Although she suffered no serious ailments, age told on her during the last five or six years of her life. Since 1895 she suffered from a rheumatic stiffness of the joints, which rendered walking difficult. She could only support herself with difficulty with a stick, and was usually wheeled about in a chair indoors. From 1898, too, incipient cataract greatly affected her eyesight. The growth of the disease was steady, but it did not reach the stage which rendered an operation expedient. In her latest years she was scarcely able to read, although she could still sign her name and could write letters with difficulty.
Ministers were requested, when writing to her, to use broad pens and the blackest possible ink.\(^1\)
It was not till the late summer of 1900 that symptoms menacing to life made themselves apparent. The anxieties and sorrows due to the South African war and to deaths of relatives proved a severe strain on her nervous system. She manifested a tendency to aphasia, but by a strong effort of will she was for a time able to check its growth. She had long justly prided herself on the strength and precision of her memory,\(^2\) and the failure to recollect a familiar name or word irritated her, impelling increased mental exertion. No more specific disease declared itself, but loss of weight and complaints of sleeplessness in the autumn of 1900 pointed to a general physical decay. She hoped that a visit to the Riviera in the spring would restore her powers, but when she reached Windsor in November her physicians feared that a journey abroad might have evil effects. Arrangements for the removal of the Court to the Riviera early next year were, however, begun. At Osborne
---
\(^1\) When Gladstone last conversed with the Queen at Cimiez in January 1897, he remarked that ‘her peculiar faculty and habit of conversation had disappeared;’ but Gladstone’s presence doubtless caused her constraint, for which he failed to make allowance.
\(^2\) Lord Ronald Gower relates that, in 1893, ‘the Queen spoke of Leslie’s picture of her coronation [painted fifty-four years before and containing hundreds of portraits], and on my saying that I believed only three persons who appeared in that painting still lived the Queen immediately corrected me, and said that, besides herself, the Duchess of Cleveland, the Duke of Cambridge, and the Duc de Nemours were the survivors. The “duc” appears in the picture next to the Duke of Cambridge. This shows the marvellous memory of the Queen.’
her health showed no signs of improvement, but no immediate danger was apprehended.
On Christmas morning her lifelong friend and lady-in-waiting, Jane Lady Churchill, passed away suddenly in her sleep. The Queen was greatly distressed, and at once ordered a wreath to be made for the coffin. On January 2, 1901, she nerved herself to welcome Lord Roberts on his return from South Africa, where the command-in-chief had devolved on Lord Kitchener. She managed by an effort of will briefly to congratulate him on his successes, and she conferred on him an earldom and the Order of the Garter. But she was greatly affected, and her weakness was very perceptible. On the 11th Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary, had a few minutes' audience with her, so that she might understand the immediate prospect of South African affairs. She seemed collected and alert. This was her last interview with a minister. It was fitting that the future of her colonial empire should be almost the last business that should be brought to her attention in life. Three days later she gave a second audience to Lord Roberts. She then engaged in an hour's talk with him and showed acute anxiety to learn all details of the recent progress of the war. She appeared to stand the exertion well, but a collapse followed the general's departure.
The widowed Duchess of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha arrived on a visit on the same day, and, accompanied by her, the Queen drove out on the 15th for the last time. By that date her medical attendants recognised her condition to be hopeless. The brain was failing,
and life was slowly ebbing. On the 19th it was publicly announced that she was suffering from physical prostration. The next two days her weakness grew, and the children who were in England were summoned to her deathbed. On January 21 her grandson, the German Emperor, arrived, and in his presence, and in the presence of two sons, the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Connaught, and three daughters, Princess Helena, Princess Louise, and Princess Beatrice, she passed away at half-past six in the evening of Tuesday, January 22.
The Queen was eighty-one years old and eight months, less two days. Her reign had lasted sixty-three years, seven months, and two days. She had lived three days longer than George III., the longest-lived sovereign of England before her. Her reign exceeded his, the longest yet known to English history, by nearly four years. It was only exceeded in European history by the seventy-one years' reign of Louis XIV. of France.
On the day following her death the Queen's elder surviving son met the Privy Council at St. James's Palace, took the oaths as her successor to the throne, and was on the 24th proclaimed King under the style of Edward VII.
The Queen named as the executors of her will her younger surviving son, the Duke of Connaught, her youngest daughter, Princess Henry of Battenberg, and her latest Keeper of the Privy Purse, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Fleetwood Edwards. To them she committed detailed orders for the arrangement of her funeral, even indicating the music that was to be
played at the final ceremony. In accordance with a dominant sentiment of her life, the Queen commanded a military funeral. On February 1 the royal yacht 'Alberta,' passing between long lines of warships which fired a last salute, carried the coffin from Cowes to Gosport. Early next day the remains were brought to London, and were borne on a gun-carriage from Victoria station to Paddington. In the military procession which accompanied the cortège, every branch of the army was represented, while immediately behind the coffin rode King Edward VII., supported on one side by his brother, the Duke of Connaught, and on the other by his nephew, the German Emperor. They were followed by the Kings of Portugal and of Greece, most of the Queen's grandsons, and members of every royal family in Europe. The funeral service took place in the afternoon, with imposing solemnity, in St. George's Chapel, Windsor. On Monday, February 4, the coffin was removed to the Frogmore mausoleum. The royal family followed on foot. The whole route from the castle was lined by crowds of people in mourning. At Frogmore the coffin was placed in the sarcophagus which already held the remains of Prince Albert.
No British sovereign was more sincerely mourned. As the news of the Queen's death spread, impassioned expressions of grief came from every part of the United Kingdom, of the British Empire, and of the world. Native chieftains in India, in Africa, in New Zealand vied with their British-born fellow-subjects in the avowal of a personal sense of loss. The Legislatures of Canada and of other colonies appointed the
Queen's birthday (May 24) to be a permanent public holiday, so that her name might be held in memory for all time.
The demonstration of her people's sorrow testified to the spirit of loyalty to her person and position which had been evoked by her length of life and reign, her personal sorrows, and her recent manifestations of sympathy with her subjects' welfare. But the vital strength and popularity, which the grief at the Queen's death proved the monarchy to enjoy, were only in part due to her personal character and the conditions of her personal career. A force of circumstances which was not subject to any individual control largely contributed to the intense respect and affection on the part of the people of the Empire which encircled her crown when her rule ended. The passion of loyalty with which she inspired her people during her last years was a comparatively late growth. In the middle period of her reign the popular interest, which her youth, innocence, and simplicity of domestic life had excited at the beginning, was exhausted, and the long seclusion which she maintained after her husband's death developed in its stead a coldness between her people and herself which bred much disrespectful criticism.
Neither her partial resumption of the external functions of public life nor her venerable age fully accounts for the new sentiment of affectionate enthusiasm which greeted her declining days. It was largely the outcome of the new conception of the British monarchy which sprang from the development of the colonies and dependencies of Great Britain, and the
sudden strengthening of the sense of unity between them and the mother-country. The crown after 1880 became the living symbol of imperial unity, and every year events deepened the impression that the Queen in her own person typified the common interest and the common sympathy which spread a feeling of brotherhood through the territories that formed the British Empire. She and her ministers in her last years encouraged the identification of the British sovereignty with the unifying spirit of imperialism, and she thoroughly reciprocated the warmth of feeling for herself and her office which that spirit engendered in her people at home and abroad. But it is doubtful if, in the absence of the imperial idea, for the creation of which she was not responsible, she could under the constitution have enjoyed that popular regard and veneration of which she died in unchallenged possession.
XLIX
THE QUEEN'S POSITION AND CHARACTER
The practical anomalies incident to the position of a constitutional sovereign who is in theory invested with all the semblance of power, but is denied any of its reality or responsibility, were brought into strong relief by the Queen's personal character and the circumstances of her life. Possessed of no commanding strength of intellect, but of an imperious will, great physical and mental energy, and an exceptional breadth of sympathy, she applied herself to the work of government with greater ardour and greater industry than any of her predecessors. No sovereign of England was a more voluminous correspondent with the officers of State. She laboriously studied every detail of Government business, and on every question of policy or administration she formed for herself decided opinions, to which she obstinately adhered, pressing them pertinaciously on the notice of her ministers.
Although the result of her energy could not under the constitution be commensurate with its intensity, her activity was in the main advantageous. The detachment from party interests or prepossessions, which her elevated and isolated position came to foster in her, gave her the opportunity of detecting
in ministerial schemes any national peril to which her ministers might at times be blinded by the spirit of faction, and her persistence led to some modifications of policy with happy result. Her length of sovereignty, too, rendered in course of years her personal experiences of government far wider and far closer than those of any of her ministers, and she could recall much past procedure of which she was the only surviving witness.
Absolutely frank and truthful in the expression of her views to her ministers, she had at the same time the tact to acquiesce with outward grace, however strong her private objections, in any verdict of the popular vote, against which appeal was seen to be hopeless. In the two instances of the Irish Church Bill of 1869 and the Franchise Extension Bill of 1884 she made personal efforts, in the interest of the general peace of the country, to discourage an agitation which she felt to be doomed to failure. She shrank from no exertion whereby she might influence personally the machinery of the State, and was always ready to face the risk of complete failure in her efforts to enforce her opinions or her wishes. With the principle of the constitution which imposed on the monarch the obligation of giving formal assent to every final decision of his advisers, however obnoxious it might be to the private sentiments of the sovereign, she had the practical wisdom to avoid any manner of conflict.
The Queen’s personal influence was far greater at the end of her life than at her accession to the throne. Nevertheless it was a vague intangible element in the
political sphere, and was far removed from the solid remnants of personal power which had adhered to the sceptre of her predecessors. Partly owing to the respect for the constitution in which she was educated, partly owing to her personal idiosyncrasies, and partly owing to the growth of democratic principles among her people, the positive force of such prerogatives as the Crown possessed at her accession was, in spite of her toil and energy, diminished rather than increased during her reign. Parliament deliberately dissolved almost all the personal authority that the Crown had hitherto exercised over the army. The prerogative of mercy was practically abrogated when the Home Secretary was virtually made by statute absolute controller of its operations. The distribution of titles and honours became in a larger degree than in former days an integral part of the machinery of party politics, from participation in which the sovereign was almost entirely excluded.
Some outward signs of the sovereign's formal supremacy in the State lost, moreover, by her own acts some of their old distinctness. Conservative as was her attitude to minor matters of etiquette, she was self-willed enough to break with large precedents if the breach consorted with her private predilections. During the last thirty-nine years of her reign she opened Parliament in person only seven times. During the last fifteen years of her reign she never once appeared within the walls of the Houses of Parliament. She did not prorogue Parliament once after 1854, although no less than forty-seven sessions were brought to a close before the end of her reign. It had been the
rule of her predecessors regularly to attend the Legislature at the opening and close of each session, unless they were disabled by illness. Her defiance of this practice tended to weaken her semblance of hold on the central force of government.
Another innovation in the usages of the monarchy, for which the Queen, with a view to increasing her private convenience, was personally responsible, had a like effect. Of her three immediate predecessors on the throne only one, George IV., left the country during his reign, and then he merely visited his own principality of Hanover. Very rarely had earlier sovereigns of modern times crossed the seas while wearing the crown. In their absence they were invariably represented at home by a regent or by lords-justices, to whom were temporarily delegated the symbols of sovereign power, while a responsible minister was the Sovereign’s constant companion abroad. Queen Victoria ignored nearly the whole of this procedure. She repeatedly visited foreign countries; no regent nor lords-justices were called to office in her absence; she was at times unaccompanied by a responsible minister, and she often travelled privately and informally under an assumed title of inferior rank. The mechanical applications of steam and electricity which were new to her era facilitated communication with her, but the fact that she voluntarily cut herself off from the seat of government for weeks at a time—in some instances at seasons of crisis—seemed to prove that the sovereign’s control of government was in effect less constant and essential than of old, or that it might,
at any rate, incur interruption without in any way impairing the efficiency of the Government's action. Her withdrawal from Parliament and her modes of foreign travel alike tended to enfeeble the illusion which is part of the fabric of a perfectly balanced constitutional monarchy, that the motive power of government at all seasons resides in the sovereign.
In one other regard the Queen, by conduct which must be assigned to her personal feeling and care for her personal comfort at the cost of the public advantage, almost sapped the influence which the Crown can legitimately exert on the maintenance of a healthy harmony among the component parts of the United Kingdom. Outside England she bestowed markedly steady favour on Scotland. Her sojourns there, if reckoned together, occupied a period of time approaching seven years. In Ireland, on the other hand, she spent in the whole of her reign a total period of less than five weeks. During fifty-nine of her sixty-three years of rule she never set foot there at all. Her visit in her latest year was a triumph of robust old age and a proof of her alertness of sympathy. But it brought into broad relief the neglect of Ireland that preceded it, and it emphasised the errors of feeling and of judgment which made her almost a complete stranger to her Irish subjects in their own land during the rest of her long reign.
The Queen's visits to foreign lands were intimately associated with her devotion to her family which was a ruling principle of her life. The kinsmen and kinswomen with whom her relations were closest were German, and Germany had for her most of the
associations of home. She encouraged in her household many German customs, and with her numerous German relatives maintained an enormous and detailed correspondence.
It was the Queen’s cherished conviction that England might and should mould the destinies of the world, and her patriotic attachment to her own country of England and to her British subjects can never be justly questioned. But she was much influenced in her view of foreign policy by the identification of her family with Germany, and by her natural anxiety to protect the interests of ruling German princes who were lineally related to her. It was ‘a sacred duty,’ as she said, for her to work for the welfare of Prussia, because her eldest daughter had married the heir to the Prussian crown. As a daughter and a wife she felt bound to endeavour to preserve the independence of the duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, whence her mother and husband sprang. Her friendship for Belgium was a phase of her affection for her uncle, who sat on its throne. The spirit of patriotic kingship was always strong enough in her to quell hesitation as to the path she should follow when the interest of England was in direct conflict with that of her German kindred, but it was her constant endeavour to harmonise the two.
Although the Queen disliked war and its inevitable brutalities, she treated it as in certain conditions a dread necessity which no ruler should refuse to face. Thoroughly as she valued peace, she deemed it wrong to purchase it at the expense of national rights or dignity. But she desired that warfare should be practised with all the humanity that was
possible, and she was deeply interested in the military hospitals and in the training of nurses.
The Queen's wealth of domestic affection was allied to a tenderness of feeling and breadth of sympathy with mankind generally which her private sorrows accentuated. She spared no exertion personally to console the bereaved, to whatever walk of life they belonged; and she greatly valued a reciprocation of her sympathy. Every instance of unmerited suffering that came to her notice stirred her to indignation. The persecution of Captain Dreyfus in France evoked strong expressions of disgust in her latest years.\(^1\) Nor were animals—horses and dogs—excluded from the scope of her compassion. To vivisection she was strenuously opposed, denouncing with heat the cruelty of wounding and torturing dumb creatures. Against the orders issued by the Home Office for the muzzling of dogs in the late years of her reign she constantly protested, and she vainly urged the Home Secretary to introduce legislation that should prohibit butchers from killing calves for veal in what she held to be a barbarous mode, which was ordinarily followed in order to make the flesh white.
The Queen countenanced no lenity in the punishment of those guilty of cruel acts. In many instances she expressed disapproval of remissions of punishment which her Home Secretaries, acting according to statute in her name, but really on their own responsibilities, granted persons convicted of
\(^1\) Lord Russell of Killowen, the Lord Chief Justice, wrote at her request an account of Dreyfus's second trial at Rennes, at which he was present. It is printed in Mr. Barry O'Brien's *Life of Lord Russell of Killowen*.
criminal offences against women and children. She paid scant attention to the provocative circumstances which attended the crime and justified the interference of the Home Office. Wife-murder and child-desertion were outrages which in her eyes always demanded the severest penalties known to the law.
The Queen was not altogether free from that morbid tendency of mind which springs from excessive study of incidents of sorrow and suffering. Her habit of accumulating sepulchral memorials of relations and friends was one manifestation of it. She deplored, too, the decay of mourning for the dead, and the growing custom of shortening the interval between death and burial. But the morbid tendency was ultimately held in check by an innate cheerfulness of disposition and by her vivacious curiosity regarding all that passed in the domestic and political circles of which she was the centre. She was interested in the families and personal history of all who served her—especially of the ladies who were in regular attendance on her. She was deeply concerned in the welfare of her servants. She was an admirable hostess, personally consulting her guests' comfort and studying their tastes.
The ingenuousness of youth was never wholly extinguished in the Queen. She was easily amused, and was never at a loss for recreation. Round games of cards or whist which had attracted her in early life she abandoned in later years. But she pursued the gentler of her early amusements until the end; she sketched, played the piano, sang, or did needlework, especially crochet and woolwork. Her serious
temperament led her to deprecate excessive devotion to sport, and she came to view many popular games with impatience. The attraction of golf was, she admitted, quite beyond her comprehension. It was new to her experience.
The Queen’s artistic sense was not strong. In furniture and dress she preferred the fashions of her early married years to any other. She was not a good judge of painting, and she bestowed her main patronage on portrait painters like Winterhalter and Von Angeli, and on sculptors like Boehm, whose German nationality was for her a main recommendation. ‘The only studio of a master that she ever visited was that of Sir Frederic (afterwards Lord) Leighton, whose “Procession of Cimabue” the Prince Consort had bought for her, and whom she thought delightful, though perhaps more as an accomplished and highly agreeable courtier than as a painter.’ The sketches with which she occupied herself late in life exhibited no great skill. Yet her robust common sense was at times of service in matters of art.
In music she showed greater taste and had far greater knowledge. Staunch to the heroes of her youth, she always appreciated the operas of Rossini, Bellini, and Donizetti. To the end she was devoted to Mendelssohn and Beethoven, who had won her early admiration. Gounod and Sullivan fascinated her later. Gounod’s ‘Faust’ was her favourite opera, and his setting of the Lord’s Prayer was one of the pieces which she ordered to form part of her funeral service. Wagner’s merit she was not slow to recognise. She placed his ‘Lohengrin’ only second to Gounod’s ‘Faust.’
Much recent German music was by no means uncongenial to her, but she preferred compositions which were characterised by simpler melody.\(^1\) Bach and Handel bored her, because, she said, she had been forced to hear too many of their oratorios in childhood. She was always fond of listening to piano-playing, and it was an essential qualification for those who wished to become ladies-in-waiting that they should be competent executants. When she was alone, she had music in her apartments every evening after dinner.
The Queen was devoted to the theatre from girlhood, and all her enthusiasm revived when in her last years she restored the dramatic performances at Court, which her mourning had long interrupted. Literature did not excite in her the same enthusiasm. She was not well read; but she emulated her husband’s respect for literature, was well acquainted with German poetry, and took a serious view of reading as an amusement. In her later years a book was usually read aloud to her late at night before she retired to rest, and although she enjoyed novels of various kinds, especially those of a melodramatic complexion, she deemed it right to alternate fiction with works of more earnest aim. Among works
\(^1\) Wide currency has been given to the story that on one occasion, when the Queen was told that a very involved piece of modern German music, to which she was listening with impatience, was a ‘drinking song’ by Rubinstein, she remarked, ‘Why, you could not drink a cup of tea to that.’ (Quarterly Review, April 1901.) The facts are that Rubinstein’s Melody in F was on the occasion in question being played to the Queen, who for the moment forgot what the piece was. She asked a lady-in-waiting, who inappropriately suggested that it was a drinking song. The Queen at once perceived the error, and was heartily amused by it. Nothing further was said.
of that kind which greatly interested her in her last years were Dean Bradley and Mr. R. E. Prothero’s ‘Life of Dean Stanley’ and Slatin Pasha’s ‘Fire and Sword in the Soudan’ (1896). Among recent novelists, the simple pathos of Miss Florence Montgomery’s tales attracted her. Mr. Merriman’s ‘Sowers’ gave her much pleasure. But probably she derived as much satisfaction from Mr. Marion Crawford’s books as from those of any contemporary writer of fiction. On one occasion, when at Cimiez, she looked forward to meeting Mr. Crawford, to whom she said she owed many delightful hours, but by an accident the interview did not take place. Nevertheless, on the whole, she regarded novel reading as a dangerous distraction from the solemn interests of life. Some great efforts in fiction which she studied carefully she criticised from a serious and pragmatic point of view, which ignored their aesthetic quality.
The Queen dressed simply and without much taste. She was in sympathy with Prince Albert’s contempt for fashionable ladies’ extravagant expenditure on their wardrobe. But she knew the weakness of her sex and sometimes humoured it by a flattering comment on the attire of a female guest or an attendant at a drawing-room. Despite her small stature and ineffective costume, the Queen always bore herself with grace and dignity, and impressed with her regality of carriage all who came into personal relations with her. She never entirely lost an innate shyness, but she controlled displays of it by force of will.
In talk she appreciated homely wit of a quiet
kind, and laughed without restraint when a jest or anecdote appealed to her. Subtlety or indelicacy offended her, and sometimes evoked a scornful censure. Her own conversation had often the charm of naiveté. Gladstone, a somewhat rigorous critic, when recalling late in life her 'peculiar faculty and habit of conversation,' remarked that 'it was a faculty not so much the free offspring of a rich and powerful mind as the fruit of assiduous care with long practice and much opportunity.'¹ Her memory was unusually sound, and errors which were made in her hearing on matters familiar to her she corrected with briskness and point. Although she naturally expected courtesy of address, and resented brusque expression of contradiction or dissent, she was not conciliated by obsequiousness. 'It is useless to ask ——'s opinion,' she would say; 'he only tries to echo mine.' Always frank and absolutely truthful in her own written or spoken word, she desired to be addressed in the same spirit by all who came into personal intercourse with her; and the fear that statements made to her represented what the speakers believed she would like to hear, rather than what was precisely true, caused her frequent annoyance. 'No one can tell,' she remarked to an intimate friend, 'of what value it is to me to hear the truth.'
The Queen welcomed and appreciated public acknowledgments of her devotion to the public service, and warmly resented criticism of her seclusion, which was, she urged, to a large extent a result of
¹ Morley's Life of Gladstone, iii. 524.
the imperative calls of public business. To praise on the score of industrious solicitude for the public welfare she deemed herself fully entitled. She distinguished it from adulation. Of the eulogy which abounded in the newspapers on the occasion of her jubilee in 1887 she wrote, 'That is not flattery, which the Queen hates.' Yet she felt the public applause tended in her last years to exaggeration, and would modestly interrupt the perusal of some extravagant journalistic panegyric with the remark, 'If they only knew me as I am!'
The Queen's religion was simple, sincere, and undogmatic. Theology did not interest her, but in the virtue of religious toleration she was an ardent believer. When Dr. Creighton, the last Bishop of London of her reign, declared that she was the best Liberal he knew, he had in mind her breadth of religious sentiment. On moral questions her views were strict. She was opposed to the marriage of widows. To the movement for the greater emancipation of women she was thoroughly and almost blindly antipathetic. For women to speak in public or associate themselves with public movements was in her sight almost unpardonable. She never realised that her own position gave the advocates of Women's Rights their strongest argument, and when that point of view was pressed on her attention in conversation, she treated it as an irrelevance. With a like inconsistency she regarded the greatest of her female predecessors, Queen Elizabeth, with aversion, although she resembled Queen Elizabeth in her frankness and tenacity of purpose, and might, had the constitution
of the country in the nineteenth century permitted it, have played as decisive a part in history.
Queen Victoria's sympathies were with the Stuarts and the Jacobites. She declined to identify Prince Charles Edward with his popular designation of 'the Young Pretender,' and gave in his memory the baptismal names of Charles Edward to her grandson, the Duke of Albany. She was deeply interested in the history of her ancestress Mary Stuart. In 1850 she placed a window in Carisbrooke Church in memory of Charles I.'s daughter Elizabeth, and six years later she directed a marble tomb by Marochetti to be erected above her grave in the neighbouring church of St. Thomas at Newport. She restored James II.'s tomb at St. Germain.
But such likes and dislikes reflected purely personal idiosyncrasies. It was not Queen Elizabeth's mode of rule that offended Queen Victoria: it was her lack of feminine modesty. It was not the Stuarts' method of government that appealed to her: it was their fall from high estate to manifold misfortune. Queen Victoria's whole life and action were, indeed, guided by personal sentiment rather than by reasoned principles. But her personal sentiment, if not altogether removed from the commonplace, nor proof against occasional inconsistencies, bore ample trace of courage, truthfulness, and sympathy with suffering. Far from being an embodiment of selfish whim, the Queen's personal sentiment blended in its main current sincere love of public justice with staunch fidelity to domestic duty, and ripe experience came in course of years to imbue it with much of the force of
patriarchal wisdom, even with 'something like prophetic strain.' In her capacity alike of monarch and woman, the Queen's personal sentiment proved, on the whole, a safer guide than the best-devised systems of moral or political philosophy. Nature and circumstance met together to endow it in no sparing measure with what Shakespeare called
the rare king-becoming graces,
As justice, verity, temperance, stableness,
Bounty, perseverance, mercy, lowliness,
Devotion, patience, courage, fortitude.
The first step in the process is to identify the specific problem or issue that needs to be addressed. This can be done through research, surveys, and interviews with stakeholders. Once the problem has been identified, the next step is to develop a plan of action. This plan should include specific goals, objectives, and strategies for addressing the problem.
It is important to involve all relevant parties in the planning process, including those who will be affected by the solution. This can help ensure that the plan is comprehensive and effective. Additionally, it is important to establish timelines and milestones for the implementation of the plan.
Once the plan has been developed, it is essential to monitor its progress and make adjustments as needed. This may involve regular meetings with stakeholders, tracking key performance indicators, and evaluating the effectiveness of the solution.
Finally, it is important to communicate the results of the problem-solving process to all relevant parties. This can help build trust and confidence in the organization's ability to address complex issues effectively.
In conclusion, problem-solving is an essential skill for any organization. By following a systematic approach, involving all relevant parties, and communicating the results, organizations can effectively address complex problems and achieve their goals.
APPENDIX
DÉBUT
APPENDIX
I
THE QUEEN'S DESCENDANTS
Queen Victoria and Prince Albert had nine children, four sons—Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, afterwards King Edward VII., Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh, and afterwards Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Arthur, Duke of Connaught, and Leopold, Duke of Albany—and five daughters—Victoria, Crown Princess of Prussia, afterwards the Empress Frederick, Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse, Helena, Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein, Louise, Marchioness of Lorne, afterwards Duchess of Argyll, and Beatrice, Princess Henry of Battenberg.
Two sons—Leopold, Duke of Albany, and Alfred, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha—and one daughter—Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse—died in the Queen's lifetime.
The Queen was survived by two sons—the Prince of Wales (now Edward VII.), and Arthur, Duke of Connaught—and by four daughters, Victoria, Empress Frederick; Helena, Princess Christian; Louise, Duchess of Argyll; and Beatrice, Princess Henry of Battenberg. The eldest daughter, Victoria (Empress Frederick), died on August 5, 1901, nearly seven months after her mother, at her seat, Friedrichshof, near Frankfort.
All the Queen's children were married, and all except the Princess Louise had issue. The Queen's grandchildren
numbered forty; of these thirty-one survived at the date of her death; nine died in her lifetime. Her great-grandchildren numbered thirty-seven.
Seventeen of her grandchildren were married before her death. In two instances there was intermarriage of first cousins. The Grand Duke of Hesse (Princess Alice’s only surviving son) married Princess Victoria Melita (Prince Alfred’s second daughter). Prince Henry of Prussia (the Crown Princess of Prussia’s second son) married Princess Irene Marie (Princess Alice’s third daughter). The first of these marriages was dissolved on December 21, 1901.¹
Other marriages of her grandchildren connected the Queen with the chief reigning families of Europe. The third daughter of the Crown Princess of Prussia (Empress Frederick), Princess Sophie Dorothea, married in 1889 the Duke of Sparta, son of the King of Greece. Princess Alice’s youngest daughter (Princess Alix Victoria) married, in 1894, Nicholas II., Tsar of Russia, while Princess Alice’s second daughter (Elizabeth) married the Grand Duke Serge of Russia, a younger son of Tsar Alexander II., and uncle of Tsar Nicholas II.² Prince Alfred’s eldest daughter (Princess Marie) married, in 1893, Ferdinand, Crown Prince of Roumania.³ Princess Maud, youngest daughter of the Prince of Wales, married in 1896 Prince Charles of Denmark.
Only one grandchild married a member of the English nobility—the Prince of Wales’s eldest daughter, Louise, who became the wife of the Duke of Fife. Another grandson, Prince George, Duke of York (now Prince of Wales), only surviving son of the Prince of Wales (now Edward VII.), married his second cousin, Princess Mary of Teck, daughter of the Queen’s first cousin, Princess Mary of Cambridge, by her husband, the Duke of Teck.
The remaining seven marriages of grandchildren were contracted with members of princely families of Germany. The German Emperor William II. (the Crown Princess’s
¹ See p. 519, note 1.
eldest son) married Princess Victoria of Augustenburg. The Crown Princess's daughters—the Princesses Charlotte, Frederika Victoria, and Margaretta Beatrice—married respectively the Hereditary Prince of Saxe-Meiningen (in 1878), Prince Adolph of Schaumburg-Lippe (in 1890), and Prince Frederick Charles of Hesse-Cassel (in 1893). Princess Alice's eldest daughter (Victoria) married, in 1884, Prince Louis of Battenberg. Prince Alfred's third daughter (Alexandra) married, in 1896, the Hereditary Prince of Hohenlohe-Langenburg. Princess Helena's elder daughter (Louise Augusta) married, in 1891, Prince Aribert of Anhalt, but this union was dissolved by the sovereign decree of the husband's father, the Duke of Anhalt, on December 13, 1900.
There was one marriage in the Queen's lifetime in the fourth generation of her family. On September 24, 1898, the eldest of her great-grandchildren, Feodora, daughter of the Hereditary Princess of Saxe-Meiningen (the Crown Princess of Prussia's eldest daughter), married Prince Henry XXX. of Reuss.
THE QUEEN'S PORTRAITS
The Queen's portrait was painted, drawn, sculptured, and photographed several hundred times in the course of the reign. None of the portraits are satisfactory presentments. The Queen's features in repose necessarily omit suggestion of the animated and fascinating smile which was the chief attraction of her countenance. Nor is it possible graphically to depict the exceptional grace of bearing which compensated for the shortness of her stature.
Before her accession the chief paintings or drawings of her are those by Sir William Beechey, R.A. (with the Duchess of Kent), 1821; by Richard Westall, R.A., 1830; by Sir George Hayter, 1833; and by R. J. Lane, A.R.A., 1837.
After her accession the chief paintings and drawings are by Alfred Chalon, in state robes (engraved by Cousins), 1838; by Sir George Hayter, 1838; by Sir David Wilkie, 1839 (in Glasgow Gallery); by Sir Edwin Landseer (watercolour sketch presented by the Queen to Prince Albert, and reproduced in the present volume from the original at Windsor Castle by permission of King Edward VII.), 1839. Portraits of the Queen and Prince Albert, which were deemed very successful, were painted by John Partridge in 1840, and were exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1841; that of the Queen is now in the King's private drawing-room at Buckingham Palace; it was engraved in line by John Henry Robinson, R.A. In 1842 Partridge was appointed 'Portrait-painter Extraordinary' to her Majesty, and painted a second portrait of her, of somewhat inferior merit to the first.
After her marriage many portraits were painted from 1845 onwards by F. Winterhalter. In one she figures in a group with Prince Arthur and the Duke of Wellington, 1848. Sir Edwin Landseer painted a portrait as late as 1866. In 1875 Baron H. von Angeli painted a portrait, of which many replicas were made for presents; a copy by Lady Abercromby is in the National Portrait Gallery, London. Baron von Angeli painted other portraits in 1885 and in 1897 (the latter is reproduced in the present volume from the original at Windsor by permission of King Edward VII.). Mr. W. Q. Orchardson, R.A., introduced the Queen into a group with the Prince of Wales (now King Edward VII.), Duke of York (now Prince of Wales), and Prince Edward of York (now Prince Edward of Wales), in 1900; and M. Benjamin Constant in the same year painted a last portrait. There are several miniatures by Sir W. C. Ross, R.A., and one by Robert Thorburn, A.R.A. (with the Prince of Wales—now King Edward VII.—as a child). A clever caricature lithographic portrait was executed by Mr. William Nicholson, 1897.
Every leading episode in the Queen’s life was commemorated by a specially commissioned painting in which her portrait appears. Most of these memorial paintings, many of which have been engraved, are at Windsor; a few are at Buckingham Palace or Osborne. They include Sir David Wilkie’s ‘The Queen’s First Council,’ 1837; C. R. Leslie’s ‘The Queen receiving the Sacrament at her Coronation,’ 1838, and ‘The Christening of the Princess Royal,’ 1841; Sir George Hayter’s ‘Coronation,’ 1838, ‘The Queen’s Marriage,’ 1840, and ‘Christening of the Prince of Wales,’ 1847; F. Winterhalter’s ‘The Reception of Louis Philippe,’ 1844; E. M. Ward’s ‘The Queen investing Napoleon III. with the Garter’ and ‘The Queen at the Tomb of Napoleon,’ 1855; G. H. Thomas’s ‘Review in Paris,’ 1855; J. Phillip’s ‘Marriage of the Princess Royal,’ 1859; G. H. Thomas’s ‘The Queen at Aldershot,’ 1859; W. P. Frith’s ‘Marriage of the
Prince of Wales,' 1863; G. Magnussen's 'Marriage of Princess Helena,' 1866; Sydney P. Hall's 'Marriage of the Duke of Connaught,' 1879; Sir James Linton's 'Marriage of the Duke of Albany,' 1882; R. Caton Woodville's 'Marriage of the Princess Beatrice,' 1885; Laurenz Tuxen's 'The Queen and Royal Family at the Jubilee of 1887'; Sydney P. Hall's 'Marriage of the Duchess of Fife,' 1889; Tuxen's 'Marriage of the Duke of York,' 1893.
The sculptured presentations of the Queen, one or more examples of which are to be found in almost every great city of the empire, include a bust at Windsor by Behnes, 1829, which was always considered a good likeness; a good equestrian statue by Marochetti at Glasgow; and a statue by Sir Edgar Boehm at Windsor; a large plaster bust by the same sculptor is in the National Portrait Gallery, London; there is a statue at Winchester by Mr. Alfred Gilbert, R.A., and a statue at Manchester by Mr. Onslow Ford, R.A., 1900.
A national memorial in sculpture has been designed on a vast scale, sixty feet high, by Mr. Thomas Brock, R.A., and is to be placed in the Mall opposite Buckingham Palace. It includes a seated figure of the Queen, surrounded by allegorical figures of Justice, Truth, and Charity, and surmounted by one of Victory, supported by Constancy and Courage. Mr. Aston Webb, A.R.A., has designed an architectural setting for the monument, of which the main features are a screen of columns between the monument and Buckingham Palace and a semicircular screen of columns between the monument and St. James's Park, with some corresponding embellishment of the overlooking façade of the palace. The Mall is to be widened, and to be opened out at its further end into Parliament Street. Public subscriptions for these purposes have been received from all parts of the empire, and exceed the sum of 200,000l.
The portrait head of the Queen on the British coinage followed three successive types in the course of the reign. Soon after her accession William Wyon designed from life
a head which appears in the silver and gold coinage with the hair simply knotted, excepting in the case of the florin, where the head bears a crown for the first time since the coinage of Charles II. In the copper coinage a laurel wreath was intertwined with the hair. In 1887 Sir Edgar Boehm designed a new bust portrait, showing the features in mature age with a small crown and veil most awkwardly placed on the head. This ineffective design was replaced in 1893 by a more artistic crowned presentment from the hand of Mr. Thomas Brock, R.A.
Of medals on which the Queen’s head appears the majority commemorate military or naval achievements, and are not of great artistic note.¹ Many medals commemorating events in the reign were also struck by order of the Corporation of London.² Of strictly official medals of the reign the chief are: the medal struck in honour of the coronation from designs by Pistrucoi in 1888; the Jubilee medal of 1887, with the reverse designed by Lord Leighton, and the obverse bearing Boehm’s unsatisfactory bust as on the coinage; and the Diamond Jubilee medal of 1897, with Wyon’s design of the Queen’s head in youth on the reverse, with the noble inscription: ‘Longitudo dierum in dextera eius et in sinistra gloria,’ and Mr. Brock’s design of the head in old age on the obverse.
The adhesive postage-stamp was an invention of the Queen’s reign, and was adopted by the Government in 1840. A crowned portrait head of the Queen was designed for postage-stamps in that year, and was not modified in the United Kingdom during her lifetime. In most of the colonies recent issues of postage-stamps bear a portrait of the Queen in old age, and recent issues of post-cards in England anterior to Edward VII.’s accession are similarly adorned.
¹ Cf. John H. Mayo’s *Medals and Decorations of the British Army and Navy*, 1897.
² Cf. Charles Welch’s *Numismaia Londinensia*, 1894, with plates.
III
PUBLISHED SOURCES OF INFORMATION
The outward facts of the Queen's life and reign are best studied in the 'Annual Register' from 1837 to 1900, and in 'The Times' newspaper. Hansard's 'Parliamentary Debates' and the collected edition of 'Punch' are supplementary sources of information of the first importance.
The only portion of the Queen's career which has been dealt with fully is her married life, 1840–61, the beginning of which is treated in General Grey's 'Early Years of the Prince Consort' (1868), and the whole in Sir Theodore Martin's exhaustive 'Life of the Prince Consort' (5 vols., 1874–80). Sir Theodore Martin's book is an authority of the highest importance. The account there given of the Queen's private and public experiences during the years in question is largely drawn from her and her husband's journals and letters. Both General Grey and Sir Theodore
¹ No full life of Queen Victoria has yet been published. An interesting and elaborate sketch in French dealing mainly with the political questions in which the Queen played a part, by M. Abel Chevalley (Paris, 1902), is the most ambitious of existing monographs. M. Chevalley makes generous acknowledgment of his indebtedness to the present writer's article in the supplement to the Dictionary of National Biography. There are more or less slender sketches by Mr. R. R. Holmes, librarian at Windsor (with elaborate portrait illustrations, 1887, and text alone, 1901), by Mrs. Oliphant, by the Rev. Dr. Tulloch, Principal Tulloch's son (for young readers), by the Marquis of Lorne (afterwards fourth Duke of Argyll), by Sarah Tooley, by G. Barnett Smith, by J. Cordy Jeaffreson (1893, 2 vols.), and by Mrs. M. G. Fawcett (1901).
Martin write from the Queen’s point of view, and they occasionally ignore the evidence of writers with whom the Queen was out of sympathy. Some memoirs published since the appearance of these valuable volumes also usefully supplement General Grey’s and Sir Theodore Martin’s information. But for the period it covers Sir Theodore Martin’s work is a monument of labour and authentic intelligence. Two books, the first of which is used only to a small extent, and the second is not used at all, in Sir Theodore’s volumes merit a place beside them. The three series of the ‘Greville Memoirs’ (1817–60), which are outspoken but in the main trustworthy, are a complementary authority for the general course of the Queen’s life and for her relations with political history down to 1860. The Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg’s ‘Memoirs’ (4 vols., Eng. transl., 1888–90) throw invaluable side-lights on the Queen’s personal relations with Germany and German politics, and print many of her letters; they carry events from her marriage in 1840 down to 1870.
The early years of the same period are covered by the ‘Memoirs of Baron von Bunsen’ and by the ‘Memoirs of Baron von Stockmar’ (by his son, English transl., 2 vols., 1872). Important hints from the German side may also be gleaned for both early and late periods of the reign, from Wilkinson’s ‘Reminiscences of King Ernest of Hanover;’ ‘Tales of my Father’ (equerry to King Ernest before his accession to the throne of Hanover), by A. M. F. (1902); Th. von Bernhardi, ‘Aus dem Leben,’ pt. v. 1895; ‘Memoirs of Count von Beust;’ ‘Memoirs of Count Vitzthum von Eckstädt;’ Von Manteuffel’s ‘Correspondence’ (1901); Moltke’s ‘Letters to his Wife and other Relatives’ (ed. Sidney Whitman, 2 vols., 1896); Margaretha von Poschinger’s ‘Life of the Emperor Frederick’ (English transl. edited by Sidney Whitman, 1901); ‘Diaries of the Emperor Frederick’ (1902); Bismarck’s ‘Reflections and Reminiscences’ (2 vols., 1898, English transl.); the long series of
Bismarck’s ‘Politische Briefe,’ 1849–1889 (4 vols., 1889–93); and the ample ‘Appendix’ of letters to his ‘Gedanken und Erinnerungen’ (3 vols., 1901–2); and Busch’s ‘Conversations of Bismarck’ (3 vols., 1897).
For the English relations with Napoleon III. (1851–68) De la Gorce’s ‘Histoire du Second Empire’ (5 vols.) is the best book; and the Queen’s relations with Belgium are treated at great length, although mainly on the basis of Stockmar’s ‘Memoirs,’ in ‘Le Roi Léopold et la Reine Victoria’ by St.-René Taillandier (Paris, 1878, 2 vols.).
A vast library of memoirs of contemporaries touches at one point or another the whole of the Queen’s career in England. For the years before and immediately after the accession, see Mrs. Gerald Gurney’s ‘Childhood of Queen Victoria’ (1901); Tuer’s ‘First Year of a Silken Reign;’ ‘Memoir of Gabriele von Bülow’ (Engl. transl., 1897); Earl of Albemarle’s ‘Fifty Years of my Life;’ ‘Stafford House Letters’ (1891, pt. vi.; extracts from the Duke of Sutherland’s papers); and Sir Charles Murray’s papers of reminiscences in the ‘Cornhill Magazine,’ 1897, which reappear in Sir Herbert Maxwell’s ‘Life of Sir Charles Murray.’
The Queen’s domestic life from 1838 to 1870 may be traced in ‘Letters from Sarah Lady Lyttelton,’ 1797–1870 (privately printed for the family, 1873); from 1842 to 1882 in the Queen’s ‘Leaves’ (1868) and ‘More Leaves’ (1883) from her own ‘Journal in the Highlands;’ from 1863 to 1878 in the ‘Letters’ of Princess Alice, with memoir by Dr. Sell (Engl. transl. 1884); and from 1850 to 1897 in Mr. Kinloch Cooke’s ‘Life of the Duchess of Teck’ (2 vols. 1900).
Both court and diplomatic affairs (1837–68) are sketched in Lady Bloomfield’s ‘Court and Diplomatic Life’ (1883, 2 vols.), and diplomatic affairs alone (1837–79) in the two series of Lord Augustus Loftus’s ‘Reminiscences’ (4 vols. 1892–4).
For home politics during the reign, see Torrens’s ‘Life
of Lord Melbourne;' Thomas Raikes's 'Journal;' the 'Croker Papers;' the 'Peel Papers' (a specially valuable work); Sir Spencer Walpole's 'Life of Lord John Russell' (a most useful biography); Bulwer and Ashley's 'Life of Lord Palmerston;' Lord Malmesbury's 'Memoirs of an Ex-Minister;' Benham and Davidson's 'Life of Archbishop Tait' (1891); Lord Selborne's 'Memorials;' Gladstone's 'Gleanings,' vol. i.; Childers's 'Life of Hugh C. E. Childers' (1901), and Sir Algernon West's 'Recollections.'
Personal reminiscences of the Queen in private life abound in Donald Macleod's 'Life of Norman Macleod' (2 vols., 1876); Mrs. Oliphant's 'Life of Principal Tulloch' (1888); Clark and Hughes's 'Life of Adam Sedgwick;' Bradley and Prothero's 'Life of Dean Stanley;' Lord Tennyson's 'Memoir of Lord Tennyson;' and Benson's 'Memoirs of Archbishop Benson.' The last three print interesting letters from the Queen.
Slighter particulars are met with in Trevelyan's 'Life of Macaulay;' Ashwell and Wilberforce's 'Life of Bishop Wilberforce' (3 vols., 1879); Wemyss Reid's 'Lives' of Lord Houghton and of W. E. Forster; Fanny Kemble's 'Records;' Andrew Lang's 'Life of Lord Iddesleigh;' Sir Herbert Maxwell's 'Life of W. H. Smith;' Sir Theodore Martin's 'Life of Helena Faucit, Lady Martin' (1900); Sir John Mowbray's 'Seventy Years at Westminster;' Laughton's 'Life of Henry Reeve' (1899); and Lord Ronald Gower's 'Reminiscences' and 'Old Diaries.'
A valuable account of the personnel of the Queen's household throughout the reign may be found in Mr. W. A. Lindsay's 'The Royal Household,' 1897.
Of the private sources of information respecting the Queen to which the writer has had access some account is given in the preface of this volume.
¹ A character sketch of the Queen in the Quarterly Review, April 1901, is not accurate in all its details, although it is based on the reminiscences of one who was well acquainted with the Queen.
IV
GROWTH OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE, 1837-1901
The accompanying map of the British Empire indicates the extent of imperial territory as it stood at the time of the Queen’s death on January 22, 1901.
At the Queen’s accession, the total area of the British Empire (outside the United Kingdom) was about 8,114,035 square miles, with an estimated population of 96,000,000, which has since grown to 116,000,000. At her death the area (excluding Egypt and the Soudan) was reckoned at 12,111,310 square miles, with an estimated population of 240,000,000. The additions approach in area four million square miles, with an estimated population of 124,000,000. It must be borne in mind that the territorial additions made to the British Empire during the Queen’s reign mainly affect Africa and India. Of these four million square miles of new territory, more than three million square miles are in Africa, and seven hundred thousand square miles in India and Burma. Less than three hundred thousand of the added four million square miles are situated in other parts of Asia or the rest of the world. One hundred and ten millions of the estimated population, which became subject for the first time to the Queen’s sway, belong to India and Burma. Outside India and excluding Egypt and the Soudan, the number of persons who yielded allegiance
1 The map has been prepared by Messrs. W. & A. K. Johnston. The information given in this chapter is partly derived from the preface to the ‘British Empire Atlas’ (1897) by Mr. C. P. Lucas, C.B., the author of the standard work on the British colonies.
to the English crown for the first time during the Queen's reign do not probably exceed fourteen millions.\(^1\)
In Europe the only territorial changes have been the acquisition of the island of Cyprus in 1878, and the cession of the Ionian Isles to Greece in 1864 and of Heligoland to Germany in 1890.
In Asia, outside India, the account of the chief acquisitions stands thus:
The peninsula of Aden was acquired in 1839, and additions were made to it in 1868 and 1882. The Kuria Muria Islands off the south-east coast of Arabia were taken over in 1854; the island of Perim in the Red Sea in 1857; the island of Bahrein in the Persian Gulf in 1861; and the island of Socotra in the Arabian Sea in 1886.
The island of Labuan, near Borneo, was taken over in 1846. The British North Borneo Company was formed in 1881 to administer the northern peninsula of Borneo, and a British protectorate over the whole of Borneo was established in 1888.
The Straits Settlements, which had been separated from India and formed into a Crown colony in 1867, were enlarged in 1874; and Christmas Island in the Indian Ocean was annexed to the Settlements in 1888. The Cocos or Keeling Islands, also in the Indian Ocean, became a British possession in 1857.
In China, the island of Hong Kong was taken over in 1841, and neighbouring territory of Kowloon, on the mainland, was annexed to it in 1860 and 1898. Wei-hai-wai, off the coast of China, was acquired in 1898, but an intention of fortifying it was abandoned in 1902; Port Hamilton, an island off Korea, was occupied in 1885, but was soon evacuated.
In the Malay peninsula, British residents were esta-
\(^1\) The population of the United Kingdom, which approached 26,000,000 in 1837, and was 40,000,000 in 1901, increased in the interval by almost the identical number.
blished in many of the native States from 1874 onwards, and these States were formed into a confederation under British control in 1896. A protectorate over the Malay State of Johore was inaugurated in 1885.
In India, the administration of which was transferred from the East India Company to the Crown in 1858, Sind was annexed in 1843; Tranquebar and Serampore were purchased from the Danes in 1845; the district between the Sutlej and the Rávi rivers was acquired in 1845; the Punjaub in 1849; Lower Burma in 1852; the Central Provinces (Satara, Jhansi, and Nagpore) in 1853; the Berars in 1853; Oudh in 1856; the Dooabs (incorporated in Bengal and Assam) in 1865; the Nicobar Islands, 1869; and Upper Burma and the Shan States, 1885. Several small States on the N.W. frontier were consolidated 1895–7.
In Africa four spheres of advance are to be noticed: The West Coast, the East Coast, the South Coast, and the Centre.
At the opening of the Queen’s reign Cape Colony (extending over 110,000 square miles) and Sierra Leone (extending over 4,000 square miles) were the only organised British settlements in Africa. At the end of the Queen’s reign the territory under the British flag had multiplied thirty times. This calculation takes no account of Egypt and the Egyptian Soudan, on the north side of the continent, with a total population probably exceeding 15,000,000, and an area of some 1,300,000 square miles; these countries still remain under the nominal rule of the Khedive, although the country has been administered since 1882 by English officers, military and civil, who are chosen by the English Government.
In Africa, on the West Coast, the Gold Coast Colony and Protectorate was formed in 1843 to take over a few old mercantile settlements; Accra and the neighbourhood was purchased of the Danes in 1850; and the castle of Elmina and other forts of the Dutch in 1871; while the wars with the Ashantis in 1874 and 1896 brought the neighbouring native district under British control. Lagos,
which adjoins the Gold Coast, was acquired in 1861, and was successively enlarged in 1882, 1885, and 1887, both along the coast and inland, while the regions abutting on the banks of the River Niger, in the same quarter of Africa, were committed to the administration of a chartered company in 1879, were gradually extended in all directions, and finally acquired by the British Government in 1899. On the West Coast, to the north of the Gold Coast, an existing settlement on the Gambia was formed in 1850 into British Combo, of which the boundaries were defined in 1891; Sierra Leone was greatly extended by the acquisition both of neighbouring islands and of districts on the mainland in 1861, 1876–7, and 1886.
On the East Coast of Africa an enormous tract of territory known as British East Africa (1,200,000 square miles in extent) was acquired in 1888 by the chartered company called the Imperial British East Africa Company. A British protectorate over Uganda, part of this company's territories, was proclaimed in 1894, and all the company's territory was made over to the British Government in 1895, when the company was dissolved. Further north of British East Africa a British protectorate was established over Somaliland in 1887, while to the south of British East Africa Zanzibar accepted a British protectorate in 1890.
In South Africa Natal was formed into a British colony in 1842, and the adjoining St. Lucia Bay was ceded by Zululand at the same time; absorption of much neighbouring native territory to the south took place in 1866.
In 1847 the district in the extreme east of Cape Colony was taken from the Kaffirs, was converted for the time into the province of British Kaffraria, and was incorporated with Cape Colony in 1863. The islands of Ichaboe and the Penguin Islands, off the north-west coast of Cape Colony, were added to the colony in 1874. In 1880 Griqualand West, to the north, where the Kimberley diamond fields had been discovered in 1870, was also absorbed in Cape Colony;
Walfisch Bay, on the north-west coast, was absorbed in 1884; Pondoland, to the extreme east, in 1894; Basutoland, to the north-east of the colony, between Natal and the Orange Free State, was annexed to Cape Colony in 1871, but this was made a separate Crown colony in 1884.
A declaration of British sovereignty, made in 1848 over the territories north-east of Cape Colony, between the Orange and Vaal rivers, was withdrawn in 1854, when the independence of the Orange Free State was recognised. In 1852 the right of self-government was granted to the Dutch farmers beyond the Vaal river, in the land known as the Transvaal. The Transvaal republic was annexed to the British Empire in 1877, was restored in 1881, and was finally re-annexed, together with the Orange Free State, during the great Boer war, in 1900. Zululand, on the coast north of Natal, was proclaimed a British colony in 1887; and Amatongaland, to the north of Zululand, was made a British protectorate.
Nearer the centre of the continent, Bechuanaland, in the interior, to the north of Cape Colony, became a British colony in 1885; and the chartered British South Africa Company, which was formed in 1889, obtained control of the more northerly and more central interior territories of Matabeleland and Mashonaland. A further province at nearly the heart of the continent, north of the River Zambesi and extending to Lake Tanganyika, has been formed into the British protectorate of Central South Africa. These central districts, including Matabeleland, Mashonaland, and Central South Africa, bear the general name of Rhodesia, after Cecil Rhodes, the guiding spirit of the British South Africa Company.
In North America the extensions have been mainly on the Pacific side of Canada. Vancouver Island was placed under a British colonial governor in 1849; while the neighbouring mainland territory of British Columbia was formed into a colony in 1858, and Vancouver Island was combined with it in 1866. After the confederation of the North
American colonies in 1867, the old chartered Hudson's Bay Company surrendered its territories to the Dominion Government, and out of them were formed the province of Manitoba in the centre of the continent, and the great tract to the north-west called the North-west Territories.
In Australasia the continent of Australia, although very imperfectly explored, had passed nominally under British control before the Queen came to the throne. But its permanent settlement followed her accession. New South Wales was ultimately subdivided into the three independent colonies of New South Wales, Victoria (1851), and Queensland (1859). South Australia and Tasmania became self-governing colonies in 1856. Western Australia was similarly constituted in 1890. The New Zealand islands were an acquisition of the Queen's reign; they were ceded to the Crown by the native chiefs in 1840, and became a self-governing colony in 1852.
Extensions of territory during the Queen's reign in Australasia, apart from New Zealand, mainly affect islands in the Pacific Ocean. The Fiji Islands were ceded by the chiefs in 1874 and became a new British colony. A British protectorate was proclaimed in 1884 over the south-east coast of New Guinea and the adjoining islands, which lie to the north of the Australian continent, and British sovereignty over all was declared in 1888. In 1887 the Kermadec Islands, to the north-east of New Zealand, were annexed to that colony. Numerous other Pacific islands have been recently annexed to the Crown or placed under British protectorates. Christmas Island, Fanning Island, and Penrhyn Island were annexed in 1888. Over the Cook and Hervey Islands, the Union group, and the Phoenix group, a British protectorate was proclaimed in 1888–9. Suwarrow Island was annexed in 1889; and the Gilbert Islands, the Isles of Danger, Nassau Island, the Ellice group, and the Southern Solomon Islands were placed under a protectorate in 1892–3.
The first step in the process is to identify the specific problem or issue that needs to be addressed. This can be done through research, surveys, or interviews with stakeholders. Once the problem has been identified, the next step is to develop a plan of action. This plan should include specific goals and objectives, as well as a timeline for completion.
It is important to involve all relevant parties in the planning process, including those who will be affected by the changes. This can help ensure that everyone's concerns are taken into account and that the plan is realistic and achievable.
Once the plan has been developed, it is important to communicate it clearly to all stakeholders. This can be done through meetings, presentations, or written documents. It is also important to monitor progress regularly and make adjustments as needed.
Finally, it is important to evaluate the success of the plan once it has been implemented. This can be done through surveys, interviews, or other methods. The results of this evaluation can then be used to inform future planning efforts.
In conclusion, effective planning is essential for addressing complex problems and achieving desired outcomes. By following these steps, organizations can develop plans that are tailored to their specific needs and that take into account the perspectives of all relevant parties.
INDEX
ABBOTSFORD
Abbotsford, 386
Abdul Karim, The Munshi, 500
Abercorn, Marquis of, 185
Abercromby, Lady, (App.) 582
Speaker, 65
Aberdare, Lord, 401 n
Aberdeen, 190, 306, 343
Lord, 137, 145, 147–8, 162,
169, 178, 215, 219, 253, 315,
447; visit to France, 152–3;
and the Spanish marriages, 177;
his ministry, 223–39; and the Crimean war, 240–9; his defeat, 249–52; letter from the Queen, 249; 'The Life of,' 250 n; death, 311
Waterworks, 375
Abergeldie Castle, 200, 509
Abingdon, Earl of, 36
Accra, (App.) 592
Acland, A. H. D., 525 n
Acts of Parliament:
Royal Marriage Act, 4 n
Conferring the regency on the Duchess of Kent, 29
Transferring the royal prerogative of mercy to the Home Secretary, 57–8
Reform Bills, 297, 370–1; of 1832, 74; of 1867, 381, 389, 394; of 1884, 483–5, 489, 562
Civil List Bill, 80–1
Prince Albert's annuity, 113–4
Naturalisation Bill, 115–6
ADELAIDE
Acts of Parliament—cont.'
Regency Bill, appointing Prince Albert, 125–7
Bill for her Majesty's personal security, 143, 206
Corn Law Repeal Bill, 172
Bill for the commutation of death sentences for treason, 203
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, 220
India Bill, 288
Irish Reform Bill, 389
Scottish Reform Bill, 389
Boundary Bill, 389
Irish Church Disestablishment Act, 1869, 401 n, 484
Irish Land Act, 1870, 401 n
Elementary Education Act, 1870, 401 n
Army Regulation Act, 1871, 401 n, 416
Ballot Act, 1872, 401 n
Supreme Court of Judicature Act, 1873, 401 n
Public Worship Regulation Bill, 435
Scottish Church Patronage Bill, 435
Royal Titles Bill, 439–40
Burials Act, 462
Australian Commonwealth Bill, 547–9
Adare, 206
Addington, 473
Adelaide, Queen of William IV, 30, 47, 49; as Princess of Saxe-
1 This index, the fulness of which will, it is hoped, increase the usefulness of the volume, has been compiled by Mr. W. J. Williams.
ADELAIDE
Adelaide, Queen—cont.
Meiningen, 5; marriage to the Duke of Clarence, 5; and the Duchess of Kent, 16, 33, 46; at the coronation 31; reception of Prince Albert, 42; death of the King, 48; removes from Windsor to Marlborough House, 72; annuity as Queen Consort, 78; godmother to the Princess Royal, 127; letter to Peel, 172; death, 205
Aden, (App.) 591
Adolphus Frederick. See under Cambridge, Duke of
Adye, Sir John, 468
Afghan war, 452, 463
Afghanistan, Abdur Rahman, Amir of, 468; his autobiography, 463 n.; and Russia, 488
Agniborna (Hindu King), 440
Aix-la-Chapelle, 165, 285
Aix-les-Bains, 485, 500, 518 n
Albany, Leopold, Duke of, 485, 510, 552; birth, 235; his valet, 328 n; illness, 436; at Beaconsfield’s funeral, 466; marriage, 471–2; annuity, 471; death, 476–7
Duchess of, 471–2
Leopold Charles Edward, Duke of, 574, (App.) 579, 584; adopted as heir presumptive to the duchies of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 552
Albemarle, Earl of, 28, 51; ‘Fifty Years of my Life’ quoted, 23 n, 31 n, (App.) 588
Albert, Prince Consort: parentage, 8; birth, 13, 14; considered as a suitor, 26, 43; death of his mother, 32; visit to the Duchess of Kent, 42–4; engagement and marriage, 105–17; his position, 118–84; letter to Wellington, 121; letter to Melbourne, 135; and the attempt on the Queen’s life, 141–2; visits to Scotland, 143–5; growing influence, 148; visit to France, 150–4; at Cambridge, 155; death of his father, 156; visit to Germany, 164–6; question of precedence, 165; supports Peel in the House of Commons, 171; and Palmerston’s foreign policy, 176–7; and the
ALBERT
Albert, Prince Consort—cont.
Spanish marriages, 168; chancellor of Cambridge University, 188–4; and Mendelssohn, 191–4; his children’s education, 197–8; and the designing of Osborne House, 200; opens the Coal Exchange, 204; declines the post of Commander-in-Chief, 206; differences with Palmerston, 208–20, 254; and the Great Exhibition of 1851, 221–7; unveils a statue of the Queen at Peel Park, 224; letter to his brother on Lord Palmerston’s fall, 226–7; and the Crimean war, 240–50; popular suspicions of, 242–3, 254; at St. Omer, 246; visit to Paris, 258–61; on the Princess Royal’s engagement, 262; and Italian unity, 265; plans the ballroom at Buckingham Palace, 69, 269; receives the title of Prince Consort, 275; visits to Cherbourg, 277, 284; tour in Germany, 285; at Birmingham and Leeds, 286; fears for Prussia, 296; presides at the meeting of the British Association at Aberdeen, 306; second visit to Coburg, 307–9; in a carriage accident, 308; last visit to Balmoral, 315; failing health, 315–6; intervenes in the affair of the ‘Trent’, 317–9, 330; death, 320; his reputation, 321–3; biography, 321, 376 seq.; funeral, 324; his lasting influence on the Queen, 325–6, 395; memorial at Balmoral, 332; statue at Aberdeen, 342; statue at Perth, 354; statue at Coburg, 362; statue at Wolverhampton, 375; his ‘Speeches and Addresses,’ 376; Deeside memorial, 386; his estate, 423; statue on Smith’s Lawn, Windsor, 502; founds the South Kensington Museum, 541; (App.) 579, 582; ‘Life’ of, by Sir Theodore Martin, quoted, 146, 182, 216, 261, 289, 291
Albert Edward, Prince of Wales. See under Edward VII.
Albert Hall, 380, 419, 426, 442, 497
Medal, institution of the, 367
ALBERT
Albert Memorial at Edinburgh, 443
in Kensington Gardens, 442
Albert Victor, Prince. See under Clarence, Duke of
‘Alberta’ yacht, 558
Albertazzi, Madame, 70
Aldershot, 266–7, 274, 367, 407, 442, 448, 465, 499, 503, 510, 516, 533
Alexandra, Queen: betrothal to the Prince of Wales, 332; marriage, 335; annuity, 335–6; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 347–8, 353; birth of a son, Albert Victor, 354; her sister’s marriage, 430–31; celebration of her silver wedding, 490; at Abergeldie Castle, 509
Alfred, King, 1–3
Alfred, Prince. See under Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Duke of
Algiers, 284 n
Alice, Princess. See under Hesse-Darmstadt, Princess Louis of
Alma, battle of the, 248
Altamash (Mohammedan Emperor), 440
Althorp, Lord. See under Spencer, Earl
Amatongaland, (App.) 594
America. See under United States of
American Civil War, 316–9, 383, 410
Amorbach, Germany, 10
Andaman Islands, 426
Anderson, G., 424
Angeli, Baron H. von, 569, (App.) 583
Angelico, Fra, 518 n
Anglesey, Marquis of, 35
Anhalt, Prince Albert of, (App.) 581
Anne, Queen, 2, 54, 62, 112
‘Annual Register,’ 75 n, 111 n, (App.) 586
Anson, Miss, 125 n
George, 116, 204
‘Antigone,’ 191
Antwerp, 154, 165, 166, 231, 285, 308
Apponyi, Count, 352
Arabi Pasha, 467 seq., 477
Arabia, (App.) 591
Arabian Sea, (App.) 591
AUSTERLITZ
Ardverkie, Highland residence, 185
Argyll, Duchess of (Princess Louise): birth, 187; betrothal to the Marquis of Lorne, 417; dowry and annuity, 418; marriage, 419; at Cimiez, 527; at the Queen’s death, 557; (App.) 579, 586 n
third Duke of, 185, 235, 299 n, 401 n, 403, 417–8, 459 n
fourth Duke of (Marquis of Lorne), engagement to Princess Louise, 418; marriage, 419, (App.) 586 n
Lodge, 392
Army, abolition of purchase in the, 416
reform, 462–3
Regulation Act, 1871, 401 n, 416
signing of commissions in the, 331, 532
Arran, Arthur, second Earl of, 126 n
Art, royal patronage of, 195–6
Art Treasures Exhibition, Manchester, 274
Arthur, Prince. See under Connaught, Duke of
Arthur’s Seat, 207
Ascot, 40, 87, 124, 156, 245, 273
Ashanti war of 1873–4, 441, (App.) 592; of 1895–6, 533, (App.) 592
Ashbourne, Lord, 490 n, 495 n, 530 n
Ashford, 26
Ashley camp, 540
Asquith, Mr. H. H., 525 n
Assam, (App.) 592
Aston Park, 286
‘Athalie,’ 191
Athol, Duke of, 145, 342
Duchess of, 145, 342, 375.
See also under Glenlyon, Lord and Lady
Auber, musician, 153
Augusta, Princess (daughter of George III.), 12, 16, 123
Augustus, Prince (the Queen’s first cousin), 9 n
Annale, Due d’, 150, 177, 187
‘Aus dem Leben,’ 349–51 n, (App.) 587
Austerlitz, 259
AUSTRALIA
Australia offers men for the Soudan war, 482; and the Diamond Jubilee, 537; (App.) 595
Australian Commonwealth Bill, 547–9
Austria, 209–10, 218, 224, 265, 276, 339; at war with Italy, 295–7; and Napoleon III., 300, 303; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 344–54
The Austro-Prussian war, 368–74
Charlotte, Archduchess of, 314, 383–4. See also under Belgium, Princess of
Crown Prince of, 501
Francis Joseph, Emperor of, 165, 210, 341, 384, 536; at Villafranca, 297, 300; and the ‘Trent’ affair, 317; meeting with the Queen at Coburg, 341–2; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 345; meets the Queen at Innsbruck, 505
Frederick, Archduke of, 165
Maximilian, Archduke of, 274, 314; marriage, 275; death, 383–4
Avoyne House, 41
Ayrton, A. S., 360
BABELSBERG, Castle of, 285, 289, 341
Bach, 39, 570
Back, Captain, 37
Baden, 314
riots, 209
Baden-Baden, 426–7, 455
Bagot, Mrs., ‘Links with the Past,’ 36 n, 392 n
Bahrein, (App.) 591
Bala, lake, 516
Balaclava, victory of, 248
Balfour, Mr. A. J., 496 n, 530 n
Lady Betty, 440 n, 453 n
Mr. Gerald, 552 n
of Burleigh, Lord, 531 n
Balkan peninsula, 275–6, 449
Ballater, 17
Balliol College, 395 n
Ballot Act, 1872, 401 n
Balmoral House, 190, 200–1
Castle, 201 seq.; building of, 200–1
BEACONSFIELD
Bandon, 110
Bangor, 306
Barez, M., 22
Barham, Lady, 63 n
Rev. Richard, 88
Baring, Francis, 100
Barrington, Lady Caroline, 63 n, 119 n; as royal governess, 196, 329
Captain the Hon. George, 196
Basutoland, (App.) 594
Bath, 34
Battenberg, Countess of, 486
Prince Alexander of (afterwards Prince of Bulgaria), 486–7, 506–7
Prince Henry of, marriage, 486–7; death, 533
Prince Louis of, 486–6, 506, (App.) 581
Princess Henry of (Princess Beatrice), 273, 446, 451, 466, 506, 533, (App.) 579, 584; birth, 272; and the death of Gordon, 480–1; marriage, 486–7; dowry and annuity, 487; at the Queen’s death, 446; co-executrix of the Queen’s will, 557
Princess Victoria of, 506
Baveno, 450
Beaconsfield, Viscountess (Mrs. Disraeli), 311; created peeress in her own right, 394; death, 433
Earl of (Benjamin Disraeli), 138 n, 251, 372, 410, 488, 489–90, 496–7, 531; his ‘Sybil,’ 51 n; member for Maidstone, 76; at the Queen’s coronation, 90; ‘Letters to his Sister,’ 90 n, 161 n; meeting with the Queen at Stowe, 162; denunciation of Peel, 167; leader of the Conservative Protectionists, 174; Chancellor of the Exchequer, 229–30, 232, 288; relations with the Queen, 230; his Reform Bill, 297, 381; and the grant to Princess Alice, 311; leader of the House, 372–4; his
**BEACONSFIELD**
Beaconsfield, Earl of—cont.
first ministry, 387–98; declines a peerage, 394; refuses office, 428–9; in power, 432–54; Royal Titles Bill, 439–40; created Earl of Beaconsfield, 441; dissolves Parliament, 454; enters the House of Lords, 441; the Queen’s visit to Hughenden, 445–6; at the Congress of Berlin, 447–8; the Queen takes leave of him, 458; death, 465; the Queen’s memorial, to, 466; Letters of, 162 n
Bean, John William, 143
Beatrice, Princess. *See under Battenberg, Princess Henry of*
Beaumaris, 35
Bechuanaland, (App.) 594
Bedford, Duchess of, 186, 392 n
Duke of, 183
Beechey, Sir William, (App.) 582
Beethoven, 165, 256, 560
Behnes, sculptor, (App.) 584
Belfast, 203
Belgians, Leopold I., King of the (Prince of Saxe-Coburg), 7 n, 18–17, 25–6, 42–3, 62–4, 127–32, 142, 150–6, 165–6, 172, 182–7, 205, 282–8, 248, 274–5, 285, 302–14, 382, 472, 480; death of his first wife (Princess Charlotte Augusta of Wales), 4; becomes King of the Belgians, 32; visits the Queen at Windsor, 72, 108; and the Queen’s marriage, 105–17; visits of the Queen to, 158–4, 231, 339; and the Spanish marriages, 179–82; gives up Claremont to Louis Philippe, 186; at Aldershot, 267; advises the Queen on the death of the Prince Consort, 324; and the throne of Greece, 334; last meeting with the Queen, 363; death, 365; ‘Le Roi Léopold et la Reine Victoria,’ by St. René Taillandier, (App.) 588
Leopold II., King of the, 502
**BISMARCK**
Belgians, Louise, Queen of the, 72, 107, 150, 156, 165, 180, 188, 205
Belgium, 382, 411
Princesse Charlotte of, 274; marriage, 275. *See also under Austria, Archduchess of*
Bellini, musician, 183, 569
Belper, 35
Belvoir Castle, 44, 156
Bengal (App.), 592
Benson, Archbishop, 395–6, 475; letter from the Queen, 508; ‘The Life of,’ 508 n, (App.) 589
Berars (App.), 592
Berkshire Regiment (66th), 465
Berlin, 263, 272, 285, 293, 337, 342, 351 n, 363, 428, 437, 486, 505, 511, 543
Congress, 448
riots, 209
Bernard, Dr. Simon, 281
Bernhardi, Theodor von, 349; ‘Aus dem Leben’ quoted, 349 n–350 n, (App.) 587
Berwick, 207
Bessborough, third Earl of, 60 n
Beust, Memoirs of Count von, 353 n, (App.) 587
Biarritz, 509
Biddulph, Sir Thomas, 329
Bigge, Colonel Sir Arthur, 329
Birmingham, 35, 141, 285
Bishopsthorp, 41
Bismarck, Prince, 382; introduced to the Queen, 260; on the engagement of the Princess Royal, 263; and Poland, 389; at Coburg, 340; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 345, 353 n, 363, 456; declines the Queen’s mediation in the Austro-Prussian war, 369, 374; and the Franco-German war, 411–13 seq., 437–8; and the Russo-Turkish war, 445; at the Congress of Berlin, 448; on the betrothal of Princess Victoria of Prussia, 506–7; on the Queen’s reputed wealth, 511; Busch’s ‘Conversations’ of, 438 n, 445 n, (App.) 588; ‘Reflections and Reminiscences’ of, 873 n, 438 n, 445 n, (App.) 587–8; ‘Politische Briefe,’ 353 n, 369 n, (App.) 588
BLACHFORD
Blachford, Lady Isabella, 199
Black Sea, 265, 418
Blackfriars Bridge, opening of, 408
Blair Athol, 146, 342
Bloemfontein, occupation of, 544
‘Blonde,’ H.M.S., 533
Bloomfield, Lady, ‘Court and Diplomatic Life,’ 123 n, 140 n, 321 n, (App.) 588
‘Blount, Memoirs of Sir Edward,’ 186 n
Blythswood, 508
Bodleian Library, 36
Boehm, Sir Edgar, 502, 569, (App.) 584–5
Boer war of 1881, 463–4; of 1899–1902, 539–53
Bohemia, Frederick, King of, 2
Bonaparte, Prince Jerome, 288–289
Bonn, 165, 309
Borneo, 587, (App.) 591
Boulogne, 259, 261
Boundary Bills, 389
Bourdin, Mdlle., 23
Bradlaugh, Mr., 512
Bradley, Dean, 897; Bradley and Prothero’s ‘Life of Dean Stanley,’ 571
Bradshaw, James, 102
Braemar, 200, 504, 549
Brand, Mrs., 63 n
Breadalbane, Lord, 145
Bright, John, 401 n–403, 459 n, 460; in defence of the Queen’s seclusion, 360
Brighton, Corporation of, 199
Pavilion, 70, 140, 153, 199
Brinckman, Rowland, ‘Historical Records of the 89th Regt.,’ 38 n
Bristol, 517
British Colombo (App.), 598
Columbia (App.), 594
East Africa (App.), 593
Empire Atlas (App.), 590 n
Kaffraria (App.), 593
Museum, 413
Addit. MSS., 13 n, 153 n
North Borneo Co. (App.), 591
South African Co. (App.), 594
Broadstairs, 26
Brock, Thomas, (App.) 584–5
Brocket Park, 134
Brodrick, Mr., 551 n
Brompton Hospital for Consumption, 356
BURNAND
Bromsgrove, 36
Brontë, Charlotte, 154
Brougham, Lord, 63, 81, 100, 152
Brown, Archibald, 328
John, 318, 421, 475–6
Browne, Dr. Harold, 474; Kitchin’s ‘Life’ of, 475 n
Browning, Robert, 409
Bruce, Lady Augusta, 313, 327.
See also under Stanley, Lady
Henry Austin. See under Aberdare, Lord
Brühl, 165
Brunswick, Duke Wm. of, 43
Prince of, 2
Brussels, 6, 106, 115, 117, 154, 243, 275, 324
Bryce, Mr. James, 525 n
Bryntysilio, 517
Buccleuch, Duchess of, 136
Duke of, 145
Buchanan, James (President U.S.A.), 286, 307
Bückeburg, 123
Buckingham, Duke of, 138 n, 161–2, 372 n
Buckingham Palace, 91 seq.; the Queen takes up her residence at, 69 seq.; innovations at, 71; coronation festivities at, 88
Buckland, Rev. William, 397
Buckstone, actor, 195
Buggin, Sir George, 126 n
Bulgaria, 443
Prince of, 486–7. See also under Battenberg, Prince Alexander of
Buller, Charles, 85
Sir Redvers, 542
‘Bülow, Memoir of Gabriele von,’ 25 n, 80 n, (App.) 588
Bulwer, Sir Henry, 181; expelled from Madrid, 211
Bunsen, Baron von, 196, 213; ‘Memoirs’ of, 49 n, 67 n, 71 n, 139 n, 214 n, (App.) 587
Buonaparte, Prince Louis. See under France, Napoleon III. of
Burials Act, 462
Burke, Thomas Henry, 470
Burlington House, 417
Burmah, 291 n, (App.) 590–1
Upper and Lower, (App.) 592
Burnand, Sir Francis, 509
| BUSHEY | CHEVALLEY |
|--------|-----------|
| Bushey, 187 | Carisbrooke Church, 575 |
| Buxted Park, 36, 44 | Carlingford, Lord, 401 n, 459 n, 460 n |
| Byron, Lord, 60 n | Carlisle, Dean of, 394 n |
| | Earl of, 155 |
| CABUL, 452 | Carlyle, Thomas, 91, 409 |
| Cadiz, Duke of, 180–1 | ‘Carmen,’ 520 |
| Cadogan, Lord, 495 n, 530 n | Carnarvon, Earl of, 872 n, 435 n, 490 n |
| Cairns, Lord, 388 n, 435 n | Carnot, Mons., 551 n |
| Calais, 151, 160, 281 | Madame, 551 n |
| Cambridge, 154, 155 n | Caroline, Princess, 4 n (afterwards Queen) |
| Cooper’s ‘Annals’ of, 184 n | Carroll, George, 77 |
| University, 183–4 | Cassel, 5 |
| Adolphus Frederick, Duke of, 4, 56 n, 57 n, 115, 139, 149; marriage, 5; death, 205–6 | Cavagnari, Sir Louis, 452 |
| Augusta, Duchess of, 5, 73, 832, 502, 509 | ‘Cavalleria Rusticana,’ 520 |
| George, Duke of, 510, 555 n; early association with the Queen, 107; Commander-in-Chief, 267–8, 529 | Cavendish, Hon. Miss, 63 n |
| Mary, Princess of, 238, (App.) 580; betrothal, 368. See also under Teck, Duchess of | Lord Frederick, 460, 470–1 |
| Cameron Highlanders, 2nd battalion of, 540 | Cavour, Count, 264–5 |
| Campbell, Lord, 299 n | Central Africa, (App.) 594 |
| Hon. Mrs. G., 63 n | South Africa, (App.) 594 |
| Sir Archibald, 508 | Chalon, Alfred, (App.) 582 |
| Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 460 n, 491 n, 525 n | Chamberlain, Mr. Joseph, 459, 491; his relations with the Queen, 530–1; and the Boer war, 541–558; last audience with the Queen, 556 |
| Campden Hill, 392 n | Champs de Mars review, 260 |
| Canada, 17, 77, 547, (App.) 594–5; the revolt of, 82–7; the Prince of Wales’s tour in, 307; and the Diamond Jubilee, 537; and the Queen’s death, 558 | Chaplin, Mr. Henry, 531 n |
| Cannes, 476, 500 | Charlemont, Countess of, 63 |
| Canning, Lord, 288; letter from the Queen to, 291 n | Charles I., 509, 575 |
| George, 11, 59, 129 | II., 22, 509, 585 |
| Canrobert, Marshal, 260–1 n, 284 n | Charles Edward, Prince, 574 |
| Canterbury, 102 | Charlotte, Queen, 8 |
| Canton, 271 | Charlotte Augusta, Princess (afterwards Princess Leopold of Saxe-Coburg), 4, 5, 7, 11, 13, 43, 866, 520 |
| river, 272 | Charlottenburg, Palace of, 285, 505, 507 |
| Cape Colony, (App.) 592–4; presents an ironclad to Great Britain, 538. See also under South Africa | Chartist riots, 144, 188 |
| Cardiff, 25 | Château d’Eu, 152–8; agreement, 177–8 |
| Cardwell, Edward (afterwards Viscount Cardwell), 299 n, 401 n, 415 | Chatham, 254, 266 |
| | Chatsworth, 35, 133, 155 |
| | ‘Chatterton, Memoirs of Georgina, Lady,’ 39 n |
| | Chelmsford, Lord, 372 n, 388 n |
| | Chelsea, 26, 423 |
| | Hospital, 282, 533 |
| | Chenies, 449 |
| | Cherbourg, 277, 442, 519 |
| | Chester, 35 |
| | Chevalley, M. Abel, ‘Monograph on the Queen,’ 586 n |
CHILDERS
Childers, Hugh C. E., 401 n., 407, 458, 459 n., 460 n., 463, 491; on the control of the army, 462–3; and the Egyptian war, 468; the 'Life' of, 407 n., 469, (App.) 589
China, 310, (App.) 591
question, 271–2
Chislehurst, 414, 427–8, 451
Chobham Common, 236
Christ Church College, Oxford, 36, 76 n
Christians in Turkey, 240, 266
'Christmas Carol,' 409
Christmas Island, (App.) 591, 595
Church, Dean, 474; 'Life and Letters' of, 474 n
Church patronage and appointments, 396, 435
Churchill, Jane, Lady, 327, 556
Lord Randolph, 484, 490 n., 495 n., 496
Cimiez, 517 n., 519, 527, 555 n., 571
Civil List Bill, 77–81
Debates, 422–4, 512
Claremont, in Surrey, 13, 25, 136, 191–2, 279; Louis Philippe's residence at, 186; presented by the Queen to the Duke of Albany, 472
Clarence, Albert Victor, Duke of:
birth, 354; coming of age, 511; proposed annuity, 512; betrothal and death, 520
Adelaide, Duchess of. See under Adelaide, Queen
William, Duke of. See under William IV.
House, 123
Clarendon, Lord, 175, 215, 252, 265, 276, 369, 401 n., 403; as Foreign Secretary, 235, 258, 365, 399 n.; and the Crimean war, 242; the Queen's faith in, 282, 299, 302; death, 411
Clark, Sir James, 93–4
Cleveland, Duchess of, 555 n
Clive, Lady Harriet, 63 n
Lord, 30
Edward. See under Powis, Earl of
Clyde river, 185
Coal Exchange, opening of the, 204
Cobden, Richard, 133; leader of the free trade agitation, 170; and the China question, 271
CORNHILL
Coblenz, palace of, 165, 309
Coburg, 64, 112, 117, 213, 521; the Queen's visits to, 164–6, 305–10, 338–42, 362–8, 442–8, 518–9
Cockermouth, 102
Cocks, Hon. Caroline, 63 n
Coercion Bill for Ireland, 172
Coldstream Guards, 3rd Battalion, 538
Colenso, battle of, 542
Colley, General, 464
Collins, Wilkie, 'The Frozen Deep,' 409
Cologne, 165, 285
Colonial and Indian Exhibition, 499
Commissions in the army, Queen's signature of, 331, 532
Congress of Berlin, 447–8
Connaught, Arthur, Duke of: birth, 206–7; his godfathers, 210; visit to Ireland, 314; coming of age, 418; annuity, 418; marriage, 450; in the Egyptian war, 468; takes over the Aldershot command, 538; declines the succession to the duchies of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 552; at the Queen's death, 557; co-executor of the Queen's will, 557; at the Queen's funeral, 568; (App.) 579, 583–4
Conroy, Sir John, 19, 199; co-executor to the Duke of Kent's will, 14–15; master of the household to the Duchess of Kent, 33–41; retires, 63–4
Conroy, Miss, 19
Constant, M. Benjamin, (App.) 588
Contadino, Umbrian, 92
'Contrast,' the, 75
Conyngham, Lord, 48
Cook Islands, (App.) 595
Cooke, Mr. Kinloch, (App.) 588
Cooper's 'Annals of Cambridge,' 184 n
Cooper, Fenimore, 71
Copenhagen, 336, 462
Copley, Lady Charlotte, 63 n
Cork, Cove of (afterwards Queenstown), 203
Corn Law Repeal Bill, 172
Corn laws, 166–71, 492; abolition of, 172–3
'Cornhill Magazine,' (App.) 588
CORNWALL
Cornwall, duchy of, 78–9, 197, 885
Corporation of London, 46, 472, (App.) 584
Corry, Montagu (afterwards Lord Rowton), 446
Costa, Signor, 70, 125 n
Costebelle, France, 518 n
Cottenham, Lord, 51, 117
‘Court Circular,’ 194, 460 n, 476 n, 524
Cousins, engraver, (App.) 582
Coutts, bankers, 78
Covent Garden Theatre, 140, 256
Cowan, Sir John, 77
Cowden-Clarke, Mrs., 13 n
Cowes, 203, 515, 534, 558
East, 38, 199
Cowley, Lord, 330
Cowper, Lord, 130, 184, 460
Craig Gowan, 469
Cranborne, Lord. See under Salisbury, Marquis of
Cranbrook, Lord, 490 n, 495 n. See also under Hardy, Gathorne
Cranworth, Lord, 285, 367
Crathie, 475
Crawford, Mr. Marion, 571
Creighton, Dr., 573
Crewe, 190
Crimean war, 194, 238–50, 277, 488; history of the, 447
Croker Papers, 34 n, 50, 54 n, 74, 110 n, 138 n, (App.) 589
Cromwell, Oliver, 548
Cronje, General, capture of, 544
Cross, Mr. Richard (afterwards Viscount Cross), 435 n, 490 n, 495 n, 530 n
Crystal Palace, 221 seq., 246, 256, 273
Cumberland, Ernest Augustus, Duke of. See under Hanover, King of
Curragh Camp, 314
Cyprus, 537, (App.) 591
DALHOUSIE, Lord, 491
Dalkeith, 145
Danger Island, (App.) 595
Danube river, 275, 448
Darlington, 140
Darmstadt, 337, 342, 373, 412, 437, 444, 450, 455, 485–6, 506–7, 518–19 n
DICTIONARY
Dash, the Queen’s pet spaniel, 91
Daudet, Ernest, 119 n
Davys, Miss, 68 n
Rev. George, 21, 80, 40
Dee river, 35
Deeside, 306, 386
Delhi, 440 n
the fall of, 279
Denmark, 210, 218, 832; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 344–54
Alexandra, Princess of. See under Alexandra, Queen
Charles, Prince of, (App.) 580
Christian VIII. of, 332
IX. of, 332, 501; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 344 seq.
Frederick VII. of, 344 seq., 362
George, Prince of, 112 (afterwards King of Greece)
Louise, Queen of, 332
Derby, fourteenth Earl of (see also under Stanley), 236, 244, 251–2, 268, 426, 444; his first government, 230–4; second cabinet, 283–97; and the India Bill, 287–8; drafts the Queen’s proclamation to India, 289–90; resignation, 297; and Schleswig-Holstein, 352–3; third administration, 372–3, 379; resigns, 387–8 n
Derby, fifteenth Earl of, 435 n, 460 n. See also under Stanley
Derby, sixteenth Earl of, Frederick Stanley, Lord Stanley of Preston. See under Stanley
Derby Infirmary, 617
Dering, E. H., 39 n
‘Deutsche Rundschau,’ 413 n
Devon, Lord, 372 n
Devonport, 88
Devonshire, Duke of, 35, 138, 155, 530 n
See also under Hartington, Lord
Diamond Jubilee, 1897, 536–8, (App.) 585
Dickens, Charles, ‘Christmas Carol,’ 409–10
‘Dictionary of National Biography,’ (App.) 586 n
DIETZ
Dietz (Portuguese minister), 213
Dilke, Sir Charles W., 423–4, 459–60 n
Dillon, Hon. Margaret, 63 n
Disraeli, Benjamin and Mrs. See under Beaconsfield, Earl and Viscountess Ralph, 162 n
Dodson, J. G. (afterwards Lord Monk Bretton), 459 n, 460 n
Don Pacifico, 211, 215
Doncaster, 41
Donizetti, composer, 569
Donne, William Bodham, 195
Doobas, (App.) 592
Douglas, Mr. Akers, 581 n
Douglas, Mrs. Stair, 155 n
Dover, 42, 117, 160, 255–6, 285
Drama at Windsor, the, 194–5
Drayton Manor, 155
Dresden, 507
Dreyfus, Captain, 567
Drouyn, M., 256–7
Drummond Castle, 145
Edward, assassination of, 147
Drury Lane Theatre, 194
Dublin, 202–3, 236, 314–5, 498, 546
Earl of (see under Edward VII.)
Dufferin, Lord, 401 n
Dundee, 146
Dunkeld, 375
Dunleary Port (afterwards Kings-town), 203
Dunrobin Castle, 427
Durham, Countess of, 63 n, 85
Earl of, mission to Canada, 85–6
Duse, Eleanora, 519
Dyce, William, artist, 195
EALING, 6, 15
East Africa, (App.) 593
East Cowes, 38, 199
East India Company, 286–7, 292, (App.) 592
Eastern Counties Railway, 184
Eastlake, artist, 195
Eaton Hall, 35
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, 220
‘Eckstädt, Memoirs of Count Vitzthum von,’ (App.) 587
EGYPT
Eddystone lighthouse, 39
Edinburgh, 145, 168, 207, 315, 394 n, 443, 499
Duke and Duchess of. See under Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Duke and Duchess of
Edward III., 140
Edward VII. and the duchy of Cornwall, 79 n; birth and christening, 188–9; created Duke of Saxony, 189; early education, 197; at Abergeldie Castle, 200; presents Osborne House to the nation, 200 n; created Earl of Dublin, 208; his godfather, 210; visit to Paris, 259–60; attains his majority, 293; tour in America, 307; at Curragh Camp, 314; at Prince Albert’s funeral, 324; tour in the Holy Land, 330; engagement to Princess Alexandra of Denmark, 332, 335; his claim to the duchy of Saxe-Coburg transferred to Prince Alfred, 334; marriage, 335; annuity, 335–6; birth of his son, Prince Albert Victor, 354; at the Paris Exhibition of 1867, 384; opens the Thames Embankment, 417; illness, 420–2; his statue at Temple Bar, 420; entertains the Shah of Persia, 429; receives the Tsarevitch, 430; tour in India, 439; at Lord Beaconsfield’s funeral, 466; organises the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, 499; suggests the erection of the Imperial Institute, 499; celebration of his silver wedding, 505; entertains the Queen at Sandringham, 509; provision for his children, 511–14; represents the Queen at the great naval review (Diamond Jubilee), 538; Captain-General of the Honourable Artillery Company, 540; at the Queen’s death, 557; accession to the throne, 557; at the Queen’s funeral, 558, (App.) 579–80, 582–3
Edward Augustus. See under Kent, Duke of
Edwards, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Fleetwood, 557
Egypt, 180–2, (App.) 592; the war in, 467–70, 477–82
EGYPT
Egypt, Ismail Pasha, Khedive of, 384–5, 408, 547
Elbersdorf, Count Reuss XXIV., von, 12
Elementary Education Act, 1870, 401 n
Elgin, Earl of, 299 n, 313
Eliot, George, ‘Mill on the Floss,’ 409; ‘Middlemarch,’ 409
Elizabeth, Princess (daughter of James I.), 2
(daughter of Charles I.), 575
(daughter of George III. afterwards Princess of Hesse-Homburg), 56 n; ‘Correspondence’ of, 57 n
Elizabeth, Queen, 80, 54, 155–6 n, 287, 573
Ellesmere, Earl of, 224, 274
Ellice Island, (App.) 595
Elmina, Castle of, (App.) 592
Ely, Jane, Marchioness of, 327
Emancipation of slaves, 95–6
‘Emerald’ yacht, 39
Epping forest, 472
Ernest Augustus. See under Cumberland, Duke of
Erroll, Earl of, 175
‘Es ist ein Schnitter,’ song, 194
Esher, 13, 25
Esterhazy, Nicholas, 47
Eton, 76 n, 510; ‘montem,’ 87
Eugénie. See under France, ex-Empress of
Euston Hall, 42
Exeter, 39
Marquis of, 41, 161
Exhibition of 1851, 221–7, 236, 246, 258, 541
F., A. M., ‘Tales of my Father, Equerry to the King of Hanover,’ 57 n, (App.) 587
‘Fairy’ yacht, 185; in collision, 190 n
Fanning Island, (App.) 595
Faucit, Miss, 279. See also under Martin, Lady
Faure, M., 518
‘Faust,’ 520, 569
‘Fidelio,’ opera, 256
Field of the Cloth of Gold, bat of the, 151
FRANCE
Fife, Earl of (afterwards Duke of), marriage to Princess Louise of Wales, 511, 514, (App.) 580, 583
Fife trustees, 200
Fiji Islands, (App.) 595
Fitzalan, Lord, 47
FitzClarence, Lord Adolphus, 152
FitzClarence family, 78
Fitzgerald, Hamilton, 94
Fitzwilliam, Lord, 41
Fleetwood, 185
Floors Castle, 386
Florence, 505, 518
Foligno, 92 n
Forbes, Viscountess, 63 n
Ford, Onslow, (App.) 584
Forster, W. E., 401 n, 459 n, 460 n, 471; ‘Life’ of, by Wemyss Reid, (App.) 589
Fort William, 185
Fortescue, Chichester. See under Carlingford, Lord
Fould, M. Achille, 278
Fowler, (Sir) Henry, 525 n, 529 n
France and Egypt, 130–2, 468; and the Spanish marriages, 177–82; revolution in, 185–187; Palmerston’s relations with, 211–2, 215, 237; English alliance with, 240; and the Crimean war, 244–250; and the Vienna Conference, 256; the treaty of Paris, 265–6; strained relations between England and, 279–84, (App.) 588; and the peace of Villafranca, 300, 302; fears of invasion from, 305; and the Polish insurrection, 339; at war with Germany, 382–3, 411–14, 486–7
Eugénie, ex-Empress of, 237–8, 254, 296–7, 509, 553; visits to the Queen, 310, 384, 547; visits the Queen in Paris, 393; exile in England, 414, 451
Louis XIV. of, 557
Louis Philippe, King of, 8, 9 n, 32, 87, 107, 131–2, 149–50, 225, 236, 255, 279, 342, 550, (App.) 583; receives the Queen at Château d’Eu, 152–8, 166;
FRANCE
France, Louis Philippe—cont.
visits the Queen at Windsor, 159–60, 168; and the Spanish marriages, 177–182; dethronement of, 185–7; on the Queen’s generosity, 186; death, 205
Marie Antoinette, Queen of, 259
Marie Christine, Princess of, 9 n
Marie Clémentine, Princess of, 9 n
Napoleon I., Emperor of, 260
Napoleon III., Emperor of, 92, 225, 273–4, 279, 284, 341, 384, 392–3, 418, 444, (App.) 588, 588; his relations with the Queen, 236–40, 277, 310, 445; and the Crimean war, 240–50; visits the Queen, 255–6; entertains the Queen in Paris, 259–61; and Italian unity, 264; the treaty of Paris, 266, 275–6; attempt on his life, 280–1; alliance with England, 285; the Queen’s fears of, 298–305, 381–4; at war with Austria, 295–6; the peace of Villafranca, 297, 301; and the ‘Trent’ affair, 317; and Schleswig-Holstein, 348; at war with Germany, 381–8, 411–14; death, 427
Prince Imperial of, 420, 460; death, 451
Queen of (Louis Philippe’s Queen), 152–8, 186, 256
Francis I., 151
Francis, John, 142
Franco-German war, 382–8, 411–414; threatened renewal of, 436–437
Frankfort, 166, 260, 339–41, (App.) 579
Frederick, Prince. See under Wales, Prince of; York, Duke of; the Great, 7, 285
Frederick VII. See Denmark, King of
Free trade, 158, 161, 445, 492; the Queen and, 163–78
Frere, Sir Bartle, 451, 464
GERMANY
Freytag, Gustav, 308
Friedrichshof Palace, (App.) 579
Frith, W. P., (App.) 588
Frogmore, 128, 311–3, 324, 354, 358, 430, 442, 553, 558
Froude’s ‘Carlyle in London,’ 409 n
‘Frühlingslied,’ song, 192
Fryer, Rev. Victor, 13
Fuller’s Worthies, 156 n
Fyne, Loch, 185
GAISFORD, Dean, 36
Gambia, (App.) 598
Gardiner, Lady, 68 n
Garfield, President, 467
Garibaldi, General, 301, 354
Gaskell’s ‘Life of Charlotte Brontë,’ 154 n
Gatacre, Sir William, 542
Geffcken, Professor, 413 n
General election of 1837, 74; 1841, 133–5; 1847, 174; 1852, 280; 1857, 272; 1859, 297; 1865, 364; 1868, 393; 1874, 432; 1880, 456; 1885, 490; 1886, 494; 1892, 524; 1895, 530; 1900, 550
Genoa, Duke of, 264, 519
‘Gentleman’s Magazine,’ 90 n
George I., 2, 8, 58, 151
II., 3, 113, 151, 164, 273
III., 1, 12, 56 n, 78, 88, 113, 149, 151, 256, 273, 510, 536, 557; descent from King Alfred, 8; marriage and family of, 9–5; death, 14; loss of the North American Colonies, 88, 482–3
IV., 14, 15, 21, 26–7, 69, 78, 89, 180, 151, 199, 203, 366, 378, 564; as Prince Regent, 4, 11–12; death, 29; erection of the Brighton Pavilion, 70, 153
George Frederick, Prince. See under Wales, Prince of
Gerlach (Prussian minister), 263
Germany (see also under Prussia), Queen’s visits to, 164–5, 285–6, 308, 389 seq., 426, 455–505, 518–19; Palmerston’s views on, 210; the Queen’s interest in, 280; dispute with England, 809; and Schleswig-Holstein,
GERMANY
Germany—cont.
844–54, 368; relations with France, 382–3; Franco-German war, 411–14; Heligoland ceded to, (App.) 591
Charlotte, Princess of, 449, (App.) 581
Emperor Frederick of, 159, 222, 308–9, 314, 339, 363, 419, 443, 448, 455; engagement to the Princess Royal, 262, 268–9, 273–4; marriage, 279–80; visit to the Queen, 308; entertains the Queen at Coblenz, 309; and Schleswig-Holstein, 346–7; and the war with Austria, 368, 374; in the Franco-German war, 411–413; at the Queen's Jubilee, 501; illness, 504–6; accession, 505; death, 508, (App.) 579–80, 583; 'Diaries' of, 413 n; 'Life' of, (App.) 587
Empress Frederick of, 194, 236, 314, 327–9, 347, 363, 412, 419, 443, 455, 480, 504, 507–10, 551 n; birth, 127; visit to Paris, 259; betrothal to Prince Frederick of Prussia, 262, 268–9; dowry and annuity, 273–4; marriage, 159, 279–80; birth of a son (afterwards Emperor William II), 293–4; visits to the Queen, 306; meets the Queen at Coburg, 308; becomes Crown Princess of Prussia, 309; marriage of her daughter Charlotte, 449; fatal illness, 558
Prince Frederick Charles of, 450
Princess Frederika Victoria of, (App.) 581
Prince Henry of, (App.) 580
Princess Margaretta Beatrice of, (App.) 581
Sophia Dorothea of, (App.) 580
Victoria of, 506
GLADSTONE
Germany, Emperor William I. of, 159, 206, 210, 222, 269, 285, 368, 372, 382, 384, 437, 444; as Prince Regent, 296; accession, 309; attempted assassination of, 414, 449; and the 'Trent' affair, 417; visits the Queen at Coburg, 340–1; and the Franco-German war, 412; death, 504–5
Empress William I. of, 222, 269, 384, 412, 426, 443
Emperor William II. of, 507, 511; birth, 293–4; meets the Queen at Coburg, 308; betrothal, 455; visits to the Queen, 514–15, 543; at the Queen's death and funeral, 557–8, (App.) 580
Empress William II. of, 543
Gervais, Admiral, 519
Ghirlandaio, artist, 518 n
Gibbon (quoted), 13
Gibraltar, 6, 17
Gibson, Thomas Milner, 299 n
Gilbert, Alfred, (App.) 584
Gilbert, W. S., 519
Gilbert Islands, (App.) 595
Gladstone, Mrs. W. E., 514, 528
Herbert, 529 n
William Ewart, 76, 251–3, 330, 343, 371, 414–5, 417, 497; in Peel's Government, 185–8; entertained by the Queen at Windsor, 162; and the Maynooth grant, 163–4; Colonial and War Secretary, 171–2; Chancellor of the Exchequer, 234, 299; sympathy with Italy, 297; and the American civil war, 316; on the Queen's influence in the Schleswig-Holstein controversy, 353; leader of the House of Commons, 364 seq.; and the Irish Church, 385 seq.; first administration, 399–410; and the Queen's income, 424; resignation, 428–31; Disraeli on, 434; and the Scottish Church,
GLADSTONE
Gladstone, William Ewart—cont.
436; and Bulgaria, 448; reviews the Prince Consort's 'Life,' vol. iii., 447; Midlothian speeches, 453; resumes office, 457–72; choice of a Primate, 472–4; and the war in Egypt, 478 seq.; and the Franchise Bill, 488; and the grant to Princess Beatrice, 487; defeated, 488–9; third ministry, 491–4; defeat of his Home Rule Bill, 492–494, 524–5; length of service, 496; and the grants to the Prince of Wales's children, 513–4; on the death of the Duke of Clarence, 520; fourth ministry, 524–6; the Queen's farewell to, 526–527; death, 528; Morley's 'Life of,' 136–7 n, 252 n, 325 n, 358 n, 365 n, 371 n, 403–4 n, 406 n, 415 n, 457 n, 461 n, 475 n, 479 n, 488 n, 485 n, 489 n, 495 n, 526 n, 527 n, 572 n; 'Gleanings,' (App.) 589
Glasgow, 204, (App.) 584
Exhibition, 508
Waterworks, 806
Glassalt Shiel, 393
Glenelg, Lord, 100
Glenfiddich, 586
Glenlyon, Lord and Lady, 146. See also under Athol, Duke and Duchess of
Gloucester, Duchess of, 12, 109, 127, 356; letter from the Queen, 166; death, 272
Gluck, musician, 193
Gold Coast Colony, (App.) 592–3
Goldoni, dramatist, 520
Golf, 569
Gorce, De la, 'Histoire du Second Empire,' (App.) 588
Gordon, General, 478–91; besieged in Khartoum, 478, 480; death, 479; the Queen on, 478–82
Hon. Sir Arthur. See under Stanmore, Lord
Miss, 479–82
GREY
Gordon, Sir Robert, 190
Gortschakoff, Prince, 446 n, 448
Goschen, G. J. (now Viscount Goschen), 401 n, 495 n, 580 n
Gosport, 441, 558
Gotha, 165–6, 243
Caroline, Duchess Dowager of, 117 n
Goulburn, Henry, 138 n
Gounod, M., 426, 497, 569
Gower, Lord Ronald, 555 n; 'Reminiscences,' 555 n, (App.) 589; 'Old Diaries,' 259 n, 477, 518, (App.) 589; 'Stafford House Letters,' 107 n
Grafton, Duke cf, 42
Graham, Sir James, 114, 137–8, 144, 234, 258, 315
'Grampus' frigate, 190
Grandineau, M., 22
Granton pier, 145
Granville, Earl, 353, 401 n, 403, 405, 457, 459 n, 491; Foreign Secretary, 226, 411; President of the Council, 235, 258; summoned by the Queen, 297–9. See also under Leveson, Lord
Grasse, 518 n
Graves, C. L., 'Life of Sir George Grove,' 379 n
Gravesend, 308
Great Exhibition of 1851, 221–7, 236, 246, 258, 541
Great Western Railway, 141
Greece, coerced by Palmerston, 211; the throne of, 338–5; Ionian Isles ceded to, (App.) 591
Crown Prince of, 501
George, King of, 335, 501, 558, (App.) 580. See also under Denmark, Prince of Otho, King of, 333
Greek Christians in Turkey, 240, 266
Green, John Richard, 422; 'Letters' of, 422 n
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 155–6 n
'Greville Memoirs,' 27 n, 30 n, 41 n, 46 n, 66 n, 90 n, 116 n, 145 n, 378, (App.) 587
Grey, Colonel, 117
General the Hon. Charles, private secretary to the Queen, 329; 'Early Years
GREY
Grey, Colonel—cont.
of the Prince Consort,' 7 n., 25 n., 876, (App.) 586–587
Sir George, 175, 253, 299 n., 343
Lord, 85, 59, 99, 129, 170
2nd Lord, 85, 196, 329
Grey and Ripon, Lord de. See under Ripon, Marquis of
Grimsby, 248
Grisi, Madame, 89, 70
Griqualand West, (App.) 593
Groben, General von, 242
Grosvenor, Lord, 35
House, 269
Grote, Mr. and Mrs., 400
Grove, 'Life of Sir George,' 379 n
'Guelph, Miss,' 84
Guildhall, 77, 223
Guizot, M., 119 n., 153, 179
Gurney, Mrs. Gerald, 'Childhood of Queen Victoria,' (App.) 588
HALIFAX, Lord, 401 n
Hall, Sydney P., (App.) 584
Hallam's 'Constitutional History,' 71
Halsbury, Lord, 490 n., 495 n., 580 n
Hamilton, Lord George, 490 n., 495 n., 580 n
William, 206
Hanbury, Mr., 552 n
Handel, composer, 39, 570
Festival, 278
Hanmer, Major W. E., 19 n
Hanover, House of, 1–3, 9; throne of, 56
Ernest, King of, 4 n., 15, 49, 56–7 n., 75, 115, 128, 149, 224; 'Tales of my Father, Equerry to the King of Hanover,' by A.M.F., 57 n., (App.) 587
Frederica, Princess of, 374, 460
George, King of, 4 n., 235–6, 285, 545, 368, 460; loss of his kingdom, 378–4; death, 449
Sophia, Electress of, 2
Queen of, 236, 285
Hansard's 'Parliamentary Debates,' 20 n., 80 n., 415, 418–9, 424, 514, (App.) 586
HESSE
Harcourt, Archbishop, 41, 183
Colonel Francis N., 41
Sir William Vernon, 459 n., 491, 520, 525 n
Hardinge, Lord, 267–8
Sir Henry, 188 n
Hardwicke, Lady, 119
Hardy, Gathorne, 372 n., 435 n.
See also under Cranbrook, Lord
Harrowby, Lord, 490 n
Hart-Dyke, Sir William, 490 n
Hartington, Lord (afterwards Duke of Devonshire), 401 n., 456–9, 460 n., 479
Hastings, Lady Flora, 93–5
Marquis of, 93
Hatfield House, 503
Hatherley, Lord, 401 n
Hanke, Countess von (afterwards Countess of Battenberg), 486
Havana, 316
Hawes, Benjamin, 80
Haydn, composer, 125 n
Hayter, Sir George, 87, (App.) 582–8
Helena, Princess. See under Schleswig-Holstein, Princess Christian of
Heligoland, (App.) 591
Helps, Sir Arthur, 380, 878–9, 408–410
Henry I., 1–2
II., 3
VI., 259
VII., 418
VIII., 151, 418
Hensman, Howard, 541 n
Her Majesty's Theatre, 188, 279
Herbert, Auberon, 424
Hospital, 253, 545
Sydney, 284, 258, 299 n., 314
Herrenhausen, 285
Herschell, Lord, 491, 524 n
Hervey Islands, (App.) 595
Hesse, Grand Duke of, 486, 519–22, (App.) 580
Prince Alexander of, 486
Princess Alexandra of, 522, (App.) 580
Elizabeth of (afterwards Grand Duchess Serge of Russia), 519, (App.) 580
Irene of, 485, (App.) 580
Hesse, Princess Victoria of (afterwards Princess Louis of Battenberg), 485, (App.) 581
Hesse-Cassel, Frederick Landgrave of, 5
Prince Frederick Charles of, (App.) 581
Princess Louise of. See under Denmark, Queen of
Hesse-Darmstadt, Prince Louis of, 346, 368, 410; engagement to the Princess Alice, 307, 310; visit to Osborne, 313–4; loss of territory, 373; in the Franco-German war, 412
Princess Louis of (Princess Alice), 324–5, 337, 342, 346, 373, 378, 385, 404, 412, 419, 420, 444, 455–6, 485, (App.) 579–80; birth, 149; illness, 236; betrothal, 307, 310; visit to Coburg, 308; dowry and annuity, 311; visit to Ireland, 314; marriage, 331; death, 449, 510; ‘Letters’ of, 198 n, 377–8 n, 438, (App.) 588
Hesse-Homburg, Frederick, Landgrave of, 56
Hewell Grange, 86
Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael, 435 n, 484, 490 n, 495–6 n, 580 n
High Wycombe, 37, 446
Hill, Lord, 88, 51
Rowland, 104
Hindustani, the Queen’s study of, 500
Hohenlohe-Langenburg, Prince von, 32
Hereditary Prince of, (App.) 581
Princess Adelaide of, 237
Frédore of, 20, 88, 149, 812–815, 324, 346, 426; marriage, 82; death, 427; ‘Letters’ of, 428 n
‘Hohenzollern’ yacht, 515
Hohenzollern, Princess of, 274
Holborn Viaduct, opening of, 408
Holker Hall, 479
Holkham, 42
Holland. See under Netherlands, King of
Holland, Sir Henry (afterwards Viscount Knutsford), 496 n
Holmes, R. R., (App.) 586
Holyhead, 814–5
Holyrood Palace, 207, 306
Homburg, 56 n
Home Rule Bill, 492–4, 497, 524–5
Hong Kong, 271, 587, (App.) 591
Honourable Artillery Company, 540
Horsman, Edward, 102
Hôtel de Ville, 260
des Invalides, 260
Houghton, Lord, 203; ‘Life’ of, 203 n, 409 n, (App.) 589
Houses of Parliament rebuilt, 189
Howick, Lord, 99–100
Howley, Archbishop William, 12, 40, 48–9, 395
Hudson, George, 184
Hudson Bay Company, (App.) 595
Hughenden Church, 467 n
Hughenden Manor, 445–6, 466, 470 n
Hull, 248
Humboldt, 25
Hume, Joseph, 80, 113
Hungary, 303, 348; revolution in, 224
Hunt, Leigh, 24
Ward, 435 n
Huntly, 9th Marquis of, 259 n
Hyde, Anne, 418 n
Hyères, 518 n
ICHABOE Islands, (App.) 593
Iddesleigh, Lord, 372 n, 490 n, 495 n; ‘Life’ of, (App.) 589. See also under Northcote, Sir Stafford
‘Idylls of the King,’ 322
‘Il Trovatore,’ 520
Ilchester, Lord, 38
Imperial British East Africa Co., (App.) 593
Institute, 499, 503, 582
Imperialism, growth of, 498–500, 559–60
‘In Memoriam,’ by Tennyson, 408
India, the Mutiny in, 271, 277–9; fall of Delhi and relief of Lucknow, 279; resettlement of, 286–292; East India Company abolished, 286–7; the India Bill, 287–288; the Queen’s Proclamation to,
INDIA—cont.
288–9; institution of the Order of the Star of India, 290–1; the Queen proclaimed Empress of, 438–40; the Prince of Wales's tour in, 439; creation of the Orders of the Indian Empire and the Crown of India, 440 n; the Afghanistan war, 452; and imperialism, 499–500; ruling Princes of, at the Jubilee, 501, 503; representatives at the Diamond Jubilee, 536–8; frontier war, (1897–9), 539; and the Queen's death, 558, (App.) 590–2
Ingestre House, 123
Inglis, Sir Robert, 29
'Ingoldsby Legends,' 88 n
Inkermann, victory of, 248
Innsbruck, 505
Inveraray Castle, 185
Invercannie, 375
Inverness, Duchess of, 126
Ionian Islands, (App.) 591
Ireland, 77, 157, 163–6, 414; Coercion Bill for, 172; threats of civil war in, 183; the Queen's visits to, 202–3, 236, 314–5, 545–6; Gladstone and the Church in, 388 seq.; disaffection in, 470–1; Home Rule Bill for, 492–4, 497, 524–5
Dr. John, 89
Irish Church Bill, 401 n, 404–7, 484, 562
Guards, raising of the, 546
Land Act (1870), 401 n
Reform Bill, 389
University Bill, 428
Irving, Sir Henry, 509
Isabella. See under Spain, Queen of
Isandhlwana, battle of, 465
Isle of Wight, 28, 33, 38, 185, 199, 442, 465, 504
Italy, 209–10, 264, 518; at war with Austria, 295; England's sympathy with, 297–302; and the Austro-Prussian war, 373; the Queen's visits to, 450, 505
Humbert, King of, 450, 505, 518; assassination of, 549–550
ITALY, Margherita, Queen of, 450, 518
Victor Emmanuel, King of, 505. See also under Sardinia, King of
JAMAICA, 96
James I., 2, 145
II., 2, 176, 260, 418 n, 574
James, Lord, 531 n
Jameson, Dr., 543
Jeaffreson, J. Cordy, (App.) 586 n
Jenkinson, Lady Catherine, 36, 41
Jhansi, province of Central India, (App.) 592
Joachim, Joseph, 156
Johnston, W. & A. K., (App.) 590 n
Johore, (App.) 592
Joinville, Prince de, 150, 187, 189
Jordan, Mrs., 73
Jubilee of 1887, 492–503, 538, 573, (App.) 583; medal for the, (App.) 584
of 1897 (Diamond), 536–88; medal for the, (App.) 585
'Judas Maccabeus,' 273–4
'Jumna' troopship, 463
KANDAHAR, the march on, 463
Karim, the Munshi Abdul, 500
Kars, defence of, 269 n
Katrine, Loch, 306
Kean, Mrs., 194
Charles, 194, 273
Keeley, Mr. and Mrs., 195, 280
Keeling Islands, (App.) 591
Kelso, 386
Kemble, Charles, 47, 191
Fanny, 68; 'Letters' of, 68 n, 139 n; 'Records' of, (App.) 589
Kenmare House, 814
Kennington Common, 188
Kensington Palace, 10–24, 87–48, 61, 67 seq.
Kent, Edward Augustus, Duke of, 1, 4, 15–16; marriage, 5–9; military career, 5–6; financial difficulties, 6, 10; death, 14; his Radical sympathies, 17 n; his debts paid by the Queen, 81
KENT
Kent, Mary Louisa Victoria, Duchess of, 6, 13, 20–47, 66, 71, 93, 117, 123, 127, 193, 312–8, 368, (App.) 582; first marriage (to Ernest Charles, Prince of Leiningen), 7; family connections, 8–9; marriage to the Duke of Kent, 7–9; her position and pecuniary difficulties, 14–6; resigns the Regency of Leiningen, 17; her relations with William IV., 31–46; touring with Princess Victoria, 34–42; annuity, 81; at the Queen’s coronation, 89; death, 194
Kermadec Islands (App.), 595
Kew, 368, 509
Palace, 9
Khartoum, 478–9, 480–2
Kiel, 345
Kimberley, relief of, 544
diamond mines, 541, (App.) 593
Earl of, 401 n, 459 n, 460 n, 491 n, 524 n, 529 n
‘King John,’ 323
Kingstown, 203, 236, 314
Kitchener, Lord, at Omdurman, 539; in the Boer war, 542 seq.; the chief command in South Africa, 556
Kitchin’s ‘Life of Dr. Harold Browne,’ 475 n
Knight, Charles, 23
William, 184 n
Knutsford, Viscount, 496 n
Königgratz, 374
Korea, (App.) 591
Kossuth, leader of the Hungarian revolution, 224
Kruger, President, 543
Kuria Muria Islands (App.), 591
‘La Locandiera,’ 505
La Roule, fort of, 284
La Villette, railway station, 442
Lablache, Luigi, 39–40, 70, 119, 125 n
Labouchere, H., 514
Labuan, (App.) 591
Ladysmith, relief of, 544, 546
Laeken, 154, 281, 389
LESLIE
Laggan, Loch, 185
Lagos, (App.) 592
Lambeth, 538
Lambton, Captain Hedworth, 547
Lancaster, duchy of, 78–9, 423
Land’s End, 502
Landseer, Sir Edwin, 22, 195–6, (App.) 583
Lane, R. J., (App.) 582
Lang, Andrew, ‘Life of Lord Iddesleigh,’ (App.) 589
Lansdowne, Marquis of, 11, 49, 51, 169, 233, 235, 251, 530 n, 551
Marchioness of, 63
House, 123
‘Lass dich nur,’ song, 193
Lathom, Lord, 501
Laughton’s ‘Life of Henry Reeve,’ 378 n, (App.) 589
Law Courts, opening of the new, 472
Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, 424
‘Leaves from the Journal,’ 145 n, 185 n, 207, 232, 328, 410; publication of, 378
Leeds, 286
Lefevre, Charles Shaw, 247
Lehzen, Baroness (the Queen’s first governess), 20–25, 48, 66, 95, 98, 122; the Queen on, 20, 204; retirement, 123; visits the Queen at Gotha, 166
Leicester, Earl of, 42
Leigh, Lord, 286
Leighton, Lord, 569, (App.) 584
Leiningen, Prince of, 407
Princess of. See under Kent, Duchess of
Prince Charles of, 19, 37, 72, 88, 270, 313
Prince Edward of, 313
Prince Edward Charles of, 7
Princess Féodore of. See under Hohenlohe-Langenburg
Prince Ferdinand of, 8–9 n
Prince Victor of, 313
Leo XIII., Pope, 501
Leopold. See under Belgians, King of the
Prince. See under Albany, Duke of
Leslie, C. R., 91 n, 195, 555 n, (App.) 583
LESTER
Lester, Miss Harriet, 63 n
Leveson, Lord, 155. See also under Granville, Earl of
Lewis, Sir George Cornwall, 273, 299 n
Lhuys, M. Drouyn de, 257-8
Lichfield, Lord, 36
Liddell, Miss, 125 n
Lieven, Prince, 12
Lieven, Princess, 110 n
Lincoln, 114
Lord, 172
Mrs., 356
President, assassination of, 356
Lind, Jenny, 165; as Norma, 183
‘Life’ of, 183 n
Lindsay, Mrs. Patricia, ‘Recollections of a Royal Parish,’ 201 n
Lindsay, W. A., ‘The Royal Household,’ (App.) 589
‘Links with the Past,’ by Mrs. Bagot, 36 n, 392 n
Linton, Sir James, (App.) 584
Liszt, musician, 165
Liverpool, 140, 185, 224, 497
third Earl of, 11, 12, 36, 41, 44, 97, 117; in Peel’s Government, 138; death, 232
Llandaff, Viscount, 495 n
Llangollen, 516 n
Loch Muick, 393
Loch-na-gar, 393
Loftus, Lord Augustus, ‘Reminiscences,’ 303 n, (App.) 588
‘Lohengrin,’ 569
Loisinger, Fräulein, 507
Lombardy, 295, 300
Lomond, Loch, 408
London and North Western Railway, 141
Corporation of, 46, 472, (App.) 584
Hospital, 442
the Queen’s dislike of, 198-9
University, 417
Londonderry, Lord, 552 n
Long, Mr. W. H., 531 n, 552 n
Longley, Archbishop, 394-5
Lorne, Marquis of. See under Argyll, fourth Duke of
Lothian, Lord, 496 n
Louis Napoleon, Prince. See under France, Napoleon III of
MALINES
Louis Philippe, King. See under France, King of
Louise, Princess. See under Argyll, Duchess of
Lowe, Robert. See under Viscount Sherbrooke
Lowenstein, Prince William of, 120
Lowther, Mr. James, 435 n
Lucas, C. P., (App.) 590 n
Lucerne, 393
Lucknow, relief of, 279; heroes of, 305
Luxemburg, duchy of, 332-3
Lyell, Sir Charles and Lady, 409
Lyndhurst, Lord, 29, 51 n, 137
Lynn, 42
Lyttelton, Lady, 63; as royal governess, 198; ‘Letters from Lady Sarah Lyttelton,’ 22 n, 71 n, 101 n, 107 n, 157 n, 162, 188
Lytton, Lord, 71, 440 n, 452-3
MACAULAY, Thomas Babington (afterwards Lord), 76, 100, 175-6; Trevelyan’s ‘Life’ of, 176 n, (App.) 589
‘Macbeth,’ 279
Macdonald, Captain, 309
Dr. George, 410
Maclean, Roderick, 470
Macleod, Dr. Norman, 328, 412, 427; ‘Life’ of, by Donald Macleod, (App.) 589
Maclise, artist, 195
MacMahon, Marshal, 442
Macnaughten, assassin, 147
Macready, actor, 194-5
Madeira, 533
Madrid, 180-1, 211
Mafeking, relief of, 544
Magee, Dr., 405
Maggiore, Lago, 450
Magnan, Marshal, 259
Magnussen, G., (App.) 583
Mahdi, the, 477; besieges Gordon in Khartoum, 478
Maiwand disaster, 463, 465
Majuba hill, 464
Malakoff, Duc de, 284
storming of the, 284 n
Malay peninsula (App.), 591
Malibran, vocalist, 39
Malines, 165, 235
Malmesbury, Lord, 229–30, 236, 257 n, 265, 283, 373, 435 n; ‘Memoirs of an Ex-Minister,’ 95 n, 258 n, 268–9, 275, (App.) 589
Malvern, 34
hills, 502
Manchester, 140, 224, 274, (App.) 584
Art Treasures Exhibition, 274
Ship Canal, 517
Manitoba, (App.) 595
Manners, Lord John, 372 n, 435 n, 490 n, 495 n. See also under Rutland, Duke of
Mansfield, Lord, 145
Mansion House, 42
Manteuffel, Otto Freiherr von, 222, 263; ‘Correspondence,’ (App.) 587
Marie Antoinette, Queen, 259
Marlborough House, 72, 480, 505
Marochetti, Baron, 342, 502, 574, (App.) 584
Martin, Lady, 517. See also under Faucit, Miss
Sir Theodore, 128 n; undertakes the ‘Life of the Prince Consort,’ 376 seq., 446; entertains the Queen at Bryntisilio, 517 n; biography of the Prince Consort quoted, 147 n, 182, 216, 261, 289, 291, (App.) 586–7; ‘Life of Helena Faucit, Lady Martin,’ (App.) 589
Martin Patchett, 37 n
Martineau, Harriet, 89
Mary I., 92 n
II., 2, 112
Queen of Scots, 101, 145, 207, 574
Mascagni, composer, 520
Mashonaland, 541, (App.) 594
Matabeleland, (App.) 594
Mathews, Charles, 195
Matthews, Henry (afterwards Viscount Llandaff), 495 n
Maximilian. See under Austria, Archduke of
Maxwell, Sir Herbert, ‘Life of Sir Charles Murray,’ 157 n, (App.) 588
‘Life of W.H. Smith,’ (App.) 589
Mistletoe grant, 163–4
Mayo, Lord, 426
John H., ‘Medals and Decorations of the British Army and Navy,’ 582 n
Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Augusta, Duchess of, 149
Charles Louis Frederick, Duke of, 3
Frederica, Princess of, 4 n
Frederick, Duke of, 149
Mehemet Ali, 130–1
Melbourne, 548
Melbourne, Lady, 60 n
Melbourne, Lord, 51, 54, 75–9, 98, 108, 119–21, 126–27, 155, 168, 178, 175, 189, 196, 208, 356, 445; and the Canadian revolt, 82–5; first audience with the Queen, 49–50; instructor to her Majesty, 58 seq., 71, 74, 98–4; opinions and character, 59–60; resignation, 96; return to office, 99 seq., and the Queen’s marriage, 109–16; resignation, 135; letter from the Prince Consort, 135; on Sir Robert Peel, 171; at Cambridge, 184; death, 204, 232; ‘Papers,’ 63 n, 99 n; ‘Life of,’ by Torrens, (App.) 588
Melbury, 88
Melrose Abbey, 385
Menai Bridge, 85
Straits, 185
Mendelssohn, Fanny, 294
Felix, 125 n, 569; visit to the Queen, 191–4
Mentone, 471
Meran, 552
‘Merchant of Venice,’ 191, 509
Merivale, Dean, Letters of, 184 n
Merriman, H. S., ‘The Sowers,’ 571
Methuen, Lord, 542
Meux, Sir Henry, 420 n
Mexico, 274, 383–4
Meyerbeer, musician, 165
‘Middlemarch,’ 409
Military Exhibition, 533
Militia Bill, 228
‘Mill on the Floss,’ 409
Milnes, Monckton, 203. See also under Houghton, Lord
Milton’s ‘Comus,’ 195
‘Mistletoe’ yacht, 442
Moldavia, 276
Molesworth, Sir William, 234
Moltke, Count von, 262, 268, 273, 437–8; ‘Letters to his Wife,’ 269 n, 273 n, (App.) 587
‘Moniteur’ newspaper, 281
Montefiore, Sir Moses, 77
Montgomery, Miss Florence, 571
Montijo, Mdlle. Eugénie de, 237.
See also under France, Eugénie,
ex-Empress of
Montpensier, Duc de, 177–81, 274
Duchess of, 274
Monza, 550
‘More Leaves from the Journal,’ 412 n, 427 n, 451 n, (App.) 588;
publication of, 476
Morley, Arnold, 525 n
John, 494, 514, 525 n; ‘Life of Gladstone,’ 186–7 n,
252 n, 325 n, 358 n, 365 n,
371 n, 408–4 n, 406 n,
415 n, 457 n, 461 n, 475 n,
479 n, 483 n, 485 n, 489 n,
495 n, 526 n, 527 n, 572 n
‘Morning Post,’ 94
Morpeth, Lord (afterwards Earl of Carlisle), 155
‘Mors et Vita,’ 497
Mowbray, Sir John, ‘Seventy Years at Westminster’ (App.), 589
Mozart, composer, 124
Muckross Abbey, 314
Mulgrave, Countess of, 63. See also Normanby, Marchioness of
Earl (afterwards Marquis of Normanby), 74, 100
Mundella, Mr. A. J., 491, 525 n
Murray, Miss Amelia, 63 n
Sir Charles, ‘Life’ of, 157 n, (App.) 588
Music and the drama at Court, 191–5
NAGPORE, (App.) 592
Napier, Sir Charles, 245
Napoleon I. and III. See under France, Emperors of
Buonaperte, 256–9
Nash, John, 69–70*
Nassau Island, (App.) 595
Natal, (App.) 593–4
National Gallery, 47
NORTHUMBERLAND
National Portrait Gallery, (App.)
582, 584
Rifle Association, 306–7
Naturalisation Bill, 115–6
Neild, James, 231
John Camden, 423; his bequest to the Queen, 231
Nelson, Lord, 88
Nemours, Duc de, 9, 72, 107, 187,
189, 555 n
Victoria, Duchess of, 9 n, 72,
279
Nepaul, 291 n
Netherlands, King of the, 382, 471
King William II. of the, 108,
164
Prince William Henry of the,
107–8
Queen of the, 274
Netley Hospital, 265, 482, 589–40,
547
Neues Palais, 285
New Guinea, (App.) 595
Lanark, 17–8 n
South Wales, 83 n, 415, (App.)
595
Zealand, 83 n, 549, 558,
(App.) 595
Newcastle, 207, 423
Duke of, 172, 234, 299 n
Newhaven, 186
Newport, I.W., 574
Nice, 302, 517 n
Nicholson, William, (App.) 583
Nicobar Islands, (App.) 592
Niger Company, (App.) 592
river, (App.) 592
Nightingale, Miss Florence, 269
Noisy-le-Sec railway station, 518
Norfolk, Duke of, 47
Normanby, Marchioness of, 119,
124–5 n, 186
Norreys, Lady, 124–5 n
Norris Castle, 33, 38
North, Lord, 483
Marston Church, 231
West Territories, (App.) 595
Northampton, 160, 512 n
Northbrook, Earl of, 459 n
Northcote, Sir Stafford, 371 n, 435 n,
485. See also under Iddesleigh,
Lord
Northumberland, Duchess of, 30, 35
Hugh Percy, third Duke of
30 n
NORTHUMBERLAND
Northumberland, Duke of, 435 n
Norton, Hon. Mrs., 258 n
Novello, Mary Victoria (afterwards Mrs. Cowden Clarke), 13 n
Vincent, 13 n
Nuneham, 183
Nuttall, P. A., 156 n
OAKLEY COURT, 36
O'Brien, R. Barry, 'Life of Lord Russell,' 567
O'Connell, Daniel, 51, 77, 90, 157, 315; speech at Bandon on the Queen's betrothal, 110–11 n
James, 315
O'Connor, Arthur, 421
'Œdipus Coloneus,' 191
Oehlenschläger's 'Correggio,' 123 n
Old Bailey, 57
Oldenburg, Prince Peter of, 184
Oliphant, Mrs., 586 n; 'Life' of, by Principal Tulloch, (App.) 588
Omdurman, battle of, 539
Oporto, Duke of. See under Portugal, King Luis of
Orange, Prince of, 2, 43
Alexander, Prince of, 43
Free State, (App.) 594
river, (App.) 594
Orchardson, W. Q., (App.) 583
Orkney, 502
Orléans, Duc D', 550
Orleans, Louise Marie, Princess of, 9 n
Orsini, assassin, 280–1
Osborne, 166 seq.; the Queen acquires the estate of, 199–201
House, 28
Ostend, 154, 363
Osterley Park, 155
Oudh, (App.) 592
Owen, Robert, 17; Autobiography of, 17–18 n
Oxford, 36–7, 133, 394 n
Edward, 124, 142
Movement, 395 n
PADDINGTON, 141, 144, 558
Paganini, violinist, 39
Paget, Lord C., 125 n
Hon. Matilda 63 n
PARIS
Pakington, Sir John (afterwards Lord Hampton), 372 n
'Pall Mall Gazette' on the Queen's seclusion, 359
Palmer, Roundell. See under Selborne, Lord
Palmerston, Lady, 155, 205, 364
Lord, 50, 53, 64, 82, 99, 107, 233, 268, 379, 395 n, 399–400, 443, 531; as Foreign Secretary, 129–32, 174–9, 188 seq.; meetings with the Queen, 155; the Queen's dread of him, 169–170, 251; and the Spanish marriages, 180–2; in attendance on the Queen, 185; differences with the Queen on foreign policy, 208–25; his fall, 225–7; revenge, 228–9; as Home Secretary, 235; and Napoleon III., 237–9; and the war with Russia, 240–50; his ministry, 251–261; and Italian unity, 261–5, 297–8; and the treaty of Paris, 266, 276; defeated on the China question, 271–72; and the Indian mutiny, 278; and the French alliance, 280–1; resignation, 281–2; his second cabinet, 299 seq.; dispute with Germany, 309; at Windsor, 311; and the affair of the 'Trent,' 316–9; his reproof of the Queen, 324–5; at the marriage of the Prince of Wales, 336; disagreements with the Queen, 337–8; and Napoleon III., 348; and Schleswig-Holstein, 352; death, 363–4, 403; Bulwer and Ashley's 'Life' of, 50 n, 82 n, 280, (App.) 589
Panmure, Lord, 258
Panshanger, 134
Papal aggression, 218–9
Paris, 225, 240, 268, 280, 374, 384, 393, 442, 449, 518, 550–1; Queen's visit to, 259–61; bombardment of, 412; Republic formed in, 414
PARIS
Paris, Comte de, 187
Exposition of 1855, 257–9; of 1867, 384
treaty of, 262–70, 413
Parkhurst, 465
Parliament, rebuilding of the Houses, of, 189
the Queen’s last prorogation of, 247
Parma, Duchess of, 301
Parnell, Charles Stewart, 518
Partridge, John, (App.) 582
Pasta, vocalist, 39
Pate, Robert, 206
Hall, 516
Pawell-Rammingen, Baron von, 460
Paxton, Sir Joseph, 155, 221
Peel, General Jonathan, 283, 373
Sir Robert, 59, 74, 76, 98, 109, 114, 120, 157–67, 189, 234, 288, 315, 364, 398–9, 432, 445, 461, 489, 492; on the Queen’s inexperience, 53–54; defeats Lord Melbourne’s ministry, 183; his administration, 185–162; visited by the Queen at Drayton Manor, 155; and the corn laws, 166–8; resignation, 168; return to power, 170–2; defeat, 173–4; and the Queen’s visit to Ireland, 202; death, 205, 232; ‘Peel Papers,’ 63, 96, 102, 109, 111, 138, 147, 153, 157, 158, 160, 168, 173, (App.) 559
Peel Park, 224
Pélissier, General (afterwards Duc de Malakoff), 284
Pembroke Lodge, 175
Penguin Islands, (App.) 593
Pennant, Colonel Donglas, 306
Penny postage, introduction of, 104–5
Penrhyn Castle, 306
Island, (App.) 595
People’s Palace, 500
Perim Island, (App.) 591
Persia, Shah of, 291 n, 429–30, 515, 550
‘Diary’ of, 430 n
Persian Gulf, (App.) 591
Persigny (French Ambassador), 276, 284
POSCHINGER
Perth, 190, 354
Phelps, actor, 195, 279
Philippa, Queen, 140
Phillips, J., (App.) 583
Phipps, Sir Charles, 324, 329
Phoenix Islands, (App.) 595
Park, Dublin, 203, 314, 546
Pierce, Edward L., 92 n
Pistrucchi, artist, 90, (App.) 584
Pitchford House, 86
Pitt, Hon. Harriet, 63 n
Plas Newydd, 35
Plymouth, 38
Lord, 36
Poland, 303, 348; insurrection in, 338–9
Pondoland, (App.) 594
Ponsonby, General Sir Henry, private secretary to the Queen, 329, 484, 528 n; and the reports of the Queen’s wealth, 511
Lady Caroline (afterwards Lady Melbourne), 60 n
Pontefract, 463
Poole’s ‘Life of Stratford-Canning,’ 50 n
Pope Pius IX., 218; Leo XIII., 501
Port Blair, 426
Hamilton, (App.) 591
Jackson, 415
Victoria, 508
Portman, Lady, 63 n
Portsmouth, 38, 160, 190 n, 305, 517
volunteers, 540
Portugal, Crown Prince of, 501
Carlos, King of, 8 n, 522–3, 558
Ferdinand, Prince Consort of, 178, 212–3, 315, 523
Luis, King of, 8 n, 245, 522
Maria II. (da Gloria), Queen of, 8, 27–8, 178, 238, 522; appeals to the Queen for protection, 212–3; death, 245
Pedro I., King of, 28
V., King of, 8 n, 245, 315
Poschinger, Heinrich von, ‘Unter Friedrich Wilhelm IV.,’ 222 n, 264 n
Margaretha von, ‘Diaries of Emperor Frederick,’ 412 n;
‘Life of Emperor Frederick,’ (App.) 587
POTS DAM
Potsdam, 285
'Powerful,' H.M.S., 546
Powis, Earl of, 30 n, 36, 184
Castle, 35
Pretoria, occupation of, 544
Prince Consort, The. See under Albert Imperial, 418, 460; death, 451
Princess Victoria's Regiment (89th), 88, 367, 510; 'Historical Records' of, 38 n
Princess's Theatre, 273
Pritchard, George, 159
'Prophète,' opera, 142
Prothero, R. E., 571
'Proverbs' quoted, 466
Prussia (see also under Germany), 209–11, 222, 268; the Queen's interest in, 280, 296, 566; and Denmark, 332–3; and the Polish insurrection, 339; the position of, 340 seq.; and Schleswig-Holstein, 344–354; at war with Austria, 368–74
Crown Prince and Princess of. See under Germany
Princess Royal of, 4 n
Fréderick William II., King of, 4 n, 139
IV., King of, 164–5, 210, 218, 242, 263–4, 296, 309, 412
Public Worship Regulation Bill, 435
'Punch,' 359, 446 n, (App.) 586
Punjaub, (App.) 592
'Quarterly Review,' 73, 376, 570 n, 587 n, (App.) 589 n
Queen of England's Own (German Horse Guards), 515
Queensland, 83, 549, (App.) 595
Queenstown, 203
Quillinan, Edward, 184
RACHEL, French actress, 194
Raglan, Lord, 248
Raikes, Henry Cecil, 516
Thomas, 48 n, 87; 'Journal,' 48–4 n, 87–8 n, 150 n, 152 n, (App.) 589
RICHMOND
Railways, introduction of, 140–1; growth of, 184
Ramsgate, 26, 42, 44
Ravi river, (App.) 592
Red Sea, (App.) 591
Redhouse's 'Diary of the Shah,' 430 n
Redistribution of Seats Bill, 485
Reeve, Henry, 378; Laughton's 'Life' of, 378 n, (App.) 589
Reform Bills, 297, 370–1; of 1832, 74; of 1867, 391, 389, 393; of 1884, 483–5, 489, 562
Regency Bills, 29, 125–7
question, 150–1, 164
Regiments:—24th, 465
Princess Victoria's Regiment (Royal Irish Fusiliers, 89th), 88, 367, 510; 'Historical Records' of, 38 n
Berkshire (66th), 465
Queen of England's Own (German Horse Guards), 515
Royal Scots Greys (2nd Dragoons), 17, 442, 522
Coldstream Guards, 538
Cameron Highlanders, 540
Grenadier Guards, 482
Honourable Artillery Company, 540
Scots Guards, 540
Seaforth Highlanders, 540
Royal Dragoon Guards (1st), 543
Irish Guards, 546
Reid, Sir James, 554
Stuart J., 186 n
Wemyss, Lives of 'Lord Houghton' and 'W. E. Forster,' 409 n, (App.) 589
Rennes, 567 n
Reuss, Prince Henry XXX. of, 451 n, (App.) 581
'Revue Hebdomadaire,' 260–1 n
Rhine, 165, 382
Rhodes, Cecil, 541, (App.) 594; 'Life' of, 541 n
Rhodesia, (App.) 594
Ricci, musician, 124
'Richard II.,' the play, 273
Richmond, 522
Park, 175
Duke of, 386, 416, 435 n, 484, 490 n
Ridley, Sir Matthew White, 29
Sir Matthew White (afterwards Viscount), 530 n
Ripon, Marquis of, 138 n, 401 n, 491, 525 n
Ritchie, Mr. C. T., 495 n, 531 n, 551 n
Riviera, 471, 555
Rizia Begum, 440
Rizzio, 207
Roberts, Lord, march on Kandahar, 463; and the Boer war of 1881, 464; in the Boer war of 1899–1902, 542 seq.; the Queen’s welcome to, 556
Robertson, Dr., 201 n
Robertson, Sir Henry, 516
Robinson, John Henry, (App.) 582
Roebuck, J. A. (radical M.P.), 273
Rogers, Samuel, 47
Rolle, Lord, 90–1
Rome, 801
Popes of, 218, 501
Rosebery, Countess of, 63
Earl of, 460 n, 491, 525 n
succeeds Gladstone as Prime Minister, 528–9
Rosenau, Palace of, 18, 165, 808, 839–40, 552
Ross, Sir W. C., 195, (App.) 583
Rossini, composer, 569
Rothschild, Baron Ferdinand de, 517 n
Roumania, 276
Ferdinand, Crown Prince of, (App.) 580
Rowley, Vice-Chancellor, 86
Roxburgh, Duke and Duchess of, 886
Royal Academy, 47
‘Royal Albert’ yacht, 245, 442 n
‘Royal Arthur’ cruiser, 517
Royal Border bridge, 207
Clarence Victualling Yard, 441
Dragoons (1st), 543
Exchange, opening of the, 160
‘Royal George’ yacht, 144
Royal Guelphic Hanoverian Order, 57 n
Irish Fusiliers (89th, Princess Victoria’s Regiment), 38, 367, 510; ‘Historical Records’ of, 88 n
Marriage Act, 4 n
Russia
Royal Order of Victoria and Albert, 331
Patriotic Asylum, 274
Red Cross (for nurses), 470
Scots Greys (2nd Dragoons), 17, 442, 522
Society, 73
‘Royal Sovereign’ ironclad, 517
Royal Titles Bill, 439
Victoria Hospital, Netley, 266
Victorian Order, institution of, 533–4
Rubini, vocalist, 89, 119 n, 125 n
Rubinstein, musician, 570 n
Rugby, 394
Russell, Lord John, 50, 54, 70, 74, 96, 100, 114, 131, 163–70, 208, 214–6, 238–5, 243, 249, 356, 379, 489; at the Queen’s first Privy Council, 50; his hopes of the young Queen, 54–5; first ministry, 174 seq., 189; the Queen’s gift to him for life of Pembroke Lodge, Richmond Park, 175; and the reduction of sugar duties, 188; the Queen’s appeal to, 251–2; in Palmerston’s Government, 258; at the Vienna Conference, 257–8; and Italian unity, 297–8; Foreign Secretary, 299 seq.; with the Queen to Coburg, 308 seq.; and the ‘Trent’ affair, 317; Order of the Garter, 330; disagreements with the Queen, 337–8; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 353 n; succeeds Lord Palmerston as Prime Minister, 364, 370–1; resignation, 370; death, 449; Sir Spencer Walpole’s ‘Life’ of, 55, 148, 213, 215, 233, 356, 371, (App.) 589
Rev. Thomas, 21
Lord (of Killowen), 567 n
Russia and the Crimean war, 239–250, 429, 488, 506; and the Vienna Conference, 257–8; and the treaty of Paris, 265–6, 276; and Poland,
Russia—cont.
388–9; breaks the treaty of Paris, 413; relations with England, 430–1; at war with Turkey, 443–6; and the Berlin Congress, 447–8; and Afghanistan, 488
Alexander I., Tsar of, 11, 107, 156, 534
II., Tsar of, 107, 274, 384, 430–1, 437, 534, (App.) 580; assassination of, 467
III., Tsar of, 430, 534, death, 522
Constantine, Grand Duke of, 183, 274; Governor of Poland, 338
Marie Alexandrovna, Grand Duchess of. See under Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Duchess of
Nicholas I., Tsar of, 156–8, 163, 183, 584; and the Crimean war, 242 seq.; and the 'Trent' affair, 317
II., Tsar of, (App.) 580; marriage, 521–522; visit to the Queen, 534
Russo-Turkish war, 443–8
Rutland, Duke of, 41, 156. See also under Manners, Lord John
Saal, 6
Saalfeld, 6
Sadowa, battle of, 374
St. Cloud, Palace of, 259, 398
St. George's Chapel, 461, 467 n, 472, 477
St. Germain, 260, 574
St. James's Hall, 360
Palace, 27–51, 68–9, 117, 123, 280, 305, 521, 557
St. Leonards-on-Sea, 39
St. Lucia, 5
Bay, (App.) 593
St. Omer, 246
St. Patrick, Order of, 291 n
St. Patrick's Day, 545
'St. Paul' oratorio, 192
St. Paul's Cathedral, 54, 232, 420, 537
St. Petersburg, 431
St. Simon's Memoirs, 549
St. Thomas's Hospital, 419
Sale, John Bernard, 22
Salford, 234
Salisbury, Marquis of, 372 n, 435 n, 485; at the Berlin Congress, 448–449; first cabinet, 489–91; second ministry, 495–7, 524; entertains the Queen at Hatfield, 503; third ministry, 530 seq.; and the Boer war of 1899–1902, 541 seq.; again in power, 550 seq.
Sambourne, Linley, 446 n
San Marco monastery, 518
San Remo, 504
San Sebastian, 509
Sandhurst, 266
Sandringham, 420, 509
Sandwich, Lady, 102, 124–5 n
Sans Souci, Palace of, 285
Sardinia, 341; and the treaty of Paris, 265–6, 276; and the peace of Villafranca, 300–301; and Napoleon III., 302
Victor Emanuel, King of, and the Crimean war, 241; visits the Queen, 264–5; at war with Austria, 295–6; and the struggle for Italian unity, 300–1, 374; death, 449. See also under Italy, King of
Satara, province of Central India, (App.) 592
Savoy, province of, 302
Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Duchess Dowager of, 25, 32
Dukes of, 7 n
Albert, Prince of. See under Albert, Prince Consort
Alexandra, Princess of, (App.) 581
Alfred, Duke of (formerly Duke of Edinburgh): birth, 159; offered the throne of Greece, 338–5; becomes heir to the duchy of Saxe-Coburg, 384; coming of age, 366–7; annuity, 368; attempted assassination of, 415; marriage, 430; marriage of his daughter,
SAXE-COBURG-GOTHA
Saxe-Coburg-Gotha—cont.
Princess Victoria Melita, 519; succeeds to the duchy of Saxe-Coburg, 521, 526; death of his only son, 552; death, 552, (App.) 579–80
Alfred, Prince of (only son of above), death, 552
Ernest, Duke of (father of Prince Albert), 26, 72, 108, 117, 127; death, 156
Ernest, Duke of (brother of Prince Albert), 42, 149, 192, 226, 237, 248, 308–9, 337, 366, 368, 373; and the Spanish marriages, 178 seq.; at the volunteer review, 306; at Osborne, 324; at Princess Alice's wedding, 381; and the throne of Greece, 333–5; at Frankfort, 340–1; and Schleswig-Holstein, 346 seq.; at Balmoral, 354; and the betrothal of Princess Helena, 362; death, 521; 'Memoirs' (1840–70) quoted, 179, 181, 218, 227, 248, 268–4, 309, 385, 342, 353, (App.) 587; Wilkinson's 'Reminiscences' of, (App.) 587
Duchess Ernest of, 193
family, 139, 178, 181, 348
Ferdinand Augustus, Prince of, 27–8, 72, 111, 178–9, 212–3
Leopold, Prince of. See under Belgians, King of the
Marie, Duchess of (formerly Duchess of Edinburgh), 430, 467, 556
Marie, Princess of, (App.) 580
Victoria Melita, Princess of, 519, (App.) 580
Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, Duchess of, 11–12
Francis Frederick Antony, Duke of, 6, 7 n., 13
Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg, Princess of, 8
Saxe-Meiningen, Feodora, Princess of, 450, (App.) 581
SCOTT
Saxe-Meiningen, George Frederick
Charles, Duke of, 5
Louise, Duchess of, 49
Hereditary Prince and Princess of, 449, 581
Saxe-Weimar, Grand Duke of, 184
Saxony, Duke of. See under Edward VII.
King of, 156, 345, 501
Scare of 1847, 188–4
Schaumburg-Lippe, Prince Adolph of, (App.) 581
Schleinitz, Baron von, 809
Schleswig-Holstein, Duchess of, 210, 218
question, 344–54, 368
Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg, Augusta Victoria, Princess of (now Empress of Germany), 455, (App.) 581
Prince Christian of. See under Denmark, Christian IX. of
Prince Christian of, 345 seq.; engagement to Princess Helena, 362–3; marriage, 368
Princess Christian of (Princess Helena), birth, 172; visit to Ireland, 314; betrothal, 362–3; marriage, 366–8; dowry and annuity, 368; death of her eldest son, 553; at the Queen's death, 557, (App.) 579, 581, 584
Prince Christian Victor of, death, 558
Duke Frederick of, 345 seq., 455–6
Louise Augusta, Princess of, (App.) 581
'Schöner und schöner schmückt sich,' song, 193
Schouvaloff, Count, 430
Scilly Isles, 185
Scone, 145
Scotland, 143 seq.; volunteer forces of, 306; Industrial Museum of, 315; the press of, 419; the Queen's preference for, 568
Scots Guards, 540
Scott, Hope, 386
SCOTT
Scott, Sir Walter, 24, 71, 145, 386; Lockhart's 'Life' of, 24 n
Scottish Church, 147
Church Patronage Bill, 436
Reform Bill, 889
Seaforth Highlanders, 540
Sebastopol, fall of, 262, 284 n, 469
Secret Service Fund, 78–80
Sedgwick, Adam, 78; Clarke and Hughes's 'Life' of, 73 n, 155 n, 325 n, (App.) 589
Selborne, Lord, 401 n, 459 n, 552 n; on Republicanism, 421, 511; and the Burials Act, 462; opening of the new Law Courts, 472; on the death of the Duke of Clarence, 520; 'Memorials' of, 421 n, (App.) 589
Sell, Dr., 'Memoir of the Princess Alice,' (App.) 588
Serampore, (App.) 592
Shakespeare, William, quoted, 575; Plays, 195, 273, 823, 359
Shan States, (App.) 592
Sharpe, C. K., 'Correspondence,' 119 n
Shaw-Lefevre, Mr., 525 n, 529 n
Sheffield, 517
Sherbrooke, Lord, 36, 401 n, 424, 458; 'Life' of, 37 n
Shetland, 502
Shrewsbury, 35
Shugborough, 36
Sibthorp, Colonel, 114
Sidmouth, 14, 16
Siebold, Madame, 13
Sierra Leone, (App.) 592–3
Sind, (App.) 592
Slatin Pasha, 'Fire and Sword in the Soudan,' 571
Slavery, abolition of, 95–6
Slidell (South American Envoy), 316
Slough, 141, 144
Smiles, Dr. Samuel, 'Lives of the Engineers,' 410
Smith, G. Barnett, (App.) 586 n
Sydney, 54
W. H., 435 n, 490 n, 495–6 n; 'Life' of, by Sir H. Maxwell, (App.) 589
Socotra, Island of, (App.) 591
Sogliani, artist, 518 n
Solomon Islands, (App.) 595
STANLEY
Somaliland, (App.) 593
Sophia, Princess (daughter of George III.), 16, 21, 139, 149; death, 204
Soudan, 542, (App.) 592
war of 1883, 467–70, 477–82; of 1898, 539–40
Soult, Marshal, 88, 91
South Africa, 451, 464, 537, (App.) 598–4
South African war, 541 seq.
South Australia, 83 n, 549, (App.) 595
South Kensington Museum, 540
Southampton, 814, 816
deep-water dock, 517
'Sowers, The,' 571
Spain, the Queen's visit to, 509
Christina, Queen Regent of, 178–9
Isabella, Queen of, 177, 212
Spanish marriages, 174–82
Sparta, Duke of, (App.) 580
'Spectator,' 446
'Speeches and Addresses' by the Prince Consort, 375
Spencer, Lord, 96, 99, 196, 459 n, 491, 525 n
Spithead, 164, 236, 245, 385, 448, 515, 519, 538
Spree river, 275
Spring-Rice, Miss Mary, 63 n
Spring-Rice (Chancellor of the Exchequer), 100
'Stafford House Letters,' 101 n, (App.) 588
Stamford, 41–2
Stanfield, artist, 195
Stanhope, Edward, 490 n, 495–6 n
Stanley, Dean, 397, 408–9, 428 n, 431, 465; at the Queen's coronation, 90; marriage, 327; tour in the Holy Land with the Prince of Wales, 381; Bradley and Prothero's 'Life' of, 89 n, 119 n, 222 n, 466 n, 571
Lady Augusta, 409, 442; marriage, 327. See also under Bruce, Lady Augusta
Lord, 137, 167, 171, 189, 219. See also under Derby, 14th and 15th Earls of
STANLEY
Stanley, Sir Frederick (Lord Stanley of Preston; see also under Derby, 16th Earl of), 435 n, 490 n, 495 n
Stannmore, Lord, 250 n
Priory, 205
Stansfeld, James, 401 n, 491
Stephen, Sir Leslie, 'Letters of J. R. Green,' 422 n
Stephenson, Mr. (American Ambassador), 74
Steward, Thomas, 21
Stockmar, Baron von, political adviser to the Queen and Prince Albert, 64–5, 118, 115, 128–6, 204, 213, 224, 243, 321; touring in Italy with Prince Albert, 106; in retirement at Coburg, 307–8; death, 389; 'Memoirs' of, 378, (App.) 587–8
Stockton, 140
Stolzenfels Castle, 165
Stoneleigh Abbey, 286
Stowe, 161–2
Straits Settlements, (App.) 591
Strathfieldsaye, 161
Strutt's cotton mills, 35
Submarine cable, the first, 286
Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of, 418
Mary, Duchess of, 418
Sugar duties, 157, 188
Sugden, Sir Edward, 157
Sullivan, Sir Arthur, 519, 569
Sumner, Charles, 92; 'Memoirs and Letters' of, 92 n
Archbishop, 395
Supreme Court of Judicature Act, 1873, 401 n
Sussex, Augustus Frederick, Duke of, 4 n, 11, 49, 73 n, 115, 126–7; death, 149
Sutherland, Duchess of, 63, 107 n, 136, 322; death, 427
Duke of, 'Stafford House Letters,' (App.) 588
Sutlej river, (App.) 592
Sutton, Dr. Manners (Archbishop of Canterbury), 12
Suwarro Island, (App.) 595
Swan River Settlement, 88 n
Swanage, 39
Sweden, Crown Prince of, 501
Oscar II., King of, 183 267, 314, 547
'THE RED LAMP'
Switzerland, the Queen's visit to, 392–3
Sydenham, 246
Sydney, 548–9
TAHITI, Island of, 159
Taillandier, St. René, 366 n, (App.) 587
Tait, Archibald Campbell, Archbishop of Canterbury, 394–5, 405–6, 495, 478–5; Benham and Davidson's 'Life' of, 407 n, (App.) 589
'Tales of my Father, Equerry to King Ernest of Hanover,' by A. M. F., 57 n, (App.) 587
Tamburini, Signor, 39, 70
Tanganyika lake, (App.) 594
Tasmania, 88 n, 549, (App.) 595
Tavistock, Marchioness of, 63, 93
Taymouth, 145
Teck, Duke of, 368, 468, (App.) 580
Duchess of, 239, 468, 520, 552; 'Life' of, (App.) 588. See also under Cambridge, Princess Mary of
Princess Mary (May) of, 520–521, (App.) 580. See also under York, Duchessa of
Telegraphy, introduction of, 279; first submarine cable, 286
Tel-el-Kebir, battle of, 469
Temple Bar, 77 n, 420
Tennyson, Lord, on the Great Exhibition, 223; eulogy of the Prince Consort in 'Idylls of the King,' 322; friendship with the Queen, 408, 475–7, 493 n, 520; 'In Memoriam,' 408; 'Life' of, 493 n; (App.) 589
Lionel, 493 n
Thackeray, W. M., 410 n
Thames, the last royal water pageant on the, 204
Embankment, 417
'The Bells,' play, 509
'The Colonel,' comedy, 510
'The Frozen Deep,' by Wilkie Collins, 409
'The Gondoliers,' comic opera, 519
'The Red Lamp,' play, 520
SS
THEOBALDS
Theobalds Park, 421 n
Thistle, Order of the, 291 n
Thomas, E. H., (App.) 588
Thorburn, Robert, (App.) 583
Thuringian forest, 166
Thynne, Lord John, 89
'Times' on Buckingham Palace, 69; on the betrothal of the Princess Royal, 268; on Prince Albert's position, 275; report of the Queen's interview with Lord Granville, 298; on the Queen's seclusion, 357–8, (App.) 588
Tooley, Sarah, (App.) 586 n
Torquay, 89
Torrens's 'Life of Lord Melbourne,' (App.) 588–9
Torrington, Lord, 116–7
Tottenham, 184
Tower Hamlets, 360
'Tracts for the Times,' No. 1, 422, 424
Tranquebar, (App.) 590
Transvaal, 464, (App.) 594
war of 1881, 468–4; of 1899–1902, 541–53
Tree, Mr. Beerbohm, 520
'Trent' (English steamer), the affair of the, 316–9, 330
Tréport, 152–3, 166
Trevelyan, Sir G. O., 460 n, 491, 525 n; 'Life of Macaulay,' 176 n, (App.) 589
Trinity College, Cambridge, 154–155, 184–5
Trossachs, 306, 408
Tuer's 'First Year of a Silken Reign,' (App.) 588
Tuileries, the, 237, 259 n, 268–4, 274
Tulloch, Principal, 436, 586 n;
'Life' of, (App.) 589 n
Rev. Dr., (App.) 586 n
Tunbridge Wells, 39, 41
Turkey and Egypt, 130–2; at war with Russia, 238–50, 256; and the treaty of Paris, 265–6, 276; and the Balkans, 448–6
Abdul Aziz, Sultan of, 384–5, 429
Abdul Hamid II., Sultan of, 448, 447
Turton, Thomas, Bishop of Ely, 89 n
Tuxen, Laurens, (App.) 584
'Twice Killed,' farce, 280
VICTORIA
UGANDA, (App.) 598
Ulster loyalists, 498
Underwood, Lady Cecilia Letitia (afterwards Duchess of Inverness), 126 n
Union Islands, (App.) 595
United States of America, 83, 467; and Canada, 84; first cable from England to, 236; Prince of Wales's tour in, 306; and the affair of the 'Trent,' 316–9, 330; President's allowance, 422
University College, Oxford, 36
'Unter Friedrich Wilhelm IV.,' 232 n, 264 n
Upper Norwood, 504
Uwins, artist, 195
Uxbridge, 37
VAAL river, (App.) 594
Van Diemen's Land, 83 n
Vancouver Island, (App.) 594
Vansittart, Nicholas, 11
Venetia, 295, 300–1, 372
Verdi, composer, 520
Versailles, 259–60, 551 n
Verviers, 285
Victor Emanuel. See under Sardinia, King of
Victoria, Queen: parentage and birth, 1–18; her descent from King Alfred, 1; her place in the succession, 11; death of her father, the Duke of Kent, 14; childhood, 19–28; settlement at Kensington, 19; knowledge of her rank, 24; visit to George IV., 26; heir to the crown, 29–47; her governess, 80; William IV.'s treatment of her, 83, 44; provincial tours, 86–7; confirmation, 40; first meeting with Prince Albert, 42; coming of age, 46; accession to the throne, 48–55; her first Privy Council, 49; her name as sovereign, 52; the tuition of Lord Melbourne, 56–68; the private secretaryship to, 60; her preference for the Whigs, 61; formation
Victoria, Queen—cont.
of her household, 62; her foreign advisers, 64-6; first speech from the throne, 67; removal to Buckingham Palace, 69; attitude to her kinsfolk, 72; opening her first Parliament, 77; the first settlement, 79; the Queen pays her father's debts, 81; the coronation, 87-91; resists change in her household, 97; admission of her error, 100; unreadiness to marry, 105; suitors, 107; engagement to Prince Albert, 108; the Prince's precedence, 115; marriage, 117; popular dislike of the Prince, 119; first attempt on her life, 123; birth of the Princess Royal, 127; change of attitude to the Tories, 137; birth of the Prince of Wales, 137; her first journey by rail, 141; second and third attempts on her life, 141-2; legislation for her personal security, 142; first visit to Scotland, 144; baptism of Princess Alice, 149; visit to Louis Philippe at Château d'Eu, 152-3; and the Irish Union, 156; birth of Prince Alfred, 159; first meeting with Disraeli, 161; first visit to Germany, 162; her dread of Palmerston, 169, 251; birth of Princess Alice, 172; enthusiasm for free trade, 178; family conference at Windsor on the Spanish marriages, 179; her indignation with Palmerston, 182; her reception of the exiled Louis Philippe and his sons, 186; birth of Princess Louise, 187; first stay at Balmoral, 190; Mendelssohn's visit, 191; education of her children, 196; dislike of London,
Victoria, Queen—cont.
199; acquisition of Osborne, 200; first visit to Ireland, 202; last royal water pageant, 204; deaths of Lord Melbourne and Sir Robert Peel, 204-5; two assaults on the Queen, 206; birth of Prince Arthur, 206; differences with Palmerston, 208; popularity of Palmerston's policy, 215; the Great Exhibition, 221; Court festivities, 223; Palmerston's fall, 228; Lord Derby's cabinet, 229; early impressions of Disraeli, 229; Neild's bequest, 231; death of the Duke of Wellington, 231; her desire for a coalition ministry, 232-5; birth of Prince Leopold, 235; Napoleon III.'s advances, 236; King Leopold's mediation, 238; opening of the Crystal Palace, 246; anxieties about the Crimean war, 248; battles of Inkerman and Balaclava, 248; Palmerston's omnipotence, 252; the wounded soldiers, 254; and Napoleon III.'s visit, 256; first distribution of war medals, 258; in Paris, 258; first meeting with Bismarck, 260; the fall of Sebastopol, 262; the Princess Royal's engagement, 262; treaty of Paris, 265; first visit to Aldershot, 266; institution of the Victoria Cross, 267; birth of the Princess Beatrice, 272; brilliant festivities at Court, 278; title of the Prince Consort, 275; visits to Cherbourg, 277, 284; the Indian mutiny, 279; fall of Delhi and relief of Lucknow, 279; marriage of the Princess Royal, 279; tour in Germany, 285; first submarine cable, 286; her personal interest in
Victoria, Queen—cont.
India, 288; proclamation to India, 290; Order of the Star of India instituted, 290; majority of the Prince of Wales, 293; her first grandchild, 293; appeal for peace to Napoleon III., 294; and Italian unity, 300; quarrel with her ministry, 300; and the Commander-in-Chief, 303; and the volunteers, 305; engagement of Princess Alice, 307; the Prince of Wales in America, 307; second visit to Coburg, 307; accident to Prince Albert, 308; twenty-first anniversary of her marriage, 312; death of her mother, 312; at Killarney, 314; the Prince Consort's illness, 315; and the affair of the 'Trent,' 316; Walt Whitman on the Queen's action, 319; Prince Albert's death, 319; the Queen's grief, 321-6; the Prince's reputation, 322; her ministers' reproof, 324; the Prince's lasting influence on her, 325; Scottish sympathisers, 327; John Brown, 328; her private secretaries, 328-9; her signature to officers' commissions, 331; Prince of Wales in the Holy Land, 331; Princess Alice's marriage, 331; memorial to Prince Albert at Balmoral, 332; betrothal of the Prince of Wales, 332; Duke Ernest and the throne of Greece, 333-4; marriage of the Prince of Wales, 335; disagreements with ministers, 337; visit to Coburg, 339; her despair of Prussia, 340; interview with the Emperor of Austria, 341; and the Schleswig-Hol-
Victoria, Queen—cont.
stein question, her divided interests, 344 seq.; birth of the Prince of Wales's son, 354; complaints of the Queen's seclusion, 355 seq., 417; her reply, 358; refusal to leave her retirement, 360; betrothal of Princess Helena, 362; death of Palmerston, 368; death of King Leopold, 365; marriage of Princess Helena, 367; grants to Princess Helena and Prince Alfred, 368; her offer of mediation in the Austro-Prussian war, 369; and the Reform Bill, 369; the biography of the Prince Consort, 376; publication of 'Leaves from the Journal,' 378; her distrust of Napoleon III., 381; her horror at the murder of Emperor Maximilian, 384; continued depression, 386; growing respect for Disraeli, 387; her constitutional rights, 391; visit to Switzerland, 392; her special mark of favour to Disraeli, 394; her view of Church patronage, 396; Gladstone in office, 399; her mediation with the Lords on the Irish Church Bill, 404; intercourse with men of letters, 408-10; the Franco-German war, 411 seq.; and the Empress Eugénie, 414; betrothal of Princess Louise, 417; grants to Princess Louise and Prince Arthur, 418; Princess Louise's marriage, 419; the Queen's illness, 419; illness of the Prince of Wales, 420; attack on the Queen's income, 422-424, 511; visit to Germany, 426; death of Napoleon III., 427; marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh, 430
Victoria, Queen—cont.
cordial relations with Disraeli, 482-4; irritation with Gladstone, 486; Prince Leopold's illness, 486; Prince of Wales's tour in India, 489; Empress of India, 489; visit to Hughenden, 445; third volume of the Prince Consort's biography, 447; death of the Princess Alice, 449; marriage of the Duke of Connaught, 450; visit to Italy, 450; the Prince Imperial's death, 451; Indian wars, 452; Gladstone resumes office, 457; Maiwand disaster, 468; Majuba Hill, 464; death of Beaconsfield, 465; war in Egypt, 467; battle of Tel-el-Kebir, 469; fifth attempt on the Queen's life, 470; visit to the Riviera, 471; grant to Prince Leopold on his marriage, 471; death of John Brown, 475; publication of 'More Leaves,' 476; Prince Leopold's death, 476; and General Gordon's death, 479; her mediation between the two Houses of Parliament, 484; betrothal and marriage of the Princess Beatrice, 486; her hostility to Home Rule, 492; Lord Salisbury's second ministry, 495; Jubilee of her accession (1887), 497 seq.; she learns Hindustani, 500; family quarrel in Berlin, 505; death of the Emperor Frederick, 508; visit to Spain, 509; grants to the Prince of Wales's children, 513; her savings, 514; visit to Wales, 516; revival of the drama and opera at Court, 519; betrothal and death of the Duke of Clarence, 520; the Duke of York's mar-
Victoria, Queen—cont.
riage, 521; the duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 521; birth of Prince Edward of York, afterwards Wales, 522; Gladstone again in office, 524; fate of the Home Rule Bill, 525; Gladstone's death, 528; Lord Rosebery as Prime Minister, 528; Lord Salisbury's third Government, 530; death of Prince Henry of Battenberg, 538; institution of the Victorian Order, 534; the Diamond Jubilee of 1897, 536-8; military expeditions, 539; interview with Cecil Rhodes, 541; the Great Boer war, 542 seq.; her Christmas gift to the troops, 544; the successes in South Africa, 544; fourth visit to Ireland, 545; inauguration of the Australian Commonwealth, 548; distresses of the war, 549; her latest bereavements, 552-3; last journey to Osborne, 553; her ailments, 554; Lord Roberts's audiences, 556; Mr. Chamberlain's audience, 556; death, 556; her age and length of reign, 557; funeral, 557; universal sorrow, 558; her position and character, 561-75; her descendants, (App.) 579-581; portraits of the Queen, (App.) 582-5; authorities for her biography (App.), 586-9; growth of the empire during her reign, (App.) 590-5
'Leaves from the Journal' quoted, 146, 185, 207, 232, 261, 328, 378, 410, (App.) 588
'More Leaves from the Journal' quoted, 412, 427, 451, (App.) 588
Speeches:—
In Parliament, 77, 92, 113
VICTORIA
Victoria, Queen—cont.
135, 139, 163, 295, 312, 351–2, 366
in presenting colours to the Royal Scots, 17
before the Privy Council announcing her engagement, 110
at Invercannie, 374
in laying the foundation-stone of the Royal Albert Hall, 379
to the troops from Egypt, at Windsor, 470
Victoria Adelaide Mary Louise, Princess Royal. See under Germany, Empress of
Victoria, Australia, 52, 83, 549, (App.) 595
Bridge, 35
Cross instituted, 267; first distribution of, 274; those earned in the Indian mutiny, 305
Gate, Hyde Park, 70
Park, 429
Station, 52, 558
Victoria-Stift (founded at Coburg by the Queen), 308
‘Victoria and Albert’ yacht, 152, 185, 277, 385
Museum, 195 n., 540–1
Victorian Order, institution of, 583–4
‘Victory,’ 38
Vienna, 341
Congress of, 56, 150, 257–8
Riots, 209
Vieuxtemps, 165
Villa Hohenlohe, 455
Villa Pension Wallace, 393
Villafranca, 297; the treaty of, 300
Villiers, Charles Pelham, 175, 299 n., 467
Vivisection, 567
Volunteer movement, 305
review, 392
WADDESDON MANOR, 517 n
Waddington, Mary King, ‘Letters of a Diplomat’s Wife,’ 501 n., 526 n
Wagner, composer, 569
WELLINGTON
Wakefield, Edward Gibbon, 85
Waldeck-Pyrmont, Princess Helen Frederica of (now Duchess of Albany), 471–2
Wales, the Queen’s tours in, 35, 516–7
Albert Edward, Prince of. See under Edward VII.
Prince Edward of Wales, formerly York: birth, 522, (App.) 583
Frederick, Prince of, 8
George Frederick, Prince of: annuity, 518; marriage, 521, (App.) 580, 583; birth of Prince Edward, 522; the christening of his third son, 547; visit to Australia, 548
Princess Louise of: dowry of, 518; marriage, 514, (App.) 580
Princess Maud of, (App.) 580
Walewski (French Ambassador), 225–6, 276; entertains the Queen, 245; and the Orsini incident, 281
Walfisch Bay, (App.) 594
Wallachia, 276
Walmer Castle, 42, 145
Walmisley, T. A., 184 n
Walpole, Sir Robert, 71
Sir Spencer, 244, 372 n.; ‘Life of Lord John Russell,’ (App.) 589
Wandsworth Common, 274
Wangenheim, Baron, 5
Ward, E. M., 260 n., (App.) 583
Washington, 307, 317–8, 380, 356, 383
Water pageant, the last state, 204
Waterloo day, 87
Webb, Mr. Aston, 584
Webster, Ben., actor, 195
Wei-hai-wei, (App.) 591
Weimar, 166
Welch, Charles, 582 n
Wellesley, Gerald (Dean), 380, 474
Wellington, Duke of, 11, 80 n., 88, 96, 100, 126–7, 133, 137, 150, 151, 219, 380; at the Queen’s first Privy Council, 49–50; and the Queen’s marriage, 115; lends Walmer Castle to the Queen,
WELLINGTON
Wellington, Duke of—cont.
145; at Chatsworth, 155; at Belvoir Castle, 156; visited by the Queen at Strathfieldsaye, 161; godfather to Prince Arthur, 206; death, 231-2, 267; (App.) 583
Barracks, 258
College, Sandhurst, 266, 305, 354, 475
Welsh Disestablishment Bill, 529
Wentworth House, 41
West, Sir Algernon, 424; 'Recollections' (App.), 589
West Africa, 441, 537, (App.) 592-3
Westall, Richard, 22, (App.) 582
Western Australia, 83 n, 549, (App.) 595
Westminster Abbey, 31, 39, 442, 449, 460, 466, 473, 501, 528
Deanery of, 397, 409
Duke of, 269
Wetherall, General, 14
Weymouth, 88
Wharncliffe, Lord, 138 n
'What does she do with it?' 'Tracts for the Times,' No. 1, 422, 424
Whewell, Dr. William, 154-5; 'Life and Correspondence' of, 155 n
Whippingham, 88
Church, 200, 487, 534
White Lodge, 522
Whitman, Sidney, (App.) 587
Walt, on the affair of the 'Trent,' 318-9
Whitworth rifle, 306
Wilberforce, Samuel, Bishop, 376, 397, 466, 474; 'Life' of, 184 n, 376 n, 404 n, (App.) 589
William, 24; 'Life' of, by R. I. and S. Wilberforce, 24 n
Wilkes, Captain, 316
Wilkie, Sir David, 33, (App.) 582-3
Wilkinson's 'Reminiscences of King Ernest of Hanover;' (App.) 587
William the Conqueror, 1
III., 2
IV., 4, 10-15, 27-30, 56, 69, 96, 108, 113, 180, 140, 151-152, 175, 205, 356, 378; marriage, 5; his two
WÜRTEMBERG
William IV.—cont.
daughters, 27 n; coronation, 31, 89; attitude towards the Duchess of Kent, 31-47, 61; offers the Queen 10,000l. a year, 47; death, 48; dismissal of Melbourne's ministry, 59; family by Mrs. Jordan, 78; colonial expansion during the last years of his reign, 83; coronation expenses, 87
Williams of Kars, Sir Fenwick, 269
Williamson, Lady, 110, 124-5 n
Willis, N. P., 40; 'Pencillings by the Way,' 40 n
Willoughby de Eresby, Lady, 119 n
Willoughby, Lord, 145
Wilson, Mrs. Cornwell Baron, 35
Sir Samuel, 470 n
Wimbledon Common, 397
Winchilsea, Earl of, 26
Winchester, (App.) 584
Windsor, 26, 45, 48; the Queen takes up residence at, 70 seq.; the Queen's preference for, 199 seq.
Town Hall, 553
Winterhalter, F., 196, 569, (App.) 582
Wiseman, Cardinal, 218
Woburn Abbey, 184
Wodehouse, Lord. See under Kimberley, Earl of
Wolseley, Sir Garnet (now Viscount Wolseley), in the Egyptian war, 468; in the Soudan, 478
Wolverhampton, 35, 375
'Woman's Rights,' 573
Wood, Sir Charles, 235, 299. See also under Halifax, Lord Alderman Matthew, 10
Page. See under Hatherley, Lord
Woodville, R. Caton, (App.) 584
Woolwich, 144, 146, 154, 190, 245, 545
Military Hospital, 254, 545
Wordsworth, William, 184 n, 223
Worsley Hall, 224, 274
Würtemberg, Alexander, Prince of, 37
WÜRTEMBERG
Würtemberg, Alexander Constantine, Duke of, 368
Alexander Frederick Charles, Duke of, 8, 308
Antoinette Ernestina Amelia, Duchess of, 8-9 n
Antoinette Frederica, Princess of, 308
Ernest, Prince of, 37
Friedrich Wilhelm, Duke of, 9 n
Queen of, 12
Wyon, William, 77 n, (App.) 584-5
Wytham Abbey, 36
ZULULAND
YORK, 41
Duke and Duchess of. See under Wales, Prince and Princess of
Frederick, Duke of, 4 n, 11-14; death, 27
Yorke, P. C., 57 n
ZAMBESI river, (App.) 594
Zanzibar, (App.) 593
Zobeir Pasha, 478
Zulu war, 451, 465
Zululand, (App.) 593-4
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science. It is intended to provide a quick reference for those who need to understand these concepts quickly.
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data in a computer program so that it can be accessed efficiently.
3. Database: A collection of data organized in a way that allows for easy retrieval and manipulation.
4. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that it cannot be read by unauthorized users.
5. Hashing: The process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, which can be used to verify the integrity of the original data.
6. Interpolation: The process of estimating values between two known values.
7. Machine Learning: The process of training a computer to learn from data without being explicitly programmed.
8. Neural Network: A model inspired by the structure and function of the human brain, used for machine learning tasks.
9. Optimization: The process of finding the best solution to a problem within a given set of constraints.
10. Pattern Recognition: The process of identifying patterns in data and using them to make predictions or decisions.
11. Regression: A statistical method for modeling the relationship between a dependent variable and one or more independent variables.
12. Sorting: The process of arranging data in a specific order.
13. Statistics: The study of collecting, analyzing, interpreting, and presenting data.
14. Time Complexity: A measure of how the running time of an algorithm grows as the size of the input increases.
15. Tree: A data structure consisting of nodes connected by edges, where each node has zero or more child nodes.
16. Vector: A mathematical object representing a direction and magnitude, often used in machine learning and computer graphics.
17. Vector Space: A mathematical concept used in machine learning to represent data as points in a high-dimensional space.
18. Web Scraping: The process of extracting data from websites using automated tools.
19. XML: A markup language used for structuring and storing data in a hierarchical format.
20. YAML: A human-readable data serialization format used for configuration files and other types of data.
The following is a list of the most common types of soil:
- **Sandy Soil**: This type of soil has large, loose particles that allow water to drain quickly and air to move freely. It is often found in arid regions and is known for its poor water retention.
- **Clay Soil**: Clay soil is composed of very fine particles that stick together tightly, making it difficult for water to penetrate. It is often heavy and compacted, which can limit plant growth.
- **Loam Soil**: Loam soil is a balanced mixture of sand, silt, and clay, providing good drainage while retaining moisture and nutrients. It is considered ideal for gardening because it supports a wide variety of plants.
- **Peat Soil**: Peat soil is made up of decomposed plant material, primarily mosses and grasses. It is highly acidic and retains a lot of moisture, making it suitable for acid-loving plants like azaleas and blueberries.
- **Muck Soil**: Muck soil is similar to peat soil but is more fibrous and less acidic. It is often used in agriculture and horticulture due to its high fertility and moisture retention.
- **Silt Soil**: Silt soil is composed of very fine particles that are heavier than clay but lighter than sand. It is often found in riverbeds and is known for its ability to retain moisture and nutrients.
- **Organic Soil**: Organic soil is rich in decomposed plant matter, providing excellent fertility and moisture retention. It is often used in organic farming and gardening.
Each type of soil has its own unique characteristics and requirements, which can affect how well plants grow. Understanding these differences can help you choose the right soil for your garden or agricultural needs.
RETURN TO the circulation desk of any University of California Library
or to the
NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
University of California
Richmond Field Station, Bldg. 400
1301 South 46th Street
Richmond, CA 94804-4698
ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS
To renew or recharge your library materials, you may contact NRLF 4 days prior to due date at (510) 642-6233
DUE AS STAMPED BELOW
MAR 21 2008
181393
D'A554
L4
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Weekly Maths Tasks (Aim to do 1 per day as well as your weekly learning on Maths Shed https://www.mathshed.com/)
- Year 3: We are moving onto measurement. Complete lessons 1-5: ordering mass, add and subtract mass, solving problems, reading a scale and read capacity and volume.
https://classroom.thenational.academy/lessons/ordering-mass
- Further activities on capacity and mass are available on classroom secrets.
https://classroomsecrets.co.uk/measure-mass-1-year-3-mass-and-capacity-free-resource-pack/
- Year 4: Fractions - White Rose Maths – W/C 18th May Summer 5 Lessons 2,3 and 4. If you’re not feeling super confident about fractions then watch the video for tenths and hundredths (lesson 1) first. Worksheets for lessons 2 – 4 are attached in this email. If you need more practice there are ideas here:
https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/tags/z63t139/year-4-and-p5-lessons with lots of lessons on fractions.
Encourage your child to research and compare temperatures and rainfall in the Amazon Rainforest and the UK month on month. Can they display their findings in a bar chart or table? Can they compare the yearly totals?
Ask your child to practise adding and subtracting fractions on this game. Then play this rainforest coordinates game (theme).
Get a square piece of paper or a post-it note and ask your child to investigate how many ways they can make ¼, ½, ⅓ etc.
Get your child some skittles, smarties or different coloured sweets. Empty them out onto a plate and write down what fraction are red, what fraction are yellow, etc. The denominator is the total number of sweets and the numerators are the different colours. You could use coloured buttons, Lego, fruit etc.
Extra Challenge: Do some outdoor maths using these mixed year group activities.
http://www.first4maths.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Garden-Maths.pdf
Weekly Reading Tasks (Aim to do 1 per day)
Log in to Read Theory Your child has an individual login for this. https://readtheory.org/auth/login
- Read for enjoyment- perhaps in the garden for a change. You may wish to read to the family, out loud, or by yourself. You might also discuss or summarise parts of your story with an adult.
- With an adult, read about rainforests online. Take a look at these facts about rainforests to get started! Can you create a rainforest quiz based on the information you’ve found?
- Find a recipe involving chocolate. Can you challenge yourself to make it? You can learn about where chocolate comes from here.
- Visit Poem Hunter -
https://www.poemhunter.com/poems/rainforest/ to read a range of poems inspired by the rainforests.
- Can you create a rainforest canopy to curl up with a book under? This could be made from paper, bed sheets or anything else that’s suitable.
Extra Challenge: Can you create a comic strip to show the events of a story you have read?
| Weekly Spelling Tasks (Aim to do 1 per day) | Weekly Writing Tasks (Aim to do 1 per day) |
|-------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------|
| • Practise the Year 3/4 [Common Exception](http://www.crosslee.manchester.sch.uk/serve_file/253974) words with the word search attached. | • Write a letter to a pen-pal or friend from school, telling them what you have been up to in the past few weeks. You may wish to talk about your learning or anything new you’ve tried. You might even want to write a letter to your teacher! |
| • Practise your spelling on [Spelling Shed](https://www.spellingshed.com/en-gb). | • Write a ‘Defeating the Monster’ tale. The monster could be a rainforest predator such as a crocodile, bear or boa constrictor. A plan has been included for you to note down your ideas. |
| **YEAR 3:**
Stage 1- Week 34 Trigraphs air and ear
Stage 2-Week 20 adding ing to words
Stage 3-Week 34 Revision of stage 3 spelling and challenge words. | • Create a tourist leaflet about rainforests. It should inform people about what they can expect to see and do. How should they dress? What essential items should they bring? What is the food like? Include drawings of unusual living things! |
| **YEAR 4:**
[Group 1](https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/topics/zkbkf4j/articles/zbm8scw) – Revision pt.3
[Group 2](https://www.arcademics.com/games/frog) – Words ending -tion | • Look at these images of the [rainforest](https://www.arcademics.com/games/frog) then write a setting description. You may want to start at the top of the image and work your way down, so that you can keep track of your ideas. |
| • Create a mind map with words associated with the rainforest. You can then put these words into alphabetical order. | • Watch the wonderful [The Alchemist’s Letter](https://www.literacyshed.com/the-alchemists-letter.html) from the Literacy Shed and see if you can create a poem based on the 5 senses – see, hear, touch, smell and taste. You may wish to write a haiku, acrostic poem or a rhyming poem. |
| • Choose 5 common exception words and draw a picture to represent each word, write the word underneath and use it in a sentence. You may wish to use the spelling menu below to choose other activities. | **Extra Challenge**: Write an information report about deforestation and how the rainforest is being destroyed by humans. Can you include maps that demonstrate how large the rainforests were compared to now? Include an introduction, 3 or 4 ways that rainforests are being destroyed and a conclusion. |
| • Play Crystal Explorers to practice spelling, grammar and punctuation! | |
**Extra Challenge**: Play a fun word game at: [https://www.arcademics.com/games/frog](https://www.arcademics.com/games/frog)
Try and improve your score each time!
You may find these videos and activities useful so please use them if you would like.
https://classroom.thenational.academy/subjects-by-year
Select your child’s year group. There are maths, English and Topic videos/lessons for you to enjoy.
**Learning Project - to be done throughout the week**
Remember to complete your Purple Mash activities as well. https://www.purplemash.com/sch/standrewskt11
This project this week aims to provide opportunities for your child to learn more about celebrations. Learning may focus on different types of celebrations that take place and who may celebrate them. It could look at how people celebrate different events differently in other parts of the world.
- **Let’s Wonder:**
Ask your child to think about the following: How many different types of animals live in rainforests? Can they name any? What is their diet like? How do they hunt for their prey or hide from predators? Look at these 11 amazing rainforest animals. Encourage your child to choose one of the animals and create a poster all about them.
- **Let’s Create:**
Take a look at this information with your child, all about the layers of the rainforest. Ask your child to try creating their own diagram showing the layers of the rainforest and the animals you can find in each layer. Your child could cut and stick pictures, paint or draw! Can your child categorise the animals?
- **Be Active:**
Have a go at this forest themed GoNoodle! Finished? Ask your child to try making up their own rainforest-themed dance routine to the same song – they could pretend to be a different animal for each dance move! You may wish to try some simple yoga whilst listening to some relaxing forest sounds.
- **Time to Talk:**
Talk to family members about the deforestation of rainforests and think about how we could help by taking small steps at home. This article should help get them started! Can your child record their very own advert encouraging people to reduce, reuse, recycle? Encourage them to think about the impact on the environment, animals and their habitats, global warming and the tribes that occupy the rainforests. Alternatively, they could write a jingle about the benefits of recycling and perform this to the family.
- **Understanding Others and Appreciating differences:**
Take a look at the Greenpeace website and find out about the effects of palm oil on our planet. Discuss with your child how this affects animals around the world. Ask your child to identify all of the foods in the kitchen that contain palm oil. Can they suggest alternatives for your next shop? Task your child with planning an imaginary charity event to raise funds for The Orangutan Foundation.
**Additional learning resources parents may wish to engage with**
- **Vocabulary Ninja** - This gives you a word of the day with synonyms and antonyms as well. Why not try to add a new word to your vocabulary each day! https://www.vocabularyninja.co.uk/word-of-the-day.html
- **Classroom Secrets Learning Packs** - These packs are split into different year groups and include activities linked to reading, writing, maths and practical ideas you can do around the home. https://classroomsecrets.co.uk/free-home-learning-packs/
- **Headteacherchat** - This is a blog that has links to various learning platforms. Lots of these are free to access. https://www.headteacherchat.com/post/corona-virus-free-resources-for-teachers-and-schools
Practise your times tables using BBC supermovers. It is a good way to keep active too!
Year 3: focus on 3, 4 and 8 times tables.
Year 4: Focus on all times tables but especially 6, 7 and 9 times tables.
https://www.bbc.co.uk/teach/supermovers/times-table-collection/z4vv6v4
Emergent Layer
Canopy Layer
Understory Layer
Forest Floor
Rainforest
rainforest layer climate sustainable
habitat tropical tribe rainfall
canopy endangered ecosystem
understory deforestation creatures
| 21. Question/Answers | Write questions with half of your spelling words. Then use the other half to answer the questions. Underline the words you used. |
|----------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| 22. Riddles | Write a riddle for each of your words. Don’t forget to answer them. e.g. I am grey. I have a trunk and big ears. Answer: elephant. |
| 23. Crossword Puzzle | Make a crossword puzzle with your spelling. Show the answers to your puzzle. |
| 24. Rhyming Words | Write your spelling words out with a rhyming word next to them. Remember that words do not need to have the same spelling pattern to rhyme. e.g. men and again |
| 25. Homophones | Can you find any homophones which go with your spelling words? What do they mean? e.g. wear and where, to, too and two their, there and they’re |
| 26. Writing Race | Set a timer for 2 minutes. See how many times you can write each word perfectly during that time. |
| 27. Code Words | Come up with a code for each letter of the alphabet and then write each word in code. e.g. a = ♦ b = ♠ c = ♣ |
| 28 Word Classes | Sort your spelling words into word classes - nouns, verbs, adjectives etc. Be careful - some words can be used in more than one category e.g. swimming. |
| 29. Synonyms | Find at least 2 synonyms for each of your spelling words. |
| 30. Antonyms | Find an antonym (opposite) for each of your spelling words. |
| 31. Joker | Write jokes containing each of your spelling words. |
| 32 Backwards Words | Write your spelling words forwards and then backwards. Remember to write neatly! |
| 33. X Words | Write 2 words with one letter in common so that they cross over each other. e.g. b r c h e e s e a d |
| 34. Acrostic Poem | Write an acrostic poem for your spelling words. See if you can stick to a theme when writing. e.g. sun Sun shines brightly Up in the sky Nice and warm on my face |
| 35. Scrabble | In a game of Scrabble, each letter is worth a certain number of points. Write your words and then add the total of the letters. Which of your spelling words has the highest total value? |
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THE ASIAN SCHOOL, DEHRADUN
HOLIDAY HOMEWORK (2017-18)
(WINTER VACATION)
Class VII
ENGLISH
(1) Refer to the poem ‘Trees’. Compose a similar Poem about water or air. (2) Read the chapter ‘Tiger’ in The House (An. Alien Hand) (3) Homework to be done in English Homework Notebook.
हिन्दी:-
(१) गीलकोट पाठ का पढ़कर स्वरचित्र पृष्ठ दीर्घ प्रस्तुत कर। उसके साथ आपने हिन्दी गृह–कार्य पुस्तिका में लिखिए।
(२) वास्तविक परीक्षा हेतु विभिन्न श्रेणी शब्द भण्डार व मुद्रारें, लोकोक्तियाँ आपने हिन्दी गृहकार्य पुस्तिका में लिखिए।
MATHMATICS
1. Make a holiday homework notebook solve chapter Assessment given at chapters from composite Maths.
Chapter:-
Ch- Integers. Ch-Fractions and Decimals. Ch-Linear Equations. Ch-Ration and Proportion. Ch-Percentage and its Application. Ch-Lines and Angles Ch-The Triangle and its properties. Ch-Congruence of Triangle Ch-Perimeter and Area.
2. Measure the length and the breadth of ‘Drawing Room’ of your house. Calculate the area and perimeter of floor. Write this in your holiday H.W. notebook.
SCIENCE
Science Holiday Homework to be done in science Activity file.
+Prepare a project report on sewage treatment Plant in Dehradun.
Covering the following topic:
1) Setup Strategy (2) Advantages or benefits of the plant to Dehradun city. (3) Support your projects with relevant pictures
SOCIAL STUDIES
Make a project report on brands whose advertisement shows famous people. Include the following topics in your report:
1. Why celebrities are used in advertising such brands?
2. How do they influence consumers to buy the brands?
3. How often such advertisements are repeated?
4. Mention any 4 examples with relevant pictures.
COMPUTER
Q1. Represent through chart about “VIRUSES AND THEIR TYPES” in order to understand the danger of virus.
Q2. Write a short note to minimize the risk of computer viruses.
FRENCH
1. Make a collage on A – 3 size sheet which depicts the culture of France. You can draw or cut and paste the pictures. You may include the following in the culture of France.
संस्कृत:-
‘मानुष’ व ‘अस्मद्’ शब्द रूप सभी वचनों एवं विभक्तियों में रखा गया, व ‘भू’ शब्द के रूप सभी वचनों व पुरुषों में लिखिए। (संस्कृत पुस्तिका में चारों तकारों में)
SUPW
Get A – 4 size colored paper/scrape book paper. Draw scenery with mountain, river, hut/animal fill it with news paper collage as taught in the SUPW lesson.
Principal
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Chapter 15
War and Peace
In this chapter:
❖ Just 20 years after “The War to End All Wars,” the world will be plunged into a second global conflict, and once again, Oklahoma’s contributions will help guide the United States to victory.
❖ The Postwar Era will reshape the geography, culture, and social beliefs of our state.
❖ Technology will become part of everyday life, and will even send Oklahomans into space.
Section 1: World War II
In the late 1930s, Germany and Italy were led by dictators, or rulers with complete control.
Each believed the best way out of the Great Depression was to expand their borders and gain new resources.
In Italy, Benito Mussolini came to power in 1922. He led a political party known as the Fascists.
Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party gained control of Germany in 1933.
Japan was an island nation that lacked the basic raw materials it needed to become a world power.
In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria, a Chinese province, to gain access to its vast amounts of iron ore and coal.
The Japanese also took Taiwan.
On September 1, 1939, Germany invaded Poland. World War II had begun.
GERMAN ARMY ATTACKS POLAND; CITIES BOMBED, PORT BLOCKADED; DANZIG IS ACCEPTED INTO REICH
British Mobilizing
Army Raised to Its Full Strength, Army and Air Reserves Called Up
Parliament Is Convoked
Midnight Meeting Is Held by Ministries—Negotiations Admitted Failure
In the afternoon from LONDON, Friday, Sept. 1.—All signs point to an immediate clash between Germany and Poland, although there is no certainty that Great Britain will declare war. The Germans have undertaken other defensive preparations along the western frontier, and Polish officials have warned children and women from the crowded cities to leave their homes.
British Call Up Forces
By FERDINAND RHEINSTEIN
LONDON, Friday, Sept. 1.—All signs point to an immediate clash between Germany and Poland, although there is no certainty that Great Britain will declare war. The Germans have undertaken other defensive preparations along the western frontier, and Polish officials have warned children and women from the crowded cities to leave their homes.
First Wounded Brought Into Gdansk
By CLIFFORD H. ROBINSON
LONDON, Friday, Sept. 1 (AP).—A British ambulance carried wounded soldiers into the emergency hospital here today at 9:30 A. M. One soldier was in a bad condition with a broken wrist. One had a foot-wound and bandage. It could not be ascertained where the ambulance came from.
At about 9:30 a half-mile long truck train manned by German troops arrived at the station. The train consisted of 20 cars, each carrying 50 men. The soldiers were armed with rifles and bayonets. They were dressed in brown uniforms and wore helmets. The train was accompanied by a group of German officers who were riding in separate cars. The soldiers were singing patriotic songs as they marched through the streets of Gdansk.
But German air raids on Great Britain failed. In five weeks, the Nazis lost more than 1,900 aircraft.
Most Americans wanted to stay out of the war, so Congress had passed neutrality laws in the 1930s.
But President Roosevelt began to realize that U.S. involvement was inevitable.
The government initiated the first peacetime military draft in September 1940.
The U.S. had reduced oil exports to slow Japanese expansion in the Pacific, but the effort failed.
Japan joined Germany and Italy in an alliance called The Axis Powers.
Negotiations between the U.S. and Japan broke down.
On December 7, 1941, Japan attacked the U.S. Navy base at Pearl Harbor in the Hawaiian Islands.
One of the first ships torpedoed was the U.S.S. Oklahoma, which rolled on its side in the shallow waters of the harbor.
429 officers and enlisted men were killed.
Survivors scrambled aboard the U.S.S. Maryland, manned its anti-aircraft guns, and fired back at the attacking planes.
Roosevelt called the December 7th attack “a date that will live in infamy.” Congress declared war on Japan on December 8th, and on Germany and Italy three days later.
The U.S. joined the Allied Powers, which included the United Kingdom, France, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, the Soviet Union, China, and Brazil.
The War Department began building weapons factories and maintenance sites.
Midwest Air Depot opened in January, 1942. It was renamed Tinker Field in 1948.
Clarence Tinker was the first Native American general in the U.S. Army. He was killed in combat during the War.
Almost 500,000 Oklahomans went to war, many from the state’s National Guard.
The 45th Infantry Division were known as The Thunderbirds, and saw heavy fighting in Europe.
More than 20,000 of its men lost their lives and eight received the Medal of Honor.
In 1945, Bill Mauldin, a cartoonist in the 45th, won the Pulitzer Prize for his wartime work.
"Spring is here."
Texans and Oklahomans formed the 90th Infantry. They called themselves the “Tough ‘Ombres.” They fought at Utah Beach on D-Day and later at the Battle of the Bulge.
Native American Code Talkers were used in Europe.
Oklahoma tribes who served included the Comanche, Cherokee, Choctaw, Cheyenne, Muscogee Creek, Kiowa, Osage, Pawnee, Seminole, and Sac and Fox.
After Pearl Harbor, many Japanese-Americans were sent to “Relocation Centers” for security.
Three of these centers were in Fort Sill, McAlester, and Stringtown.
There was also a Prisoner of War Camp for captured Germans in Alva.
When the men went off to war, America’s women again went to work in the factories.
They were personified by a character who was known as “Rosie the Riveter.”
Ration books limited the supply of certain things like food, clothing, oil and gas, and other items.
**HOW TO SHOP WITH WAR RATION BOOK TWO**
... to Buy Canned, Bottled and Frozen Fruits and Vegetables; Dried Fruits, Juices and all Canned Soups
1. **USE THIS RATION BOOK.** You may use one or all of your family’s ration books when you shop. You may not shop with loose ration stamps.
2. **USE BLUE STAMPS ONLY.** All blue point stamps marked A, B, and C are good during the first ration period. They add up to 48 points for each member of the family.
3. **THE NUMBERS SHOW POINTS.** You will not be able to get “change” in point stamps, so save your low-value stamps for buying low-point foods.
4. **LOOK AT THE POINT VALUES before you buy.** Points have nothing to do with prices or quality. Point values will be the same in all stores.
5. **GIVE THE STAMPS TO YOUR GROCER.** Tear out stamps in the presence of your grocer—or tear them out in the presence of the delivery boy.
6. **FRESH FRUITS AND VEGETABLES are not rationed.** Use them instead of rationed foods whenever possible. Try out recipes that make your rations go further.
**YOUR POINT ALLOWANCE MUST LAST FOR THE FULL RATION PERIOD**
Plan How Many Points You Will Use Each Time Before You Shop
BUY EARLY IN THE WEEK
Foods are going to our fighting men. They come first! Your ration gives you your fair share of the foods that are left.
BUY EARLY IN THE DAY
Schools held scrap drives, collecting old metal to help the war effort.
Farm equipment that had been unused since the Dust Bowl was recycled to make battleships and planes.
People also planted new Victory Gardens and bought War Bonds.
One bright spot stateside happened in 1943, when “Oklahoma!” premiered on Broadway. It was based on the play “Green Grow the Lilacs” by Lynn Riggs.
The title number became our state song in 1953, and the musical was filmed in 1955.
On June 6, 1944, the Allies stormed the beaches of Normandy in northwestern France.
Nazi Germany surrendered on May 8, 1945, proclaimed V-E Day (for “Victory in Europe”). Japan, however, refused to give up.
In the Pacific, the Allies liberated the East Indies and the Philippines, and raised the flag on Iwo Jima island.
President Roosevelt died of a stroke on April 12th, 1945.
Fearing an invasion of Japan would cause an enormous loss of American lives, the new president, Harry Truman, ordered an atomic bomb dropped on the city of Hiroshima.
More than 60,000 people were killed instantly.
But Japan still refused to surrender, and three days later a second bomb was dropped on the city of Nagasaki. Another 40,000 died.
On August 15, Japan surrendered. The war was over.
More than 6,500 Oklahomans had been killed during the war, and 11,000 wounded.
Thirteen Oklahomans were awarded the Medal of Honor for their service.
Section 2: The Postwar Period
In 1945, millions of soldiers returned home. Life in Oklahoma was different after the war. For the first time, a majority of people no longer lived on farms or in rural areas. 51% of the population now lived in the cities.
The Servicemen’s Readjustment Act, known as The G.I. Bill of Rights, passed in 1944.
It provided funding for education and training; home, farm, and business loans; and unemployment and job search assistance.
“G.I.” was a common term used for military veterans. It actually meant “government issue.”
Developers began building blocks of houses, called suburbs, on the edges of existing cities.
Bethany, Warr Acres, Nichols Hills, The Village, Del City, and Midwest City expanded during the late 1940s.
But smaller towns like Britton completely disappeared.
Between 1946 and 1964, more than 78 million children were born in the United States. This generation was called the Baby Boomers.
More than 950,000 were born in Oklahoma.
Although the state population was growing, the number of school districts declined due to consolidation, or joining of rural schools.
In 1914, there were almost 6,000 state districts. Now, there are 524.
In Noble County, some of the actual buildings were moved to other towns.
By 1962, 90% of America’s households had a black-and-white television.
Oklahoma City’s first television station, WKY-TV Channel 4, began broadcasting in 1949.
It was an NBC affiliate and in 1990, it changed its call letters to KFOR.
One of the most popular local programs was “3-D Danny,” with Danny Williams (right) as the leader of the Space Science Center and John Ferguson as his arch-enemy, the evil Duke of Mukeden.
John Ferguson later created “Count Gregore,” host of the late-night “Shock Theatre.”
John and I have worked together on several productions in local theatre.
Oklahoma was first in the nation to provide a statewide educational television network.
*KETA, Channel 13, began operating in 1953.*
Today, it broadcasts with 17 other stations across the state.
The network is called the Oklahoma Educational Television Authority (OETA).
Popular music changed forever when Rock-and-Roll began.
Oklahoma City radio station KOMA 1520 switched to a rock-and-roll format in the 1950s. It could be heard all over the southwestern U.S.
Elvis Presley’s early hit, “Heartbreak Hotel,” was co-written by Oklahoman Mae Boren Axton. Presley later recorded “Never Been to Spain,” written by Axton’s son, Hoyt.
Oilman Thomas Gilcrease opened a gallery in Tulsa for his art collection in 1949.
Today, the paintings and sculptures are showcased at the Gilcrease Museum.
The Cowboy Hall of Fame was established in 1955.
Later, it became the National Cowboy and Western Heritage Museum.
Baseball legends from Oklahoma included Mickey Mantle and Allie Reynolds, who both played for the New York Yankees, and Warren Spahn, who played for the Boston Braves.
In 1956, the federal government established the Interstate Highway System across the U.S.
The system was championed by President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
The popularity of automobiles led to a new restaurant concept: eating in your car. The Top Hat café in Shawnee changed its format and took on a new, space-age name: Sonic Drive In.
Amusement parks also boomed in the 1950s. The most popular was Frontier City, an Old West theme park in Oklahoma City.
More than 30 new state parks were also built in the 1950s and 1960s, including Alabaster Caverns in Woods County and Black Mesa in Cimarron County.
Oklahoma also built dams for flood control, drinking water, irrigation, and recreation. Lake Eufaula was created in 1956.
Oklahoma’s deadliest tornado struck Woodward on Wednesday, April 9, 1947, killing 116 people.
The F5 was nearly two miles wide and destroyed more than 1,000 structures.
The following year, Major Ernest Fawbush and Captain Robert Miller predicted the atmospheric conditions that indicated a tornado would develop at Tinker Air Force Base.
The two men observed weather patterns developing exactly as they had five days earlier, producing a tornado that had caused $10 million damage.
It was the first successful tornado warning.
Oklahoma has experienced multiple earthquakes, including a magnitude 5.8 in Pawnee in 2016.
Two others, at magnitudes 5.6 and 5.7, occurred in 1952 and in 2011.
Section 3: Social Change
Two world powers emerged after World War II: The United States and the Soviet Union.
Although the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. were allies against the Nazis, the two countries engaged in an ideological “Cold War”: democracy vs. communism.
It led to two wars in Southeast Asia.
Communist North Korea invaded South Korea in 1950, and the conflict lasted three years.
About 450 Oklahomans died while serving in the war.
Fear of nuclear war created a great deal of anxiety in the 1950s. People built fallout shelters and conducted “Duck & Cover” drills planned by the Office of Civil Defense.
For children, activities included new toys like Legos, Davy Crockett “Indian Fighter hats,” and Mr. Potato Head.
The original Mr. Potato Head used an actual potato or other vegetable!
Oklahoma’s first native-born governor was Robert S. Kerr, who served from 1942-1946.
Kerr later served 15 years in the United States Senate.
His greatest legacy was the McClellan-Kerr Arkansas River Navigation System.
Roy J. Turner was governor from 1946-1950, and authorized and began the construction of the Turnpike that bears his name.
In 1946, Ada Lois Sipuel, an honor graduate of Langston University, applied to the OU Law School.
Due to state segregation laws, she was denied admission. She and her attorneys Amos T. Hall (left) and Thurgood Marshall (center) filed a lawsuit against OU. In 1950, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that black students must be permitted to enroll at previously all-white schools. Her championing of civil rights would help the country overturn the old Jim Crow laws.
In 1950, Johnston Murray was elected governor.
He was the son of “Alfalfa Bill” Murray.
During his tenure, the fear of communism prompted the state government to require a loyalty oath of all state employees.
Also during his term, women gained the right to serve on juries.
New roads and the ongoing issue of segregation challenged the next governor, Raymond Gary.
Three branches of the Interstate highway system, I-35, I-40, and I-44, were being planned to cross Oklahoma.
At Gary’s request, the State Regents called for desegregation in all public schools.
Clara Luper, a local history teacher, led one of the country’s first “sit-ins” in 1958.
A sit-in occurs when a group of people enter a public facility and refuse to leave until their demands are met. Luper and 12 others sat at the lunch counter at the Katz Drug Store and refused to leave. The company eventually desegregated all its stores.
Luper participated in demonstrations for integration of cafeterias, churches, and amusement parks; marches; boycotts; and voter registration drives. She was arrested 26 times in her fight to end discrimination.
Carl Albert, a Congressman from McAlester, was Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1971 to 1976.
He served the 3rd District in eastern Oklahoma for more than 30 years.
At only 5 feet 4 inches tall, Albert was often referred to as “The Little Giant from Little Dixie.”
He was speaker during the Watergate crisis. Because of the sudden resignation of Vice President Spiro Agnew in 1973, Albert was next in line to become president from October to December of that year.
Americans were caught by surprise when the Soviets launched the Sputnik 1 satellite in 1957. The U.S. immediately joined the Space Race.
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration quickly created a manned spaceflight program called Project Mercury. One of the first seven astronauts was Oklahoman Gordon Cooper.
The first woman to complete NASA’s screening process was Oklahoma’s Jerrie Cobb (pictured here in splashdown training).
Cobb had become a pilot at age 12, but the government would not allow women to fly military jets. This rule excluded her from the spaceflight program.
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NORMANDY
BY
NICO JUNGMAN
LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
SAN DIEGO
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation
http://www.archive.org/details/normandy00mittiala
R. Ellis Roberts
The following is a list of the major research areas in which the Department of Mathematics has been active over the past few years.
1. **Algebraic Geometry**
- Moduli spaces and their applications to string theory
- Enumerative geometry and mirror symmetry
2. **Analysis**
- Partial differential equations
- Harmonic analysis
- Geometric measure theory
3. **Combinatorics**
- Graph theory
- Enumerative combinatorics
- Algebraic combinatorics
4. **Differential Equations**
- Nonlinear partial differential equations
- Dynamical systems
- Control theory
5. **Geometry**
- Differential geometry
- Symplectic geometry
- Riemannian geometry
6. **Number Theory**
- Arithmetic geometry
- Analytic number theory
- Algebraic number theory
7. **Probability**
- Stochastic processes
- Random matrices
- Mathematical finance
8. **Statistics**
- Bayesian statistics
- Statistical learning
- Applied statistics
9. **Topology**
- Geometric topology
- Algebraic topology
- Low-dimensional topology
10. **Applied Mathematics**
- Mathematical biology
- Fluid dynamics
- Computational mathematics
These areas reflect the breadth and depth of research conducted within the department, with a strong emphasis on both theoretical and applied aspects of mathematics.
NORMANDY
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form so that it can be securely transmitted or stored.
6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions.
9. Protocol: A set of rules that govern how data is transmitted between two systems.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
13. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to perform a specific task.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that interacts with the user.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language used for structuring and storing data.
18. API: Application Programming Interface, a set of rules and protocols for building software applications.
19. Cloud Computing: The delivery of computing resources over the internet.
20. Big Data: Large volumes of data that require specialized techniques for analysis and management.
21. Machine Learning: A subset of artificial intelligence that focuses on developing algorithms that can learn from data and make predictions or decisions without being explicitly programmed.
22. Natural Language Processing (NLP): A field of artificial intelligence that focuses on enabling computers to understand, interpret, and generate human language.
23. Robotics: The design, construction, and operation of robots.
24. Internet of Things (IoT): The interconnection of physical devices, vehicles, appliances, and other items with the internet, allowing them to exchange data and perform actions autonomously.
25. Quantum Computing: A type of computing that uses quantum-mechanical phenomena, such as superposition and entanglement, to perform operations on data.
26. Blockchain: A decentralized digital ledger that records transactions across many computers in such a way that the registered transactions cannot be altered retroactively.
27. Artificial Intelligence (AI): The simulation of human intelligence processes by machines, especially computer systems.
28. Deep Learning: A subset of machine learning that uses neural networks with multiple layers to learn and make predictions.
29. Neural Networks: A class of machine learning models inspired by the structure and function of the human brain.
30. Reinforcement Learning: A type of machine learning where an agent learns to make decisions by interacting with its environment and receiving rewards or penalties based on its actions.
The old woman sat knitting by the sea, her hands moving rhythmically as she worked on her project. The sound of the waves crashing against the shore provided a soothing backdrop to her quiet concentration.
NORMANDY
BY NICO JONGMAN
TEXT BY G. F. MITTON
PUBLISHED BY ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK
SOHO SQUARE, LONDON
A NORMAN PEASANT
THE
CITY OF LONDON
A GUIDE TO THE HISTORIC MONUMENTS AND INTERESTING PLACES IN THE CITY OF LONDON
BY
WILLIAM H. BROWN
LONDON
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR
1890
NORMANDY
BY NICO JUNGMAN
TEXT BY G. E. MITTON
PUBLISHED BY ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK
SOHO SQUARE · LONDON
Published . . . September 1905
PREFACE
Pen and brush are both necessary in the attempt to give an impression of a country; word-painting for the brain, colour for the eye. Yet even then there must be gaps and a sad lack of completeness, which is felt by no one more than by the coadjutors who have produced this book. There are so many aspects under which a country may be seen. In the case of Normandy, for instance, one man looks for magnificent architecture alone, another for country scenes, another for peasant life, and each and all will cavil at a book which does not cater for their particular taste. Cavil they must; the artist and author here have tried—knowing well how far short of the ideal they have fallen—to show Normandy as it appeared to them, and the matter must be coloured by their personalities. Thus they plead for leniency, on the ground that no one person's view can ever exactly be that which satisfies another.
G. E. MITTON.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used for data integrity checks.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Network: A collection of computers and devices connected together to share resources and communicate.
9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to be used by humans to express instructions to a computer.
11. Query: A request for information from a database.
12. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
14. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
15. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
16. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
18. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data between devices.
19. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
20. YAML: Yet Another Markup Language, a data serialization language that is easy to read and write, and is commonly used for configuration files.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
In General ........................................... 1
CHAPTER II
The Norman Dukes .................................. 18
CHAPTER III
The Mighty William ................................. 34
CHAPTER IV
A Mediaeval City .................................... 56
CHAPTER V
Caen .................................................. 79
CHAPTER VI
Falaise ............................................... 93
CHAPTER VII
Bayeux and the Smaller Towns ..................... 112
CHAPTER VIII
The Famous Tapestry ............................... 129
Contents
CHAPTER IX
An Abbey on a Rock ........................................ 140
CHAPTER X
The Stormy Côtentin ....................................... 155
CHAPTER XI
Dieppe and the Coast ....................................... 163
CHAPTER XII
Up the Seine .................................................. 182
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. A Norman Peasant . . . . . . . . Frontispiece
2. Cherry Blossom . . . . . . . . 6
3. The Harbour at Low Tide, Granville . . . . 8
4. A Festival Cap . . . . . . . . 10
5. A Seaside Resort . . . . . . . . 12
6. Grandmother . . . . . . . . 14
7. An Approach to the Abbey, Mont St Michel . . . . 22
8. Entrance to Mont St Michel . . . . 28
9. A Street, Mont St Michel . . . . 32
10. Harbour of Fécamp . . . . . . . 36
11. A Road near Rouen . . . . . . . 44
12. Near Pont-Audemer . . . . . . . 46
13. Old Houses, Rouen . . . . . . . 58
14. A Street in Rouen . . . . . . . . 62
15. The Towers of St Ouen . . . . . 64
16. An Hotel Courtyard, Rouen . . . . 72
17. The Milk Carrier . . . . . . . . 84
18. A Street Vendor, Falaise . . . . . 94
19. A Little Norman Girl . . . . . . . 96
20. Rural Scene . . . . . . . . 102
21. Starting for the Washing-Shed . . . . 104
22. Lace Making . . . . . . . . 110
23. An Ancient Inn Yard . . . . . . . 114
24. Timber-frame House, Lisieux . . . . 120
25. Valley of the Rille . . . . . . . . 122
26. St Lo . . . . . . . . 124
| Illustration | Title | Facing Page |
|-------------|------------------------------|-------------|
| 27 | A Street in Granville | 126 |
| 28 | The Spinning Wheel | 134 |
| 29 | Mont St Michel—Sunset | 142 |
| 30 | La Porte du Roi | 144 |
| 31 | The Street, Mont St Michel | 146 |
| 32 | A View from the Top of Mont St Michel | 148 |
| 33 | A Holiday Head-dress | 156 |
| 34 | Cherbourg | 160 |
| 35 | The Gateway, Dieppe | 164 |
| 36 | The Quay, Dieppe | 168 |
| 37 | Fishermen at Fécamp | 174 |
| 38 | Havre | 176 |
| 39 | Quai Sainte Catherine, Honfleur | 182 |
| 40 | Caudebec-en-Caux | 186 |
The Illustrations in this volume have been engraved and printed at the Menpes Press.
CHAPTER I
IN GENERAL
It is a task of extreme difficulty to set down on paper what may be called the character of a country; it includes so much—the historical past, the solemn and magnificent buildings, the antiquity of the towns, the nature of the landscape, the individuality of the people; and besides all these large and important facts, there must be more than a reference to distinctive customs, quaint street scenes, peculiarities in costume, manners, and style of living. Only when all these topics have been mingled and interwoven to form a comprehensive whole, can we feel that justice is done to a country. Yet when the scope of the book has been thus outlined, the manner of it remains to be considered, and on the manner depends all or nearly all the charm. It will not answer the purpose we have in view to follow the methods of guide-book writing; that careful pencil-drawing, where each small object receives the same detailed recognition in accordance with its size as does each large
fact, is not for us; for it is essential that the whole must consist of wide areas of light and shade, to make definite impressions. Many people have passed through the country, guide-book in hand, have studied the style of every cathedral, have seen the spot where Joan of Arc was murdered, and where William the Conquerer was born, but have come back again without having once felt that shadowy and intangible thing, the character of Normandy, wherein lies its fascination.
It seems, then, that the only possible way to aim at this high ideal will be to exercise the principle of selection; to choose those things which are typical and representative, whether of a particular town or the whole country, to describe in detail some points which may be found in many places, and to leave the rest. A town-to-town tour, with everything minute, accurate, at the same level, would be wearisome and unimpressive, however useful as a guide-book. Here we shall wander and ramble, selecting one or two objects for special attention, perhaps by reason of their singularity, perhaps for the opposite reason, because they are typical of many of their kind, and by this method we shall gain some general idea of the country, without becoming tedious by reason of too much detail, or vague for lack of it.
It has often been said that Normandy is a beautiful country, or as it is less happily expressed, "So pretty," and this is not altogether true; no doubt there are parts of Normandy which are
beautiful, such as the banks of the Seine, and the country about Mortain and Domfront, but there are also parts as dully monotonous as the worst of Holland or Picardy. To know the country, one must see all kinds, and perhaps with knowledge we shall get to feel even for the plainer parts that affection which comes with knowledge of a dear but plain face.
The present chapter, however, is merely preliminary and discursive, with the object of giving some general idea of the country as a background before filling in the groups destined for the foreground. The place where the majority of English people first strike Normandy is Dieppe. The coast-line running north and south of Dieppe is famous for its bathing-places and pleasure resorts, and it will be dealt with later on.
The district lying between Dieppe and the Seine is known as Caux. The route from Dieppe to Paris is well known to many a traveller, and the feeling of anyone who sees it for the first time will probably be surprise at its likeness to England. If the journey be in the spring-time, he will see cowslips and cuckoo flowers in the lush green grass, amid which stand cows of English breed. The woods will be spangled with starry-eyed primrose and anemones, while long bramble creepers trail over the sprouting hedges. Even the cottages, red-tiled or thatched, are quite familiar specimens; and it is only when some rigid chateau, in the hideous style most affected by modern France, built of glaring brick, and with an
Normandy
utter absence of all attempt at architectural grace, is seen up a vista of formal trees, that he will realise he is not in the Midlands.
Then we come to the banks of the Seine. Perhaps if one had to choose out of all Normandy, one would select the country lying within and around those great horse-shoe loops of the river as admittedly the most beautiful part. So full of interest and variety is the course of the Seine, that we have reserved a special chapter for an account of it between Havre and Vernon. However, beautiful as it is, this part is not quite so characteristically Norman as some other districts. The Seine itself, though it flows for so long through Normandy, does not belong to it, but to France; the people who live on its banks are more French than Norman, and we have to go farther westward to find more typical scenery. The country lying about Gisors, and between that town and the Seine, was called the Vexin, and formed a debatable ground on which many a contest was fought, and which was held by France and Normandy in turn.
To the west of the Seine the country varies. Some towns, like Lisieux, lie surrounded by broken ground well clothed by trees, while much of the district, notably that south of Evreux, is monotonous and almost devoid of hills at all.
We find here some instances of those long, straight roads which it seems to be the highest ideal of the Vicinal Committee to make. We shall meet them again in plenty elsewhere, but may as
well describe them here. Take for instance that road running between Evreux and Lisieux; it undulates slightly, and at each little crest the white ribbon can be seen rising and falling, and growing at last so small in the endless perspective, that it almost vanishes from sight. Six miles from any town a man is found carefully brushing the dust from this road, though what good he can possibly do by the clouds he raises with his long, pliant sweep is a mystery. On each side of the road there is a broad ribbon of green, and in this case it is overhung by a double row of trees that really do give some shade. The peasants walk in this green aisle, but even with the grass underfoot the patience needed to traverse perpetually such monotonous roads must be great; it is the quality often found in those whose lives know little variety. Sometimes these high roads are planted with poplars, which mock the wayfarer, for like so many other trees in France, these poplars are stripped of all their boughs almost to the top, and the little tuft of light leaves remaining gives no relief to sight or sense on a glaring road under a summer sun; oaks, horse-chestnuts, beeches—almost any other tree, and all seem to grow well—would have been far better for shade and comfort; yet for one road planted with these umbrageous trees a dozen are lined by the scanty and disappointing poplar. Along them pass the market carts with hoods like those of a victoria; and even the drivers of slow travelling
Normandy
carts supply themselves with miniature hoods, exactly like those of perambulators, to cover their seats, for no one could endure the hours passed in the sun without some protection.
A great deal of Normandy is flat and bare; the flint and trefoil style is common. Wide fields of mustard of a crude raw yellow, not golden like the Pomeranian lupin fields, are often to be seen. The flat landscapes are broken by a few stiff or scraggy trees, tethered cows, or cottages of lathe and clay; yet, we hear the song of the lark and scent the breath of roses, and in the spring and early summer orchards of cherry blossom make gleaming sheets of white on many a roadside.
The valley of the River Rille, up which Pont Audemer lies, is of a different style altogether, still it has characteristics in common with other districts. The valley is flat, and from it on each side so steeply rise the fir-crowned hills that in describing them one could almost use the word rectangular. Though the trees are fairly thick there is a ragged, unfinished, rather scrubby look, very often seen in Normandy.
If we spring westward now to Caen, we find the flat and bald landscape everywhere. The country is almost incredibly dull, and this is the reason why Caen, such an interesting town in itself, makes so small an appeal as headquarters. The long, straight roads radiate from it in all directions. Here and there there is a lining of trees, but
JERRY PROCTOR
CHERRY BLOSSOM
The cherry blossoms are in full bloom, and the valley is alive with their fragrance. The trees are covered with delicate pink flowers, and the air is filled with their sweet perfume. The children are playing in the fields, and the birds are singing their sweet songs. It is a beautiful day, and everyone is enjoying the beauty of nature.
The cherry blossoms are a symbol of spring, and they bring with them a sense of renewal and hope. They remind us of the beauty of life and the importance of appreciating the simple things in life. The cherry blossoms are a reminder to us that even in the midst of our busy lives, we should take time to appreciate the beauty around us.
The cherry blossoms are also a symbol of Japan, and they have become an important part of Japanese culture. The cherry blossom festival, or Hanami, is a popular event in Japan, where people gather to admire the beauty of the blossoms and enjoy a picnic in the park. The cherry blossoms are a reminder to us of the importance of community and shared experiences.
The cherry blossoms are a symbol of the fleeting nature of life, and they remind us to cherish every moment. They are a reminder to us that even though life may be short, we can still find beauty and joy in the world around us. The cherry blossoms are a reminder to us that even in the midst of our busy lives, we should take time to appreciate the beauty around us.
The painting depicts a serene rural scene with a winding path leading through a lush, green landscape. The path is flanked by trees and bushes, creating a natural corridor that guides the viewer's eye towards a small village nestled in the distance. The village consists of several quaint houses, each with distinct architectural features, including timber-framed structures and red-tiled roofs. The overall atmosphere of the painting is peaceful and idyllic, evoking a sense of tranquility and connection to nature.
generally only a green ditch, waterless, and a line of cornfield, blue-green or yellow as the season may be, with perhaps a ragged fringe of gnarled apple-trees standing ankle-deep in the corn, and the wide sky, like a great inverted bowl of clear blue, fitting every way to the horizon. There may be fields of deep crimson trefoil to vary the colouring, or there may be fields yet unplanted in which the bare brown earth seems to stretch to eternity, and far away in the midst are the stooping figures of two or three men and women busily working with bent backs on a shadeless plain. Yet in this wide flat country there is a freshness and an openness that one might imagine could permeate the blood, so that the peasants who were born and reared here might suffocate and die in a mountainous country, as the mountaineers are said to pine and die in a plain. This flat plain to the westward of Caen, and surrounding Bayeux in the district of the Bessin, has been, so long as history has any record, a prime agricultural country with magnificent pasturage. The most notable points in the little villages which stud it are the wonderful churches, out of all proportion to the size of the hamlets they represent. Of course this feature is found all over the country, and in almost every small town there is a cathedral, so that one cannot but wonder where the money came from which built such glorious monuments to piety. The line going to Bayeux runs at about seven or eight miles from Caen, between two little
villages, Bretteville and Norrey, which share a station between them. The church at Norrey, built in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, is a very model of architectural perfection and simplicity, the tall spire is something in the style of the marvellous St Pierre in Caen itself. Bretteville falls not far short of it, though the tower is after a different pattern. A very few miles on, at Andrieu, is a church with a splendid tower of the same date as Norrey, and about two miles south, at Tilly aux Seulles, a church of which the nave is eleventh century, the choir twelfth, the tower fourteenth, and the portal fifteenth, all in the artistic and finished style we associate with that period when there seems to have been nothing but good work. This group of churches is worth mentioning as striking, even in the profusion to be found in Normandy. Leaving Caen and going southward, we plunge before very long into the hilly country from which the Orne rises. This is known as the Bocage, a name which suggests rich foliage. The part of the country in which Mortain and Domfront lie has been called the Alps of Normandy, and certainly it can hold its own for picturesqueness. It is, however, comparatively little known; the line of the quick-trip-man may touch Falaise, but it goes no further south. Yet even at Falaise one can see part of a ridge extending for many kilometres, a ridge which has been so magnificently utilised as the site of the castle where William was born. The hills through Mortain and Domfront
THE
LORD'S PRAYER
WITH THE TEACHINGS OF JESUS CHRIST
BY
JOHN R. MUIR, D.D.
PUBLISHED BY THE
CHRISTIAN REFORMED PUBLISHING CO.
GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
THE HARBOUR AT LOW TIDE,
GRANVILLE
The harbour at Granville is one of the most picturesque in Normandy, and its beauty is enhanced by the fact that it is situated on the edge of a cliff, which affords a magnificent view of the sea. The town itself is built on the hillside, and the houses are perched on the edge of the cliff, giving them a unique and picturesque appearance.
The harbour is a natural one, and has been used for centuries by fishermen and traders. It is sheltered from the worst of the sea by the cliffs, and is protected from the wind by the surrounding hills. The water is clear and clean, and the harbour is deep enough to accommodate large ships.
The town of Granville is a popular tourist destination, and the harbour is one of the main attractions. Visitors can take boat trips around the harbour, and see the beautiful scenery from the water. There are also many shops and restaurants in the town, and visitors can enjoy a variety of activities, such as swimming, sailing, and fishing.
In conclusion, the harbour at Granville is a beautiful and unique place, and is well worth a visit. Its natural beauty and picturesque setting make it a must-see destination for anyone visiting Normandy.
The painting depicts a ship with sails, likely in a harbor or coastal setting. The sails are partially unfurled, and the ship appears to be stationary or moving slowly. The background shows a town or cityscape with buildings that have a European architectural style. The overall mood of the painting is calm and serene, capturing a moment of stillness in a maritime environment.
run parallel with this ridge, and are of the same description. Indeed the positions of the castles at Domfront and Falaise are very similar.
Turning now to a new district westward, we find a rugged granite coast, chiefly notable for the splendid views it affords of the bay of Mont St Michel and its famous rock, and on a wider scale of the Channel, where lie the Iles Causey and Iles Normandes (Channel Isles). There are here a group of fine towns, Avranches, Granville, Coutances, and St Lo. The first named is the capital of the Avranchin district, which stretches up to the little stream Couesnon, separating Normandy and Brittany. Thus we are almost at the end of a general topographical survey; there remains only that peninsula of the Côtentin, very little visited, and entirely off the tourist track, yet in itself delightful. The hills rise and fall, and are well covered with trees, which, though not of a great height, grow warmly and bushily. The roads are good, and the country is studded with ancient chateaux, now for the most part farmhouses, which shall have, as they deserve, a chapter to themselves. We have thus run very quickly over Normandy in a general survey, gaining some idea of the characteristics of the districts, and calling them by the ancient names they bore in the days of the Norman dukes.
In regard to the people, what there is to say has been said in the various local chapters. The quaint costumes, which are familiar to us from many a
Normandy
picture, are fast dying out; in Normandy one sees less of them than in Brittany; here and there, it is true, we find a local fashion in caps, as at Valognes; and still on feast-days and fair-days some damsel appears in the wonderful erection of stiffening and beautiful hand-made lace which her grandmother wore, to be the envy of her neighbours; but in an ordinary way these things are not seen. "On y cherchent vainement ces riches fermières de la plaine et du Bessin, dont les hautes coiffes garnies de dentelles et les bijoux Normandes attiraient tous les regards."
And what is said of costumes may be said also of customs. Le Hericher, who has made a study of racial characteristics, says that the Normans are not a people of imagination and idealism like the Celtic races. "Il y a en Normandie deux localités où on remarque une population exotique, exotique de costume, exotique de langue; c'est Granville à quatre lieues de Cancale, son berceau, son point de départ; Cancalaises et Granvillaises sont des sœurs séparées pas un bras de mer. L'autre c'est le faubourg de Dieppe, celui des pêcheuses, le Pollet. Ces deux localités où la race est Celtique, se distinguent par un esprit pieux qui, comme cela se fait chez les Bretons, mêle la religion aux actes de la vie civile et de l'existence maritime." He adds, "Le Normand chante peu et ne danse pas du tout. Se voisin le Breton chante beaucoup, danse un peu."
A. B. C. L. V. A. C.
A FESTIVAL CAP
The Festival Cap is a traditional item worn by students at many universities and colleges during academic ceremonies, particularly graduation. It typically features a tassel or tassels hanging from the front, which can be adjusted to different lengths depending on the institution's regulations. The cap often has a specific color scheme that represents the student's major or the university itself.
In some cases, the cap may also include a mortarboard or a square piece of cloth attached to the top, which is then covered with a decorative band. This band can be made of various materials such as velvet, silk, or satin, and it may bear the university's coat of arms or other symbols of the institution.
The Festival Cap is an important part of the academic dress code and is worn by students during commencement ceremonies, convocations, and other significant events. It serves as a symbol of the student's academic achievements and their commitment to their chosen field of study.
A woman in a large, elaborate hat and dark clothing.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to protect it from unauthorized access.
6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values.
7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects, which are instances of classes.
9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures for communication between different systems or devices.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The protection of information and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A collection of instructions that can be executed by a computer to perform specific tasks.
13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive output.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another operating system.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used in various fields such as software development, database management, security, and networking.
In General
Nevertheless a dancing-match may still be found in some obscure corners of Normandy.
The Norman has the love of country strongly developed and though settlers have gone forth to other lands, especially to Canada, the mother-country retains their hearts in a peculiar way. One of the most popular of the national songs carried overseas runs:
"À la Claire fontaine,
Les mains me mis lavé.
Sur la plus haute branche
La rossignol chantait,
Chante, rossignol chante
Puisque t'as le cœur gai,
Le mien n'est pas de même
Il est bien affligé."
Longfellow's *Evangeline* is full of the spirit of the exile and his picture of the girl herself:
"Wearing her Norman cap, and her kirtle of blue, and the earrings,
Brought in the olden time from France, and since as an heirloom
Handed down from mother to child through long generations,"
gives us a clear-cut vision of a type of Norman girl now growing every day more rare.
A great many people who could visit Normandy as easily as one of our own coast towns are deterred by the difficulty of knowing where to begin, and what route to take. Normandy is the easiest of all countries to visit. One may begin anywhere with the certainty of finding interest and enjoyment, especially those who are cyclists, for the roads are as
Normandy
a rule excellent, much better than those in Brittany, and one may stay for a longer or shorter time with equal pleasure, for the country furnishes material for many a month, and yet much can be seen in ten days or a fortnight.
The best known starting-place, as we have said, is Dieppe, and of the hundreds who enter Normandy yearly, at least eighty per cent. come in by this gate. A very usual route for a first trip is by Rouen, Evreux, Lisieux, Caen, Bayeux, St Lo, Coutances, Avranches, and St Mont Michel, returning from St Malo. This for a preliminary survey is good, and having once been in the country it is almost certain that the traveller will go again, given the opportunity.
There are of course many people who are content with the sea-coast, and wish to penetrate no further than Dieppe or Trouville, to mention the two largest of the coast resorts. There is much to be said for these places. There is a brilliance in the sunny air, a gaiety in the mingling crowds, a completeness in the round of amusements, and the opportunities for observing one's fellow-creatures, that are grand elements in the tonic of change. The bathing, the bands, the casinos, the toilets, are all excellent of their kind, and many a tired worker goes back to that office in the city, where his view is limited by his neighbour's window-reflectors, a new man for the busy idleness of a fortnight at one of these holiday resorts. Unfortunately for those who have not much
A SEASIDE RESORT
The town of Cape May, New Jersey, is situated on the Atlantic coast, approximately 100 miles south of Philadelphia and 25 miles north of Atlantic City. It is a popular summer resort with a population of about 10,000 during the summer months. The town is known for its beautiful beaches, fine hotels, and numerous recreational facilities.
Cape May has a mild climate with warm summers and cool winters. The average temperature in July is around 75°F (24°C) and in January it is around 35°F (1.6°C). The town receives an average of 40 inches of precipitation per year.
The economy of Cape May is primarily based on tourism. The town attracts visitors from all over the United States and Canada, as well as Europe and other parts of the world. The main industries include hospitality, retail, and construction.
Cape May has a rich history dating back to the 18th century when it was a fishing village. In the 19th century, it became a popular summer destination for wealthy families who built grand mansions along the beachfront. Today, many of these historic homes have been converted into bed and breakfasts or vacation rentals.
The town is known for its Victorian architecture, which can be seen throughout the downtown area. The Cape May Historic District, designated by the National Park Service, includes over 1,000 buildings that are listed on the National Register of Historic Places.
Cape May offers a variety of activities for visitors, including beachcombing, boating, golfing, and shopping. The town also has several museums, including the Cape May Lighthouse Museum and the Cape May County Historical Society Museum.
Overall, Cape May is a charming seaside resort that offers a unique blend of history, culture, and natural beauty. Whether you're looking for relaxation or adventure, there's something for everyone in this picturesque town.
The painting depicts a serene landscape with a river flowing through a valley. The river is calm, reflecting the surrounding greenery and the sky above. On the left side of the painting, there is a small village with houses nestled among the trees. The village appears peaceful and quiet, with no visible activity. The right side of the painting shows a steep hillside covered in lush vegetation, adding depth to the scene. The overall mood of the painting is tranquil and idyllic, capturing the beauty of nature in a rural setting.
to spend, the prices at the best hotels at these places in the season are almost prohibitive. However, the season is late, not beginning until July, and there are sunny months before that. There are also countless places along the coast less known, and having the primary advantages of the others; where the sands are just as stoneless and shadeless, and where the sea-air is as fresh and the sky as blue, but where the hotels are not so exorbitant, and the villas and pensions are innumerable also. Such, to take only one example, are the places that line the coast near Caen.
But this is the merest fringe of the subject. One who has sampled the coast towns, and rushed over the main route above described, has hardly begun to know Normandy. He has endless choice left for future holidays. He may make his headquarters at Valognes to explore the Côtentin; he may settle down at Domfront, and wander throughout that lovely district; or he may devote himself to the country around Les Andelys and Gisors; and everywhere he will find opportunity for enjoyment.
The difficulty in passing quickly through Normandy on a cycling or pedestrian tour is to get food when and where you want it. To make any progress at all in summer, it is necessary to start in good time after a substantial meal, then to take a very light luncheon, perhaps carried with one, and to arrive in time for a good dinner at the day’s end. This is very difficult of accomplishment. Such a thing as that which an Englishman calls a good breakfast
Normandy
is almost out of the question, and the probability is that the cyclist riding off the beaten tracks cannot get anything at all for the rest of the day; for of all hopeless places for eatable food, the small villages in Normandy are the worst. Drink of some kind, vermouth, and the sweet syrupy grenadine, can be had at every little shanty, marked "Debit du Boisson," but there is nothing to eat.
I can recall one scene which could never have taken place anywhere save in Normandy. An old farmhouse with half-door, which, being opened, admitted one to an old room toned in browns of all shades, heavy beams, walls, and floor alike. A few boughs, green-encrusted, and sending up a thick smoke, lie on the open hearth. A little old dame, of any age one likes to guess, with wizened nut-brown face encircled by a spotless close-fitting coif, is the lady of the house. Her face is one to which Rembrandt alone could have done justice, with an expression at once kindly, dignified, and shrewd. On the rough table, hacked and hewed by many a knife, are set bowls of milk strongly tasting of wood smoke. Sour cream is spread like jam on slices roughly carved from a loaf the size of a bicycle wheel, and about as hard as deal wood. The cream is very sour, and a few lumps of sugar are served out with it to be grated over it. The old dame sits by with folded hands while the party laugh over their strange meal, but as the laughter continues she grows slightly anxious, and asks to be
THE
LORD'S PRAYER
A SERMON
BY
JAMES M. BROWN
PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
1907
GRANDMOTHER
I have a grandmother, and she is very old. She has gray hair and wears glasses. She lives with us in our house. She likes to read books and watch TV. She also enjoys cooking and baking. We all love her very much.
The old woman was very kind to her, and she gave her a little piece of bread and a glass of milk every day. She also taught her how to cook and clean, and they lived happily together for many years.
One day, the old woman fell ill and could no longer take care of herself. The young girl took over all the chores and cared for her mother until she passed away. After her mother's death, the young girl continued to live in the cottage, taking care of the animals and tending to the garden.
Years went by, and the young girl grew older and wiser. She learned to be independent and self-sufficient, and she became known in the village for her kindness and generosity. She continued to live in the cottage, surrounded by the animals and the beauty of nature, until the end of her days.
assured that she is not the object of it; a royal compliment in the best French at the command of the best linguist of the party chases away anxiety, and also for the moment dignity and shrewdness, leaving nothing but delight pure and simple on that dear old work-worn face.
It is the fashion to praise French cooking, but to an Englishman who has passed the day bicycling with nothing but a couple of soft-boiled eggs and some sour cream, there is something unsatisfying about the ordinary dinner menu at a French hotel. The monotonous soup, always maigre; the dull variety of nameless white fish, which seems to be kept in stock as a staple; the little tasteless pieces of veal, all the same size and shape cut on a dish; the leathery and half-raw mutton, also cut in the same way; the very small variety of vegetables, and utter absence of attempt at sweets—is not an appetising menu. The French are apparently very conservative in their food. A traveller of eighty years ago tells us: "The breakfast at the table d'hôte at Argentan, as at every other place where I stopped, was of exactly the same nature as their dinners. That is, soup, fish, meat of different kinds, eggs, salad, and a dessert with cider; no potatoes or any other vegetable but asparagus at any meal," and this would be a very fair account of an hotel menu nowadays. The worst fault seems to be monotony, always chicken, gigot, or veal. Of course, at the very first-class hotels, at places such as Dieppe,
where English influence has penetrated, things are certainly better, but in the ordinary best hotel in a second-class town, the food is very unsatisfactory, and the meat always tough and bad, in spite of the splendid pasture lands and the fine fat beasts one sees grazing; good beef is very rare, and good mutton unknown. In this respect Normandy seems to have been unvaryingly the same, for the traveller above quoted writes also: "With occasional exceptions, the meat in this part of Normandy (Caen) is of inferior quality, more particularly the mutton, which is generally as lean and tough as an old shoe." So often has the praise of French vegetables been repeated, that one has learned to take it as an axiom, until one goes and finds out for oneself. The truth is there is less, not more variety, than with us; such a thing as a good spring cabbage is unknown, and cauliflower is served only au gratin. Yet the hotels have improved enormously in many points in the last seven or eight years. They have their advantages, and in some ways every French hotel, even the poorest, can beat its English compeers. The great advantage of cheap wine is felt at every hotel in Normandy; the question of what to drink at dinner, usually such a difficult one, is solved for you. On the table, almost everywhere, are red and white wine and seltzer water "compris"; and at every hotel, without exception, cider, varying it is true greatly as to quality, can be had for the asking.
In General
The hotels are also cheap. At those of the first class, 1 franc is the average charge for the petit déjeuner meal; the déjeuner is generally 3; and the dinner 3.50; while the room may be taken at an average price of 3 francs. Therefore a full day at an hotel usually costs 10.50 francs, or en pension 10 francs, equalling between 8 and 9 shillings; but at fashionable coast resorts in the season 15 francs per day is the lowest rate, and in the out-of-the-way districts, and off the beaten tracks, 7 and 8 francs a day are the usual charges. At any rate, in Normandy one is free from the ridiculous impost called "attendance," which entails an additional 1s. 6d. a day in many English and Scotch hotels, while tipping is expected just the same.
Many of the hotels have a forbidding aspect outside; until one is used to it, it is a little damping to enter under a low archway leading to a stableyard, but the entry is often the worst part of it. An Englishman touring through the country will find as a rule he is able to find without difficulty quarters which possess all requisites though not luxuries.
CHAPTER II
THE NORMAN DUKES
Normandy is probably at the same time the best and the least known place on the Continent to Englishmen: the best known, because the most accessible; the least known, because, beyond the fact that the Duke of Normandy conquered England in the year 1066, and that it is in consequence from Normandy that our line of kings is derived, the average Englishman knows little or nothing of its history or associations. Ask him plainly: What is the extent of Normandy? and he will answer vaguely, "It is the north of France." So it is, a part of the north of France, but not the whole. As a matter of fact, the term Normandy has now little geographical meaning. Normandy is not a province for practical purposes, nor does it carry any civil boundaries marking customs, or law, or government. Normandy embraces the departments of Manche, Orne, Eure, Calvados, and Seine Inférieure; that is to say, it reaches from Eu and its port Le Tréport on the east; to the stream Couesnon, which flows into the
The Norman Dukes
English Channel a little beyond Mont St Michel on the west; and southward it just takes in Alençon, dips down to a point near La Ferté Bernard, returning with a wavering north-eastward line across the Seine at Vernon, and by Gisors to Eu aforesaid. It answers also to the modern dioceses of Rouen, Evreux, Séez, Bayeux, and Coutances. The Archbishop of Rouen still keeps the title of Primate of Normandy, otherwise the name has gone out of formal use, and Normandy is merged in France.
Yet it is extraordinary with what tenacity and affection Englishmen regard a name which links the dwellers in the land to them as kin, and it is still more extraordinary how, after centuries of submersion, beneath a rule entirely French, the kinship makes itself felt in manner and character as well as in memory. The qualities of the sturdy northmen whose bravery and roving dispositions led them to lands far from their own, and made them at home everywhere, still exist in their descendants, as the colonies of England testify. When the Danes had settled down upon the north of France "they were," says Freeman, "no longer Northmen but Normans; the change in the form of the name aptly expresses the change in those who bore it." Yet many and many a vessel full of vikings discharged itself on that land without making any impression, until one came bearing the mighty Rollo, who was destined to stay and make a permanent mark.
Normandy
The France of those days, torn by dissensions, was not the homogeneous country we now know. Long before Cæsar first conquered Gaul, and in the time of his successor Augustus, Lyons was the capital; then came the Germans and Goths, who began to overrun the land, and a little later the low German tribe of the Franks came also; they were destined to give their name to a land alien from their own, just as the modern name of Scotland was brought over the sea originally by the men of Ireland. It was in the beginning of the sixth century that the greater part of Gaul lay under the dominion of Clovis, King of the Franks. Yet after his death, in accordance with the German custom, the kingdom was divided among his sons, one province being Neustria, which included what we know as Normandy, and endless struggles ensued, until in the middle of the seventh century arose the great Charlemagne, who ruled by his might over all central Europe, now divided into many nations. But in the struggle between his grandsons, his great dominion was split up, one grandson taking what is now Germany, another Italy, and the third, and most powerful, Charles the Bald, holding France. He had for his kingdom "all Gaul west of the Scheldt, the Meuse, the Saône, and the Rhone; it ran down to the Mediterranean, and was thence bounded by the Pyrenees and the Atlantic." Brittany was still savagely independent, however, and the northern coasts of Neustria were ravaged by the Northmen. The county of Paris became part of the
possessions of the duchy of France, and Robert the Strong, made duke by Charles the Bald, was set to fight against the northern marauders, who had penetrated even to Paris. But the descendants of the great Charles were weak and feeble, and as his house declined that of Robert the Strong grew, culminating in his great-grandson, Hugh Capet, who, on the death of the last of the direct line of degenerate Carlovingians, became king of the France that we know.
But before Capet had succeeded in seating himself on the throne, the Northmen had settled permanently in France. In the reign of Charles the Bald’s grandson, Charles the Simple, Rollo or Rolf, the Northman, had established himself at Rouen, and the king had made terms with him, giving him his daughter to wife, and granting him a tract of land from the Epte to the sea, with Rouen as its heart. This was in 912, and is the first recognised settlement of the Northmen. Rollo himself is a fine bold figure, only surpassed by one other among his descendants. His frame was gigantic, and when in full armour no horse could carry him. He seems to have combined, with the strenuous virile qualities of the northerners, the capacity for organisation and settled government belonging to a later period, and a more civilised people. He embraced the faith of his wife Gisella, and was baptized under the name of Robert, though it is as Rollo he will be known and remembered. He was the founder of Normandy, and under his
Normandy
government, learning and industry sprang up and flourished. His followers received the softening influences of the French, and the French language began to be spoken in Normandy.
The first Normandy was, as has been said, the district lying around Rouen, but in 924 the district of Bayeux was added to it, hereafter to become a stronghold of the older language and customs against the Frenchified influences of Rouen. Freeman says: "Nowhere out of old Saxon or Frisian lands can we find another portion of continental Europe which is so truly a brother land of our own. The district of Bayeux, occupied by a Saxon colony in the latest days of the old Roman empire, occupied again by a Scandinavian colony as the result of its conquest by Rolf, has retained to this day a character which distinguishes it from any other Romance-speaking portion of the Continent."
As we have seen, at the time of Rolf's settlement in Neustria there were two powers in France, the King of France, Charles the Simple, and the powerful Duke of the French, who included in his dominions the future capital, Paris. It was to the King of France that Rolf did homage as overlord; and the story goes that the proud Northman, on being told to kiss the monarch's foot by way of homage, deputed one of his men to act as his proxy, and that this man, no humbler than his master, contemptuously raised the king's foot to his own mouth, thereby oversetting the monarch. The story
THE WELCOME TO THE YEAR ROUND
BY ALICE HENRY
AN APPROACH TO THE ABBEY, MONT ST MICHEL
The approach to the Abbey of Mont St Michel is one of the most picturesque in all Europe. The island is reached by a causeway which is only accessible at low tide. The causeway is flanked on either side by two towers, one of which is the Porte de l'Abbaye and the other the Porte de la Ville. The Porte de l'Abbaye leads directly to the Abbey, while the Porte de la Ville leads to the town of Mont St Michel. The causeway is lined with shops and restaurants, and there are also several hotels along the way. The view from the top of the causeway is breathtaking, and it is well worth the effort to climb up to the top for a panoramic view of the island and the surrounding countryside.
The old house in the village, where the story takes place.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper.
1. **Demographic Data**: This includes information such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and marital status. Demographic data can be used to identify trends and patterns in consumer behavior, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their marketing strategies.
2. **Behavioral Data**: This includes information about how people interact with products or services, such as purchase history, website visits, and social media activity. Behavioral data can be used to understand customer preferences and needs, which can help businesses improve their products and services.
3. **Geospatial Data**: This includes information about the location of people, such as their home address, work location, and travel routes. Geospatial data can be used to identify areas where there is a high concentration of customers, which can help businesses target their marketing efforts more effectively.
4. **Transactional Data**: This includes information about the financial transactions that occur between businesses and consumers, such as sales receipts, invoices, and credit card statements. Transactional data can be used to track revenue and expenses, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their financial planning.
5. **Sentiment Analysis Data**: This includes information about the emotions and opinions expressed by consumers, such as reviews, ratings, and social media posts. Sentiment analysis data can be used to understand customer satisfaction and loyalty, which can help businesses improve their customer service and retention strategies.
6. **Predictive Analytics Data**: This includes information about the future trends and patterns that can be predicted based on historical data. Predictive analytics data can be used to forecast sales, demand, and other key metrics, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their operations and growth strategies.
7. **Big Data**: This refers to the vast amounts of data that are generated and collected by businesses and organizations every day. Big data can be used to analyze complex relationships and patterns that would be difficult to identify using traditional data analysis methods.
The Norman Dukes
is probably apocryphal, but it has lived with odd persistence.
Rollo died in 931, and a few years after his death his son William Longsword had the satisfaction of adding to his lands the district of Côntentin, including the peninsula and the land as far south as Granville. He obtained this additional land when he was suppressing what was called a revolt of the Bretons—for the Dukes of Normandy held shadowy rights over Brittany, rights which they were never able to enforce. By his new conquest the Channel Isles were included in Normandy, and oddly enough it was thus they became attached to the English crown, for when the Norman dukes, as kings of England, lost all their other French possessions, they retained the islands. William Longsword was of a softer mould than his father, and from what can be gathered from the chronicles of the time he was a man of a thoughtful cast of mind, serious and gentle, a character rare enough in his age. He was succeeded by his son Richard, who, of all the Norman dukes except the Conqueror himself, is the best known to English people from Miss Yonge's charming story, *The Little Duke*, in which it is to be feared she regards both father and son through a haze of idealisation; but it is indeed difficult if not impossible to make sufficient allowances for the radically different cast of thought in a bygone age, and to draw men as they really were. Richard the Fearless reigned for more than fifty years, and it
was ten years before his death that Hugh Capet combined in himself the power of the kings and dukes of France, and became the first king of consolidated France. Richard had been sent as a lad to Bayeux, in order that he might be brought up under the influences of the country of his ancestors instead of becoming too much Frenchified; but he was of a vigorous disposition, and there seems to have been no reason to believe that he would have suffered unduly from any softening influence.
Nothing is more striking in the early annals of France than the succession of weak rulers she produced; occasionally there arose a man of capacity and power, but his sons were invariably weaklings. France does not seem to have been able to carry on a strong ruling race. In contrast to this, note the towering figures of the Norman dukes—the gigantic Rolf, the wise William Longsword, Richard the Fearless, Robert the Devil, William the Conqueror—all men of exceptional power and capacity. The infusion of Norman blood seems to have given just that basic power of endurance needed in the Teutonic nation. Richard the Fearless was succeeded by his son Richard the Good, and he by two of his sons successively, another Richard, and Robert the Devil or the Magnificent (see p. 34). It was Robert's son William, who, left as a child to his inheritance, became the most famous of his race. No story of romance or legend is more wonderful than that of the Conqueror. At
The Norman Dukes
present we leave it aside to form the theme of a separate chapter, so as not to prolong too far this sketch of Norman history, which is necessary for any understanding of the topographical allusions.
With the Conquest, Normandy began to sink in importance; as in the case of a mother who has brought forth a son, destined to wield power and occupy positions far beyond her capacity, she herself took a secondary place. To be the independent King of England was grander than to be Duke of Normandy subject to the kings of France, and it needed but a generation or two to make the English forget the fact of their being conquered, and to look upon Normandy as a appanage of the English crown. It was a strange position altogether; the best blood of Normandy was emptied into England at the Conquest; abbots, warriors, nobles, men of learning and men of birth settled in the new country and became the English, and England found herself so much Normanised as to be transformed.
It is customary to consider that the history of Normandy ends with the conquest of England, being thenceforth merged in that of the greater country; but though the importance of Normandy as a country was lessened by the union, her history is by no means identical with that of England. Normandy several times enjoyed a sovereign prince altogether distinct from him who wore the crown of England, and this state of affairs began immediately after the death of William the Conqueror, who left
the duchy to his eldest son Robert, while the second son William became King of England. Of Robert we know chiefly that he suffered from an incurable "mollesse," and further, as regards personal details, that as "Jambes eût cortes, gros les os," he earned the nickname of Court-hose. This son of a famous father and admirable mother, was a libertine, given over to pleasure, incapable of taking decisive action, one of those weak characters on which experience cannot engrave permanent lines, but withal full of the courage of his race. He was, however, unable to hold what had been left him. William had prophesied that his youngest son Henry should be greater than both his brothers, and Henry soon began to fulfil the parental prophecy by seizing and holding for himself the Côtentin peninsula, and with it the lordship of Mortain. Nothing is more significant of the grasping natures of the trio of brothers than the way in which they changed over, first one couple joining against the remaining one, and then almost immediately breaking up for a fresh combination. William and Henry warred against Robert; Henry and Robert combined to thwart William; William and Robert mutually agreed to keep Henry out of the succession, and so on; exactly as self-interest dictated for the moment. Finally William came uppermost, and Robert submitted, and henceforth practically held his duchy at the pleasure of his brother. It was Henry's turn to be the "odd man out," and he fled before his
elder brothers, taking refuge in Mont St Michel, where they both besieged him. He had to submit, and, yielding up the fortress, retired a penniless adventurer. But in some way he afterwards regained the whole of the Côtentin. When the crusading mania began, Robert was seized with it; under his rule Normandy had been wretchedly governed, and little he cared. For a comparatively small sum he mortgaged his duchy to his brother William the Red, for six years, and went off to the Holy Land. Normandy was probably the better for his action. In returning from the Holy Land, he managed to occupy a year in the journey, and on the way he married Sybilla, daughter of Count Geoffrey of Flanders. He had already, it may be stated, two sons and a daughter, who seem to have inherited the best of the traits of his house. One of the sons, Richard, while on a visit to his uncle William in England, was accidentally killed in the New Forest.
Sybilla attempted to reclaim her husband from the crowd of bad companions who gathered round him on his re-entry into Normandy, and when Robert was tired of her, as he soon became of everything, he found this inconvenient, so in less than two years she died suddenly of poison. Robert had returned too late to put in a bid for the throne of England! which was already occupied by Henry; but the death of William freed him from any obligation to pay back the debt on his duchy, and Sybilla's
dowry went in other directions. Henry now made a treaty with his brother, by which he delivered up the Côtentin, but kept Domfront and Mortain. However, becoming once more embroiled with Robert, he quickly won for himself the whole duchy, clinching the matter at the famous battle of Tinchebray, whereby the process of his father was reversed, and the King of England now conquered Normandy as the Duke of Normandy had then conquered England. After the terrible death of his son near Barfleur, Henry set his heart on the succession of his daughter Maude, who had been married first to the Emperor of Germany, and afterwards on his death, evidently by her father's choice, to Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou and Maine, one of the most powerful of the rulers who might have opposed her succession in Normandy. Yet Maude never ascended the throne that her father had so carefully guarded for her. It is true that a claimant who might have proved very formidable, William, the remaining son of Robert, had died seven years before his uncle Henry, but there remained the two sons of Adela, daughter of the Conqueror; of these the younger, Stephen, was determined to oust his cousin. During the weary civil war that followed, Normandy was many times traversed by one party or the other, but on the whole the country declared for Stephen. The Count of Anjou was an hereditary enemy, and the Normans did not relish the idea of being governed by him in his wife's name. When at last, after the
THE BIBLE IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE
Entrance to Mont St Michel
The entrance to Mont St Michel is through a narrow causeway that connects the island with the mainland. The causeway is made of stone and is about 100 meters long. It is lined with trees and bushes, and there are several small bridges along the way. The causeway leads to a gatehouse, which is guarded by soldiers. The gatehouse has a large clock tower, and there is a bell that rings every hour. The gatehouse is open from 8:00 AM to 6:00 PM.
The painting depicts a serene riverside scene at night, with a full moon casting a soft glow over the water. The river is calm, reflecting the moonlight and the silhouettes of the buildings along its banks. On the right side of the painting, there is a tall, dark tree with sparse branches, adding to the tranquil atmosphere. In the foreground, a small house with a lit window suggests a peaceful home by the river. The overall mood of the painting is quiet and contemplative, capturing the beauty of a quiet evening by the water.
death of Stephen's son Eustace, it was settled that Henry should be recognised as next heir to his cousin, the land enjoyed peace. With the accession of Henry a fresh era began, for the new king held in France not only Normandy, but in right of his mother and his wife, Touraine, Anjou, Maine, and Aquitaine—together more than half the country—a formidable vassal for the French king! Henry was tenacious of his rights, and it was only as his turbulent sons grew older, and displayed to the full those unfilial dispositions so common in their race, that he consented to divide some of his possessions among them, to be held from him as lord. His gifts were many times changed, but it seems certain that Richard had ruled in Aquitaine as an independent sovereign before his father's death, while Geoffrey, by his marriage with Constance, heiress of Brittany, became Duke of Brittany. Henry gave to his youngest and best loved John the title of Count of Mortain, and with it the vicounty of the Côtentin; and in 1181 he made his eldest son, Henry, Duke of Normandy. But Henry the younger did not long survive, dying at the early age of twenty-eight, after rebelling against his father almost continuously since his attainment of manhood. Therefore, at the death of the king, Richard came to the throne. John still continued ruler of Mortain and the Côtentin under his brother, and these dominions gave him an opportunity for putting in practice those treasonable conspiracies by which he hoped to throw
off Richard's yoke, and become an independent sovereign. Richard, however, was too strong for him; he marched into Normandy, and speedily showed himself master. Thereupon John came humbly to ask forgiveness at Lisieux. The story goes that Richard, with the open-minded heartiness which won him so much more love than his worse qualities merited, exclaimed that he forgave him freely, and set his behaviour down to bad influence, as he was only a child. As John was then six-and-twenty, this reason must have galled him had he possessed an atom of pride, but we have reason to think he did not. While Richard was otherwise engaged in the Holy Land and on the Continent, John made a second attempt to win his realms, which was brought to an end by a knowledge of his brother's death. He heard this while at Carentan, and gleefully hastened to take advantage of it. True, there was still a boy to be reckoned with, young Arthur, son of his dead brother Geoffrey—a boy who was already Duke of Brittany, and who inherited to the full the proud fierce temper of his mother Constance. But John had two points in his favour: first, that in the old days a brother was often considered to have a better right to a throne, especially if he were a man, than a nephew who was still a child, and this idea had not altogether died out; secondly, the Normans of all people would have been the last to yield homage to the duke of the hated Bretons, their nearest
neighbours, with whom they had been perpetually at war, and for whom they felt a fierce jealousy. On the other hand, Arthur had a powerful ally in Philip, King of France, who saw that it would be much more to his own advantage to have a weak boy as ruler of Normandy than a man equal to himself in cunning and craftiness. Therefore Philip helped Arthur, and even promised him his little daughter in marriage. But unluckily for the boy who was the principal actor in the drama, he fell into the hands of his uncle,—some say he was captured by treachery while asleep,—however that may be, he was in John’s clutches, and little chance was there for him to get out again. This was in August 1202. John carried his prisoner at once to one of the strongest castles in his dominions, namely Falaise. Arthur was now between fourteen and fifteen years of age, and John, reckoning without that stubborn courage of nature which the boy inherited, attempted to make him abdicate his rights, in vain. Finding this hopeless, he hurried him away to Rouen, there to dispose of him finally. Arthur’s incarceration at Falaise is dealt with in the chapter on Falaise, and his captivity at Rouen is treated in the chapter on Rouen. The fury of the Bretons, who saw the last of their ruling race, a promising boy, thus foully murdered by the duke of the Normans, their life-long foes, may be imagined; it hardly needed the French king’s call to arms to make them rise in their wrath and flood in upon the neighbouring towns of Normandy. The conduct of John after
this displays a pitiable weakness. He alone of all the Conqueror's line showed a lack of courage; others had been weak, vacillating, unfilial, cruel, vicious, but it remained for John to combine all these qualities in himself. His movements were like those of a timid animal who knows the huntsmen are closing in on him, but has not courage to make a dash through the ring. He hurried from Rouen to Caen, from Caen to Brix, and Brix to Valognes. Back again to Caen, and then to Domfront. He returned to the Côtentin, and at last embarked at Barfleur without striking a blow to save that land, which he had not hesitated to gain by murdering a boy, when he thought there was no personal danger in the action. He did indeed return in 1206 for a short time, but never in such a spirit as to make the retrieving of his dominions possible. Meantime the Normans did not submit so quietly; they could not endure the entry of the Bretons, and sternly defended themselves at Mont St Michel, which was set on fire, and at Caen; but it was of no use; the Bretons, after a triumphal progress, met the French king, who had received the submission of Caen as well as Lisieux and Bayeux, and thus with hardly a struggle there fell into the hands of France that territory which she had so long and so jealously regarded. If ever a king deserved to lose his land, it was the craven John.
By a curious oversight in the ratification and the submission which followed this conquest, the Channel Islands were overlooked. It has been suggested
The first step in the process of the new planning is to make a survey of the existing conditions and resources of the area. This survey should include an analysis of the physical, social, economic, and cultural factors that affect the development of the area. The survey should also identify the needs and aspirations of the people who live in the area.
Once the survey has been completed, the next step is to develop a plan for the future development of the area. The plan should be based on the results of the survey and should take into account the needs and aspirations of the people who live in the area. The plan should also be designed to promote the well-being of the people who live in the area and to ensure that their needs are met.
The final step in the process of the new planning is to implement the plan. This involves taking action to bring about the changes that are needed to improve the quality of life in the area. The implementation of the plan should be carried out in a way that is fair and equitable to all the people who live in the area. It should also be carried out in a way that takes into account the needs and aspirations of the people who live in the area.
In conclusion, the new planning process is a complex and challenging task that requires a great deal of effort and commitment. However, it is essential for the well-being of the people who live in the area and for the future of the area itself. By following the steps outlined above, it is possible to create a plan that will help to improve the quality of life in the area and to ensure that the needs of the people who live in the area are met.
A STREET, MONT ST MICHEL
The street is narrow and winding, with houses on either side, some old and weathered, others new and modern. The road is paved with stone, and there are trees lining the sides. The air is fresh and cool, and the sound of the waves crashing against the rocks can be heard in the distance. The street is quiet and peaceful, with only a few people walking along. The buildings are mostly shops and restaurants, and there are a few people sitting outside enjoying the view. The street is lined with trees, and the sun is shining brightly. The sky is clear and blue, and the water is calm and still. The street is a beautiful place to visit, and it is a great place to take a walk and enjoy the scenery.
A watercolor painting depicts a bustling street scene in a quaint town. The buildings, constructed with stone and timber, have a rustic charm. The street is lined with shops, one of which has a sign that reads "PAISSER." People are seen going about their daily activities; some are walking, while others are engaged in various tasks. The overall atmosphere is lively and vibrant, capturing the essence of a busy day in a small town.
•
•
they were simply forgotten; if so, the event proved fortunate for them, for they have remained ever since in the happy independence granted them by England. The title of Duke of Normandy was dropped by Henry III., John’s son, at the Treaty of Saintes in 1259, when it was agreed that Aquitaine should remain an English possession, and the title was afterwards borne by a scion of the ruling French house. But the tale of Normandy’s wars is not ended. For in the time of Edward, that monarch was set upon recovering not only the territory lost by his grandfather, but, if possible, the French crown for himself; he landed at Barfleur, and, quickly subduing the Côtentin, passed on to St Lo, Coutances, and Caen, taking towns and seizing vast quantities of precious stuffs wherever he went. These triumphs were followed by the famous battles of Crécy and Poitiers, and the historic siege of Calais. However, his conquest left no permanent mark on Normandy, for by the Treaty of Bretigny in 1360, though he received much else, he resigned Normandy with his claim to the French crown, and it was reserved for his great-grandson, Henry V., to recover the duchy by the sword. This he actually did, after a brilliant series of victories; so that in the years 1417 and 1418 Normandy became an appanage of the English crown, but under the rule of the weak Henry VI. his father’s conquests lapsed, and by 1450 Normandy was once more included in the dominions of France, never again to be severed.
CHAPTER III
THE MIGHTY WILLIAM
William’s father was the fifth Duke of Normandy, and if the story of how he attained that dignity be true, certain it is that his nickname “Le Diable” was more fitting than the other, “Magnifique,” which he earned by his lavishness. His elder brother, Richard, was Duke of Normandy when Robert set up the standard of rebellion at Falaise. But Richard was no weakling, and did not suffer the disaffection to spread; he appeared before the walls with all the forces at his disposal, and soon compelled his younger brother to sue for peace. Then an arrangement was made by which a certain grant of land was conferred on the rebel, while the castle of Falaise, a powerful stronghold, was recognised as the property of the reigning duke. To celebrate the occasion the two brothers repaired in amity to Rouen, and there in the castle fortress, then standing on the site of the markets near the river, a banquet was held, to cement the new friendship.
and understanding. But suddenly Richard turned pale and sickened, and before nightfall he was dead. There was little doubt that poison had been in his cup; put there by whom but the man who was now duke, and held the power of life and death in his hands! None dare speak to accuse him, and, like many another in the Dark Ages, he reaped the full reward of his crime in perfect security. There were others of his family alive, uncles as powerful, and, had occasion arisen, doubtless as unscrupulous as himself; but Robert was on the spot, he held possession, and apparently without a word being raised in protest, he occupied his murdered brother's place. An illegitimate son of his brother's, named Nicholas, he placed in the abbey at Fécamp to be trained as a monk, a method often made use of by half savage kings to soften youthful rivals, still susceptible of being taught the hollowness of worldly ambition and the wickedness of rebellion against authority. It may be thought that this youth can hardly have been regarded as a serious rival, but in those days the marriage-tie was not deemed essential to inheritance. From William Longsword every Norman duke so far had been born out of wedlock, and though they had been legitimatised afterwards by some ceremony between their parents, this was rather a concession than a necessity. It is said that Nicholas entered with zest into his holy vocation, and was himself the architect of the first church of St Ouen at Rouen,
Normandy
of which there remains only the beautiful apse, known as the Tour aux Clercs. He was fourth abbot, and was buried in the church.
What always strikes one as remarkable in reading history, is the youth of the principal actors. Robert was but twenty-two when he murdered his brother for the ducal crown. Falaise was one of his favourite seats, the hunting was good, the country pleasant, and the security of the stronghold reassuring. Once, as he returned from hunting, he had espied a tanner's daughter, of rare beauty, washing clothes in the little stream that runs beneath the mighty rock; when he looked out of the high narrow window the next day, he had no difficulty in recognising the same girl again; and subsequently he introduced himself to her in the guise of a lover. Tanning was looked upon by the Normans as being a very low trade indeed, and though Fulbert, the Conqueror's grandsire, added to it the avocation of brewing, he could never shake off the odium which clung to his name on account of his principal business. The base-born brat of the tanner's daughter would hardly be considered at first as even a pawn in the great game of statecraft. But the boy was dear to his father's heart. His mother, Arlotta, was taken into the castle, and there was none to rival her, for Robert was not married. Yet strangely enough he did not make her his wife, and so render brighter the prospects of the sturdy boy, whom he regarded with much affection.
THE
CATHOLIC
MISSIONARY
SOCIETY
OF
AMERICA
INCORPORATED
IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK
BY ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE
APRIL 17, 1845
PUBLISHED BY
THE CATHOLIC MISSIONARY SOCIETY
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The old port of Marseilles, with its ancient stone walls and cobbled streets, was a place of mystery and intrigue for the young sailor. The smell of the sea and the sound of the waves crashing against the rocks were always present, but today they seemed even more intense. The sky was overcast, casting a gloomy atmosphere over the entire scene.
As he walked along the quay, the sailor couldn't help but notice the old ships moored at the dock. Their masts reached high into the air, and their sails were tattered and worn. The sailors on deck were busy with their tasks, but there was a sense of quiet anticipation in the air.
The sailor's mind wandered back to his own journey. He had left his home town behind, leaving behind everything he knew, to seek his fortune in the wide world. Now, as he stood on the quay, he felt a sense of loneliness and isolation. He missed his family and friends, but he also knew that he had to keep moving forward.
As he continued his walk, he passed by a group of children playing near the water's edge. They were laughing and shouting, completely oblivious to the world around them. The sailor watched them for a moment, feeling a pang of envy. He wished he could be a child again, free from the burdens of adulthood.
Finally, he reached the end of the quay and turned to leave. As he did so, he noticed a man sitting alone on a bench, looking out at the water. The sailor approached him, curious about what had drawn him to this spot.
"Excuse me," the sailor said, "but I couldn't help but notice you here. Is there something wrong?"
The man looked up, surprised by the interruption. "No, no," he replied, "I'm just enjoying the view."
The sailor nodded, understanding. "I see. Well, I suppose I should be off now. It was nice talking to you."
As he walked away, the sailor couldn't shake the feeling that he had made a connection with someone. Perhaps it was just a fleeting moment, but it had left an impression on him. He continued his journey, feeling a little lighter than before, knowing that he wasn't alone in this world after all.
14.
The Mighty William
He could not bring himself to recognise Arlotta even by the sort of ceremony his ancestors had considered sufficient; his pride was too great to give the tanner's daughter a right to share his throne, and he preferred that his son should start more heavily weighted for the race than he need have been. When Robert made up his mind to go on a crusade to the Holy Land, the position became one of great difficulty; he was worse than childless, and men began dimly to foresee that this only son of his would prove a heavy stumbling-block in the way of any other succession. But Robert's selfishness being immeasurably stronger than his paternal love, he departed, leaving it to be well understood that in case of accidents William was to be his heir. But there were a number of the descendants of the great Rollo still alive, strong men, soldiers, nobles with retinues of their own, and each and all put his own claim prior to that of this nameless boy. Looked at thus, it seems little short of miraculous that William should ever have raised himself to the throne at all, a more wonderful feat than even his conquest of England in later years. The boy was but eight when, after various warning rumours of failing health, the news came definitely that his father was dead. Duke Robert had left him in charge of Alain, Count of Brittany, who, though a relative, could not himself hope to ascend the throne, and the choice was wise. Alain fulfilled his trust loyally, and the exceptional talent and
courage of the young duke seem from the first to have attached to him a number of nobles, so that his position gradually gained solidarity, though the marvel that he should have escaped knife or poison in an age where such means of riddance were frequently employed remains the same. Full credit for his safety at this dangerous time must be given to the nobles of the Côtentin, especially to Neel of St Sauveur, who is mentioned again in the chapter on that district. The bitterness of the stain upon his birth was early felt by William, and there are instances in his career which point to the smarting of a hidden sore shown by a man ordinarily self-possessed. His treatment of the burghers of Alençon, because they had openly taunted him with his birth, is one case in point; the other is his own unexampled domestic life, which stands out in strong contrast with those of his predecessors; he seems early to have made up his mind with iron will that what he had suffered through his father, none should suffer through him.
At thirteen he took upon himself responsibility, and really began to rule. His mother had been separated from him, and had no share in the government. She had married a knight named Herlouin, by whom she had two children, of both of whom we hear much in history. The elder, Odo, became Bishop of Bayeux. He it was who encouraged his half-brother's troops at Hastings, going before and calling them on. As Odo's dealings
The Mighty William
had more to do with England than Normandy, we may dispose of him here in a few words. After the Conquest, vast wealth and many estates were bestowed upon him; he was viceroy in William’s absence, and second in power to the king himself. His overweening pride made him overbearing; he aspired to sit on the papal throne. William, discovering in him many treasonable practices, kept him prisoner at Rouen. On his half-brother’s death, however, he once more became prominent, led insurrections against his nephew William the Red, and joined with Duke Robert in his fraternal wars. At last this turbulent, vigorous, astute man went crusading with Robert, and died at Palermo in 1097.
Arlotta’s other son, Robert of Mortain, was a loyal brother; he prepared a hundred and twenty ships for the great flotilla, and lived peaceably during the Conqueror’s lifetime, though he too warred against William the Red. He is mentioned again in connection with Mortain.
The generally received opinion of William the Conqueror in England is, that he was a stern and cruel man; stern he certainly was, stern with the sternness of strength which serves as a shield against familiarity, and enables its possessor to go straight on his own way, regardless of unfavourable opinions or specious arguments.
“This King William that we speak about,” says the chronicler, “was a very wise man, and very rich;
more worshipful and strong than any of his fore-gangers were. He was mild to the good men that loved God, and beyond all metes stark to them who withstood his will. Else, he was very worshipful." This is the testimony of one who was almost his contemporary, and who had nothing to fear from him, nor aught to gain by praising him.
The idea of William's cruelty is based on his harrying of Northumberland, an act that could never have originated in the mind of a soft-hearted or imaginative man; but William's bent was not toward cruelty, and considering the age in which he lived, the well-authenticated cases which we have of his clemency are remarkable. When he was only twenty, an age when if there be any hardness in a man's nature it is at its worst, unsoftened by personal experience of sorrow, he spared the lives of those of his vassals who had risen against him not openly but with treachery. The manner of it was thus. Guy of Burgundy, William's first cousin, entered into a conspiracy with many of the most powerful nobles of Normandy to assassinate the duke. It is easy to be seen what was Guy's motive; though he could only claim through his mother, he meant to make himself Duke of Normandy; but it is more difficult to see what the others expected to gain by a move which proposed to substitute one duke for another. It was not the first time that rebellion and revolt against the duke had risen, but it was the most serious plot, and the turning-point of William's career.
The Mighty William
So secretly had the conspiracy been planned that he was all unaware of it. He was at this time in his twentieth year, and, as Wace tells us, "the barons' feuds continued; they had no regard for him; everyone according to his means made castles and fortresses." Up till now William had lived, but he had not been master. "Affrays and jealousies, maraudings and challengings" had continued in spite of him, but this deadly conspiracy was to bring matters to a head in a way its projectors little thought. William was in the castle of Alleaumes close to Valognes; he had retired for the night, when he was awakened by the agonised entreaties of the court fool, who told him that the nobles were even now on the point of arriving in order to seize him unprepared, and murder him. William must have had great confidence in his jester, for he rose straightway, and apparently without waiting for attendants saddled his horse, and rode off into the dark night. The whole story is mysterious; were there then no men-at-arms to guard the duke, no attendant to go with him? would it not have been safer to barricade the castle rather than to have fled alone? Whatever the cause, William's midnight ride is a matter of history. There were no smooth, easy roads then; the country, from various accounts in charters and deeds of the tenth century, was covered with woods, and much waste ground; and, as we know, wolves abounded, for much later (1326), forty-five wolves were taken in the district of Coutances, twenty-two in
that of Carentan, and nineteen in that of Valognes, in the Easter term alone. The young duke could only have had the stars to guide him, and safety was far off. He meant to get to Falaise, where he could feel tolerably secure; but even as the crow flies Falaise is over seventy miles from Valognes, and the way would be difficult to find. The account of this dramatic episode is circumstantially given by the old chronicler, who tells us that even as William left the town he heard the clatter of the enemies' horses entering it. The enemy, finding he had fled, and knowing they had implicated themselves far too deeply to think of pardon, set off in hot pursuit, and the duke was only saved by hiding in a thicket, whence he saw them go by. He did not follow the direct route, but kept along by the sea-coast, until the next morning on a worn and jaded steed he found himself at Ryes, between Bayeux and the coast, where he revealed himself to the lord of the manor-house, a man named Hubert. Hubert promptly rehorsed him, and sent him on his way with two of his own sons as guides. Thus the duke managed to reach the stronghold of Falaise in safety.
Later on William constructed a raised road, running through the country in the direction of his flight; it ran from Valognes to Bayeux and thence to Falaise, part of it may still be seen between Quilly-le-Tessin, Caitheoux, and Fresni-le-Pucceux. It is said that it was the forced task of the very conspirators who had compelled the fight, an instance of grim justice!
The Mighty William
The malcontents must have trembled when they knew that their powerful overlord was free, and fully aware of their guilt; there was no escape now, open revolt was their only chance, so they gathered their forces and attacked Caen.
William, for his part, collected his men, and leaving a garrison in Falaise, marched to Rouen; but too much depended on a battle, to risk it against a greatly superior and better prepared force. He resolved on a stroke of policy, no less than to call for protection from his own overlord the King of France, who had formerly been his invader and enemy. King Henry responded to the appeal, possibly feeling that Normandy might slip from him altogether, and France itself be menaced, were the handful of nobles to win power by their swords.
Then was fought, at Val-ès-dunes, about nine miles from Caen, one of the most memorable battles in the history of Normandy.
A picturesque incident marked the beginning of the battle. A splendid company of knights, carrying devices on their lances, were seen in the forefront of the nobles' ranks, and William, advancing, cried out that they were his friends. The leader, De Gesson, was so much touched by this, that though he had banded himself with the insurgents, and taken a fearful oath to be the first to strike William in the mêlée, he satisfied his conscience by one of those transparent evasions common to
superstitious ages, and considered he had redeemed his word by striking William gently on the shoulder with his gauntlet, and then immediately transferring himself and his followers to the side against which he had come out to fight.
It is said the army of the nobles numbered 20,000, but figures seen through such a distance of time have generally suffered from a little extension. The fight was fierce, and hand to hand; battle-axes and swords played greater part than arrows. It is impossible to better the picturesque account given by Wace. "There was great stir over the field, horses were to be seen curvetting, the pikes were raised, the lances brandished, and shields and helmets glistened. As they gallop they cry their various war-cries: those of France cry 'Montjoie!' the sound whereof is pleasant to them. William cries 'Dex Aie!' the swords are drawn, the lances clash. Many were the vassals to be seen there fighting, serjeants and knights overthrowing one another. The king himself was struck and beat down off his horse."
But in the end William and his ally triumphed, and the nobles fled in confusion from the field. Yet, when he seized the arch-traitor Guy of Burgundy, he treated him as we have said with extraordinary leniency, and except for taking from him the territory which had enabled him to play such a part, he suffered him to go unpunished, and even provided for him otherwise. This treatment
THE
SAGE
OF LAKE
THERESA
BY
JAMES W. BURTON, A
The painting depicts a serene landscape with a winding path leading through a forested area. The sky is filled with fluffy white clouds, and the trees are lush and green. A few figures can be seen walking along the path, adding a sense of life to the scene. The overall mood of the painting is peaceful and tranquil, capturing the beauty of nature in its most serene form.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper.
1. **Demographic Data**: This includes information such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and marital status. Demographic data can be used to identify trends and patterns in consumer behavior, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their marketing strategies.
2. **Behavioral Data**: This includes information about how people interact with products or services, such as purchase history, website visits, and social media activity. Behavioral data can be used to understand customer preferences and needs, which can help businesses improve their products and services.
3. **Geospatial Data**: This includes information about the location of people, such as their home address, work location, and travel routes. Geospatial data can be used to identify areas where there is a high concentration of customers, which can help businesses locate their stores or offices in optimal locations.
4. **Transactional Data**: This includes information about the financial transactions that occur between businesses and consumers, such as sales receipts, invoices, and credit card statements. Transactional data can be used to track revenue and expenses, which can help businesses manage their finances more effectively.
5. **Sentiment Analysis Data**: This includes information about the emotions and opinions expressed by customers through social media, reviews, and surveys. Sentiment analysis data can be used to gauge customer satisfaction and identify areas for improvement, which can help businesses enhance their products and services.
6. **Predictive Analytics Data**: This includes information about future trends and patterns based on historical data. Predictive analytics data can be used to forecast sales, customer behavior, and other key metrics, which can help businesses make strategic decisions about their operations and marketing efforts.
7. **Big Data**: This refers to large volumes of data that are difficult to process using traditional data processing techniques. Big data can be used to analyze complex relationships and patterns that may not be apparent from smaller datasets, which can help businesses gain valuable insights into their customers and market.
8. **Internet of Things (IoT) Data**: This includes information generated by connected devices, such as smart meters, wearables, and sensors. IoT data can be used to monitor and control various aspects of a business, such as energy consumption, inventory levels, and equipment maintenance, which can help businesses optimize their operations and reduce costs.
9. **Social Media Data**: This includes information about the conversations and interactions that occur on social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Social media data can be used to track brand mentions, sentiment, and engagement, which can help businesses monitor their online presence and respond to customer feedback.
10. **Customer Relationship Management (CRM) Data**: This includes information about the interactions between businesses and their customers, such as contact details, purchase history, and communication records. CRM data can be used to manage customer relationships, personalize marketing efforts, and improve customer service, which can help businesses build stronger relationships with their customers.
bore fruit, for Guy became a good subject, and led troops at Hastings with distinction. The other leaders were deprived of their estates, and one was imprisoned, but none were executed, while the smaller men escaped scot-free. When the duke had come to his full stature he was a mighty man, some say seven feet in height, and unwieldy in bulk; none could wield his axe; in battle, horse and man went down before him, cloven by the strength of his mighty arm. And not alone in strength was he more than a match for his fellows, but let a man as much as whisper treason, and he heard of it; those who plotted were reached surely by that penetrating power, and lived to rue their folly. He was a kingly man, born to rule.
But though the victory at Val-ès-dunes made him duke *de facto*, his work was far from being done, insurrection continued in other parts of the duchy, and shortly after he was called to subdue Alençon, which held out against him. "He found the inhabitants all ready to greet him: calthrops sown, fosses deepened, walls heightened, palisades bristling all around... to spite the Tanner's grandson, the walls were tapestried with raw hides, the filthy gore-besmeared skins hung out, and as he drew nigh, they whacked them and they thwacked them; 'plenty of work for the tanner,' they sang out, shouting and hooting, mocking their enemies" (Palgrave).
Then in an ineffectual sortie some of the townsmen fell into William’s hands, and terrible was the vengeance which fell on them for their savage joke. Their eyes were spiked out, their hands and feet chopped off, and the mangled limbs were flung into the town. Soon after, no doubt awed by an anger so much fiercer than they had reckoned on, a cruelty so merciless when aroused, the people made terms, and William, victorious, once again returned to Rouen.
The next rebel was William’s own uncle, of the same name as himself, his father’s half-brother. He trusted to the strength of the castle of Arques, near Dieppe, which had been given him by his nephew. But the young duke was in the heyday of his vigour. The news was brought to him at Valognes at midday one Thursday, and by Friday evening he was before the gates of Arques, having come by way of Bayeux, Caen, and Pont-Audemer. The castle was stoutly defended, and so impregnable by position, that the only method was to sit down before it and wait; a method adopted with complete success, though the arch-traitor himself managed to escape and fly. Many other smaller risings occurred which kept the great Conqueror in practice, and then came the second great battle in Normandy, that of Mortèmer, at which he was not present himself. He had shown his diplomacy in using the King of France as an ally against the men of the Côtentin, now it was the same King of France, Henry, who, being jealous of the power of
THE
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE
AMERICAN INDIAN.
BY
WILLIAM J. THOMPSON,
Librarian, Smithsonian Institution.
1893.
Normandy
and still saw William's hands, but nothing else. The
memories which fell on them for the whole year
were more varied than the events of the day,
and all the memories that William had of
the past were gone, no doubt
from the battle. They had
many of them, and when they
came to the battle, they were
all in the same place.
NEAR PONT-AUDEMER
William was at Pont-Audemer, and he Walker
was there too. He was before the walls of the city, having
been in the war of Normandy, and the Frenchmen
of the castle were in the city, and the English
had been defeated. The city was under a great wall, so
that it could not be taken without a great deal of
work through the gate. Many of the people
who were there were killed by the Frenchmen
who were in the city, and many of the
people who were in the city were killed
by the Englishmen. The last battle was fought
between the King of France and the King
of England, and it was the death of the
English army, being leaders of the army, or
The Mighty William
this great vassal, fomented insurrection among his subjects and entered that part of the duchy known as the Vexin, in a hostile spirit. To the French, the Normans were even yet pirates, and pirates they continued to be called until the end. Wace says that the Frenchmen would call the Normans "Bigoz," a corruption of their war-cry, "By God," from which comes our word bigot; and they would ask the king, "Sire, why do you not chase the Bigoz out of the country? Their ancestors were robbers, who came by sea, and stole the land from our forefathers and us."
So the French marched as far as Mortemer, and began to pillage. But after pillage came revelry, as it so frequently does, and the Normans, who had been watchful but unseen, fell upon the French and routed them hip and thigh. With the blithe exaggeration of days before statistics were known, the old chronicler says, "nor was there a prison in all Normandy which was not full of the Frenchmen. They were to be seen fleeing around, skulking in the woods and bushes, and the dead and wounded lay amid the burning ruins, and upon the dunghills, and about the fields, and in the bye-paths."
As we have said, at this battle William personally was not present, and the French king was not taken prisoner.
Record states that William broke into poetry, apparently the only time he was so seized: the
very words of his poem are preserved; here is a verse of it:
"Réveillez vous et vous levez
Guerriers qui trop dormi avez
Allez bientôt voir vos amys
Que les Normands ont à mort mys
Entre Ecouys et Mortèmer
Là les vous convient les inhumer."
After this, negotiations were concluded, and the French prisoners restored; nevertheless the French again soon after entered Normandy, and ravaged the country, even so far as the coast. The River Dive, lying to the east of Caen, is considered the dividing line between Upper and Lower Normandy, and it was at this river that William came up with the main body of the French, including the king himself. William's strokes generally owed as much to their policy as their strength, and this time was no exception. He waited in ambush until half the French had crossed the stream, and then falling suddenly on the remainder, cut them off, and totally routed them. Those in advance, taken in the rear, fled in confusion, and vast quantities of spoil fell into the duke's hands, though the French king himself escaped. After this, peace was concluded at Fécamp.
But still fighting did not cease. The Counts of Anjou had been a perpetual thorn in William's side, and the most formidable of all was Geoffrey Martel, who seized Maine, and held it as well as his own territory; but buoyant with victory, the
The Mighty William
Norman troops advanced upon the principal city, Le Mans, and took it without difficulty, and Geoffrey Martel was quieted for a while; he died four years before the Conquest of England.
But now we must turn for a moment from William’s battles to his domestic life. His romantic marriage is an outstanding incident in his career. He did not marry until he was twenty-six, a considerable age for a king. But in that as in other matters he had a mind of his own, and one lady and one only would satisfy him, and she kept him waiting for seven years. She was his own first cousin, Matilda of Flanders, daughter of Baldwin V., Earl of Flanders, but neither she nor her relatives cared for the match. There are various tales concerning her, one of which says she was already a widow when William expressed his preference, and had two children of her own. Another story says she favoured another suitor, who, however, was perhaps well advised in declining the perilous position of husband to the lady of William’s choice, however flattering that lady’s preference for himself. After waiting with more or less patience for seven years, William took summary methods. He went to Bruges, where his ladylove lived, and meeting her as she returned from church, rolled her in the mud of the street, humiliating her in the eyes of all, and ruining her gay and beautiful clothes. This Petruchio-like method served the purpose. In a very short time
Matilda consented to marry the man who had shown her his determination in so unequivocal a manner. This particular marriage seems to have been a brilliant exception in an age when marriage vows were held in scant respect. Yet, when he won Matilda's consent, all William's troubles, in regard to the alliance, were by no means at an end. By the tenets of the Church to which he and his bride belonged, they were within the prohibited degree of consanguinity. This difficulty was surmounted by their gaining absolution on the condition that they erected two religious houses at Caen, houses which stand to this day, and are mentioned more particularly in the chapter on that city.
It was two years before his marriage that William had paid that celebrated visit to England in which had probably originated his intention to become lord of that country in due time. But it was not until he was thirty-six that he received the return visit from Harold, when he extorted from his unwilling guest the oath on which he based his right to the English throne. The story of Harold and of the Conquest is told in connection with the famous tapestry, one of the most marvellous contemporary records ever a nation possessed. We resume the narrative here when William, as King of England, in March 1067 returned to Normandy, bringing with him the harmless Edgar Atheling, also the earls Edwin and Morcar, and the archbishop Stigand, probably less with the intention of
The Mighty William
treating them as guests than with the idea of leaving no head for a revolt behind him in his new country. He held festivals at Rouen, Caen, Fécamp, and Falaise, a kind of triumphal progress in fact; and then returning to quell the revolts which had broken out in England in his absence, he took with him Matilda, and they were jointly crowned at Westminster. But his triumphs were soon to be dimmed by sore domestic worry. During his frequent absences in England he left Matilda in charge of Normandy, and with her he associated his son Robert. But Robert was rude and unfilial; he grasped at power on his own account, and his mother, with that weak affection so often shown in a mother toward her first-born son, aided and sympathised with him. One great source of quarrel between the young prince and his father was the government of the country of Maine. Robert had been affianced to the young Countess of Maine, who had died before the marriage; he held, therefore, that he ought now to rule there independently, while William, who had subdued the country by his sword before he took possession of the young heiress and betrothed her to his son, held it for himself, and the subject was the cause of endless recrimination between the king and his eldest son. Besides Robert, he had had three other sons, but the next, Richard, "had been killed in some mysterious manner, which seemed to make people loath to speak even of the circumstance" (Palgrave). He
seems to have met his death in the New Forest, where also were killed William the Red and one of Robert's sons. William, afterwards known as Rufus, was six years his eldest brother's junior, and Henry was several years younger still. There were also, at ages varying between the brothers, five daughters. Cecily, of whom we hear at Caen, as first abbess of her mother's foundation; she became eventually Abbess of Fécamp. Constance, married to the Duke of Brittany. Adeliza or Agatha, first betrothed to Harold, and afterwards, much against her will, to the King of Galicia; but she was never married to him, dying on the journey to Spain. Adela, who married Stephen of Blois, and whose son afterwards became king of England; and Alice, who died young. Others add Constance and Adelaide, but five daughters and four sons are enough for any man, and the existence of the other two seems mythical. Various insurrections and petty wars vexed William's later days, but still his hand was strong, his courage unfailing. He forgave his eldest son's disloyalty more than once, only to find it break out again. At last, after wandering in exile for several years, Robert fixed himself in the castle of Gerberoi, on French soil, whence William assailed him, having his two younger sons with him. In one of the desperate sallies of the besieged, father and son engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict, and being disguised by heavy armour, neither knew the other. At length William, being wounded, cried out,
and in a moment his son, struck by remorse, raised his visor and fell on his knees asking forgiveness, sobered by the thought of the terrible crime of patricide of which he had nearly been guilty. Yet the reconciliation was hollow, and the father and son were never at heart friends. It was nine years after this that the end came. Philip, now King of France, seized an opportunity to make inroads on Normandy, and a mocking speech of his about William, who had grown corpulent and unwieldy, was repeated to the English king. But his spirit was the same; embittered by personal troubles, lonely in the estrangement and loss of her who had been his faithful companion through life, though not old in years—for he was only sixty—yet old with the turmoil of a fierce, hard life lived from the cradle, he still had the fire of youth, and he returned a furious answer to Philip's taunt.
"The harvest was ripening, the grape swelling on the stem, the fruit reddening on the bough," when William entered the fertile land where he was to meet with death. He seized the town of Mantes, belonging to the French king, and soon the place was in red ruin. A mass of flames mounted high in the sky, the inhabitants lay wounded to death or fled in terror, and the king himself, in spite of his great bulk and increasing infirmity, superintended the work of destruction; then suddenly—one has heard the story from earliest childhood—his fine charger, treading unexpectedly on a hot cinder, started
violently, and flung its rider violently against the high-peaked saddle of the country—William had received his death-blow. There was little left to follow. He was carried by easy stages to his capital city, Rouen, and there laid in the abbey of St Gervais. And we may read of his lonely end in the account of the city of Rouen. But even after his death, the solitude which had attended the end did not desert him; of all historical funerals ever recorded, that of this great man is the most terrible.
The body was conveyed at the cost of a private citizen on its journey to Caen. Some say that his youngest son Henry followed it to Caen, but it seems hardly likely, for in that case there would have been no need for a subject to defray the expenses, as he undoubtedly did. The corpse was taken to the church in the abbey of St Etienne—the abbey that, so light-heartedly years before, William had erected in penance for his marriage. Yet the mischances were not at an end. As the procession passed along the narrow street, a cry arose that the town was on fire. Down went the bier, and off went the crowd in search of this new sensation. It was not until the fire was quenched that the funeral was resumed. As they prepared with all due solemnity to lower the body into the grave, one stepped forward, crying, "I adjure ye that ye inter not William in the spot where ye are about to lay him. He shall not commit trespass on what is my right, for the greater part of this church is my right and of my
fee, and I have no greater right in any of my lands. . . . By force he took it from me, and never afterwards offered to do me right." He who had never dared to rebuke William publicly for "offering that which cost him nothing," after his death was very bold. "All marvelled that this great king, who had conquered so much, and won so many cities and so many castles, could not call so much land his own as his body might lie within after death."
The claimant was appeased by money, and after a further mishap too terrible to relate, those who had fulfilled their duty left the body of the king.
But even then his dust was not suffered to rest in peace, for in 1562 his tomb was broken into by the Huguenots, and again by the mob in 1793, and the remains disturbed. All that was preserved was a thigh-bone, a mighty bone, showing by its measurements the size and strength of the man, and this was reburied, and now lies before the altar, where a long inscription records the burial-place. It is the same as the original epitaph, though new cut:
"Hic Sepultus est invictissimus Guillelemus Conquestor Normanniae Dux, et Anglae Rex Hujus ce domus conditor qui obiit Anno MLXXXVII."
CHAPTER IV
A MEDIAEVAL CITY
Rouen is surrounded by high hills, and can be seen lying on the margin of the river in the aspect of a toy city. In this there lies one great advantage, namely, that she is not easy to forget. Perhaps the remembrance of any place is sharpened more by having seen it whole than by any other circumstance. If this be impossible, one's mental pictures are often blurred or only partial. Into what, for instance, does the remembrance of Caen resolve itself? Fragmentary peeps, or at best, the view from the railway, where the town is seen on edge, a thin line, above which spires rise irregularly. At the mention of the word Rouen, on the contrary, what a vision leaps up in the mind, a wonderful glittering picture of spires and bridges, of shining water, and piled house-roofs, of islands and tall chimneys!
France has an excellent plan of tucking away her chimneys and other unsightly commercial accessories on one side of a river, leaving her residential quarter
free from smoke; so it is here. To southward, in the Faubourg or suburb of St Sever, lie the working quarters, with all the smoke—which, however, never seems so smoky as in England—the noise and din of men who manufacture. On the islands, as in an intermediate quarter, are the houses of the workmen, and on the northern shore is the grand old city.
We have spoken previously of the difficulty of putting on paper the soul, character, entity—call it what you will—of a country, and the same thing holds good of a city; but in the case of such a city as Rouen, how is the difficulty increased! There is one obvious note, however, which must strike anyone at once, and that is that the town is French, not Norman—thoroughly French; and the difference between it and the towns further westward, if not so marked as in the days when little Richard of Normandy was sent to be educated at Bayeux, is still noticeable. The modern houses are, of course, severely French, the people in the streets are French, the shops are French, and the whole tone of the life is French altogether.
Secondly, Rouen is, as might be expected, a city of contrasts, the broad boulevards have cut deeply into her, but the change is superficial, not radical, she is still to all intents an ancient city,—a mediæval city to which a certain trimming of the latest fashion has been added. Electric trams run along the boulevards, but the parts between the boulevards remain mediæval. Let anyone who
Normandy
doubts it go to a topmost room in a block of buildings, say between the Rue Jeanne d'Arc and Rue de la Republique, and, craning his neck out, "see what he will see,"—a grotesque and curious medley of chimneys, leaning walls, slanting house-roofs, and old-fashioned projecting stories, mingled in an inextricable fashion. The crooked buildings seem to have grown on to one another and stuck there, in the manner of cowries and periwinkles on a rock. There is hardly a line exactly horizontal or perpendicular; it is difficult to tell where one house begins or the other ends; to pull down one would be to have all the others tumbling about one's ears. High up are tiny platforms with doors opening on to them; the roofs are broken by many a quaint dormer window; the whole could only be swept away by a great fire, such as came to London in 1666. Then above and about these roofs and gables and angles rise wonderful towers containing some of the best work that man has done: the towers of the great Cathedral, or one of the famous churches.
There are streets in Rouen which might have come straight from mediæval London. Such is the Rue St Romain, near the Cathedral. Here there are rows and rows of timber framed, heavily projecting houses with small quaint windows. In a courtyard beneath the very shadow of the Cathedral is a delightful row, with a carved stone parapet running across the frontage, and the oddest mixture of lines and angles and irregular windows ever seen out of a
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OLD HOUSES, ROUEN
The old houses of Rouen are among the most interesting in France. They are mostly built of stone and timber, and many of them date from the 15th and 16th centuries. The most famous of these is the Hôtel de Ville, which was built in the 14th century and has been the seat of the municipal government ever since. It is a large, square building with a central tower and a clock on the top. The walls are made of stone and the roof is covered with tiles. The interior of the building is also very impressive, with high ceilings and large windows.
Another famous house is the Hôtel de la Bourse, which was built in the 16th century and is now used as a museum. It is a long, narrow building with a central courtyard and a clock on the top. The walls are made of stone and the roof is covered with tiles. The interior of the building is also very impressive, with high ceilings and large windows.
There are also many other interesting old houses in Rouen, such as the Hôtel de la Poste, the Hôtel de la Monnaie, and the Hôtel de la Marine. These houses are all located in the old part of the city, which is known as the Vieux Rouen. This area is very picturesque, with narrow streets and old buildings, and it is a popular tourist destination.
Rue de la Boucherie, Rouen
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper.
- **Demographic Data**: This includes information such as age, gender, race/ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and marital status. Demographic data can be used to identify trends and patterns in the population being studied, and to understand how different groups may be affected by various factors.
- **Behavioral Data**: This includes information about how people behave, such as their purchasing habits, online behavior, and social media usage. Behavioral data can be used to understand consumer preferences and to develop targeted marketing strategies.
- **Health Data**: This includes information about a person's health, such as medical history, physical fitness levels, and disease prevalence. Health data can be used to identify risk factors for certain diseases and to develop targeted interventions to improve public health.
- **Environmental Data**: This includes information about the environment, such as air quality, water quality, and climate change. Environmental data can be used to understand the impact of human activities on the environment and to develop policies to protect natural resources.
- **Financial Data**: This includes information about a person's financial situation, such as income, savings, and investments. Financial data can be used to understand economic trends and to develop targeted financial services.
- **Educational Data**: This includes information about a person's educational background, such as school attendance, graduation rates, and test scores. Educational data can be used to understand the effectiveness of educational programs and to develop targeted interventions to improve student outcomes.
- **Legal Data**: This includes information about legal proceedings, such as court cases, arrests, and convictions. Legal data can be used to understand the impact of laws and regulations on society and to develop policies to address social issues.
- **Political Data**: This includes information about political preferences, such as voting patterns, campaign contributions, and political affiliations. Political data can be used to understand the impact of politics on society and to develop policies to address social issues.
- **Social Media Data**: This includes information about people's interactions on social media platforms, such as likes, shares, and comments. Social media data can be used to understand how people communicate and to develop targeted marketing strategies.
- **Sports Data**: This includes information about sports events, such as player statistics, team rankings, and game results. Sports data can be used to understand the impact of sports on society and to develop policies to address social issues.
- **Transportation Data**: This includes information about transportation systems, such as traffic patterns, transit schedules, and accident rates. Transportation data can be used to understand the impact of transportation on society and to develop policies to address social issues.
- **Weather Data**: This includes information about weather conditions, such as temperature, humidity, and precipitation. Weather data can be used to understand the impact of weather on society and to develop policies to address social issues.
- **Workplace Data**: This includes information about workplace environments, such as job satisfaction, employee turnover, and productivity. Workplace data can be used to understand the impact of work on society and to develop policies to address social issues.
A Mediæval City
picture. In almost every side street may be found traces of the ancient city. In one corner there are grotesque figures carved on the supports of a house bowed out with age, in another we see suddenly a bit of stone carving, worn and defaced with continual rubbing, where the women of Rouen fill their cans at a fountain as their mothers and grandmothers have done before them. Here a low dark arch like a cathedral crypt is used as a small vegetable shop, and in it a pleasant blue-bloused man and comely woman pass their time contentedly though their heads nearly touch the roof; there an arcade betrays what has once been a chapel, but is now a yard filled with lumbering omnibuses. One of the most delicate and fanciful of frontages, belonging to an old house, was preserved at the time of the demolition which took place at the making of the Rue Jeanne d'Arc, and re-erected beside the Tower of St André, of which the body, by the way, was sheared off at the same epoch. It has often been overlooked, this pretty bit of work, which must have occupied a man's time and thoughts and skill for many months, because it does not face the street, and is partly concealed by the church tower. A tiny bit of railed-in garden—that is to say, some gravel and a couple of seats—surround the tower, and even this wee spot has its "gardien" to accompany visitors to the summit, if they wish to ascend.
For its size, Rouen has singularly few of those open spaces of greenery, those charming public
Normandy
gardens, which, as a rule, form one of the best features of a French town. There is a little public garden to the east, and Solferino is certainly delightful with big shady trees and a neat bit of water; but it is small. There is also the garden to the east of St Ouen and the Hotel de Ville, but the combined area is not great. In the streets of Rouen, too, there are few trees. We see none of those bright bursts of greenery overhanging walls unexpectedly, and telling of quiet gardens within enclosing gates, that one finds frequently elsewhere; it is a towny town.
The chief jewel of Rouen is of course the Cathedral, which in its bewildering variety and transition of styles, has a character of its own sufficient to stamp it permanently on the memory. I confess that to me personally, variety has an infinite charm; I remember far more readily and with greater appreciation a building where the slow growth throughout ages has ensured variety, than one where absolute harmony proclaims its completion to the pattern of a plan. After all, nothing in nature is uniformly monotonous; we do not see an oak or an elm with boughs at precise angles on each side, and the trees, such as the poplar, which approach most nearly to uniformity, are by no means the most beautiful.
The strange unlikeness of the two towers, and the centre tower crowned by the iron *fleche*, is sufficient to ensure attention from the most casual
observer. One of the western towers has fretwork windows, bossy pinnacles, and an octagonal coronet; and the other is much less beautiful, and has less decorative lines, terminating in the ugly, high, slate-roofed gable tower. Yet it is better than if it had conformed; the two together are perfect. The plainer one to the north is the Tour de St Romain, which dates from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, though with considerably more of the earlier date. The other is called the Tour de Beurre, because built from the produce of the sale of indulgences to eat butter in Lent. It bears its date, namely, the latter half of the fifteenth century, in every line of its decoration.
We wonder what the ancient church that stood on this site in the tenth century was like; massive and grand no doubt, carrying out in stone the character of its founder Rollo, who was baptised in it before its completion, receiving the name of Robert. The edifice was not finished for many generations, and when it was, a grand ceremony took place in which Rollo’s great descendant William figured. But a hundred and fifty years later, when Henry II. held Normandy and England, this church was destroyed by fire.
The rebuilding was begun very shortly afterwards, and the main part of the mighty fabric as we see it dates from then. The main part—but each succeeding century added something, stamping its hallmark on its style, so that one may say
here is the work of the fourteenth century, here the fifteenth, here the sixteenth, and—in the iron flèche rising high and not ungracefully—here the nineteenth.
The decorated frontage with its three doors was considered by Ruskin the most exquisite piece of Flamboyant work existing. The intricacies of the detail are inexhaustible; and above the centre rises a fine wheel window of the type that mediaeval craftsmen loved.
But there are other doorways rich in detail also. Of these the northern, the "Portail des Libraires," was so-called because the courtyard before it was once filled with booksellers' shops, in the same way as the space round our own old St Paul's in London. This is a most impressive entrance, and the innumerable sculptured figures which decorate it are representative of Ovid's Metamorphoses. It was begun in 1280 and finished in 1470. The southern door has also its own name: it is the Portail de la Calende.
The great drawback to the Cathedral is the difficulty of seeing it at a "middle" distance. From afar it rears itself with splendid majesty over the house roofs, but nearer it is too much hemmed in and enclosed by houses. One has no place to stand in such a position as to see it in right perspective.
The interior is graceful enough, and the delicate arcade running round choir and transepts is attractive. One great defect, which at the same time is a curious
A STUDY IN KOREA
A STREET IN ROUEN
The street is called Rue de la Pucelle, and is one of the most picturesque in Rouen. It is lined with old houses, many of which have been restored and are now occupied by shops and restaurants. The street is named after Joan of Arc, who was born in Rouen and is buried in the nearby church of Notre-Dame.
The street is also known for its narrow alleys and winding paths, which add to its charm. The buildings are mostly made of stone, and many of them date back to the 15th century. The street is a popular tourist attraction, and is often visited by people from all over the world.
The street is also home to several local businesses, including a bakery, a butcher shop, and a flower shop. The street is also known for its lively atmosphere, with people walking around and enjoying the sights and sounds of the city.
The street is also home to several local landmarks, including a church, a museum, and a park. The street is also known for its beautiful views of the Seine River, which can be seen from the top of the hill.
The street is also home to several local festivals, including a Christmas market, a summer festival, and a Halloween celebration. The street is also known for its delicious food, with many local restaurants offering a variety of dishes.
The street is also home to several local events, including a parade, a concert, and a festival. The street is also known for its friendly locals, who are always willing to help visitors and answer any questions they may have.
The street is also home to several local attractions, including a museum, a gallery, and a theater. The street is also known for its beautiful architecture, with many buildings featuring intricate details and beautiful facades.
The street is also home to several local businesses, including a bookstore, a gallery, and a theater. The street is also known for its lively atmosphere, with people walking around and enjoying the sights and sounds of the city.
The street is also home to several local landmarks, including a church, a museum, and a park. The street is also known for its beautiful views of the Seine River, which can be seen from the top of the hill.
The street is also home to several local festivals, including a Christmas market, a summer festival, and a Halloween celebration. The street is also known for its delicious food, with many local restaurants offering a variety of dishes.
The street is also home to several local events, including a parade, a concert, and a festival. The street is also known for its friendly locals, who are always willing to help visitors and answer any questions they may have.
The street is also home to several local attractions, including a museum, a gallery, and a theater. The street is also known for its beautiful architecture, with many buildings featuring intricate details and beautiful facades.
Rennes, France
A Mediæval City
feature, is the cutting in two of the nave arches by a sort of false story with a second and shorter arch over the primary one. The effect is unpleasing and inharmonious. How infinitely more graceful the arcades would have been if allowed to rise to their natural height, may be gathered from the instances in the side aisles.
The dust of Rollo and William Longsword lie within the great walls, while an empire mightier than ever their wildest dreams foreshadowed, governed by their descendant, covers half the earth, and its sons and daughters come to do homage at the cradle of their kings. There is here also the heart of Richard Cœur de Lion, though Richard himself lies at Fontevrault.
The churches in Rouen are almost innumerable, and in many, notably St Patrice and St Vincent, the glory of the old stained glass in the windows is a great attraction. But out of all the two which every visitor goes to see are St Maclou and St Ouen. St Maclou is quite small, but no one who has seen, under favourable conditions, its curious convex western façade will ever forget it. The fine, deeply recessed doorways, with their magnificent carved doors, are unique. The stonework is like lace; and the stone is of that variety which shows artificial shadows in its stains. The whole appearance is so original, so unlike the conventional western façade, that the beauty is heightened by the rarity which tends to emphasise the impression. The interior is disappointing, and there is a mass of metal high over the altar, which looks as if it might suddenly descend, and cause ruin to all beneath. St Ouen is the fifth church on the same site. It can be observed at leisure from the green garden that lines its sides, and it is wonderful, with its coronet tower and flying buttresses. It was built in the first half of the fourteenth century and restored in 1846, when the western façade was added; and if possible it is better to make a détour to avoid the western façade, or the memory of an almost perfect piece of work will be blurred. It was in the garden beside St Ouen that two scaffolds were erected on the 24th of May 1431. On one was placed Joan of Arc, strictly guarded by armed men, and on the other stood the dignitaries and judges who had gathered to hear her recantation. This and her submission she formally made, saying all that her persecutors wished, but afterwards, having fallen back into her "errors" and announcing that saints still visited her and voices spoke mysteriously, she was adjudged a witch, and condemned to death.
One of the oddest bits of Rouen, and one which it is to be hoped will be long cherished, is to be found in the Rue de la Grosse Horloge. The great clock itself is a marvellous work in gilt, standing on a low, heavy archway which bestrides the street, as Temple Bar bestrode Fleet Street before a utilitarian age hustled it away. In London, the only specimen of this kind of gateway, suffered to remain over a public street, is the gateway of St John's, Clerkenwell.
THE TROUBLE WITH THE CROWDS
BY
WILLIAM JAMES
PROFESSOR OF PSYCHOLOGY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AND
HAROLD L. ABRAMSON
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF PSYCHOLOGY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY
WITH A FOREWORD BY
HERBERT SPENCER GIDDINGS
PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AND
A PREFACE BY
JAMES M. COLEMAN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR OF THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
CHICAGO
1930
THE TOWERS OF ST OUEN
One of the oldest cities of Europe, and one which is said to be named after its local church, is St. Ouen, situated in the heart of the island of Jersey. The town was founded by the Normans in the 11th century, and has since been an important centre for trade and commerce.
The most notable feature of St. Ouen is its two towers, which stand on either side of the main street. The first tower, known as the "Old Tower," dates from the 12th century and is now used as a museum. The second tower, called the "New Tower," was built in the 14th century and is now used as a bell tower.
Both towers are of great historical significance and are well worth visiting. The Old Tower houses a collection of artifacts and documents related to the history of St. Ouen, while the New Tower is home to the town's famous bell, which is rung every hour on the hour.
Rennes, France
A Mediæval City
La Grosse Horloge conceals an older clock of the fourteenth century, and itself dates from 1529, when it was put up on the newly completed arch. The inner part of the arch is highly carved, the chief figure being the Good Shepherd. Close at hand is a strongly built and well-designed tower or belfry, begun in 1389 and finished about a hundred years later. It contains a deep-toned bell, from which the hour of curfew sounds sonorously every night. This bell, whose name is Rouvel, is cherished by the citizens, as in times of danger and distress they have been summoned by its tongue echoing over the walls and roofs for many a hundred years. In 1382 a new tax on merchandise was imposed by the French Government, and its first enforcement was demanded at Rouen. The people rose in revolt, named one of themselves king, and made him solemnly revoke the tax. The procession gathered as it went, mockery turned to riot, blood was shed, and condign punishment followed. The Duke of Anjou, at the head of troops, marched in the king's name to the city to enforce order, and as it was Rouvel who had called the men of the city to rebellion, he commanded that the belfry should be destroyed. So it was; but the citizens preserved their bell, and very soon after began building a new tower for him, so Rouvel's deep-throated notes still vibrate every night.
It is not however the clock, the arch, and belfry that constitute this one of the most quaint and picturesque corners in Rouen, though they all add
Normandy
to it. There is also a fountain, begun in 1250, and decorated with a large stone bas-relief in the reign of Louis XV. There is a tiny house of carved woodwork that looks as if it were glued to the wall behind. There are many other quaint houses near at hand, and if one had to choose a sample of the old city one could not do better than select this bit. Take it as we may see it any day from the western side. There is the heavy arch, with its sombre shadows beneath its broad curve; there is the wonderful glittering clock, which may perhaps catch the rays of the declining sun. Rising high at the corner is the solid tower with its cupola. We may people this background with figures to fancy. A group of loungers there is sure to be, the men in caps and a few of them in blouses, though the blouse is not so ubiquitous in the town as in the country; perhaps a neat little shopwoman comes tripping by, with her hair screwed up on the top of her head in a glossy tight knot; an old country-woman passes her, wearing a close-fitting coif-like cap, and bearing on her shoulders a wooden frame from which are suspended baskets of ripe strawberries. Then out of the darkness of the arch, starting dazzlingly into the sunshine, there comes a lithe slim figure, robed from head to foot in a sheet of white muslin: it is a young girl returning from her First Communion. The loitering vendors with barrows stop to look at her, and the tourists from England, of whom there are sure to be two or three, for the Hotel du Nord is just the
other side of the archway, turn to stare also. Such is a slight sketch of the best-known corner in Rouen.
But besides her mighty Cathedral, her wonderful churches, her street vistas, and her quaint corners, Rouen has much to show. We have not yet touched on her Renaissance palaces, and her historical memories, to say nothing of the twenty-six other fountains with which she is credited, and her busy quays.
To take the Renaissance houses first. There is a magnificent "hotel," standing in a part lying west of the Rue Jeanne d'Arc, which has also a little group of associations of its own. Here, where the great iron-bound markets stand, Joan of Arc was burnt to death, after which her ashes were cast into the river. In these days when the thought of the public hanging of a notorious criminal turns us faint and sick, we can hardly, even in imagination, fancy a great crowd gathered to watch the agonising torture and death of an innocent young girl.
It was thought for long that Joan was burnt in the open space near by the Place de la Pucelle, and here stands a grotesquely hideous statue of her, the very epitome of all it should not be; but it is now fairly certain that the place of her last agony was on the site of the market. Facing the statue is the entrance gate of the beautiful house of which we have spoken, the Hotel Bourgtheroulde, now the "Bureaux du Comptoir d'Escompte." The house was begun in 1486 by Guillaume le Roux, Lord of
Normandy
Bourgtheroulde, and was decorated by the most famous of the Renaissance architects, Jean Goujon, to whom almost as impossible an amount of work is attributed as to Grinling Gibbons. The decoration in the courtyard is a splendid example of the period, and can hardly be overpraised. Under the five broad windows on the left hand, run large panels, with scenes of the meeting between François, King of France, and Henry, King of England; for the mansion was not finished until 1532, a date when that meeting was still one of the greatest of political events. Above the windows the artist has given his fancy full rein, and in the symbolical scenes and strange beasts we find a representation of the "Triumphs" of Petrarch. All the uprights and lintels of the windows are richly carved. In the corner is a hexagonal tower, and in this the carving is in marvellously sharp and clear preservation, treated with a certain flatness of the most prominent surface, difficult to describe, but very effective and original; the scenes are pastoral. There are two splendid windows on the frontage beyond, rising into high, pierced pediments, with pinnacles and tracery, and on this side also is exquisite carving.
The Earl of Shrewsbury was lodged in this house when he came as Ambassador from Elizabeth to invest Henri IV. with the Order of the Garter.
Another magnificent example of Renaissance work in Rouen is the Palais de Justice, begun in 1499, on the site of the Jewry. It was meant to be partly the
A Mediæval City
Exchequer and partly the Exchange. Unfortunately, the worst end—the west end, which is of eighteenth-century sham Gothic, unmistakably so, even to the merest novice in architecture—is that most frequently seen, as it faces the open space in the great Rue Jeanne d'Arc, whereas the really fine court has to be sought for down a side street.
Lying northward, hidden away by houses beyond the Solferino Garden, not far from the great buildings of the Musée and the Library, is a solitary relic, namely, the round tower called Tour Jeanne d'Arc. It is not very attractive in appearance, being a solid cylindrical mass of masonry capped by projecting wooden battlements and a conical slate roof, both of which were added in restoration. The battlements are interesting, as they are of the ancient sort, formed to protect the defenders, who poured down boiling lead or showered stones upon their attackers.
It was not in this tower, however, that Joan was kept a prisoner from December 26, 1430, to May 30, 1431, but in another which stood near the top of the present Rue Jeanne d'Arc. Both of these towers belonged to the great castle begun by Philip Augustus in 1205, when he had at last snatched Normandy from England, and was feverishly anxious about the safety of his new dominions. Before beginning his own castle, he destroyed all that remained of the old castle built by the Norman dukes, and now his own has followed the same fate, and has vanished, excepting the Tour Jeanne d'Arc,
Normandy
an interesting relic, dating far further back than most of the ancient buildings we have seen.
Joan was brought to the tower, still standing, on the 9th of May, for an examination before her accusers, and the torturer was held in readiness to prompt her replies did she fail in answering. The very room in which she stood is here to be seen; though it was in the chapel of the archbishop, near the Cathedral, that her death-warrant was signed. When Joan was in Rouen the oldest of the timber houses must have been fresh and new, the Palais de Justice and Hotel Bourgtheroulde had not been begun. The oldest parts of St Ouen stood, and St Maclou was incomplete. Could Joan but have looked on into the future and have seen the finest street in Rouen called after her name, have known that her memory was regarded as that of heroine and martyr, how astonished she would have been.
The thought of Joan and the various scenes in which she played a central part, conjures up many other historical memories also.
Rouen is rich in such pictures, not the pictures painted by human hands and representing imaginary scenes, but living pictures which, though lacking the cinematograph, have nevertheless remained indelibly fixed in the great drama of history. The earliest of all is the vision of a dying man, royal in position and by nature a king, alone, forlorn, and stripped of every vestige of glory.
From the day when he had been a boy amid the
turbulence of a headless court, had heard men whisper this and that, and look aside at himself with significance, he had ever stood out by virtue of some compelling power, which, even while he was still undeveloped, drew the force from the strong and made it a weapon on his behalf. Yet now, perhaps, those weary eyes, fast closing, saw more plainly than ever before. The dominions he had gained were but as the shuffling of a pack of cards in a game, his clemency, his loyalty of life, outweighed all the deeds that men called great.
He was only sixty, but his life had begun so young that it seemed long since that first wild dash at Val-ès-dunes, where he had settled himself on the ducal throne and given the outward sign of his mettle, to the day when, soured by the loss of the wife who had been to him the true mate, lonely, in grim dignity, he had irritably replied to the coarse jest of the King of France by a red-hot retort which had cost him his life.
Now there stands a modern church on the site of the abbey of St Gervais, in which William then lay. It stands a little away from the din of tempestuous Rouen, and beneath it is the oldest crypt in France, the crypt of St Mellon. Dimly through the dying Conqueror’s brain scenes would flit; in them he himself would be always the most prominent, the principal figure; and now an end—
Hark! what was that? The tones of the bell in the Cathedral of Rouen were wafted across in at the heavy unglazed window; it was the call for prime, at
six in the morning, and as the slow strokes fell on his ear William recognised in them another call; he offered up a prayer, and died.
Yet, by a strange mischance, those who would have honoured the mighty dead were not present. The pious Anselm had been summoned from Bec; but travelling was slow, the prior was ill, and he had not arrived. William the Conqueror’s best-beloved and ever favourite son had hasted to seize on that inheritance which his father had hardly dared to leave him, except provisionally; Henry had disappeared on a similar errand, though some say he returned in time to accompany the body on its last journey; between Robert and his father no love had lain, and Robert was missing.
A living dog is better than a dead lion; and living dogs there were at hand. Within an hour of his death, the Conqueror’s body had been stripped of all that was valuable, even the hangings of tapestry in the chamber had been seized, and the craven souls who had trembled at the flicker of the king’s eyelash in life handled him contemptuously in death.
A whole day he lay there, alone and untended. Then the news spread abroad, and bishops and barons gathered together. The body was placed on a bier, suitably draped, and with a great procession was carried to Caen, as had been commanded, passing down the Seine in its route. And to Caen we must follow it for the last terrible scenes of that drama, for it is with Rouen only we are now concerned.
The New York Public Library
AN HOTEL COURTYARD, ROUEN
The courtyard of an old hotel in Rouen is a place of quiet and repose. The walls are covered with ivy and the trees are tall and graceful. The air is fresh and sweet, and the birds sing merrily. The courtyard is a peaceful retreat from the noise and bustle of the city.
The Village Inn
A Mediæval City
The picture of William dying is the first of those connected with the town which can never be forgotten. Another of a different sort calls us for a moment to the river-side. By 1090, Robert, the Conqueror's eldest son, had so misruled his duchy that there was a prominent party in Rouen which held it would be better to apply to William the Red, who, though cruel enough, was a strong and able governor. At that time Henry Beauclerc was in league with his eldest brother, and the two together entered Rouen, and established themselves in the tower by the river, which was indeed the only part of the city where they could feel safe. This tower had been built by Duke Richard (996) on the right bank of the Robec, near the Seine, to replace that of Rollo, which was falling to pieces. An affray succeeded the brothers' entry, in which Beauclerc led his men through Rouen, and engaged in combat with the leading citizens. The place was turned into a shambles, the narrow streets ran red, and many peaceful citizens were involved. Meantime Robert had retired to a little abbey near the city, where he awaited the result in fear and trembling. Henry captured the principal leader of the town party, who was named Conan, and brought him captive to the castle. Robert thereupon returned, and vindictively declared that he would not kill the traitor, but condemn him to a far more hideous punishment—perpetual imprisonment, which in those days of noisome, airless dungeons
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was equivalent to perpetual torture. Henry, however, had no mind to do the thing; he thought death was preferable from many points of view; notably, because a dead man is forgotten, and provokes neither sympathy nor reprisal. Therefore, with cold brutality which equalled that of the occasional streaks of hardness to be found in his otherwise great father, he dragged Conan to the top of the tower, and pitched him straight over the ramparts. "The mangled corpse, contumeliously dragged amidst the soaking filth from end to end of the town, gave insulting warning to his compeers and townsmen" (Palgrave).
This is the record of the Conqueror's sons.
More than a hundred years later, this ancient castle or tower was the scene of a tragedy so dark and mysterious that it has never been wholly penetrated, and some hold that it cannot be proved to have taken place at Rouen at all; but our greatest dramatist notwithstanding, the evidence against Rouen is pretty strong, and though we can never know the method of young Arthur's death, there is little doubt that here by the Seine he was murdered. There are various suppositions as to the manner of his death; some, with Shakespeare, believe that he fell from the tower walls in attempting his escape, but if this were so we may be pretty sure that John would have made the most of it to absolve his craven soul from the accursed stain resting on it, which made him
A Mediæval City
abhorred of his contemporaries. The commonly received theory is that John took the boy out in a boat and stabbed him with his own hand. This does not seem impossible, for notwithstanding the cheapness of assassins in that day, it may be remembered that John had already been disobeyed once when he gave orders for Arthur’s mutilation, and he may have dreaded a like result, for even in those days, to kill a helpless boy of fourteen was a crime not lightly to be bought. By whatever means it was effected, no trace remained of Arthur, who suffered his last agonies of terror or revolt alone and helpless, and with the added hideousness of enduring his death at the hands of a near relative.
Every vestige of the old castle has now disappeared, and on its site there stand market buildings round three sides of a square. On the south side is a curious double cupola—an arch over an arch—called a chapel, the Chapelle de la Fierté, and this is associated with a strange custom, which must originally have had its rise in that solemn scene when the crowd called, “Not this man, but Barabbas!”
Once a year, on Ascension Day, the Chapter of Rouen Cathedral were allowed, by the “Privilege of St Romain,” to release a prisoner condemned to death, and the list of such releases runs from 1210-1790. The ceremony took place at this little chapel; it was performed with great solemnity, and was witnessed by a vast crowd. As it was always
Normandy
necessary in mediaeval times to have some legend to account for the origin of any custom, a legend was forthcoming, as follows:—A mighty dragon dwelt in the marshes by the river, and devoured all whom he could catch. The saint Romain, however, lured him from his place of security by the bait of a condemned criminal, and then made the sign of the cross over him, after which he had no difficulty in leading the beast captive to the town, at the end of his stole. Therefore, in memory of this great deliverance, a condemned criminal was freed each year.
Among historical scenes it is impossible to forget the terrible siege of 1417, when stern-faced Harry of England sat down before the walls and waited. His fleet was to the north, his army had crossed to the south, so that Rouen was cut off from assistance from Paris and left to her fate. The citizens made desperate sorties now and again; they could make no impression on the mighty force opposed to them. It was the end of July when Henry appeared, and by the time winter came, the horrors of starvation were at their height. A scene which has been enacted in other sieges, and more than once depicted with ghastly power upon canvas, now took place. Fifteen thousand "outsiders," countrymen who did not belong to Rouen, but had taken refuge inside her walls, were turned out, and on the bitter icy slopes, between the full-armoured English and the rigid
A Mediæval City
walls, they writhed in agony, tearing up the very earth to still their craving, and dying raving mad, or of utter weakness. It is said that 50,000 persons died before New Year’s Day, when envoys were sent to ask terms of the English. But it was not for another ten days that terms were agreed upon as follows: Life to all but nine persons whom Henry chose, was granted, and an enormous price was fixed as ransom. Then Henry received the keys, and until 1449 the town remained English. The Duke of Bedford ruled here as regent during the infancy of King Henry VI., and he was succeeded by the Duke of Somerset, under whom the final surrender took place. He was supported by the veteran Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who had seen a hundred fights; but well they knew that the case was hopeless. Fortress after fortress had fallen before King Charles of France, and in the town itself was a strong party in favour of France. At length Somerset made a disgraceful compact with the French before his gate, by which he surrendered the town, and delivered Talbot and other officers up as prisoners. He also pledged the English to surrender Honfleur, Caudebec, and Arques, and to pay 50,000 crowns. Charles VII. entered on the 10th of November 1449.
It would be impossible to give the slightest sketch of Rouen without mentioning the names of the great among her sons. Greatest of all is Corneille the poet, born in 1606, in a house standing on the
site of No. 4 in the present Rue Pierre Corneille; Maupassant and Hector Malot owed part of their education to Rouen; Flaubert was born at Rouen in 1821; and the roll of lesser names contains many which, if not known across the Channel, are representative of good work to their own countrymen.
Such is Rouen, a city with as many facets as a jewel, each one of which contributes something to the perfect whole. We can see her as a city of magnificent churches, a city of famous Renaissance buildings, a city of narrow, crooked, winding streets, cobble-paved, and lined by mediaeval timbered houses; we can see her in the light of an historic past, or as a wideawake city of the present day, with trams running along broad thoroughfares, with spacious quays and busy trade; she is a medley of the past and the present, and the one or the other is seen as it is sought. But there is one thing to be noted, she is not a city of the Normans, those Norman dukes who held her as their capital seem to have been utterly effaced; there are but few fragments surviving from their time, and those either difficult to find, or so much incorporated and overlaid with later work, that for all superficial purposes they are obliterated: in Rouen the magnificence of mediaeval times has made an ineffaceable impression; she is a mediaeval city if you will, or a modern city, or both together; but above all things she is thoroughly French, and not Norman.
CHAPTER V
CAEN
The admirers of Caen rank it high. Mr Freeman says: "Caen is a town well-nigh without a rival. It shares with Oxford the peculiarity of having no one predominant object. At Amiens, at Peterborough—we may add at Cambridge—one single gigantic building lords it over everything; Caen and Oxford throw up a forest of towers and spires without any one building being conspicuously predominant. It is a town which never was a Bishop's See, but which contains four or five churches each fit to have been a cathedral."
It is quite true that in the richness of its churches Caen rivals Rouen. And if we except the splendid abbey of William and Matilda which flank each end of the town, most of these churches belong to the fifteenth century, and show the marvellous combination of grace and strength, of richness without tawdriness, in which the workmen of that date were unrivalled. After its churches, the most notable
feature in Caen is its collection of Renaissance dwelling-houses, called hotels, which are to be found here and there—but not always conspicuously—in its streets. Beyond the churches and hotels, Caen is not otherwise a mediæval town; though many of the streets are narrow and old-fashioned, they do not contain anything like the same number of carved and timber-framed houses as are to be found at Rouen. There are a few of these to be seen, lying for the most part in the narrow streets at the west end of St Pierre. The Maison des Quatrains in the Rue de Geoles is one which visitors most frequently find; it is a large timber house in excellent preservation, but of plain design; on the tower in the court is the date 1541, though the house itself is older than this. A far more fascinating example is to be seen in the little steep street going up to the castle. This house is small, and no line is in its right plane; it looks as if it would very soon fall down altogether, yet it is carved everywhere, with human figures and faces, all animated by that diablerie and wicked mirth which the carvers of the Middle Ages seem to have been able to pour forth from their tools at will.
Beautiful bits and picturesque corners are to be found in Caen in plenty, as in every continental town with a long history, but they are different in kind from those we see in Rouen. The most beautiful part of all the town is to be found around that famous church, St Pierre.
Shady horse-chestnuts in all the glory of delicate
Caen
foliage and fresh pink flower, show up in contrast with the towering fret-work pinnacles of the church. Close by, a tram crowded with people going home from work stops for a moment, to fill up every foot of space on its two cars before it winds slowly away, toot-tooting to clear the lines.
The pavement near at hand is covered with flower-pots in bloom, azaleas, roses, cinerarias, pelargonium, and fuchsia, showing flashing lights like those of some rich window of stained glass, and the foot traffic flows round about the impediment tranquilly; for in all foreign towns every shopkeeper seems to have a prescriptive right to the bit of pavement before his door.
In front of the church is a space of green grass, with seats and a cool basin of water. The evening sun, which has now left in shadow all the base of the masonry, picks out the lines and curves and angles of the parapet and the buttresses above, those wonderful flying buttresses with bossy pinnacles; it shows up the stiff, eternally yearning gargoyles, and the red-tiled roof. High above, up against the brilliant clearness of a pale-blue sky, swallows skim and wheel around one of the most graceful and perfect spires ever man devised or wrought.
Opposite to the church, in the depth of grey evening shadow, is the great Hotel de Valois or Escoville, a Renaissance palace, built early in the sixteenth century. The lower part is occupied by a row of shops; above rise small engaged pillars,
between which are the lofty windows, now cut into two stages. In the courtyard all is gloom and dirt; a huge scaffolding covers most of the building, and grimly down from those once princely walls look the gigantic statues of David and Judith, each carrying the gory burden of a head!
Above, but difficult to see without a crick in the neck, is a lantern tower in two stages, recalling a little the famous domes of Chambord. There was formerly the figure of a white horse carved on the stone above the principal door, and the symbol exercised greatly the imaginations of antiquarians, some of whom went so far as to see in it the Pale Horse of Revelation. In some lines written on the hotel by M. de Brieux, we read:
"Lorsqu'on porte les yeux dessus chaque figure,
Qui lui sert au dedans de superbe ornament
On croit être déçu par quelque enchantement
A cause des beauté de leur architecture."
The house was built in 1585 by Nicholas de Valois, Sieur d'Escoville, the richest man in the town, who died even as he entered into possession; for, the first time he seated himself at table in his new dwelling he was choked by an oyster, at the early age of forty-seven. This hotel, with many other buildings in Caen, is attributed to Hector Sohier, the architect of part of St Pierre, and it is supposed that he carried on the two great buildings that faced one another—the church and hotel—partly at the same time.
Caen
In most Norman towns the first object for which the visitor seeks is the cathedral, and the second the castle. Caen has no cathedral; and though it has a castle, no one can see it, for it is used as a barracks, and entrance is forbidden. In any case the castle is not at all evident; it stands on no great elevation, and has to be sought for by a narrow back street. Yet it has seen many a spirited historical feat, and been through not a few sieges. From time immemorial a fort of some kind has stood upon the site, but it was William—the great William—who founded the present building. On his death the castle formed one of Robert's most important strongholds, and it was from thence he started out on his crusading expedition. On his return he made Caen his headquarters, and added greatly to the fortifications in prospect of being attacked by his brother Henry. Yet when Robert was overthrown at Tinchebray, these very defences fell into Henry's hands, and served him against whom they had been intended. That the town was of great importance then, was shown by the fact that when Henry established two permanent exchequers, one for England and one for Normandy, it was at Caen and not at Rouen the latter was placed. Caen was one of Henry's favourite residences; here was born his eldest son Robert, afterwards Earl of Gloucester, whose mother was Nesta, the Welsh girl who managed to hold the king's affections so long. In days when loyalty was a rare virtue,
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Robert proved himself throughout his life a loyal brother, and the Empress Maud owed much to his strong arm and good faith. John took refuge at Caen after the murder of his nephew, but he soon had to retreat, and the city opened its gates to Philip Augustus in 1204. However it was not destined to remain consistently French, for it was besieged by Edward III. in 1346, when, according to Froissart, the town "était grosse et forte, pleine de très-grande draperies et de toutes marchandises et de riches bourgeois et de noble dames et de belles églises." After a stern resistance this rich prize fell into the hands of the English, who pillaged it for three days, and reaped a magnificent harvest of "draperies" and other goods, so that many stout ships were sent laden across to England. It however reverted again to the French, and was subject to another siege under Henry V., when, with the rest of Normandy, it remained attached to the English crown from 1417 to 1450. It was at this time Henry founded the famous university, which continued to flourish throughout the change in the town's ownership. After 1450 the castle was twice besieged by the French themselves, during the Protestant wars.
So much for a rough sketch of its history. But Caen belonged far more than this to the personal history of William the Conqueror, who had particular reasons for loving it. When he and Matilda, his wife, had agreed to rear two abbeys in penance
THE
YOUNG
OF THE
WILD
A STORY OF
THE
SOUTHERN
WOODS
BY
JAMES HUGHES
ILLUSTRATED BY
JOHN R. WOOD
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1903
THE MILK CARRIER
A little girl, named Margaret, was one of Joyce's favorite characters in his stories for children. She lived in a small village and her father was a milk carrier. One day, while delivering milk to a customer, he noticed that the milk was very dirty. He decided to investigate further and found out that the milk was being contaminated by a nearby factory. He reported the problem to the authorities and helped to clean up the area.
The story teaches children about the importance of cleanliness and the impact of pollution on our environment. It also highlights the role of community members in protecting their surroundings.
The Milk Maid
A woman rides a donkey through a village, carrying a basket and a jug.
•
Caen
for the sin of having married though they were first cousins, it was at Caen that they established their twin abbeys, one at the north and the other at the south end of the town.
William's abbey indeed was begun in 1066, the year in which he had established himself as supreme in a wider sphere than Normandy, and he doubtless returned to the scene of the work with none the less interest because of his larger experience. There is a little vagueness about the date when the sister abbey was actually begun; some say in 1062, which would make it slightly in advance of St Etienne, and it seems to have been consecrated in 1066, while St Etienne was not consecrated until 1077, when the ceremony was performed by Lanfranc, who had been brought from Bec to be the first abbot, but had been rapidly advanced to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, which at the time of the consecration he had held for seven years.
The opening ceremony was an occasion of great solemnity, and the king with his queen and eldest son Robert, then in early manhood, were all present. The church was not at first exactly as we see it now, for the two mighty western towers, grandly simple, had no spires, which were added in the fourteenth century. In William's time also the church was shorter, ending in an apse. The present choir dates from a couple of centuries after that fine opening scene, and is of the Pointed, not the Roman, or as we call it, the Norman, style like the nave.
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Could William, when seated on his throne, with his wife and son by his side, overlooking that vast crowd of nobles, knights, and commoners, to whom his lightest word was law, have gazed ahead into the grim mystery of the future, he would have seen a far other picture. A lonely death, with his son a traitor, and himself deserted, at last to be hastily and ignominiously buried by the charity of the monks, whose munificent patron he had been. Could he have seen such a vision, the realities of power and place might have seemed less pleasantly substantial to him!
None of the Conqueror’s sons are buried in the abbey, though the bones of the youngest, Henry, rested for nearly a month before the high altar, waiting for a favourable wind by which they could be taken over to England for burial.
Close by the abbey William built a palace, where now stands the École Normande; nothing of the palace remains, though a later building which succeeded it has been partly adapted for the school.
The earlier kings of the Norman race seem to have resided at palace or castle indifferently while at Caen. The abbey grew and flourished. It was at the height of its power in the twelfth century, but was totally ruined in the religious wars at the end of the sixteenth.
The large building, called the Lycée, to the east of the church, dates from 1726, and a Gothic hall,
Caen
used as a gymnasium, dating from the fourteenth century, is considered to have been once part of the abbey.
Matilda’s Abbaye aux Dames, or St Trinité, has one great advantage over St Etienne—it can be seen to advantage from the broad open space which lies before it. The church, like the other, has two western towers, but they are more decorative, not so grand and stern as those of St Etienne; and show a charming and original feature in the row of oval openings beneath the parapet. The windows are long, narrow, and round-headed. Matilda’s church, as well as William’s, is one of the purest remaining examples of Norman work. The husband and wife were parted in death: he lies at St Etienne, and she here. Their love was genuine in an age when wedded love was a rarity, more especially with kings; but they were bitterly estranged in their quarrels over their sons before the end came. Matilda died four years before her husband, and her grave may be looked on with reverence as that of the ancestress of all succeeding sovereigns who have held the English crown.
The city hospital buildings, dating from 1726, occupy the site of the convent which Matilda founded for gentlewomen of the highest rank, and of which her own eldest daughter, Cecily, was the first abbess. It is said that she was dedicated to this office at the time of the consecration of the church
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in 1066, when she can only have been about twelve or thirteen years of age.
After the two great abbeys, and perhaps before them, in the minds of many, comes that jewel of the fifteenth century, St Pierre, of which the exterior has already been slightly described. The chief feature is the towering spire, so pierced as to give a fairy-like appearance of elegance, and yet so firm in its lines as to produce a powerful impression of strength. This spire was built in the beginning of the fourteenth century, on the foundation of an earlier one. The nave followed, and the choir was completed about 1521. But in spite of the two centuries over which the building spread, the whole design is emphatically of one style and time, of which it forms one of the most brilliant examples. In the two disused churches in Caen, St Etienne the Less and St Gillies, we may see the same design and style in the pierced parapet, the flying buttresses, and the decorated pinnacles; though parts of these churches are of the twelfth century. This is not so notable in St Gillies, but in St Etienne the Less, in spite of the growth of weeds in all the crevices, in spite of discolourment, and filled-in windows, in spite of bars and general decay and disuse, we have a most beautiful church, and one that almost any English town would consider its most precious possession.
There are many other churches which might be mentioned, but we have space only for one, because
of its peculiarity. St Sauveur consists of two churches, which were originally built side by side, and now, with the partition wall removed, form one! Not far from St Etienne is St Nicholas, belonging to the eleventh and twelfth centuries; and in the Rue St Jean—down which the station traffic passes—is the church of St Jean, dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
After the churches in interest come the Renaissance hotels, of which we have already described the principal one; of the others, there are two connected with the name of Etienne Duval de Mondrainville which cannot be overlooked. These are to be found in the little narrow street running behind St Sauveur. Etienne de Mondrainville was born in 1507, and was for a long time one of the most important personages in Caen. He twice made a fortune, and was twice ruined by the jealousy of his comrades. He was an energetic man, and pushed his trade to an extent which at that time was remarkable; he carried on trade with Africa and America, and his staple was corn from Barbary.
The smaller of the two houses he built stands in a little courtyard. The carving, the miniature tower, and the dormer windows are all charming, and are enhanced by the bit of green in front. In 1550 the Chambre de la Monnaie was moved here from St Lo, and the house retained the name. Across the street is the larger house of about the
same date, now a printing establishment. It was built in 1549, and the cupola and lantern, columns and dormers, all bespeak its date. Etienne died in 1578, leaving two sons, one an abbé and the other a soldier. The Hotel de Than, in the Rue St Jean, is another house of the same date, telling of the wealth and opulence of the burghers of Caen after the city had recovered from the effects and uncertainty of the English occupation, and become once more French.
From all that has been said, it may be gathered that there is much to see in Caen, and yet the account is fragmentary, and has not told the half. There are other churches not mentioned, other hotels to be found in dark courtyards and down unpromising tunnels; there is the famous Maison des Gens d’Armes, built in the reign of François First, only a mile or so out on the Ouistreham Road, and there are countless other features that would take long to discover, but are well worth the explorer’s trouble. By the river Orne there are wide quais and boulevards, and the great race-course fringed with trees. In the centre of the town is the pleasant and well-kept Place de la Republique, once the Place Royale, a name still retained by the principal hotel, which stands at one end. Here there are the usual flower-beds, and seats, and trees, and on the west side rise the large and fine public buildings, the Hotel de Ville, including the splendid public library, the inevitable Musée, and behind is the Prefecture. From all of which it may
Caen
be gathered that Caen is a town which in no way neglects the interests of her citizens. Yet with all these manifold attractions, with her many advantages and her historic past, it is impossible to deny that a slight feeling of dulness broods over Caen. It is indescribable, it is unanalysable, but perhaps it may be due to what I have before called the spirit of a town; perhaps Caen as an entity lacks originality, or else why is it that English visitors who go there, full of intelligent appreciation, who see much, and who acknowledge the intrinsic interest of what they have seen, leave at the end of two days, feeling glad to go?
Malherbe the poet was born at Caen in 1555, and it is impossible to quit the city without mentioning the name of Charlotte Corday, who, though not a native, passed her girlhood here with an aunt. The house in which she lived has disappeared, but No. 148 Rue St Jean stands on the site of it. She came here after being educated in a convent, and seems to have been left much to herself, spending her time in reading such works as those of Voltaire.
After the downfall of the party of the Girondins in 1793, some of the leaders came to Caen, and Charlotte attended their meetings. It was at this time she conceived her courageous idea of going to Paris to assassinate Marat, who typified all that was worst in tyranny. She obtained a passport in which she is described as being twenty-four years of age, only 5 feet 1 inch in height, with chestnut hair and
grey eyes. Her face was oval, her forehead high, her nose long, and her chin dimpled. The quiet determination with which she executed her project, and the absence of all revulsion after it, put her on the same level as the other great heroine, Joan of Arc. A country which has produced two such women, may well take high rank.
CHAPTER VI
FALAISE
Although Falaise is not a typical Norman town—for it has too much character of its own for that—there are certain features here which are to be found in nearly all the other towns in Normandy, such as the long narrow streets, roughly paved with cobbles, and the irregular houses, most of which are neither very old nor very new, but just softened by time.
To linger in the streets is to get many a peep which, transferred to canvas, would give lasting pleasure. In one place we see long narrow passages running between houses; the black shadow is in contrast with the yellow sunlight on the pavement beyond, and at one end there falls over a parapet a mass of glorious deep-tinged lilac. Surely lilac never grows elsewhere as it grows in Falaise! In another place there is a tiny court, with an indescribable medley of steps, grey stone, worn beams, gable ends, and child life. We come suddenly upon a tiny chapel with a bit of ancient moulding that proclaims
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its hoary age; it is perched upon a rock, up the steep sides of which straggle staring yellow wallflowers, brilliant blue forget-me-not, and stiff tulips of various colours.
One of the most striking bits of Falaise is the quiet square before the Hotel de Ville, where grass grows between the cobbles, overshadowed by the mighty figure of William on horseback, many times life-size. Round the pedestal are graven his ancestors, the previous dukes, men to be reckoned with, one and all, but not one to compare with their great successor, whose magnificent energy and power the artist has succeeded in transfixing in metal.
On one side, aslant to the square, is the church of La Trinité, a curious church, built without any rules; and at its east end bestriding a street, with a delightful disregard for the change of level. It has a fine porch, and admirably carved buttresses, and over a great part of it runs that profusion of carving which the ancient craftsman seems to have thrown in for sheer love of it. The tower, however, is a note of ugliness, interrupting much pleasant quaintness. This is not the most notable church in Falaise; that honour is claimed by St Gervais in the widened space in the middle of the main street, and St Gervais is all glorious without but disappointing within, where its dull lines are devitalised by the terrible mockery perpetrated in the name of decoration. Outside, however, the warmly tinted sandstone, carved in every fantastic semblance, rises grandly against the
THE BURGESS PAINTINGS
A STREET VENDOR, FALAISE
The street vendor of Falaise is a picturesque figure. He has a blue coat and smoked cap and carries a bundle of newspapers which he sells to passers-by. He is often seen with a pipe in his mouth, smoking away as he walks along the street. The vendor is a man of average height and weight, and he is always smiling. He is a friendly man who enjoys talking to people and making their acquaintance. He is a good salesman and knows how to sell his newspapers. He is also a good listener and is always ready to hear what people have to say. He is a man of good character and is respected by all who know him.
Marchand d'Ailles.
Falaise
clear blue sky. Particularly noticeable are the gargoyles, turning this way and that, and the wonderful moulding round the tower windows. The restoration has affected notable improvement on the exterior, clearing away all the old houses which clung like barnacles to the walls.
If one could only reverse the wheel of time and see the church as it looked at its great dedication festival, when, glittering in the smartness of work fresh from the chisel, it was dedicated in the presence of Henry the First of England! Would the workmen differ greatly in type, we wonder, from the group who now sit lazily sunning themselves on the steps? The present men, who are in blue blouses, are spare, not large of limb, with faces the colour of their own house-tiles, with sharp thin features and keen eyes? The clothing of the poor in Falaise is not so picturesque as in many parts of Normandy—the blouse is here as everywhere, but there is nothing else striking in the costume of the men, and only the older women wear caps, and those of a very simple sort; the young ones go about with heads uncovered, and hair neatly coiled up in a little top-knot, after the usual manner of the French.
One of the most attractive views in Falaise, is that to be gained by standing on the raised road that leaves the town direct to Caen, and looking east and west. In the deep fosse, where once a mighty river must have run, there is now only a dirty ditch, which serves the women of Falaise for
Normandy
a washing-place, as it did nine hundred years ago. On either side rise neat trimly-kept gardens, terrace upon terrace, rich in greenery. In fact, the masses of green foliage which break up any general view of Falaise are among its principal charms. The influence of environment is seen in character, for even the smallest and poorest cottages have their window-boxes and flowerpots, and the neatness of the gardens is a sight to marvel at; even the wee children love flowers. In the shops, especially the butchers', where least of all one would expect to see them, one finds great bowls and pyramids of flowers, so large that they could hardly be encircled by both arms; these are made up of lilac, rhododendron, pale pink peonies, tulips, and forget-me-not, and are such Gargantuan bouquets as would make sunshine in any London house.
A rough and narrow track leads along the northern side of the river opposite the castle. This is a very poor part of the town, where one small room serves for bedroom and living-room for a whole family, and the dark nut-brown interiors are in striking contrast with the blaze of sunlight outside. The children are mostly healthy, sometimes strikingly so; and among them it is difficult to pick out any special type; bright brown eyes and sepia locks are seen side by side with hair perfectly flaxen in colour and eyes of palest watery blue; both types alike greet the "English" as a friend, for too many English are seen here to allow them to be awesome,
A TELLING ACCOUNT OF
THE LATE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE.
BY
JAMES BURTON.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. BURTON, 1830.
A LITTLE NORMAN GIRL
A couple of years ago, while along the channels of the Seine between the canals, I was very fond of the little girls one could see in the town and little boats and barges, and the dark sunshades of the trees in comparison with the blue of the water. The children are mostly in white, and the girls are dancing from their schools on their way home. They are very pretty and quite happy, and they are very much like the children of the country. In fact, they are very much like the children of the country.
The girl in the green headscarf is standing in front of a brick building, looking up at something on the wall. She is wearing a striped skirt and a red top. The building has a wooden door and a window with a curtain. There is a bird on the ground next to her.
and perhaps also the little ones learn with their earliest history there is a bond of kinship between them and these strange people who come from across the sea. From nearly every house comes the quiet hum of a hand-machine, wherewith men and women knit socks and other garments; this sound mingles with the splash and thud of the women busily washing clothes in the little narrow ditch, kneeling in their wooden tubs, arms in ice-cold water, and backs bent in the occupation which seems to take up far the largest proportion of a French peasant-woman’s day.
There are little bridges over the water, and footpaths winding in and out, and above all is the clear vivid sky of a May day. If we went on a little further until we were almost beneath the perpendicular walls of the castle, we should come all at once on two things, which would carry us back into the far past, for a large tannery still spreads irregular buildings on the very place where once rose the tannery of William’s maternal grandfather. Its presence is quickly felt, and we can see the peasants coming away from it laden with the little “cakes” of waste bark called “mottes,” which are used for fuel, and so oddly resemble peats. Not far off a sound of voices and splashing of water will bring us to a strange place, the town washing-shed, where, with the dim light from the roof gleaming on the soapy green water, and the time-worn posts, we shall find a score of women, perhaps some of them actual
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collateral descendants of Arlotta’s, slapping and splashing the soiled linen with as much heartiness as ever did the girl who was to become the mother of a line of kings. It is the same spot, the same stream, whose name is Ante, only the place is now roofed over instead of being open to the sky, as it was in Arlotta’s day. We leave the valley and wind upward past some tumbledown cottages of picturesque lath and plaster; past others with such a solid foundation of stone showing in the low doorways, that they seem as if they might well have stood since the Conqueror’s day. On and on until we reach a lane, with high hedges and lush rich green grass, and pass out at last on to a flat tableland, where the purple-red orchis stand up like little tin soldiers in the grass, and heather and gorse grow everywhere. We are upon Mont Mirat, and at one end is a clump of grey rocks close by a group of windswept firs; quite suddenly, at our feet as it were, a familiar object greets us, startlingly close; it is the flat cap of the Talbot tower, and as we near it, we see the whole castle appear, and realise we are on the other side of the ravine, on a level with the tower, which is in reality some distance away, but which, in the brilliant clearness of the atmosphere, looks as if a well-thrown stone might easily strike it. The jackdaws wheel and scream around the walls, and their shadows flit after them, growing, fading, disappearing with infinite fantasy. And the castle is a vision of light, bathed in the rays of a westering sun; it
Falaise
appears as a perfect mass of yellow, from the deep dead gold of the streaks of lichen to the palest biscuit colour of the patches on the walls, fading to dun and sepia in the shadows.
You can still see in the castle the room in which the mighty William is said to have been born, though all probability points to his birthplace having been in the valley below. The room shown is in no sense a royal apartment; it is a little, dark, dungeon-like chamber, airless and lightless, built in the thickness of the wall; but sleeping accommodation was not made much account of then. In any case, the castle and the valley on which we look were the earliest associations of William’s childhood. Here he lay an unconscious babe, when, as we are told by Wace, he was visited by two of the premier barons in the land, one of whom exclaimed prophetically, “Par toi e par ta ligne sert la mienne moult abaisse.”
Here in that varied childhood, passed partly in the unsavoury tanyard with his grandfather, partly in the castle with the stern-faced man who caressed him, and whom he was told to call father; eyed askance by the richly-dressed young nobles; hugged by the simple-minded Arlotta, he grew up. Gradually a knowledge of his own peculiar position, of his royal but sullied birth, of the battle before him, must have forced themselves into the mind of a boy far more thoughtful than his years; and by the time he was eight, at an age when most boys
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have hardly begun to think, he had to take up his stern inheritance.
There is no doubt that spring is the time to see Falaise—spring, when the trees are at their freshest and richest, undimmed by dust or heat. By standing on the highest part of one line of rocks, we can see behind the castle in miniature the church of Guibray perched on a hill, its conical spire showing up against a distant line of horizon, so straight, so blue, so misty, it might well be the sea.
The town itself shows as a mass of roofs, varying from brick red to slate blue, but mostly the colour of rust; these are strangely high-pitched to an English eye, and show well amid the mass of complementary green, in which there are darker touches in the copper beeches and cedars here and there—a magnificent panorama, with enough sentiment and history about it to keep it from the insipidity of mere beauty, and nothing more.
Only second in interest to the story of William’s precarious boyhood, is the tale of that other boy, Arthur, the young Duke of Brittany, who, at the age of fourteen, was brought to Falaise a prisoner in the hands of his treacherous, crafty, and unscrupulous uncle, John. The room in which Arthur was confined is still pointed out near the supposed birthplace of William. It was in August that he came here, and often must he have looked out over the wide horizon, wondering if his
faithful Bretons would come to his rescue. All through the winter he remained a close prisoner; but he won the sympathy of his gaoler, Hubert, and when John, finding him obdurate in his refusal to sign away his rights, gave the cruel order that he should be so maimed as to render him incapable of ruling, Hubert tacitly refused to obey it, pretending to the king that the boy had died, and even arranging a mock funeral. It seems odd, that having got so far he could not manage to compass Arthur’s escape altogether; but when matters had reached this point “the fury of the Bretons became boundless, and Hubert soon found it necessary, for John’s own sake, to confess his fraud” (Miss Norgate). This incident showed John that if he were to rule in peace he must use sterner methods, and Arthur was, at the end of January, removed to Rouen, from which time we hear no more of him.
A good deal of the castle which still stands is of the thirteenth century, and there is no reason to doubt that it was within these very walls the proud boy ate out his heart in loneliness and captivity.
A word must be given to the famous General Talbot, first Earl of Shrewsbury, whose name is kept alive in the great donjon which he built. He held the castle as governor during the English occupation under Henry V. and VI., and his deeds are scattered broadcast in the annals of the continual fighting of the period. We hear of him at Dieppe,
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in Anjou, and in Maine, and his name became a synonym for dash and daring. At the age of more than seventy years he was slain in actual warfare at Castillon!
There is one other association of a generation preceding that of John which cannot be wholly omitted. It was at the Castle of Falaise that William the Lion, King of Scotland, did homage to King Henry of England, acknowledging him as overlord, and thereby regaining a limited freedom.
The castle can be visited at any time, and though there is not much to see—the keep being a mere shell, and the chapel not now shown—it is worth going over for the sake of the superb views which its situation commands. It is said that Rollo built a fort on this site; and certainly if he ever saw it he must have done so, for a more perfect position for a fort can scarcely be imagined. It was in this building or its immediate predecessor that Robert was besieged by the brother he afterwards so traitorously murdered. It is probable that Robert himself built up and restored the castle after his accession to power. A good deal of what stands, however, dates from much later, including Earl Talbot’s tower.
Beside the memorable siege under Henry V. of England, Falaise has been retaken more than once, notably by Charles VII., commanding in person in 1450; and by the French king, Henri IV., in 1590.
The cottage was nestled in a grove of birch trees, its thatched roof and wooden beams blending harmoniously with the natural surroundings. A woman in a blue dress and white bonnet was tending to her garden, while a man walked along the path leading to the house. The scene was peaceful and serene, capturing the essence of rural life.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper.
- **Demographic Data**: Information about the age, gender, race, ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and other demographic characteristics of the population being studied.
- **Behavioral Data**: Information about the behaviors and activities of individuals or groups, such as their consumption habits, travel patterns, and social interactions.
- **Environmental Data**: Information about the physical environment, such as temperature, humidity, air quality, and noise levels.
- **Health Data**: Information about the health status of individuals, including their medical history, symptoms, and treatment outcomes.
- **Financial Data**: Information about the financial transactions and assets of individuals or organizations, such as their income, expenses, investments, and debts.
- **Educational Data**: Information about the educational attainment and performance of individuals, including their academic records, test scores, and graduation rates.
- **Legal Data**: Information about the legal status and actions of individuals or organizations, such as their criminal records, lawsuits, and regulatory compliance.
- **Political Data**: Information about the political affiliations, opinions, and actions of individuals or groups, such as their voting behavior, campaign contributions, and policy preferences.
- **Social Media Data**: Information about the content and interactions on social media platforms, such as tweets, posts, comments, and shares.
- **Weather Data**: Information about the weather conditions, such as temperature, precipitation, wind speed, and cloud cover.
- **Traffic Data**: Information about the movement of vehicles and pedestrians, such as traffic volume, congestion levels, and accident rates.
- **Retail Data**: Information about the sales and inventory of retail stores, such as product availability, price changes, and customer feedback.
- **Sports Data**: Information about the performance and statistics of athletes and teams, such as scores, goals, assists, and fouls.
- **Sports Data**: Information about the performance and statistics of athletes and teams, such as scores, goals, assists, and fouls.
Falaise
In the neighbourhood of Falaise there is some of the most attractive scenery in Normandy. It is true that the main roads, which stretch out from the town like the rays of a starfish, are not interesting. They are of the typical green-bordered, poplar-lined kind. But the side roads are very different. Take, for instance, the direct route between Falaise and that other castle-fortress, Domfront. Here there are woods of straight-stemmed beeches and proud oaks covering acres of rounded hills that fold softly, contour on contour, revealing at last a distance seemingly infinite in its horizon. Wide, splendidly engineered roads sweep in flattened curves down the hillsides to the brown river, amid its brilliant grass, and rise again as smoothly. Every vista shows some picture; perhaps a tiny church perched on the top of a hill, its spire rising sharply, or a tall, stern Calvary set against a background of firs. The number of these Calvaries bearing recent dates, would seem to show that faith still shines brightly among the country people, whatever may be the trend of thought in the large towns.
The road passes many a typical Norman village of the poorer sort—villages where the houses are made of lath and plaster or lath and mud, and are set about anyhow and anywhere, rather as if they had come together from some neighbourly instinct than had been regularly built as a village. They stand often in a little plot of ground, worn and poor
Normandy
enough, but made shady by the apple and pear trees. The umber of the simple cottage walls, and the peculiar dead colour of grass in shade, make a particular effect. Under the trees the mother of the household sits sewing, as often as not with a child beside her.
The women do a great deal of the work. Far out on a country road one overtakes an old, wrinkled, shrivelled woman, whose right place is surely not far from her hearthstone, trudging along with a great scythe over her shoulder. The market carts one meets on the roads are driven by women more often than men; women tend the cows as they feed quietly by the wayside; women do the work in the fields; they do the milking, frequently also in the fields; where the great glittering copper jugs may be seen, standing on the grass, shining in the sun; the women make the butter; and when one thinks that to all this are added the multifarious duties of maternity and housekeeping, there is little wonder that Norman women have small time to think of their personal appearance, and are usually far from beautiful, though their brown shining faces generally have that comeliness which the content of a well-filled useful life gives. On the roads all over Normandy one meets with donkey carts, for donkeys are more largely used than with us, and they form a contrast to the fine team of great horses over which the carter cracks his whip, and whose height is greatly increased to the eye by the monstrous
THE
CITY OF
ST. LOUIS
MISSOURI
1902-1903
Normandy
I have just been in the wash-house and put away the last of the clothes. I am going to bed now, but I will be up early tomorrow morning. I have a lot of work to do.
I am going to start for the washing-shed. I will take my basket with me and bring back some clean clothes. I will also bring some food for breakfast.
STARTING FOR THE WASHING-SHED
I am going to start for the washing-shed. I will take my basket with me and bring back some clean clothes. I will also bring some food for breakfast.
I am going to start for the washing-shed. I will take my basket with me and bring back some clean clothes. I will also bring some food for breakfast.
The woman was carrying a large basket on her head, filled with white wool. She was walking through a narrow alleyway between two buildings. The buildings had wooden shutters and a thatched roof. There was a tree in the background with green leaves.
•
•
sheepskins, dyed dark blue, with which their collars are nearly always adorned. In some parts the collars themselves are resplendent, painted red and yellow, and bells jingle at every step, making a team of horses as striking an object as a show. Yoked oxen of massive build are still occasionally seen, notably in the country about Gisors.
The situation of the castle at Domfront is curiously like that of the castle at Falaise; both stand on a spur of cliff, separated from a similar spur by a deep ravine in which runs a tiny stream. But at Domfront the scene is more striking, for the rocks are higher, the ravine is narrower, and the great masses of strata, inclined at an angle of 45°, would fit into one another if pushed together like two pieces of a child’s puzzle. It seems almost incredible that water can have exercised such immense corrosive force, the appearance is rather as if a giant hand had chiselled out the rocks, for their masses would require no less than a Titanic agency, yet we know that from time immemorial that little stream the Varennes has run in this cleft.
The peculiarities of the situation are best seen from the fir-crowned, heather-covered heights opposite; and it is the situation that makes Domfront, for the castle is a mere ruin, picturesque enough, and giving an excuse for the public garden that runs around its base, but not in itself interesting. The site is grander far than that of the famous Chateau Gaillard, grander even than that of Falaise,
for the sheer height is stupendous; no wonder Domfront was a strong castle and house of defence to him who held it.
The view from the plateau is limited only by vision. A single hill to the south-west stands out above the plain. In the immediate foreground, just below, are a few toy houses, and a tiny, neat church, cruciform, and bearing Norman date in every line of its architecture. It was only ten or eleven years junior to the chateau in its first building, and has long outlived it. The man who built both chateau and church, Guillaume de Belesme, sleeps within the latter. He had not held the chateau so much as forty years, when a stronger William than he, the mighty Conqueror, swooped down upon him and drove him out. Of another Belesme, a scion of the same house, we shall hear elsewhere.
William’s successors retained the castle in their own hands, and Henry II. here received the nuncio sent by the Pope to reconcile him and Becket. In the religious wars of the sixteenth century the castle was seized and held by the Protestants, and only taken after a bitter siege; otherwise it has not much recorded history. It is peaceful enough at present, surrounded by a charming garden, where one may wander at will, gazing out over the widespread view, watching the swallows wheel and skim far below, and hearing the song of countless birds, which, here as elsewhere in Normandy, build preferably in the neighbourhood of man to escape their more dreaded foe, the magpie.
There is an old rhyme which says:
"Domfront, ville de malheur
Arrivé a midi pendu à une heure."
Though the reason why the town should have earned so unhappy a reputation is lost in the mists of antiquity.
The neighbourhood of Domfront is full of interest: westward lies Mortain, which has a bit of ruined castle, speaking of the building destroyed by Henry I. after Tinchebray. Mortain is interesting because of its counts. The first of any general interest is that Robert, half-brother of the Conqueror, son of Arlotta and Herlouin, who took great part in his brother's conquests, and accompanied him to England, being the first Norman to receive a grant of land after Hastings. He was made Earl of Cornwall, and received also large estates in Devon, Somerset, and Yorkshire. The title had previously been held by the Comte de St Sauveur, and it was after his rebellion it was joined to that of Mortain, and the two went down the ages together. John Sans Terre, when only a little boy of eight, became Count of Mortain and Vicomte du Côtentin. Though the first Count Robert is known chiefly as a rather rough soldier, he was a large benefactor to the Church, founding the abbey of which, as usual, the church remains, and but little else. The parish church
Normandy
of Mortain is due to a later gift of the same patron.
Mortain abounds in beautiful peeps; its irregular rocks stand up in fantastic shapes amid numbers of trees, and the broken ground makes great variety of scenery. It is chiefly celebrated, however, for its waterfall, notable only in a country where such a possession is literally unique. The Great Cascade, as it is called, is about sixty-five feet high, and should be seen in wet weather if possible, or the glory of Normandy's only waterfall will be sadly discounted. Northward is Vire, with a ruined castle, which was rebuilt in the twelfth century, and demolished by Richelieu's order in 1630. But the fine gateway with its tower belfry is what everyone goes to see at Vire.
Not far from Vire is Tinchebray, the site of the brothers' struggle. This battle is mainly of importance because it indicated a curious reversal of that at Hastings. Then a Norman duke had conquered England, at Tinchebray an English king conquered Normandy. Freeman says "the fight of Tinchebray really was a battle, one of the very few pitched battles of the age," and he decides that it must have been on the flat ground near the station that the historic contest was fought, when Robert fell into the hands of a brother some eight or ten years his junior.
If instead of coming north-westward from Domfront we had gone north-eastward, we should have come to
a district not so beautiful in natural scenery as that about Mortain, but in itself well worth study. Argentan has the donjon of an ancient castle, a fifteenth-century church, and several other points well worth attention. The two small places of Exmes and Almenèches are associated with the name Robert of Belesmes, who seems to have been a monster of cruelty. He is said to have plucked out the eyes of a little godson; and refused ransom for prisoners, as he preferred holding them for the pleasure of torture. His unfortunate sister Emma was abbess of Almenèches; and in 1102, when Robert had been driven out of England, he descended upon her abbey and burnt it, meantime occupying the castle of Exmes.
At one time he had in his possession the strongholds of Alençon, Bellême, "Domfront, St Cevery, Essai, La Motte, Pontorson, Mamers, Vignes, and very many more."
Robert had been in every Norman war occurring since he was of an age to bear arms, and his personal vigour had made him worth something to the cause he espoused. He married Agnes, daughter and heiress of Guy, Count of Ponthieu, the same into whose hands Harold had fallen, and he subsequently became Count of Ponthieu; also, he succeeded his brother as Earl of Shrewsbury, in England. When he was tired of his diversions in Normandy, he returned to England, seized and held his forfeited castle of Shrewsbury, until he was forced to surrender, and a
second time exiled. He came to a fitting end, for having, by joining in the rebellion of Fulk of Anjou against King Henry of England, proved himself a traitor, he had the audacity to go as an envoy from the French king to Henry, who, with poetical justice rather than in accordance with the laws of nations, seized him and kept him a prisoner, out of the way of further mischief, until his death. The little town of Bellême, twelve miles south from Mortagne, was the original home of the family from which this promising branch sprang. The highest part of the hill is crowned by houses, but beneath there are still underground vaults, and wall foundations belonging to the mighty castle of the Bellêmes or Belesmes.
At St Saturnin, near Séez, in this district, Charlotte Corday was born, but her later life was so closely associated with Caen, that she is there mentioned more fully.
Westward is the large town of Alençon, which marks the border of Normandy in this direction. Alençon has been famous since the reign of Louis XIV. for its beautiful point lace, and the industry is still carried on, though to a less extent than before. The lace is made of pure linen thread, worth £100 per lb., and is composed of ten different stitches, which are specialities done by different workers.
The usual earning for this highly-skilled labour is about 1s. a day. The castle of Alençon was destroyed, all but the keep, by Henri IV. of France.
THE AMERICAN
JOURNAL OF
SOCIAL SCIENCE
AND PHILOSOPHY
VOLUME 17
1896-1897
PUBLISHED BY THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE
LACE MAKING
Compared to the same period of Alençon, which was the first kind of lace made in the modern style, it has been known since the reign of Louis XIV, has not reached point today and the industry is not yet at its best.
The lace is made of fine linen threads which are woven on a loom or on an embroidery frame. The thread is twisted so that it has a certain strength. The thread passes through the holes of the needle and is knotted at each hole. The knots are then pulled tight with a needle.
The woman was sewing a piece of cloth on a wooden table outside her cottage.
•
Falaise
Of the famous siege of Alençon we have already spoken.
Here must come to an end this rather rambling chapter, designed to cover a district which, with the exception of Falaise, is comparatively little known by the English visitor to Normandy.
CHAPTER VII
BAYEUX AND THE SMALLER TOWNS
Some old established shops there are, with prestige so secure that they do not have recourse to the art known as "dressing the windows"; it is the customers who seek them out, not they who try to attract the customers. Something of this kind may be said of Bayeux, for of all simple unpretending towns it is the chief; anyone who entered the long straggling street unforewarned, would imagine that he was in some humble village, and yet Bayeux ranks high among Norman towns. After Rouen, admittedly the capital, and Caen, so much larger than herself, she assuredly, for importance, antiquity, and all those things that go to make the fame of a city, comes third.
The first sight of the cathedral strikes one with astonishment; it is so composite, so decorative, that it takes one's breath away. There is a feeling of hopelessness—one will never be able to understand it. And even after some study it remains almost
impossible to analyse the architecture as one generally can analyse a cathedral, setting down the nave to one age, the choir to another, and perhaps the western towers to a third.
The great central tower rests on a square decorated platform, and is carried up two lantern stages above it; the top one is surmounted by a copper cupola. The upper stage was added in 1860, and is unfortunately quite ugly. Features which add much to the appearance of the exterior are the richly decorated portals; that of the south transept is carved with figures representing scenes in the life of St Thomas à Becket, who at the time it was done had been dead for more than thirty years, and was among the most popular of saints. The great portal at the west end, however, surpasses it in beauty; in it are no less than five doorways, diminishing in size from the centre; and seen beneath the fine western towers, it forms a feature in a view of the exterior by no means the least attractive.
The oldest church on this site was burnt down in 1046, and rebuilt by Bishop Odo, Arlotta’s son by her second marriage. It was consecrated with great ceremony in the same year as St Etienne of Caen, and in the beginning of the next century again suffered by fire. But the greater part of the cathedral as we see it, dates from the reconstruction in 1205 by an Englishman named Henry Beaumont, and as has been said, the tower was only completed recently.
Normandy
It is well to enter from the west, and to seat oneself at the very end of the nave, in order to observe best the cathedral's greatest peculiarity, namely, the strange carving on the spandrels and interstices of the pillars. The patterns vary from diaper work to overlapping scales, and clothe the walls richly. Between the arches are shields with the strangest collection of figures, a dragon, an Anglo-Saxon man, and other devices, showing a wide range of thought on the part of the sculptor. The pillars themselves, which rise into Norman arches, are all of one pattern, what may be called the fascicle or bundle of small shafts forming one whole. As in every church whose growth ran throughout several centuries, the Early Pointed style caps the Norman work; and here pointed clerestory windows rise above those splendid arches. The arches are decorated with various devices, among which we see an unsurpassed example of the beakhead moulding. The choir stands over the crypt, and both the transepts are on the lower level—a beautiful idea, which gives an appearance of loftiness and elegance in looking up toward the east. The vista is, however, unfortunately blocked by a heavy altar at the chancel step. This peculiarity in the level of the choir, and the fantastic carving in stone, are the two most notable features in the building, as the stained glass is not very attractive.
It was in this great church that William wrested
THE
COURT
OF
THE
LORD
CHIEF
JUSTICE
OF
IRELAND.
BY
THOMAS J. HAY, M.P.
1875.
AN ANCIENT INN YARD
The entrance was defended with massive iron bars, among which I made out an inscription which read: "Hic est loco custodio." The gate was raised by a lever and had two hingespins and no lock. There was another door, which gave an impression of having been designed to withstand a siege. The inside of the house was darkly shaded by a heavy glare of the sun. This building is the house of the inn and the former carriage house. It was built in 1600 and has been occupied by the same family for over one hundred years.
It seems that the great houses built at this time were not only used as private dwellings but also as inns for travelers. The inn yard was usually located near the main road and was often surrounded by a fence or wall. The innkeeper would rent rooms to travelers and provide them with food and drink. The inn yard was also used for storage and for keeping livestock.
The little girl was standing in the middle of the street, looking up at the tall buildings around her. She was wearing a long coat and a hat to keep warm. The street was made of cobblestones, and there were people walking by. The sky was cloudy, and it looked like it might rain soon.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used for data integrity checks.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Programming Language: A set of instructions that a computer can understand and execute.
9. Software: A collection of programs and data that perform specific tasks on a computer.
10. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to achieve a common goal.
11. User Interface: The part of a computer program that allows users to interact with it.
12. Virtual Machine: A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
13. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
14. Web Service: A software service that is accessible over the internet and can be used by other applications.
15. XML: A markup language used for structuring and storing data in a hierarchical format.
Bayeux and the Smaller Towns
from Harold the deadly oath on which he partly based his own right to the throne of England—an oath extorted by fear and partly by fraud, and the breaking of which, by even the most malevolent of Harold’s foes could hardly be accounted to him for wickedness. The scene is depicted in the Bayeux tapestry, fully described in the next chapter.
On this same wide green space there is a statue to Alain Chartier the poet, a native of Bayeux, the “most distinguished Frenchman of letters in the fifteenth century,” who also bears the reputation of having been the ugliest man of his time. He was born at Bayeux between 1380-90, and became highly popular by his verse. Margaret, wife of the Dauphin, is said to have kissed him as he lay asleep, for the sake of all the beautiful things that had proceeded from his lips; and it is probably the record of that kiss rather than his poems which has kept his memory alive.
One of the charms of Bayeux is the number of its famous old carved houses, which more than anything else carry us back into the streets of the past. One of the most notable of these, with innumerable statues on its frontage, is to be seen in the Rue St Malo, another, plain but very substantial, and having several features of its own tending to give it individuality, is in the Rue St Martin.
This is at the corner of the main street, and turning up it we may go to the open space where
the market is held. If we are fortunate enough to visit the town on a Saturday, we shall see this long, narrow, cobble-paved street literally flecked with the little tight white caps, which are all that remains of the national headdress. These are not worn by very young girls, but are assumed after the first communion, when the child is supposed to have become a young woman. The fact of wearing the first "bonnette," as the cap is called, is very serious, and not to be lightly considered. The invariable style is that the hair should be neatly parted in the middle and smoothed back, flattened down, while a tight-fitting bit of muslin is drawn over the head and set into a band of muslin, which is again mounted on one of plain black velvet; the only jaunty part of the headdress is the white muslin bow at the back, which bobs up and down like a rabbit's scut, and when a number of women are talking together, the bobbing sometimes becomes quite laughable.
The rest of the women's costume is of the usual peasant type, stuff jacket-bodices or blouses; full, all-round stuff skirts, well off the ground; check aprons of blue, or mauve, or grey, and among them all there is a strong family likeness. We see the same good-humoured commonplace face again and again; there is shrewdness in the keen eyes and sensible mouths, health in the smooth brown-red cheeks, and a certain comeliness notwithstanding the homely features. One feels sure that if one asked
Bayeux and the Smaller Towns
a question an intelligent answer would be given, for these women habitually use their brains as well as their hands in all their daily occupations. Here and there one sees a young girl with a much fluted upstanding edging to her cap, and perhaps a pair of white muslin strings elaborately tied under her chin, but where such a one appears she is recognised as being uncommonly fashionable, and respectfully admiring glances follow her self-conscious figure.
The men in this district have a great partiality for pearl buttons about the size of a sixpence, with which they stud the fronts of their smocks, sometimes in double and treble rows. They are big, broad-shouldered fellows these brothers by blood to the men of the Côtentin, and are more akin to ourselves than to the Frenchmen of Rouen, for the Danish blood and speech lingered on in Bayeux when the west of Normandy had been Frenchified.
The market is surrounded by a thick hedge of limes, and here is sold the usual assortment of everything in daily use, from boots to bonnet pins. The only thing which would strike a stranger as novel are the enormous masses of butter, fitted into cylindrical hampers, and so heavy that it takes two men to move them at all.
Later on the crowd thins down, and a steady stream sets in toward the station. The women laden with enormous baskets carried by leather straps, and sometimes holding large red cotton umbrellas, compare notes as to the day's events.
Normandy
At the station nearly every one, man and woman alike, invests in a paper for Sunday reading before they disperse to their homes on the flat plains of the Bessin. Some to go to homely cottages, others it may be to those castles fallen from their high estate, such as Argouges, once the fortress-dwellings of the highest nobles in the land.
Less than ten miles westward from Bayeux is Formigny, one of the historic battlefields of Normandy; it ranks with Val-ès-Dunes, Tinchebray, and Mortemer. It was in 1450, when all Upper Normandy was already in the hands of Charles VII. of France, that a desperate effort was made to save Lower Normandy from the same fate. The English landed at Cherbourg and marched on into the Bessin; they were met and defeated at Formigny, and the battle was the final stroke that severed Normandy from England.
In a book like the present it would be as difficult as it would be futile to attempt to give in detail an account of every town. Those already described give the atmosphere of the country, and to go further would be wearisome, or lead to repetition, for in many of the towns the same features reappear. In Lisieux, prettily situated amid its broken green hills, we have a fine cathedral, which shares to the full in that irregularity so often found in Norman churches. One tall spire springs from a platform base, and its companion ends in a conical stumpy gable. The manufacturing part of the town lies
Bayeux and the Smaller Towns
mostly south of the railway, and the wonderful carved wooden houses which attract visitors from all parts reproduce the best features of those already noted elsewhere.
In a town like Evreux, we may see the narrow streets and cool green sun-shutters, with the stately cathedral rising over the roofs, its grey majesty softened to beauty by the lace-like fret-work. Down by a canal-like feeder of the river Iton, in a part reminiscent of the Cambridge "backs," is the Allée des Soupirs, under whispering limes; by the river also are the washing-sheds, with tiled floors, where women and girls wring and beat and twist all day long, chattering the while, as if the perpetual dipping of hands and arms in the ice-cold water and the bending of backs were a mere game. Under the limes on a market day the usual Norman crowd can be seen. The prevailing tone of colour is blue—blue blouses, blue bodices, blue check aprons. Now and then a gendarme strolls down the centre, looking like a gorgeously coloured fly in his bright uniform. All the promenaders passing to and fro are in list slippers, which speaks volumes for the dryness of the climate; and none of the women wear hats, and only a few caps or folded cotton handkerchiefs.
The typical Norman town is for the most part irregularly built; we do not find the formal squares and straight streets to be met with in Touraine. There is almost always a cathedral, varying a little
Normandy
in its beauty, but at the worst wonderful. There is very often a barracks, and an open dusty space for the drill; and the other public buildings, the Préfecture, and Palais de Justice, if the town be the centre of its district, the Hotel de Ville, the public library, the Musée, the Mairie, according to its status. There is generally a river, sometimes very small, and an open space or two wherein wayfarers may sit.
We may spring northwards to Pont Audemer, where we shall find some features in common with many Norman towns, and some peculiar to itself. We may go there on a Monday, for Monday is market day, and we shall find the wide street before the splendid old church filled with stalls—indeed, here, as ever in Normandy, the wonder is, where everyone is a vendor, who buys; perhaps it is a disguised form of barter. The men are good-looking as a rule, though the strong admixture of French blood has produced a race in which there are few of the characteristics of their countrymen further west. One sees all sorts, of course, but the type which might be selected as predominant is that of a slightly built, fairly tall man, with straight marked features, abundant hair showing strong tendency to curl, on head and lips; dark eyed and dark complexioned, good-looking, merry genial fellows, they are a sun-loving race. It makes a splendid picture this open-air market. The church with its great tower at the west end, carved and enriched, speaks of the
THE
BIBLE
IN
ITS
HISTORY
AND
SIGNIFICANCE
BY
WILLIAM H. GREENE, D.D.
PUBLISHED BY THE
CHRISTIAN HERALD ASSOCIATION
NEW YORK
TIMBER-FRAME HOUSE, LISIEUX
The timber-frame house at Lisieux is one of the most interesting and complete examples of its kind in Normandy. It was built in the early part of the 17th century, and has been little altered since that time. The house is constructed of oak timbers, and the walls are covered with plaster. The roof is made of slate tiles, and the windows are of wood.
The house is situated on a hillside, and has a commanding view of the surrounding countryside. It is surrounded by a walled garden, which contains a variety of fruit trees and vegetables. The house is now owned by a local family, who have lived there for many generations. They have taken great care to preserve the original features of the house, and have made only minor alterations to improve its comfort and convenience.
The town was built on the site of an ancient Roman fort, and its streets are lined with half-timbered houses dating from the 15th to the 17th centuries. The town is known for its narrow cobbled streets and picturesque buildings, which have been well-preserved over the centuries.
Bayeux and the Smaller Towns
richest period of the fifteenth century. By the grand western door are many decorative niches for saints, now empty.
Perhaps the western sun has fallen sufficiently to cast the long shadows of the odd medley of houses facing the cathedral over the rough cobbled street, and thereby to render the contrast of all that gallant fretwork, picked out, illuminated, and gilded by his splendour, all the grander. Within, the church is magnificent—and heartrending. Surely never in any other Catholic church, where loving hands are usually ready to perform devout offices, was more dirt seen.
There is rich stained glass of the fifteenth century in the side aisles. But for those who prefer their architecture unembellished, there is plenty here. The chancel was built at least two centuries before the nave, and is plain indeed. Heavy and solid arches, comparatively low, and somehow lacking the grace that usually appertains to this style, enclose the chancel. The singularly low central arch is not in line with the nave.
The main street crosses a narrow bridge, beneath which the quickly running current of the Rille or Risle flows. Both above and below, there is such a medley of picturesqueness and decay as surely never was seen more condensed before.
Gable-ended, timber-framed houses, with projecting stories, overhang the flood; beams discoloured and all but fallen to pieces, jut out in all directions;
here the red brick walls catch a glimmer of the departing sun, there the flap of a bit of wet linen reveals a kneeling woman in one of the little washing-places on the lip of the river. Here a thatched gable projects like a huge hood; there black darkness shows a tiny court.
Some fifteen miles from Pont Audemer, in the valley of the Rille, are the ruins of the famous Abbey of Bec, which takes rank with the Jumièges and Fécamp, and others of their class. There is no remnant of the first great abbey; what are called the monastic buildings, date from the seventeenth century; they are now used as a dépôt for military stores. The tower and part of the church, rebuilt in the fifteenth century, are, however, standing, but the greater part of this magnificent building "one of the finest of its kind in France," was overthrown at the Revolution. Bec is so closely associated with the names of its two great abbots, Lanfranc and Anselm, successive Archbishops of Canterbury, that it is impossible to pass them over here without mention. Lanfranc was an Italian, born at Pavia in the first years of the eleventh century. He had a genius for attracting and influencing young men with a desire for learning, and his following was soon a large one. He crossed over into France and settled at Avranches, where he founded a college. In the course of a journey to Rouen he was seized and robbed in the woods near Jumièges, and was left bound to a
ELLEN AND THE TROUBLE
BY
MRS. HUGHES
ILLUSTRATED BY
FRANK W. BRADY
NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1907
The village of Saint-Rémy, seen from the south, with the church in the distance.
tree for the whole night. In the morning when released, he found, not far off, a humble abbey which had been raised by the piety of one Herlouin. He was greatly influenced by this incident, and abandoned his scholastic career to become a monk. But his great genius for teaching could not be hidden; scholars flocked to him, and as all the money he earned by this avocation went into the common fund, the monastery grew and flourished. But the holy man had a bitter tongue, and he made enemies who maligned him to Duke William, so that at last he was sentenced to banishment. The well-known story goes that Lanfranc, stumbling along on a worn old horse, met the duke, who caused him to be upbraided for not having already gone; he made answer in all good humour, that if the duke would give him a better horse he would depart faster. William was pleased with his ready wit, and did not forget him. While in Rome, the prelate was able to be of some service to his royal master in pleading his cause with the Pope, who was angry with William for marrying his cousin, and when the two great abbeys of Caen were built in expiation of this fault, Lanfranc was installed as first abbot in St Etienne. He then became Archbishop of Rouen, and after the Conquest, Archbishop of Canterbury. During his rule a fire destroyed the cathedral at Canterbury, and the rebuilding was due to him. In the new cathedral he crowned William II. in 1087. Two years later
he died. His great successor, Anselm, was some thirty years younger; he was also an Italian, born at Aosta; he followed very closely in Lanfranc's steps, going first to Avranches, and then to Bec, where he succeeded Lanfranc in the abbacy. It was he for whom William cried in his last illness; but Anselm was also ill, and could not travel speedily, and the king was dead before his arrival. He was forced by William II. to accept the Archbishopric of Canterbury, but he shrank so much from the office that it is said the pastoral staff was actually thrust into his hand, and his fingers savagely closed upon it so that he could not drop it. His quarrels with William II. belong to the history of England. He died in 1109.
Passing now to the west of Normandy, we find St Lo, Coutances, Granville, and Avranches forming a group with features in common. They are all picturesque, all worth seeing; but with the exception of Avranches, poised upon its rock, there is no peculiar feature which, like the Bayeux tapestry, the carved houses at Lisieux, and the twin abbeys of Caen, draws visitors. St Lo is on different levels, and the river Vire which flows through it is of a considerable width for a Norman river, therefore pretty peeps can be seen in many directions. There is, of course, a cathedral, dating from thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, and also an old church, named, so the story goes, in accordance with the advice of St Thomas à Becket, who was passing through
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ST LO
ST LO is a city in France, located in the region of Normandy. It is situated on the banks of the River Vire and is known for its rich history and cultural heritage. The city has a population of approximately 150,000 people and is an important economic center in the region.
ST LO has a long and fascinating history, dating back to the Roman era. The city was once a major trading hub and played a significant role in the Norman conquest of England. Today, ST LO is a vibrant and dynamic city, with a thriving economy and a rich cultural scene.
The city is home to several notable landmarks, including the Cathedral of Saint-Ouen, which dates back to the 12th century. The cathedral is a stunning example of Gothic architecture and is a popular tourist attraction. Other notable sites include the Château de Falaise, a medieval fortress that was once the seat of the Counts of Anjou, and the Musée des Beaux-Arts, which houses a collection of fine art.
ST LO is also known for its delicious cuisine, particularly its famous cheese, Camembert. The city is surrounded by beautiful countryside, making it an ideal destination for those seeking a break from the hustle and bustle of urban life. Whether you're interested in history, culture, or simply enjoying the great outdoors, ST LO has something to offer everyone.
L'Art Fantastique
Saint-Lô
the town while it was being built. He suggested it should be dedicated to the first saint who should shed his blood for the Church, and as he was himself murdered shortly afterwards, the dedication was made to him.
Not far from St Lo is the Forest of Cerisy, mentioned in connection with the Chateau of Bur. At Cerisy an abbey was founded by Robert, father of the Conqueror, and the church, which still stands, is in use, a plain and grand building resembling St Etienne. Coutances has also a cathedral and an ancient church. Its name is derived from Constantia, which we see in slightly different form in the Côtentin, derived from the adjective Constantinus, which occurred in its description, "pagus Constantinus." Coutances is the seat of a bishopric, and its bishops played no small part in the stirring times of old. Its bishop, Geoffrey, blessed the Norman host on its march from Senlac to Hastings. He was made Earl of Northumbria, and his estates spread through thirteen shires; "his flock and his see were little thought of." The cathedral which stands now is later than his time. The principal features are its towers, the central one, octagonal in shape, is interesting and striking, and the two towers ending in spires at the west end, themselves spring from a forest of smaller spires. The cathedral has been called the most beautiful church in Normandy. Coutances was for long considered the chief town of the Côtentin,
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which nominally extends so far south as to include it as well as Granville. Passing on to Granville, we find a coast town built on the side of a rocky promontory, and having quays and jetties and a small lighthouse. The chief charms of Granville are in its views over the bay, and the possibility of visiting the Isles of Chausey.
Of Avranches there is much more to say; with it we enter the district of the Avranchin, which now, with the Côtentin, is included in La Manche. The town stands, to begin with, on an extraordinary hill, the spur or outpost of a range; it rises sheer from the railway at its foot: a situation to arrest the attention and stimulate memory. Then its views of the islands of Tombelaine and Mont St Michel are unrivalled, and, seen as they may be against the glory of a western sky, the setting is worthy of the jewels. Avranches has claims to historical memories of its own. On a spot known as the platform, and embracing a wide prospect of sea and sky, we find a stone inscribed to the effect that it was part of the threshold on which Henry II. knelt in humble penitential garb to be absolved from the curse of excommunication brought upon him by the murder of Becket. This is preserved from the ruins of the cathedral which, unlike most of the solid work of early Norman times, did not stand the test of time, but partly fell down, and had to be wholly dismantled in 1799.
To this town may be accredited the honour of
THE
CITY OF LONDON
BY
WILLIAM HENRY MILES
LONDON
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR
1872
A STREET IN GRANVILLE
The street is not a long one, but it is a very interesting one. It is lined with old houses, some of which are still occupied by their original owners, while others have been converted into shops and offices. The street is quiet and peaceful, and there is a sense of history about it that is hard to resist.
At the beginning of the street, there is a small park with a fountain in the middle. This is a popular spot for picnics and social gatherings. The park is surrounded by trees, and the sound of birds singing can be heard all around.
As you walk down the street, you will notice that the houses are mostly two or three stories high, and they are all built in a similar style. The windows are large and the doors are made of wood. The roofs are covered with shingles, and the chimneys are tall and slender.
At the end of the street, there is a church. It is a beautiful building, and it stands out against the other houses. The church is surrounded by a small garden, and there are benches where people can sit and enjoy the view.
Overall, this street is a wonderful place to visit. It has a lot to offer, and it is a great place to spend an afternoon.
A street in Quimper, Brittany, with women in traditional Breton clothing walking along the cobblestone street. The buildings are closely packed, with steep roofs and narrow windows, typical of the region's architecture. The sky is overcast, adding a somber tone to the scene.
having produced the first poet laureate, for a poet named Henry of Avranches so attracted the notice of Henry III., that he gave him a pension and attached him to the court.
Avranches was from very early times noted for its magnificent and valuable library, but in 1899 a fire broke out and destroyed many priceless MSS., among them a copy of Domesday Book in three colours.
There are still, however, 16,000 volumes in the Public Library. These public libraries are notable features in almost every town in Normandy; they do not quite correspond with the English libraries of the same heading, but rather with the cathedral or chapter libraries attached to some of our diocesan towns, and they usually have owed their foundation to the monks, for abbeys were in early times the chief seats of learning. They frequently contain very valuable MSS., and nearly always have some treasures to show. The reference rooms are lofty, well furnished, and convenient, and strangers are freely admitted. At Rouen the library contains 133,000 volumes and 3600 MSS., including several service books and missals written in the eleventh century in the Anglo-Saxon style. One missal belonged to Robert of Jumièges, who became Archbishop of Canterbury, and to whose chronicles we owe so much of our knowledge of early Norman history; there is a Benedictional of 988, written for Æthelgar, Bishop of Selsey, and
the earliest printed book is of the year 1468. The origin of the library is obscure. At the end of the twelfth century it is first mentioned as containing 160 volumes; in 1200 it was partly destroyed. The library at Bayeux holds 30,000 volumes, and that at Caen 100,000 volumes and 800 MSS. Other figures are—Lisieux, 28,000; Cherbourg, 30,000; Valognes, 20,000; Havre, 30,000, with eighth and ninth century MSS. These libraries are often housed in a part of the building of the Hotel de Ville, and should certainly be seen by any visitor who has half an hour to spare in passing through any of the above towns.
CHAPTER VIII
THE FAMOUS TAPESTRY
There is not a school child in England who has not heard of the marvellous piece of work supposed to have been wrought by Queen Matilda and the ladies of her court; but until the tapestry is actually seen, the conception of it is as vague as that of giants and fairies. As a matter of fact, the work is not tapestry at all, but crewel work. Real tapestry resembles carpet, and is closely worked, and the background is all filled in; but this of Bayeux is lightly worked in worsted, on a strip of linen about two hundred and thirty feet in length by about twenty inches in breadth, and is placed on a stand, ingeniously arranged, so that by walking round the outside and inside the whole strip can be seen without trouble, and in itself remains intact.
The question whether Queen Matilda and the ladies of William’s court really were the authors of this marvellous record in needlework will, with such subjects as the authorship of the Letters of Junius,
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always remain unanswered. There are arguments for and against; the fact that the tapestry was designed for the glorification of William, looks as if it were executed in his lifetime, and the disproportionate importance attached to the smallest events in the campaign in Brittany, which are given with more detail and fidelity than even in the chronicles, looks as if that campaign must have been contemporary, and was depicted with that disregard for proportion which is ever the effect of seeing an affair in the foreground. The minute details given in the case of the figures look also as if they were done from personal knowledge—details such as the fact that Edward the Confessor is always represented with a beard, and that the Saxons wear moustaches, while the Frenchmen are clean shaven. In the reign of the Conqueror's successor, the Normans themselves cultivated beards, and allowed the hair to grow; and anyone working tapestry at that date would surely never have been realistic enough to depart from the fashions he saw around him to depict those which had preceded them. Later on, also, other little points, such as immoderately peaked shoes, were adopted; these are not shown in the tapestry, though had the work been done later than the Conqueror's reign, the fashions would have been those of the then prevailing mode.
On the other hand, there are serious arguments against Matilda's being the designer, though they are mostly negative; for instance, the tapestry is not
mentioned in her will, neither does it find a place in the inventory of the goods belonging to the church at Bayeux in 1369, though it is mentioned in that made in 1476, from which the inference is drawn that it was not in existence at the earlier date. But, on the other hand, it may well have been overlooked. By some it is supposed to have been executed for the cathedral of Bayeux by Bishop Odo’s command, and it is a fact that in length it exactly fits the circuit of the choir walls, where it might have been hung on feast days.
It was in 1724 that attention was first drawn to the tapestry, which until then had been lying unnoticed at Bayeux. There was a drawing of it in the Cabinet of Antiquities at Paris, and M. Lancelot coming across this was struck by it, and searched for the original, though he was quite uncertain what material it was in, whether it were a fresco, a sculpture, or a piece of needlework. It was unearthed at last at Bayeux, and was kept in a side chapel at the cathedral rolled around a mighty spool, whence it was unrolled once a year. In 1803, when Buonaparte meditated an invasion of England, the tapestry was brought to France with a view to stimulating the spirits of the French by pointing out to them what had been done might be done again. Subsequently, the much better plan of preserving the work from injury and enabling it to be seen, which is at present in use, was adopted. The case is glazed, so that the tapestry may stand for as many
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hundred years as it has already stood, without perceptible injury.
The worsted in which it is worked is as fresh as the day it was first used, and its brightness against the light background contrasts very strongly with the dingy hues of the tapestry one is accustomed to see. The colours used are drabs and greens, russets and blues, all art colours, and extraordinarily effective. The shadows are treated in a very original manner: for instance, when it is desired to show the inside of a horse’s leg in shadow, the leg is filled in in a different colour from that of the horse’s body; it is technically supposed to represent a shadow, and this does very well.
There is a border decorated by grotesque beasts and heraldic figures, and the border has sometimes to give way to the exigencies of the story, when an exceptionally tall man or a large ship has to encroach upon it.
The drama begins long before the Norman Conquest, and is told with a verve and humour quite unexpected; whether it were Matilda who was the designer, or the wives of those “natives of Normandy on whom William had bestowed lands in England,” as the writer in the Encyclopædia Britannica thinks, the authors must have had plenty of character, and strong indeed must their freshness have been to resist the withering dulness of the life then deemed meet for women. And freshness they had in full measure, for no one could have depicted
the lugubrious roundness of Harold’s face, and the quaint expressions of the horses, who did not delight in the work.
The first scene shows King Edward the Confessor commissioning Harold to visit Normandy. Harold’s object was nominally to obtain the release of his nephews held prisoners by William, but it is supposed that Edward the Confessor had his own reasons for sending him into William’s power, as he feared Harold, and really desired William to be his heir in England. If this were so, William certainly took the advantage thus given to him, and played his cards with conspicuous skill. We are carried through Harold’s journey to the coast, his voyage, his wreck, and his subsequent capture by Guy, Count of Ponthieu. It may be noted that the hawks, which can be seen on the wrists of the characters, are not hooded, another small indication as to date, for hawks began to wear hoods about 1200, so that the work must have been executed before then. When Harold follows Guy as a prisoner, his hawk sits reversed upon his wrist, a sign of dejection, while that of Guy looks forward in the usual way. At the repeated solicitation of William, who backed his request with the present of a considerable slice of territory, Harold is next brought to him as a prisoner by the triumphant Guy, who points to him, as much as to say, “See what I have done!” However, William receives him as a guest, and brings him to his palace. The leading characters in this drama are by no means
lay figures; Harold can be easily recognised by his round face and vacuous expression; he is smaller than William, who is heavy jawed and strong. In the beasts on the border we see the same spirit which is to be found more developed in the gargoyles on churches, a spirit full of mischief and appreciation of what may be called the "weird grotesque."
Did some of these ladies who worked, apparently so patiently and submissively, get rid of their feelings of petty jealousy and spite by working them into the canvas? Did Edith caricature the knight who was blind to her charms, and Matilda glorify him who loved her in secret? It is strange to notice that the main figures are all men; women very seldom figure in the play, only three times in fact, and twice they are nameless. In the next compartment we have the principal exception, a lady dressed in a nunlike habit stands in a small kiosk, and a man pats her cheek condescendingly; the inscription tells us that some woman named Elgiva conversed with a clerk. The probable explanation is that this is William's daughter Adeliza or Agatha, whom he agreed to give to Harold in marriage, and it may be that the pleasing intelligence so jocularly conveyed to her, is that of her future destiny. Though Adeliza at this date was only seven or eight years old, she afterwards refused to marry a Spaniard, on account of her former betrothal to Harold, and so it seems probable that she played a part in the drama.
In the next stage Harold assists William in an
THE SPINNING WHEEL
The spinning wheel is a small device used to spin yarn or thread from wool, cotton, or other fibers. It consists of a wheel with a spindle that rotates when turned by hand. The wheel has a flyer arm that carries a bobbin, which winds the spun fiber onto itself. The flyer arm spins at a higher speed than the wheel, creating tension in the yarn and allowing it to be wound onto the bobbin.
The spinning wheel was invented in ancient times and has been used for thousands of years. It was an essential tool in the textile industry, allowing people to produce their own clothing and other items made from yarn. The wheel was particularly important in rural areas where people relied on handspinning to produce their own clothing and other items made from yarn.
The spinning wheel was also an important tool in the development of the textile industry. It allowed people to produce large quantities of yarn quickly and efficiently, making it possible to mass-produce clothing and other items made from yarn. The spinning wheel was an essential tool in the development of the textile industry, allowing people to produce large quantities of yarn quickly and efficiently, making it possible to mass-produce clothing and other items made from yarn.
A woman is spinning yarn on a large wooden wheel in front of a building with a thatched roof. She is wearing a white bonnet and a red shawl, and she is smiling as she spins. There is a cart behind her and a birdhouse on a pole nearby.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper.
1. **Demographic Data**: This includes information such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and marital status. Demographic data can be used to identify trends and patterns in consumer behavior, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their marketing strategies.
2. **Behavioral Data**: This includes information about how people interact with products or services, such as purchase history, website visits, and social media activity. Behavioral data can be used to understand customer preferences and needs, which can help businesses improve their products and services.
3. **Geospatial Data**: This includes information about the location of people, such as their home address, work location, and travel routes. Geospatial data can be used to identify areas where there is a high concentration of customers, which can help businesses locate their stores or offices in optimal locations.
4. **Transactional Data**: This includes information about the financial transactions that occur between businesses and consumers, such as sales receipts, invoices, and credit card statements. Transactional data can be used to track revenue and expenses, which can help businesses manage their finances more effectively.
5. **Sentiment Analysis Data**: This includes information about the emotions and opinions expressed by consumers, such as reviews, ratings, and social media posts. Sentiment analysis data can be used to gauge customer satisfaction and identify areas for improvement, which can help businesses enhance their products and services.
6. **Predictive Analytics Data**: This includes information about future trends and patterns, such as sales forecasts, customer churn rates, and market demand. Predictive analytics data can be used to make informed decisions about business strategy, such as when to launch new products or services, and how to allocate resources.
7. **Big Data**: This refers to large volumes of data that are difficult to process using traditional data processing techniques. Big data can be used to analyze complex relationships and patterns, which can help businesses gain insights into customer behavior and market trends.
8. **Internet of Things (IoT) Data**: This includes information from connected devices, such as smart meters, wearables, and sensors. IoT data can be used to monitor and control various aspects of a business, such as energy consumption, inventory levels, and equipment maintenance.
9. **Social Media Data**: This includes information from social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Social media data can be used to track public opinion, identify influencers, and engage with customers.
10. **Customer Relationship Management (CRM) Data**: This includes information about customer interactions, such as contact details, purchase history, and communication records. CRM data can be used to manage customer relationships, improve customer service, and personalize marketing efforts.
11. **Healthcare Data**: This includes information about patient health, medical records, and treatment outcomes. Healthcare data can be used to improve patient care, develop new treatments, and inform public health policies.
12. **Environmental Data**: This includes information about natural resources, climate change, and pollution. Environmental data can be used to monitor and protect the environment, develop sustainable practices, and inform policy decisions.
13. **Financial Data**: This includes information about financial markets, investments, and economic indicators. Financial data can be used to assess risk, make investment decisions, and inform economic policy.
14. **Educational Data**: This includes information about student performance, teacher evaluations, and educational policies. Educational data can be used to improve teaching and learning, develop curricula, and inform educational policy.
15. **Legal Data**: This includes information about legal cases, regulations, and court decisions. Legal data can be used to understand legal frameworks, anticipate legal risks, and inform legal strategy.
16. **Sports Data**: This includes information about player statistics, team performance, and game results. Sports data can be used to analyze player and team performance, develop training programs, and inform betting strategies.
17. **Media Data**: This includes information about news articles, social media posts, and entertainment content. Media data can be used to track public opinion, identify trends, and inform advertising campaigns.
18. **Retail Data**: This includes information about product sales, inventory levels, and customer behavior. Retail data can be used to optimize store layouts, improve product selection, and enhance customer experience.
19. **Manufacturing Data**: This includes information about production processes, quality control, and supply chain management. Manufacturing data can be used to improve efficiency, reduce waste, and ensure product quality.
20. **Agricultural Data**: This includes information about crop yields, weather conditions, and soil quality. Agricultural data can be used to optimize farming practices, improve crop yields, and inform policy decisions related to food security.
The Famous Tapestry
expedition to suppress the rebels, Conan, Duke of Brittany, and the Duke of Anjou. The men are all represented in chain armour, and their pointed shoes nearly touch the ground on each side of the horses, which are small. It may be noted also that the horses wear no defensive armour, which was not used until the time of Henry the First. Towns are symbolised by a kind of dome standing on an arch. The army passes by Mont St Michel, and at the river Couesnon, which forms the boundary between Normandy and Brittany, many of the soldiers come to grief. The towns of Dol and Rennes are next passed, and Dinan is besieged. In it Conan is caught, and is forced to yield to hand out the keys of the besieged town. Harold is knighted by William for his prowess on the field. In this section we have the local touch which gives Bayeux her representation in the tapestry, for at Bayeux is held a solemn parliament, whereat Harold acknowledges William heir to King Edward.
At this time also took place the formal ceremonial of betrothal between himself and Adeliza, which made so undying an impression on the child; and which seemed to Harold merely a part of the game he had to play, as he took no account of it whatever, marrying almost directly after his return to England. The ceremony of the oath, by which he swore to uphold William’s claim to the English throne, was, if chroniclers can be believed, of more importance in his eyes. For a book of the New Testament having
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been laid before him, he swore upon it with a sacred oath, and then the gold cloth on which it had been laid was lifted, and there, disclosed to his astonished eyes, were relics of great sanctity and value, apparently to him of far more import than the Gospels, for he started and trembled violently.
Having thus committed himself, he returns to England and gives an account of his enterprise to Edward, who soon afterwards dies. There are several deathbed scenes; indeed we are never quite sure that we have seen the last of Edward. Two of these scenes, for reasons of space, are put into one compartment; that is to say, those representing Edward on his deathbed, and Edward at the point of death addressing his courtiers.
It is said that William was hunting in the forest of Rouvray, near Rouen, when the fact of Harold's having assumed the crown was made known to him by no less a messenger than Tostig, Harold's own rebellious brother. William was not the man to submit quietly; the next scene in the tapestry shows us the diligent preparations made for the invasion of England. Normandy maintained no standing navy: it was necessary to build one. We see men chopping down trees, which have a striking resemblance to barnacles upside down. It was in January the news was brought, and not till the following autumn was the fleet ready to sail. The smallest details are given faithfully on the tapestry; we see the ships, when ready, being drawn down to the shore by ropes, and
The Famous Tapestry
floated on sinuous waves. The conveyance of the horses to the English shore threatened a difficulty from the tapestry-workers' point of view, but they did not shirk it. They represented a row of horses' heads projecting in regular array from the edges of the boats, and the bodies were left to the imagination, supposed to be neatly packed away in a space that would have conveniently held their tails! The flotilla set sail on September 12th from Dives, but was driven into St Valery, where it lay until the 27th, then once more set forward with a favourable wind.
Harold had himself been by no means idle, his fleet had cruised the Channel during the summer months, waiting for the expected foe; but in September there bore down upon the Yorkshire coast his brother Tostig, in force, with the support of Harold Hardrada, so Harold hastened northward to engage with him, and while he was facing and subduing this new foe, his fleet, left without a head, dispersed, and William landed without opposition. He landed at Pevensey, and we see in the tapestry the horses, restored to their full size, led ashore; the ships drawn up in array on the beach, and the establishment of a camp, with arrangements for plenteous eating and drinking. On one side we have the killing of an ox, who regards his executioner with an expression of pained surprise. This is deliberate; the lady who worked that ox could have made him wear any expression she chose. A sheep is also
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sacrificed, and red tongues of flame start up beneath the cauldrons wherein the food is cooked. Then we see tables spread, groaning with provender. "The duke sat down to eat, and the barons and knights had food in plenty; for they had brought ample store. All ate and drank enough, and were right glad that they were ashore." The fortifying of the camp is done symmetrically; the men raising the earthworks take care to have three little dabs or mounds of earth of equal size upon their spades;—indeed the mixture of symmetry and fidelity to detail is remarkable throughout the work; we generally find that in following design, truth is lost sight of. A messenger comes from Harold to William, and in the next scene hostilities have begun in the burning of a house, in which are a woman and child—the third woman in the piece, the second being present at King Edward's deathbed.
Then after all these preliminaries we come to the climax, the mêlée at Hastings, which occupies fully a quarter of the whole length of the canvas. These scenes are extraordinarily fine. All the vigour of mixed action is shown in the most uncompromising of materials, wool-work. We have the deaths of Harold's two brothers, Leofwine and Gurth; the encouragement of Bishop Odo of Bayeux; the scene where William raises his visor to show himself unhurt; the mêlée where Harold's army is cut to pieces. The border consists of a line of more or less dismembered men lying prostrate, and the ladies'
The Famous Tapestry
highly-developed sense of humour shows itself at every turn. It is unfortunate that some of these, the most brilliant of the scenes, are on the inside of the frame as the tapestry now stands, and cannot be photographed for lack of light and space.
At last we see Harold in agony drawing the fatal arrow from his eye; and though he lived for some hours longer, the news of his death when it came was the signal for flight, leaving the Normans victors in a fight which had lasted the whole day. Of Earl Godwin's seven sons, two still remained alive after the battle, but both ended their lives in the seclusion of a religious house. As we draw to the close of the great drama the stitches are unfinished, the work left in many places merely indicated, and the roll is worn.
We feel a debt of gratitude toward the workers difficult to express. The tapestry thrills with life: it is not a mere strip of worked linen, but what we in these latter days would call a "human document," and it has come down through nine hundred years bearing more detail, more history, on its folds than has ever been told to us by any monkish parchment or royal scroll.
CHAPTER IX
AN ABBEY ON A ROCK
In spite of all that has been said of the glory of Mont St Michel, not the half has been told. This magnificent abbey, palace, citadel, church, remains unique, no less in its situation than in its stupendous strength, in its intricate variety than in its architectural beauty. The solidity and awe-inspiring grandeur of the Norman work is softened and enhanced by the delicate tracery of the thirteenth century; the towering citadel impresses as much by its elegance as by its strength.
From the heights of Avranches the cliff-fortress is seen as in a miniature, clearly outlined against the sapphire sea of summer, set off by the long, rolling, richly-wooded slopes of the shore. Three rivers flow into this bay, the Sée, the Sélune, and the Couesnon, and their channels make long tracks of shining water over the sands at low tide. The island of Tombelaine, resembling a couched lion, serves the same purpose to the Mount as the spire of St Dunstan's on Ludgate Hill does to St Paul's,
An Abbey on a Rock
it gives a unit by which to measure the height of the grander island. But it is impossible to approach St Michel from Avranches. The only feasible road is over the sands from the Pontorson side, and to attain this it is necessary to circle round the forked bay from Avranches, a proceeding which, as the way is as bow to string to that across the bay, makes in all some sixteen miles to be traversed. But a more startling effect is gained from the new view thus obtained. For there, growing larger with every yard we advance toward it, is the most graceful, most striking, and most wonderful island in the world! Within the last thirty or forty years a tower and spire, rising high into the air, bearing a gilt figure of St Michael, has been erected at the summit of the rock, and this has altered the outline considerably, drawing the eye upward at an angle ending in a sharp point, instead of to the conical or blunt summit familiar from old representations. It is impossible to deny that from an artistic point of view this is an improvement, however much one may revolt against modern work being patched on to antiquity.
From the Pontorson road we approach the island, facing northward, and if we are fortunate enough to arrive in the evening when the sun is setting behind the line of sea in the west, we shall see a gorgeous vision,
"One gleam like a bloodshot swordblade swims on
The sky line, staining the green gulf crimson."
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The flame-coloured glowing background shows up the Mount dark and sombre, yet not wholly unrelieved, because lit by gleams that catch the facets and angles innumerable that stud its surface. The wide stretch of level water gently heaving round the base gives a strange mystical sense of illimitable space, and this with the majesty of the rock fills any who have imagination at all with the same emotion and sensation of eternity and infinity as is aroused by the sound of grand music. Yet in the morning light, glowing with an extraordinary amethyst hue, the Mount is mystic and wonderful too; it has then a more joyous and softened beauty; seen in storm and rain it is forbidding, and the grandeur alone is predominant; in every season, in every phase of weather, one or the other of the characteristics that combine to make up its unsurpassable glory, its mystery, its grandeur, or its wonder, start out and proclaim themselves supreme. So that according to a man’s luck at his first approach will he be ready to exclaim, “How grand it is!” “How wonderful!” or “How beautiful!” The actual road over the sands is about a mile and a quarter in length. It was made in 1880, before which time the sands could only be crossed at low tide. It is built up high, and hedged on either side by a low wall. It is bare, exposed, and dusty. Around it lie the wide flats of half-uncovered sand, resembling those of the Northumbrian coast near Coquet Island. Yet though this approach in
MONT ST MICHEL—SUNSET
The sun was setting, and the sky was a deep orange. The Mont St Michel was silhouetted against the vibrant backdrop, its ancient walls standing tall and proud. The air was cool and crisp, and the sound of the waves crashing against the rocks was a constant reminder of the power of nature.
As I stood there, taking in the beauty of the scene, I couldn't help but feel a sense of awe and wonder. This place had been a symbol of strength and resilience for centuries, and it was still standing strong today. It was a testament to the enduring spirit of humanity, and I felt a deep connection to it.
I watched as the sun dipped below the horizon, casting long shadows across the landscape. The sky turned a deep shade of red, and the stars began to appear in the night sky. It was a moment of tranquility and peace, and I knew that I would never forget this sunset at Mont St Michel.
The Empire State Building, New York City
itself is slightly chilling to feelings of enthusiasm, its deficiencies are lost in the vision ahead, which grows each minute more and more detailed, more and more vivid. There is in reality only one hotel on the island to which any ordinary tourist would think of going. Its message has been proclaimed half a mile away, for directly mystery began to give way to detail, it could be seen, in letters six feet high, on every building of any size that rises up on the precipitous face of the cliff, that Hotel Poulard Ainé and its dépendances occupied all the prominent houses that were available. Some rival establishments have been set up by other members of the same family, but their light is a candle to the electric arc compared with the original Poulard, famous for its excellent and Brobdingnagian omelets.
No vehicles enter the gateway of the island, they stop at the end of the causeway; it would be impossible for them to effect an entrance, and if they could they would be of no use in the steep, narrow, broken street like a Scottish wynd, which is all the island boasts.
At the end of the causeway a rough platform of raised boards carries the traveller over an expanse of slimy mud, and from this he descends by steps to the gateway.
Once inside the gateway there is a narrow street with the entrance of the Poulard Hotel on one side, and small recesses with seats and tables
for refreshments on the other; while the street itself is spanned a little higher up by a massive gateway called La Porte du Roi. In the season the hotel is generally crammed, and largely by the English. It is frequently necessary to get put up in one of the dépendances, and for sheer wonder it is hard to beat that which stands some fifty feet higher up the cliff. Entering the main hotel to go to this, one traverses many flights of stairs, and finally, coming out by a wholly unexpected door in the wall, finds oneself on the rugged face of the cliff, with rough-hewn stone steps stretching higher still to the number of fifty or sixty. These lead to a terrace whereon is a large white and red house; and from the terrace what a view! Sea and sky, and the great green scimitar of the French coast, low-lying in the distance, are the principal components. The dépendance is built absolutely plumb with the rock, so by leaning out of one of the long French windows in the front, one might fling a pebble into the murmuring lapping water below; and at night when above gleams "the intense clear star-sown vault of heaven," and below the tide steals up, and there arises the gentle sucking of the tethered boats, one might well imagine oneself in Mohammed's coffin, swung between heaven and earth.
Such are a few of the glories of the Mount when first approached; but the reverse side of the medal quickly shows itself. It is impossible to be there for a couple of hours without feeling oneself in a
The Great Pyramid
by
W. M. Flinders Petrie
With 10 Plates and 24 Figures in the Text
LONDON
MACMILLAN AND CO.
1883
Normally
had sufficiency to last for weeks, and he must itself be contented to subsist on the scanty produce of the country. But a few days later, the French found themselves in a position to make a stand. The loss of the fort was not so much due to the want of time as to the want of men. The garrison had been reduced to less than half its original strength by desertion, and the chief of the garrison, who had been wounded, was taken prisoner. The French were now in a position to establish themselves in the town, and the British were forced to retreat.
LA PORTE DU ROI
The signal was given to advance towards the rock, so by the aid of one of the two French surgeons, to examine the body. At first a probe into the mouth revealed nothing; but at night when the patient was asleep, the surgeon came upon a result of his own, and the tide was up, and there was no more chance of the patient's being able to escape himself in Mohammed's coffin, even if he were just barely.
I took out a view of the place of the Mosse when it approached; but the approach was of the most painful nature possible. It is impossible to say how many miles of travel without water would be a
The gate of the monastery, where the monks enter and leave their cells.
An Abbey on a Rock
cage. To begin with, the mountain, like the moon, shows only one face, and try as one will, it is but unsatisfactory glimpses one can get of the other. Full of the ardour of discovery the visitor starts out. The little, crooked, narrow main street, if street it can be called, is full of picturesque bits, of visions of blue sky of an intense and dazzling brightness, framed in towering irregular walls. But no time is allowed for enjoyment of these peeps, for in the tiny shops full of penknives, trinkets, paper-weights, and every atrocity that has ever been perpetrated under the name of souvenir, the women are waiting to pounce like spiders on any visitor, and pester him to buy their wares. There is no escape. One may pass on quickly, only within a very short time to be brought up by a high blank wall, baffled and annoyed, as visions of sitting on a rocky promontory, and enjoying the quiet evening light grow more remote. The result of a fresh start is to find oneself back on a higher level on the terrace of the dépendance, stopped by the hotel wall, and the entrance to a Musée, where two officials are no less persistent than the women in pressing visitors to come in. One may repeat the experiment, only to realise that, like Sterne’s starling, one “can’t get out.” In despair, one goes on to the walls, broad and flat, and free from shops, with bastion towers at intervals. For a moment irritation is quieted by the repetition of the view, for in front lies the sea, behind, towering into the air, that
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marvellous fortress of masonry. At the very end of the promenade there is a glimpse, over the high boundary wall, which hems one in so exasperatingly on the east, of growing trees and cool greenness, but admittance to this paradise is apparently unattainable.
In the middle of the day the odours rising from the insanitary pavements is intolerable; oh for a torrent of rain! It is marvellous the inhabitants do not suffer from typhoid fever, but they, like the rest of their countrymen, seem absolutely impervious to any ill-effects arising from lack of sanitation.
By this time one has realised that only a strip of the island, the front facing shorewards, is available; that the whole of the other side is cut off, and can only be seen by descending through the main entrance, and making one's way at low tide across the wet sands, and fording numerous tidal rivers en route. It is difficult to see why doors should not be pierced in that horrible encircling barrier; a small charge might even be made, and visitors allowed access to the slopes beyond; steep they may be, but it is not beyond human power to cut a few terrace paths for walking.
Yet there is still the abbey to be explored, with its endless ramifications. The wonder grows as it is examined, how could monks of the thirteenth century, with no mechanical contrivances, bring the ponderous blocks of stone across the sands, so treacherous and often impassable, raise them up five hundred feet,
THE
MEN OF THE
HILL OF BETHULIA
BY
JOHN H. WILSON
AUTHOR OF "THE MEN OF THE MOUNTAIN," "THE MEN OF THE VALLEY," ETC.
LONDON:
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
NEW YORK: 60 FIFTH AVENUE
1892
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a well-fortified fortress of stone, on the coast and at the entrance to the bay. It is connected with the high road by a causeway, which is only accessible at low tide; in the summer it is often used for the exit and entrance, but in winter it is usually covered by the sea.
The town of Mont St Michel is situated on a small island from an elevated promontory, a mile or more off the coast. The island is surrounded by a deep moat, and the town is built upon a hill, which rises above the sea. The town is divided into two parts: the upper part, which is the old town, and the lower part, which is the new town.
The lower part of the town is built upon a low ridge of land, which is separated from the sea by a narrow strip of land. The upper part of the town is built upon a hill, and is separated from the sea by a deep moat.
THE STREET, MONT ST MICHEL
The street is the main thoroughfare of the town, and runs through the main square, and making a turn to the left side, crosses the sea sands, and then enters a tidal river on the right. It is difficult to cross the street should not be done by the bridge, but by the ferry, a small boat which may be hired, and which will take you across the channel. The ferry is very cheap, and the fare is very reasonable.
We there is still the abbey to be explored, with its cloisters and ruins. The present church of St. Peter is a beautiful building, and remains of the ancient monastery. We are now entering a country where the people are friendly and ready to help the visitor in his journey. A good impression is made when we enter the door,
AU CHEVAL BLANC
BOUILLON DUVAL
TABLE D'HÔTE
ATOUTE HEURE
SALLE
AMANGER
AUT"
AVEC VUE
SUR LA MER
CHAMBRES
A COUCHER
PRIX
MODÈRES
An Abbey on a Rock
and plant them so that they stand with an air of finality, impregnable, unshakable? So steep, so massive are those walls, that to look up at them produces almost the same sensation as looking down over a great height: it makes one giddy. Over one corner there peeps a bit of lace work in stone, flying buttresses and decorated pinnacles; old also, older than the marvellous abbey itself. Below this are two rounded towers that guard the entrance to the chatelet. Abbey, fortress, church, and castle, St Michel comprises them all, and the masonry of the various buildings is so interwoven, so intricate, that it is impossible to separate one from the other by mere external looking. The island is small, but its abbey is vast, and much as has been said about it, familiar as are the representations of the Mount, very little has been written about its internal beauties; consequently most people go there expecting to find a ruin, but here is an almost perfect bit of masonry, perfect in construction and in repair.
The oldest part is the church, which is the pinnacle or crown of the island, standing at its highest point, more than four hundred feet above the sea-level. The first church on this lonely and windswept spot was built in the eighth century by the Bishop of Avranches, named Aubert, who declared that St Michael had appeared to him in a dream, and commanded him to undertake this task: before that time the islet had been called Mont de la Tombe, a name recalled in the isle of Tombelaine near. The
place is called in old charters "St Michel au péril de la Mer," and the name must have seemed more fitting then in its loneliness than now, when connected by the solid causeway to the mainland. The bishop's church was a mere grotto, and of it nothing remains, though the good man's own name is preserved in a little chapel of St Aubert on the inaccessible southern face of the rock. The incredible difficulty of the task was quite sufficient to ensure its repetition, for what man has done man will do. But the succeeding church, built in the reign of Duke Richard the Fearless, was swept away by fire, and the present one is the third on the same site, built in the course of the eleventh century. The surprising difficulty of the task may be gauged by the fact that only a very small part of the building rests on the solid rock, most of it being founded on a platform or platforms. It seems curious that the apex of the rock was not cut down to make a basis instead of being built up to the required level, but from whatever reason, the more arduous method was chosen. The choir fell down in 1421, and was rebuilt, so that it is of later date than the rest.
Pilgrims had flocked to the shrine built by St Aubert, and in time a few rough houses clung like limpets to the sides of the rock, and became the nucleus of the present village.
Below and on each side of the church is the abbey, justly called La Merveille. This is composed of two vast buildings, backing on the rock and facing landTO THE EDITOR OF THE "NEW YORK HERALD."
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
J. A. H. THOMAS.
A VIEW FROM THE TOP OF MONT ST MICHEL
The view from the top of Mont St Michel is one of the most beautiful in all Europe. It is a magnificent sight, and the view is well worth the climb. The view is best seen at sunrise or sunset, when the sun is low in the sky. The view is also best seen on a clear day, when the clouds are few and far between.
The view from the top of Mont St Michel is a sight to behold. The view is breathtaking, and the view is well worth the climb. The view is best seen at sunrise or sunset, when the sun is low in the sky. The view is also best seen on a clear day, when the clouds are few and far between.
The view from the top of Mont St Michel is a sight to behold. The view is breathtaking, and the view is well worth the climb. The view is best seen at sunrise or sunset, when the sun is low in the sky. The view is also best seen on a clear day, when the clouds are few and far between.
The town was built on a hill, and the houses were made of red brick. The streets were narrow and winding, and the buildings were close together. There were many trees in the town, and the air was fresh and clean. The people were friendly and welcoming, and they were always smiling. The town was peaceful and quiet, and it was a beautiful place to live.
ward. It was built in the first half of the thirteenth century, and is one of the most perfect specimens of the architecture of the time in existence. Of the same date are the fortifications, ramparts, and bastions, which transformed the mount into a fortress and citadel. This tiny rugged island has had a chequered career. The Mount was the only spot in the whole of Normandy which defied England when she ruled the rest of the territory. It was besieged and attacked again and again without success. The ancient monks, with as much of the church militant as the church penitent in them, clung to their bare sharp rock, and defied the would-be invaders.
The abbot was a personage of great importance; at the time of the Conquest he fitted out six vessels for the Norman duke, and for this he was well rewarded, for monks of the abbey were raised to the highest ecclesiastical dignities in England. One became abbot of St Hilda, another of St Peter at Gloucester, another of Canterbury. Coins, bearing the image of the Archangel Michael, were struck also in commemoration of the Conquest.
In the fifteenth century the abbot had attained almost regal power, holding not only the adjacent isles of Tombelaine and Jersey and Guernsey, but even the sister isle of Mount St Michael off the Cornish coast, which had been given to the monastery by Edward the Confessor.
Tombelaine has a history of its own, independently of Mont St Michel. In 1048 two monks came and
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took up their abode here to live the contemplative life, and nearly a hundred years later a priory was founded on the rock, which was very popular with the abbots of the neighbouring monastery, so that one of them was buried here by his own request. After a while fortifications grew up around the cloistral walls of the priory, and thus the island was fitted to become an important strategic base. When the English seized it in Edward III.'s reign, they saw its possibilities, and strengthened the fortifications immensely.
What fortifications there were, remained till 1669, when they were demolished by order of the King of France. During the fourteenth century, when war flamed continually between England and France, they played a notable part. Mont St Michel itself was menaced, and though the pilgrims were allowed to pass to it over the yellow sands without hindrance, the inhabitants of the Mount were for a year more or less in a state of siege. But it was not until 1423 that the grand siege began, when pilgrims were intercepted and turned back, and sallies and countersallies passed between the large and small rock, crouching like two lions about to spring. Then the investment became more strict, English vessels appeared in the shallow waters of the bay, and the English soldiers thus reinforced, might probably have succeeded in cracking this very hard nut, had not the Bretons come to the assistance of the garrison, and sailing into the bay engaged the English in
An Abbey on a Rock
combat. There is little to be gathered of the details of the fight, but the effect was to make the English retire hastily to their entrenchments. This was by no means their last attempt, however, on the island fastness, for in 1427 a great attack was made under Lord Scales. It was at this time that the two cannons which now stand within the gate of the Mount were taken by the French.
A strange incident is the pilgrimage of 400 children, in the middle of the fifteenth century, to the Mount, from Germany and Flanders. These children had left their homes without the consent, and in many cases against the wishes, of their parents. The sight must have been an impressive one as the little pilgrims, travel-worn and stained, saw at length their goal, and crossed the shifting sands toward it. What became of them afterwards is not recorded, whether they returned to their homes or settled down in the country near, but the actual fact of the pilgrimage seems well attested, though the numbers taking part in it must be received with caution.
In the reign of Louis the Eleventh, the island was made into a state prison, and continued to be so more or less until 1863. During the French Revolution many of those called "enemies of the Republic" were incarcerated here, in deep and vaulted dungeons from which there was no possibility of escape. The buildings are now government property, and admittance is nominally free,
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as the officials who show strangers round are paid by the State; but a tip is also expected! The system is another of those annoying little arrangements which so mar the pleasure of a visit to the island. The guardian of the abbey waits until he has collected a sufficient party, say thirty or forty people, and then leads them through from room to room, locking each door behind him, and pouring forth a voluble string of monotonous words in the very worst "guide" style.
So intricate is the architecture, so numerous the rooms, halls, and corridors, that a description in detail of the whole of the building is impossible, nevertheless one or two points stand vividly out in the mind. One is the marvellous flight of steps beneath the archway by which entrance is obtained; another, the winding stone staircase, called L'Escalier de Dentelle, by which one mounts to a platform running round the exterior of the choir beneath the flying buttresses, with their delicate turrets and pinnacles; another, the wide panorama seen from any of the platforms around the church. The church itself is half Norman, half Pointed, and the nave, with its solid pillars and rounded arches contrasts with the later decorative work in the choir. Nor is the crypt beneath—rightly called the Crypt of the Great Pillars—less interesting. These stupendous columns, planted in couples, support the whole fabric, and their colossal strength strikes one with wonder and awe.
An Abbey on a Rock
The abbey is in three stories, the highest containing the dormitory and cloister, and the second two vast halls, while in the lowest are the almonry, and endless vaults.
The cloisters are the most perfect of their kind in Europe, and strike one the more imperiously from their delicate and almost fragile beauty amid much that is so stern and massive. They were made in the early part of the thirteenth century, and the twenty-first abbot, Raoul de Villedieu, was the designer. The cloisters consist of a double row of slender columns of polished granite round an interior courtyard, and the rows are placed so that the columns in each do not coincide with one another in the line of vision, but interlace. Within the narrow passage between the rows are ribs, admirably and symmetrically disposed, connecting the two, and in the spandrils of the exterior rows there is carving of fruit and foliage of such fairy-like delicacy, that it is almost impossible to believe it was executed seven centuries ago. The cloister was "restored" 1877-81.
The dormitory, which is reached from the cloister, is vast, and has an arcade of deeply-set lancet windows on each side, to the numbers of thirty-one and twenty-six. This is of slightly later date than the cloister. In the Salle des Chevaliers on the floor below a raised terrace runs along one side, and there are two carved mantelpieces, while the ribbed roof is supported by pillars with carved
capitals. The same profusion of space and detail is noticeable everywhere. The refectory adjoining shows fireplace, ribbed roof, and graceful columns also, and was finished about 1215. There are nine large mullioned windows. Each hall varies, yet all are animated by the same spirit of artistic loving care. In the lowest storey there is the ancient cloister, superseded by the work of Villedieu, and also a beautiful crypt with short thick pillars, and a delicately groined roof.
One carries away loving memories of all this beauty, embodying so much strength and thought and care; one forgets, as one always does forget, the herding together, the sense of imprisonment, the disagreeable sights and sounds; and one thinks of this island, standing alone, and rising from the bosom of the sea, as one thinks of some glorious picture well-known and loved. It is said that once all this bay was clothed with wood; that the island was no island; and rumour whispers now that the bay is to be reclaimed, the land planted and cultivated, and the island be an island no more; may it be but lying rumour, and not based on any foundation, for the day that St Michel ceases to be an island, that day will she have been robbed of half her beauty and nearly all her charm. Long may it stand, that church-citadel, graceful, stern, and solitary "St Michel in peril of the Sea."
CHAPTER X
THE STORMY CÔTENTIN
This is an age of travel, and many persons are searching diligently for some district intrinsically interesting and desirable, not too much overrun by their kind, and above all not too inaccessible, wherein they may take a holiday. Such a district there is in the Côtentin peninsula jutting out from the north coast of France, one of the only two peninsulas in Europe, by the way, which do point in that direction. It is not only in position that the Côtentin resembles Denmark, but also in race; here and here alone in Normandy may still be found men of the same blood as the Conqueror.
In conformation the Côtentin peninsula is akin to Brittany, being almost entirely of granite, which ancient formation extends over the whole district, with the exception of a strip south of La Hogue, on the western coast. The landscape is such as is generally found in granite countries, broken and varied, with stern coasts and massive cliffs, which
are continually breaking away and letting the sea eat into the land. It is said that at one time Jersey was divided by only a narrow river from the mainland, and now with the recession of the coast it is far out to sea. Not only in scenery is the Côtentin a delightful place for a holiday, but in more unusual attractions. Its heights and hollows are studded with architectural remains, proud and stern chateaux, now for the most part occupied as farmhouses; its annals are as full of skirmishes and romantic stories as our own border country. Within a ten-mile radius of Valognes to the west and south, we find the chateaux of St Martin le Hebert, Bricbecque, Nehou, Vicomte St Sauveur, Crosville, Urville, and Flottemanville. Further south are the ruins of the ancient castle of La Haye du Puits. Of all these, Bricbecque and St Sauveur are the best known. Bricbecque stands up stern and strong still, a majestic ruin; in its courtyard is the hotel, and the far-stretching walls tell of its previous extent. The Sire of Bricbecque was nearly always at enmity with the Sire of St Sauveur, and the two regarded each other with great jealousy. St Sauveur was the more powerful, and in the time of the Conqueror its chieftain Neel, or Nigel, held the title of Premier Baron or Vicomte of the Côtentin. He it was who joined the conspiracy against William, to whom his father had been a loyal and true vassal; and he was among those horsemen who entered Valognes.
THE
LORD'S PRAYER
A SERMON
BY
JAMES H. WARD, D.D.
PUBLISHED BY
THE AUTHOR
1870
A HOLIDAY HEAD-DRESS
The May-day Festival is one of the most popular of all the English festivals, and the custom of wearing flowers in the hair is one of the oldest and most universal of all the primitive customs. The Saxons and Normans had nearly always a sprig of the rose in their hair on St. Valentine's Day, and the May Queen was crowned with white roses. In St. Valentine's Day the rose was used, and in the time of Elizabeth the custom of wearing flowers in the hair was very general. The custom of wearing flowers in the hair was very general in the Middle Ages, and the word "flower" was used to mean any kind of ornament worn in the hair.
The painting depicts a woman wearing an elaborate headdress, which is adorned with intricate patterns and possibly feathers or other decorative elements. The background is a warm, earthy tone, providing a contrast to the detailed headdress. The woman's attire appears to be traditional, suggesting a cultural or historical context. The overall composition and style of the painting suggest a focus on cultural heritage and the significance of traditional dress.
• 1998: The first edition of *The Cambridge Companion to Shakespeare* is published, edited by Jonathan Bate and Peter Holland.
• 2003: The second edition of *The Cambridge Companion to Shakespeare* is published, edited by Jonathan Bate and Peter Holland.
The Stormy Côtentin
by stealth in order to seize William unawares and assassinate him. The story of the duke's escape and the subsequent fight at Val-ès-Dunes has already been told. Yet after Neel had made his submission, William forgave him, and in time restored him to his castle, though the lands which Neel had held in Guernsey were handed over to the Church as an act of reparation. In this was only completed what his father had begun, for the elder Neel had given largely to the Church.
Neel's line ended in a daughter, who carried the castle by marriage to Tesson Jourdain, and from the Jourdains it passed, also by marriage, to the Harcourts. In the reign of Edward III. of England, the chieftain Harcourt rebelled against the French king, and joined Edward in his attempts on France. He was once pardoned, but again turned traitor, and was finally killed fighting gallantly enough with his back against a tree, all alone in the midst of the soldiers sent to take him by the King of France. After his death the castle continued in the hands of the English, under Sir John Chandos, who built the splendid keep or tower which still stands; and when Sir John fell, his company held on until, in 1372, the whole force of France was brought to bear on them, and the men who had ravaged the country and behaved like robber barons for three years were forced to come to an agreement. They were allowed to go out with the honours of war, however. Once again, in
the reign of Henry V., the castle was in English hands, but with the rest of Normandy became French in 1450.
The fine abbey founded by Neel still remains, though it has been so largely restored as to be almost new built; one splendid aisle arcade remains to tell us of its ancient origin. It now is the home of the Sisters de la Miséricorde, while the castle, after its stormy career, has settled into a peaceful old age as a hospice for old people and children. Bricbecque belonged to the Bertrands, from whom the earls of Huntley and Dudley claim descent; then to the Paisnels, and then to the D'Estoutevilles. The castle is now a splendid ruin, with a high and massive donjon keep, a deep, dark, tunnel archway, a smaller tower, and a great part of the encircling wall. In the courtyard, enclosed within part of the ruin, is the Hotel des Voyageurs.
Of the older part of La Haye du Puits there is only a ruined donjon, but the castles of Crosville and Flottemanville stand in good preservation, though fallen from their high estate to the condition of farmhouses. The splendid tower at Crosville, with its bastion turret, is well worth seeing, and the large room, probably the banqueting-hall, is still decorated on ceiling and frieze and panels with paintings done in the sixteenth century, showing that up till then it still remained the dwelling of the great ones of the land. Flottemanville is as attractive in a rather different style. They all have features in common.
these castles: the keep or tower for defence, their proximity to the church, and their massive walls, probably dating in their foundations from William's own time, but rebuilt at a later date, as by his order all these strongholds were destroyed after Val-ès-Dunes. But those we have mentioned are only a few of the principal survivals amid the numerous castles that stud the district.
Valognes itself has been from very early times a centre of gaiety, and this reputation lasted up to the eighteenth century. At present it is a quiet yet busy town. It is built on no fixed plan; its streets run anyhow. In the centre is the church, which is quite peculiar, being surmounted by both a spire and a dome of different dates. The main part is of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but the dome was added in 1612. Inside there is some superb wood-carving.
In the streets of Valognes, and everywhere in the neighbourhood, may be seen a curious cap worn by the women. It is edged in front by a high up-standing ruche of black and white, with the ends frayed out, giving the appearance of feathers, and the whole at a little distance is not unlike an Indian headdress. Everywhere in the Côtentin one meets among the strong-faced farmers men who might have been blood-brothers to William, men with square faces, thin lips, and stern features. They are often of massive build, and though not excessively tall, certainly of greater height than the
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ordinary French agricultural class. The Danish blood has remained here with strange persistency throughout generation after generation: these men are not Frenchmen at all. You feel it the moment you encounter them; they are a northern race with northern characteristics.
Not far from Valognes, in its suburb Alleaumes, are the ruins of the castle where William was staying when he made his midnight escape. Besides the history connected with its castles, the peninsula has annals of its own. As the northern coast was a very convenient landing-place from England, it was often the Côtentin which bore the first brunt of an English engagement. Edward the Confessor landed here on mischief bent, but was driven back by the inhabitants, who rose as one man under Neel the Elder.
While William the Red reigned in England, and the feeble Robert was nominal Duke of Normandy, Henry Beauclerc descended upon the Côtentin, and ruled it for many years. His rule was firm and good, and he was popular, and the peninsula consequently enjoyed far more prosperity than the rest of distracted Normandy. Henry’s power extended as far south as Domfront, for the titles of Count of Mortain and Count of the Côtentin still went together. When Henry became King of England he yielded the Côtentin to Robert, until he won it back again by his sword. When Edward III. swooped down upon France he passed through
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3. **Challenges in Accessing Quality Education**
Despite advancements, many regions still face significant barriers to accessing quality education due to factors such as poverty, lack of infrastructure, and inadequate funding.
4. **Strategies for Improving Education Systems**
To address these challenges, governments and international organizations must prioritize investment in education, implement innovative teaching methods, and ensure equal access to quality education for all.
5. **Conclusion**
In conclusion, education plays a vital role in shaping individuals and societies. By embracing technology and addressing access issues, we can work towards creating more inclusive and effective education systems that benefit everyone.
CHERBOURG
When Troubridge the fleet arrived in England, and Admiral Nelles was captured? Prince of Mornstadt, Baron Breidenbach, remained upon the Channel, and was to be sent home. His wife was also sent home, and he was dismissed, and his commission cancelled, because he was considered more dangerous than the rest of the fleet. He was dismissed from the service of the fleet, and was transferred to the command of the fleet of the North Sea. He was transferred to the command of the fleet of the North Sea, and was transferred to the command of the fleet of the North Sea.
When Henry V came to the throne of England, he was transferred to the command of the fleet of the North Sea, and was transferred to the command of the fleet of the North Sea.
The painting depicts a scene with a person standing in front of a door, possibly in a dimly lit room or hallway. The door is slightly ajar, and the person appears to be looking through it. The overall atmosphere of the painting is somewhat mysterious and introspective.
the whole district capturing, burning, and destroying, and none could stand up against his army. Again, when Henry V. made an effort to retrieve the domains which had belonged to his forefathers, the Côtentin was swept from end to end. In the religious wars, once again the town was in the midst of turmoil, but it yielded to Henri IV. after the battle of Ivry.
We have specialised only on a very small part of the Côtentin, and that the least known, but it is impossible to leave without mention of the famous port of Cherbourg, the finest harbour in France. The records of Cherbourg go back to the sixth century, when a saint named Scubilion is said to have resided here, and even before Scubilion’s day, a still mistier and a nameless saint had landed here, and converted the inhabitants. The breakwater at Cherbourg, finished in 1853, can hold a fleet at anchor, and is guarded by forts.
The town of Cherbourg is said to derive its name from Caesar’s Bourg, but the derivation is very doubtful. William the Conqueror founded here a college, which his granddaughter, Matilda or Maude, incorporated into a new monastery of her own. The castle was a great favourite with Henry I. It was here he had been staying in November 1120, when he set sail from Barfleur, leaving the merry company of young nobles to follow with his son and daughter in the White Ship. History gives it that the prince himself might have been saved after the fatal wreck.
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had he not returned at the cry of his sister, who had been left on the wreck, whereupon so many leapt into the boat that it was swamped. How persistently the fact that only a butcher of Rouen was saved, impresses itself upon the childish mind, so that years after, when we have forgotten far more important things, we still remember it!
Before we leave the Côtentin altogether, we may mention that delightful chronicler Wace, to whom we owe so much, and who wrote with the ease and picturesqueness of a Pepys, in an age when composition was a serious and dry-as-dust matter. Wace was born in Jersey about 1100-20, therefore he was a native of the Côtentin, in which Jersey was then included. He is reported to have lived to the age of eighty-four, and to have died in England. His life was contemporary with the reigns of Henry I., Stephen, Henry II., and Richard I., and that which he records before 1100 was told to him by word of mouth, partly by his father, to whom he makes reference. His chronicle, which is in the form of a poem, is called the *Roman de Rou* (or Rollo), and the English translation of it goes no further back than William I. Wace is the most delightful and interesting of chroniclers in an age which was singularly rich. Robert of Jumièges, Ordericus Vitalis, and others have left us accounts as full as any modern newspaper report, of what happened in their days, and they are only the leaders among a host of lesser men.
CHAPTER XI
DIEPPE AND THE COAST
Passengers who land at Dieppe may perhaps be conveniently divided into two classes—those who pass through, intent on tours further inland or in other countries, and those who go to Dieppe, as they would to Brighton. It is pretty safe to say that very few of either class really know the place.
But Dieppe deserves some consideration apart from its harbour and its beach; it is no mushroom town of villadom, but has an old-world flavour, and a delightful mingling of simplicity with its fashion. We can see in it a series of charming pictures. There is, for instance, a long, narrow, cobble-paved street passing through the middle, running more or less parallel with the front, and cut off from it by a double wall of houses. But, alas, there are few old houses, for gable end and ancient woodwork went down before the furious bombardment of the combined English and Dutch fleets in 1694, when the bombs, falling in all directions, set the place on
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fire. After having done such damage that the whole town had to be rebuilt, the fleet sailed away to Havre. It is said that some of the rich inhabitants at the first sign of danger hid their valuables in the caves, which may be seen in numbers along the limestone cliffs, and that 4000 houses in all were burnt. Thus it is that there is nothing to be seen in the streets anterior to this date. Nevertheless there is a quaint irregularity in the nondescript architecture that is very charming. And on a Saturday morning the long street is lined by the market women, who come in to dispose of their country produce. They have no stalls, but sit on the edge of the pavement on the sunny side, each one with her basket or baskets ranged beside her. Dazed hens with tied legs, faintly expostulating ducks, baskets of pearly eggs, wedges of butter under cool green leaves, great masses of roses and other flowers—such are the goods for sale, and each one represents a large amount of hard work and patience. The women chatter gaily, comparing produce and prices; their pleasant, brown faces shining the while in the sun, until perhaps the babel is for an instant stilled by a funeral passing down the narrow street. The walking priests, in their birettas, lead the procession, followed by the acolytes and the silent coffin; they wind slowly over the cobbles, and the solemn dirge rises on the summer air; but it has passed, and is forgotten, and all is happy tumult once more.
THE
HISTORY OF
THE
JAPANESE
PEOPLE
BY
TAKASHI SHIMIZU
BOSTON
THE CROCKER PRESS
1907
THE GATEWAY, DIEPPE
The second theme—water, representing life and peace—is the element that gives the most charm to the bay, and which has been so well described by poets and painters. The water is blue, and the sky is clear, and the air is fresh and pure.
The third theme—land, representing strength and power—is the element that gives the most character to the bay, and which has been so well described by poets and painters. The land is green, and the trees are tall, and the mountains are high.
The fourth theme—sky, representing beauty and serenity—is the element that gives the most beauty to the bay, and which has been so well described by poets and painters. The sky is blue, and the clouds are white, and the stars are bright.
And all of these themes come together in the bay, creating a beautiful and serene scene.
The University of Chicago, founded in 1890, is a private research university located in Chicago, Illinois. It is known for its strong academic programs and research facilities. The university has been ranked among the top universities in the world by various global rankings.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
- Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
- Data structure: A way of organizing data in a computer program to make it easier to access, manipulate, and store.
- Database: A collection of data organized in a structured manner that can be accessed and managed by a computer program.
- Database management system (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases.
- Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form so that it cannot be read without the proper decryption key.
- Hash function: A mathematical function that takes an input (or message) and returns a fixed-size string of bytes, which is called a hash value or digest.
- Interface: A way for two or more systems to communicate with each other.
- Network: A collection of computers and other devices connected together using a common communication medium.
- Operating system (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
- Programming language: A formal language designed to enable people to give instructions to a computer.
- Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
- System software: Software that provides basic functionality for a computer system, such as an operating system or a database management system.
- User interface: The part of a computer program that allows users to interact with the program.
- Virtual machine: A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
These are just a few examples of the many terms used in the field of computer science. As technology continues to evolve, new terms will continue to emerge.
Dieppe and the Coast
Midway down the street, by the fountain, there curves off another, at the end of which is the magnificent church of St Jacques. It is only the west end we can see in this vista, with its two curious octagon turrets, gargoyle crowned, but as we draw nearer, the fine western tower comes into view. The church, like so many another, was begun in the thirteenth century, and completed in the sixteenth. The other notable church of Dieppe, St Remi, stands further west, and is hemmed in by houses; it was not begun until St Jacques was nearly finished.
If we go into St Jacques late in the afternoon, when the sun is flooding that glorious western rose-window, we shall find the whole building filled with opalescent light. Soft patches of transparent colour, amethyst and gold, far more glorious than even the rich blue and orange of the glass through which they filter, creep slowly across the aisle and climb the pillars. They rest upon the bowed shoulders of an old peasant woman, who sits with hanging head. Her plain stuff dress and the print cap tightly fitting her grey hair, the blue check apron telling of days of toil, are all suddenly transformed into something "rich and strange." But she sits there with the dark beads falling one by one through her work-worn fingers, heedless of the glory in which she is bathed; and if you go nearer you will see that poor proud face drawn by lines of sorrow, and every now and then the fingers are interrupted in their
work to wipe off those too insistent tears; evidently no ordinary case this, but a woman who has suffered trouble, and who comes to seek peace, though happiness has left the world so far as she is concerned.
It is a wonderful place this church, the mighty chancel and transept arches seem to hold the silence as a bowl holds water; one could not "strive or cry" aloud here. Yet outside, through the open door, one can see a patch full of life and movement—boys darting to and fro, a carter unloading a van, continual passers-by; and every now and then out of the light a boy or girl flits into the solemn spaces of the wonderful silence, gives never a glance at the gorgeous colours that make one feel as though one were in the heart of a jewel, but with a hasty genuflexion passes out at the other door into the market-place.
In the market-place there is medley and chatter, bargain and sale. All the usual things are here. Coloured curtains, masses of shoes, rows of shining utensils, piles of snowy draperies, sweets, flowers, toys, cakes in profusion. A yard of ribbon, a pair of stuff shoes, a bit of glittering jewellery from that fascinating stall where all goes at "quinze sous" the piece, this is the extent of most purchases that can be seen.
Behind the market-place rises one of the chapels of the transept, built by Ango, whose history is told in connection with the castle; its fellow is on the
other side, and in its solid plainness of design, and with its worn stone, and two stages of red tiles, the chapel is in delightful contrast with the ornateness of the pinnacled and buttressed choir.
To the south and west of the church is another market, one of the most repulsive imaginable. Spread out on the open ground are old second-hand articles of every description, from loathsome rags to rusty iron.
If we pass down one of the narrow streets to the east of the church, we come quite suddenly upon a scene of a different order. Here is the basin where the steamers lie, and the swing-bridge which leads to the fishermen's quarter, Le Pollet, one of the two places in Normandy where the Celtic influence still lingers. There are some quaint superstitions and ideas held by these men, but they are not ready to speak of them. They are religious, and would not think of letting a boat go out unblessed. One of the songs which is chanted at the lighting of a candle in the hold before a boat puts out to sea, is as follows:
"La Chandelle de bon Dieu est allumée
Au saint nom de Dieu soit l'alizé-vent, unie, regulier
Au profit du maitre et de l'equipage,
Bon temps, bon vent pour conduire la barge.
Si Dieu plâit!"
On the quay is the fish-market, and outside it a mass of fisher-folk broken up into groups. The men are nearly all rust-coloured in complexion, with hair that curls fiercely and thickly, and among the younger
ones is to be seen not infrequently that type of face which, idealised, appears in the portrait of Gilliatt, in the English translation of *Les Travailleurs de Mer*, a face of a short oval, with small pointed chin, and mobile, sensitive lips. Yet others there are as square-jawed and bull-dog, as ruffianly in expression, as the lowest among the sailors in London by the river.
The chaffering goes on hotly; two fine mackerel are handed over at thirteen sous, four good ones, not quite so fine, at sixteen sous. All the dealing is in sous. Strange, evil-looking fish with large heads are sold for a song, and each customer as she gets them—for it is nearly always a she—slips them into her string bag, and goes on her way rejoicing, with a cheap and wholesome dinner for the young ones at home. High on the cliff across the water, is the stiff new little church—there is another in the town below—and behind it, on the windswept cliff, the Le Pollet cemetery, filled with the cheap wooden crosses laden with those tawdry ornaments that mean so much and tell so little. But the Le Pollet cemetery does not account for more than a fraction of its dead, for many a man and lad lie out beyond the point in the shifting sea, and the wives and mothers at home have no graves on which to lay their hardly bought offerings. On Le Pollet, under the renowned General Talbot, the English erected a fort called the Bastille, a name still retained by its site.
But in lingering by the town and along the quay, we have not yet visited the castle of Dieppe, which is
The ship was a large, three-masted vessel with red sails billowing in the wind. It was docked at a bustling port, surrounded by other ships and buildings. The sky was overcast, casting a somber mood over the scene.
•
Dieppe and the Coast
at the other end, rearing itself steeply on its mighty cliff. For Dieppe lies in the valley between two heights, and occupies the space dipping down to the level of the sea, hence the name which signifies deep, and is related to our names of Deepdale and Deepdene. The castle hill was at first occupied by a mere fort, which Rollo rebuilt; and Rollo's fort lasted until the time of Henry II. of England, who rebuilt it entirely, but Henry's fort stood a very short time, for when Philip Augustus retook the country from John, one of his first acts was to raze any strong places which might afford the English a foothold, and this fort was among the number. Nevertheless his destruction was not entire, and some of the walls attributed to Henry still remain incorporated in the castle, which was begun by the Dauphin, after the historic fight of Arques in 1435. The four towers belong to this date, but various additions were made later. There is no admission to the castle now, and but little history to clothe its walls in an aroma of the past. The most interesting name connected with it is that of the merchant prince, Jean Ango, who died here in 1551. Ango was a native of Dieppe, and began life as a common sailor, but he had in him that curious ability to seize his opportunity, which goes to the making of a fortune more than any other quality. He soon rose to be a shipowner, and wealth bringing wealth, he owned a whole fleet of vessels, and was a power on the sea. When King François came to Dieppe, he was received
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and entertained by Ango in princely style. François made his host governor of Dieppe in return, and afterwards conferred upon him the dignity of a vicomte. It was in 1525 that Ango built a house of the old timber style, magnificently carved, on the site where the Lycée now stands, opposite the station, by the quay where the Newhaven boats arrive and depart. Shortly afterwards he followed this up by a country house at Varengeville, which is still standing (see p. 173). Ango is described by a contemporary as a big blonde man, with a large head and a gay expression. For long he ruled as a prince, both on sea and land; when the Portuguese had the audacity to harass French shipping, it was Ango who armed twelve ships and made war on his own account, capturing several of the Portuguese vessels. The king sent angrily to ask the French king why he had done this, as the two countries were then at peace, and the French king replied gaily that he must ask Ango, who alone was responsible.
But this big, cheery, bluff man, a sailor at heart, changed unaccountably in his old age; he grew morose, suspicious, and overbearing; he quarrelled with his neighbours, got himself entangled in law-suits, and finally, ruined in pocket and credit, had to take refuge from his enemies within the castle walls, where he died.
The general idea is that Arques is the parent town of Dieppe, and that the men of Arques gradually established themselves on the sea-coast,
Dieppe and the Coast
for the purpose of fishing. Others, however, point to the Camp of Cæsar, anciently called the City of Limes, which is on the top of the hill near Puys, as an old Gaulish settlement before the advent of Cæsar, and say that this was the parent town, and that the settlement at Dieppe came later, when a great part of the cliff near the Gaulish town had fallen bodily into the sea.
With the siege of the castle of Arques by William the Conqueror we have dealt elsewhere. But the castle of Arques, always a stronghold, underwent a yet more terrible ordeal in the attack by Henri IV. in 1589, when it was held by the Duc de Mayenne. The king had 4000 men against 30,000 of the Leaguers, but the smaller force was victorious, and the battle was long spoken of as a miraculous event.
Having so far dealt with the immediate surroundings of Dieppe, we turn now the coast-line. The great white cliffs which rise vertically on both sides of Dieppe have their counterparts in the white cliffs of England, so exactly similar in structure that no one can doubt they once joined across what is now the Channel. Even were there no other means of judging, the great friability of these cliffs and the masses which continually fall off into the sea, driving the coast-lines further and further apart, would alone answer the suggestion in the affirmative. All the way to Tréport stretches this grand rampart. Tréport is situated in the embouchure of the river Bresle, and above it rise the cliffs. It has a modern part with first-class hotels, a casino, and other of the usual attractions, and the older village nestles in the narrow valley ascending from the beach. The beach is limited by the river to the east, beyond which begins the beach of Mer.
Eu is a place of considerable importance in Norman history. It is the outlying border town of Normandy in this direction, and beyond it was the vexed country of Ponthieu, between whose counts and the Norman dukes there was so much fighting. All those who have followed the chapter on the Bayeux tapestry will remember that it was on the territory of Ponthieu that the unfortunate Harold was blown by wind and tide, and that it was Guy, Count of Ponthieu, who brought his captive proudly to William. He did not, however, do so until he had been repeatedly commanded by William, who also bribed him, though Guy was "his man," having done homage to him five or six years previously. Eu had also been the scene of the Conqueror's marriage about ten years before, when his Flemish bride, his own first cousin, had met him here. The church which witnessed that famous ceremony has disappeared, but the present one, a fine building of the thirteenth century, worthily replaces it.
In the Chapelle du College, a splendid building, are some fine monuments to the Guises, whose name was associated with Eu in the sixteenth century.
Dieppe and the Coast
The elder Guise, François, was called Le Balafré, because he bore on his face a horrible scar from a sword-cut received at Boulogne; he was assassinated in 1563, and succeeded by his son Henri, also assassinated in 1588.
The whole coast-line is shingly, and its chief characteristic is the up and down sweep of the contour, which continually rises to the top of tall white cliffs, and almost immediately falls again right down to the sea-level, only to rise once more. This peculiarity is admirable for its variety, and it affords fine shelter to the seaside places in the folds, but it renders any attempt at passing along near the coast on foot or bicycle very tedious work. The white cliffs, however, and the shingly beaches make eminently beautiful foregrounds for a sea so often blue in the sunlight which France seems to attract so much more than England, and some of the cliffs are crowned by fine trees or blooming gorse.
Going westward from Dieppe, we come to the little village of Varengeville, standing high on the top of the cliffs. It has two great attractions—one its shady lanes, arched by beeches so as to resemble veritable cathedral aisles, a thing unique in Normandy; and the other the fine Maison d'Ango, now a farmhouse. This is built round four sides of a courtyard, and the walls are worked with marvellous skill into various intricate patterns with the materials of flint and brick. The latter, which adorn the cowbyres, are set in even patterns, and
the effect with the red tiles and thatch is pretty and curious. On one side of the mansion itself is an open loggia or arcade, raised above the ground-level. But the most striking and notable detail is the columbier standing in the yard, one of the very few remaining. It is cylindrical, and the walls are worked in patterns of lines and bands in the same way as those of the house. It terminates in a curved dome-like roof. The whole is well worth going to see, in spite of the churlish, and we must add, in France, very unusual, spirit that animates the present occupants. We pass many little places ever growing in popularity, such as Veules and St Valery en Caux, bearing family resemblance to Dieppe in their situation in the breaks formed by streams cutting through the chalk cliffs, and come to Fécamp, which is a bit of a health resort, a bit of a manufacturing town, and a bit of a fishing harbour, without being particularly distinguished in any one of the three things. From Fécamp, as from all these northern fishing towns, there annually sets forth that fleet for the cold waters near Iceland so touchingly described in Pierre Lôti’s *Pêcheurs d’Islande*.
Fécamp stands at the foot of cliffs from 300 feet to 400 feet in height, around the base of which are scattered the great blocks of débris with which the seas play like footballs. The memory of the terrible storm of 1663, when the whole of the valley or chine was blocked by these stones, hurled up
THE SONG OF THE SOUTH
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the effect while the old one had itself a limited and average. On the other hand, the new one is of more depth, so that the result is a greater width. But the water surface will be increased by an equivalent lowering in the water level at the coast. The latter is not desirable, for it would not only increase the cost of locks and cause a loss of time and trouble to the boats, but also increase the danger of the breakers. It is necessary to avoid these two evils. The whole thing is very complicated, and the best way to do it is to build a dam across the river, which will be a great improvement.
FISHERMEN AT FÉCAMP
The fishermen at Fécamp are known for their skill in catching fish. They use nets and traps to catch fish, and they sell their catch at the local market. The fishing industry is an important part of the economy of Fécamp, and the fishermen play a vital role in the local community.
The painting depicts a group of people standing on a dock, gazing out at the sea. The scene is set against a backdrop of a cloudy sky and distant mountains. The figures are dressed in heavy coats and hats, suggesting a cold weather setting. In the foreground, there is a boat with a sail partially unfurled, indicating that it might be preparing for departure or has just returned from a journey. The overall mood of the painting is contemplative and serene, capturing a moment of quiet reflection by the sea.
Dieppe and the Coast
by the terrific power of the sea, is still preserved. The chief claim of Fécamp to notice, however, is its splendid abbey, of which the church still remains; it was built in the Conqueror’s reign, burnt and rebuilt, so that the greater part is of the thirteenth century, and some dates from the reconstruction in the fifteenth. What is left of the abbey has been built into the public offices of the town.
But the strange legend of La Fontaine du Precieux-Sang should come before mention of the abbey, for it was because of this relic St Waneng erected here the first religious house for nuns. The story goes that a case containing some of the blood of our Lord had been placed in the cleft of a fig-tree by Isaac, the nephew of Nicodemus, but in some way the stump had been cut down, and reached the sea, from whence it floated unaided all the way to Fécamp, and a well in the courtyard of a house is pointed out as the actual spot where it stranded. During a great conflagration this precious relic was lost, but an angel brought it back, saying, “Voici le prix de la redemption du monde, qui vient de Jerusalem.” Needless to say, this priceless relic drew thousands of pilgrims to the shrine at Fécamp. They came in spite of wind and weather; as the quaint old Norman song has it:
“Rouge rosée au matin,
Beau temps pour le pèlerin
Pluie de matin
N’arrete pas le pèlerin.”
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And the monks reaped a rich reward from their ingenuity! Passing Valmont, with its old castle of the D'Estoutevilles, we come to Etretat, a much more fashionable bathing-place than Fécamp.
The coast at Etretat is grand and beautiful, though the beach is stony. The sea with its ceaseless work has carved caverns in the high cliffs. The three principal headlands, standing grandly out to sea, all end in a natural arch. Here, as elsewhere, fishermen mingle with the gay crowd that increases the population some five hundred per cent. in the summer.
The wall of cliff continues right on to Havre, where the Cape de la Hève feels the full shock of the resistless north winds. Also the cliff is always crumbling, with that law of nature that ordains that the sea shall gain on the land on the rocky coasts, and the land shall advance out to sea on sandy beaches. Once or twice, more than mere crumbling has taken place, for with a noise like the rumbling of artillery the face of the cliff has broken away, and fallen headlong into the sea, sending gigantic spouts of water heavenwards, while the roar attracted attention even at Havre. Havre has a population of 120,000, and is a self-respecting busy town. It has a very large traffic, and it is also favourably situated for inland trade, being connected by a dredged-out canal with Tancarville, and thence by the Seine to Rouen. The mouth of the Seine is here so treacherous and shifty, that without constant
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The Thames at Greenwich
Dieppe and the Coast
dredging navigation would be impossible. There is only one more remark to make before leaving Havre, and that is, to tell how it earned its secondary title of Le Havre de Grace. One of those terrible high tides that about once in a generation sweep through the Channel, appeared on the coast and overwhelmed the breakwater, flooding it to such a height that it seemed to the inhabitants nothing remained for them but utter ruin, even if they managed to preserve their own lives; when, as they were momentarily expecting to see the town swept from end to end by the lowering mass of water, a new channel burst suddenly through one of the walls which prevented the escape, and the water flowed away into the bed of the Seine. This was considered a special miracle in favour of the town, which was henceforth known as Le Havre de Grace.
A more complete contrast than that presented by the next two coast towns could hardly be made. We have Honfleur, old, picturesque, tumble-down, full of fishermen, with a church which for quaintness could hardly be surpassed, and we have the villa-ed and elegant Trouville, resembling one of the most gaily dressed of Parisians, where not a line is out of order, nothing is left to chance, every fold, so to speak, is arranged, every movement self-conscious.
I confess that to me such towns as Trouville exercise a repulsive effect; the moment I arrive there I want to flee, and yet it is impossible to overlook a place so patronised, so praised, so entirely self-satisfied. Trouville is not Norman; it is a little bit of Paris by the sea, and it is French entirely; it does not share in the old Norman history, "C'est le monde frivole, joyeux et bruyant qui s'agite et s'amuse et dont les petit cris, les chants quelquefois vulgaires et de gout douteux, et tous les bruits de fête se percent dans le grand murmure de la mer." Hardly more than fifty years ago, Trouville was a mere collection of fishing-huts; then someone saw the advantages of the situation, the high cliff-like hills, the surrounding woods, the flat sands, and almost at once sprang up the hotels, the casinos, the shops, and the other accompaniments of a fashionable resort. Fishing is now the least of its sources of wealth, or rather, perhaps, we may say it is replaced by angling of another sort. Deauville is a kind of offshoot of Trouville, situated on the other side of the Fouques, a lesser Trouville, a shade quieter, but after the same pattern.
The next point to notice along the coast is the mouth of the river Dives, where William assembled his ships before setting out to conquer England. They remained here waiting for a favourable wind, and finally put into St Valery, at the mouth of the Somme, from whence they made their real start. The number of ships is estimated very variously; Wace puts it at six hundred and ninety-six, a number which he had heard from his father, but
Dieppe and the Coast
he says he saw it stated in writing to have exceeded three thousand, a number which may have likely included every boat or flat-bottomed raft which crossed over. William's own ship, made like the others of a boat-shape, with high prow, was propelled by oars. It was brilliantly decorated; its sails were crimson, and its metal parts were gilded; the figure-head was a child armed with bow and arrow, aimed at England. The whole was a present from his duchess Matilda, and it is said that the figure of the child had been copied from that of their son Robert, a boy who was to cause them both so much sore grief.
Then we come to the mouth of the Orne, on which stands Caen. From the Dives to the Orne we have had flat sands and sand dunes, a state of things which continues still. Back from the coast is one of the most splendid pasturage lands in Normandy, only rivalled by those about the drained lands behind Carentan. Ouistreham and the minor seaside resorts near Caen are much patronised, and contain hotels and villas to suit all purses. After passing Courseulles, the hotels and shops and bathing stations are left behind, and little fishing-hamlets take the place of coast resorts. Port en Bessin is situated in the fracture of a cliff, and there are in the neighbourhood formidable rocks. Then we come to the great angular Bay de Veys, in shape not unlike our own Wash. Here stands Carentan, and before the land was drained Carentan was
almost surrounded with water, for the tides ran far inland, making any attempt to pass that way from the Côtentin hazardous and difficult. A grand scheme was once mooted to build a large dike which should protect these meadows, but the much more reasonable scheme of drainage was tried, and has succeeded. Instead of being marsh land, the flat stretches now serve for pasturage. The town has been no less than twelve times taken by the English, in addition to which it suffered in the religious wars of the seventeenth century. It is now a flourishing port, carrying on an enormous trade in butter, of which the exports in one year to Southampton alone were equal to 15,000,000 francs! Isigny, which stands a little eastward, is the chief butter-producer, so much so that the name Isigny butter has come to be a synonym for good quality. We have now reached that strange peninsula, which, with exception of a strip along the eastern side, is almost all of granite; the coast town La Hogue marks the transition from the one sort of coast to the other. We have dealt so fully with the Côtentin and with its continuation on the west to the little stream Couesnon, that it is of no use to say more here. We would merely remark that the action of waste by the sea can be seen strikingly on the western side, where the peninsula meets the full winds of the Atlantic. History says, though the statement may be accepted with caution, that at one time Jersey was severed only by a narrow channel from the mainDieppe and the Coast
land; if this is so, then without doubt, at some far distant geological epoch, the whole of the peninsula will be worn away to one thin strip of sandy beach, like those arms we see extending for miles along the northern coasts of Germany.
CHAPTER XII
UP THE SEINE
A great river always exercises an attraction upon a certain class of people, and when that river is lined by historic towns and flows through beautiful country, it cannot fail to be attractive to everyone. As we have said, the Seine belongs to France rather than Normandy; very French are the views of its olive green flood, with the blue-green fringe of poplars, and the cliff-like scarred banks to be seen so continually in its course; but yet in some of the towns we shall pass, especially the smaller ones, there still lingers the breath of things Norman.
The mouth between the two similarly named towns of Harfleur and Honfleur is very wide, but not good for navigation, for it is filled with perpetually shifting sandbanks, which try the mariners' patience to the utmost. For this reason there was made that canal from Havre to Tancarville which ensures at all events a certain passage. The wide funnel-like mouth narrowing suddenly near at the corner by
THE
WISCONSIN
STATE
HISTORICAL
SOCIETY
MADISON, WISCONSIN
1908
QUAI ST CATHERINE, HONFLEUR
The Quai St Catherine in Honfleur is a picturesque and historic street that runs along the banks of the River Touques. It is lined with old stone buildings, many of which date back to the 16th and 17th centuries. The street is known for its charming atmosphere and the beautiful views of the river and the town's famous port.
One of the most notable features of the Quai St Catherine is the presence of several medieval towers and fortifications. These structures were built to protect the town from invaders and have since become iconic symbols of Honfleur's rich history.
The street is also home to several shops and restaurants, offering visitors a variety of local cuisine and souvenirs. The Quai St Catherine is a popular destination for tourists and locals alike, who come to enjoy the town's unique charm and the stunning views of the river.
In conclusion, the Quai St Catherine in Honfleur is a must-visit destination for anyone interested in exploring the town's rich history and experiencing its beautiful natural surroundings.
Up the Seine
Quillebœuf, and again below, is the cause of the great mascaret, or wave of the high tide which sweeps up occasionally as far as Caudebec; this is a great wall of water, higher or lower according to the force of the wind and the strength of the tide, which together combine to produce it. The bar or line which sweeps up first is the advance-guard of an unusually high tide, which will carry destruction to all small or badly managed boats. The mascaret is regularly reckoned among the sights of Caudebec.
It is magnificent in its impetuous flow, coming on in irresistible force, the water turning, writhing, and twisting under the impetus, with a fringe of foam outlined on the indigo slopes—a strenuous thing, living, growling, hungry for its prey.
As the wide mouth of the river contracts a little, the ruined castle of Tancarville is seen standing on its precipitous cliff. This belonged to the Sires de Tancarville, one of the proud Norman families who held the hereditary chamberlainship of the dukedom of Normandy. The last of the line was killed on the field of Agincourt, and the name, disguised as Tankerville, is held by an English peer. The chateau as it is now, consists partly of the ruins of the ancient chateau, to which is attached the new chateau, so called. The older parts date from the twelfth century, the newer from the eighteenth. The gateway is still imposing, with its two flanking towers; and the small dungeon-like rooms with iron-barred windows, in which the unhappy prisoners were kept,
can be seen. Most of the building is, however, of the later date. The towers, by their name, suggest the wild, stirring days of old; we have la Tour de l'Aigle, la Tour du Diable or du Lion, and la Tour Coquesart. In the keep is a well three hundred feet deep. Quillebœuf, from its position on a rock stretching out into the flood, was at one time a place of no small strategic importance.
Opposite is Lillebonne, charmingly situated amid woods, and owning one event of historical importance which gives it dignity. It was in the castle of Lillebonne that William held the celebrated council, in which it was finally decided he should attempt the subjugation of England. That Lillebonne has been of importance from very ancient times, is shown by its splendidly preserved Roman theatre, which is celebrated throughout all the world of antiquaries. The ruins are now overgrown, but that the place could easily accommodate 3000 spectators is apparent. Near the theatre are the remains of William's castle; but ruins of this sort are so common in Normandy, that they hardly provoke comment. After this the river takes its first great bend before Caudebec; nothing is more curious than the amazing sinuosity of the Seine, which forms loops and horsehoes of extraordinary length.
Caudebec is one of the most charming of the small Norman towns, and is beloved of artists; unfortunately, as it advances in fame it loses that unsophisticated innocence which was one of its
Up the Seine
delights. The church is so magnificent that it merits the designation cathedral, and the quaintness of the ancient timber houses leaning over the narrow street, down which, as in all mediaeval cities, a stream runs to carry off the refuse and drainage, is part of the delight of this little place.
The forests that line the Seine, sometimes on one side and sometimes on another, from this point onward, merit a special word. Wonderful are they, rising high on wooded slopes or stretching over acres of flat country. Some, as those opposite Jumièges, are of beech almost entirely, with a sprinkling of dark evergreens; others are varied. There are forests of firs penetrated by "rides cut as straight as rulers" through a chunk of solid tree-growth; there are others so mixed up with intertwining creeper that to penetrate them would be impossible.
Jumièges is in exactly the place where you would expect to find an abbey. They loved a broad encircling river those old monks, they loved to be surrounded by wide forests, to build on low ground: their idea was defence, not aggression; the peace of those who are passed by, not of those whose strength defies invaders.
We must cross the Seine somewhere, and we cross it at Jumièges, in an open boat, for there is no bridge. And not long before the crossing we have caught our first glimpse of those twin towers, so unlike anything we have seen before. And when we reach the abbey and walk in that grand ruined nave,
the feeling is rather one of increased exaltation than of the disappointment nearer vision so often brings. If we had to choose one word to express the quality here wrought into stone, it would be stateliness. The abbey stands roofless and serene, a mighty nave with two western towers, which, beginning squarely, end by being octagonal, with the walls in four stages, and with a chancel arch which, for height and grace, has hardly ever been surpassed.
Long before the days of the mighty William whose name overshadows the land, before the time when his ancestors had taken root in the country, a monk named Philibert settled in this place with his small following, to lead a life of peace and order, amid the wildness and ignorance of the ninth century.
But even this well-chosen spot was not secluded enough to save him from the marauding northmen; the very river, which had seemed a safeguard, was its undoing, for the pirates came up the river and found the spot, and utterly destroyed all Philibert's labour. But as the years passed, and the northmen settled down, no longer as pirates but landholders; as Christianity claimed their king, William Longsword, the abbey was rebuilt on a much grander scale. Edward the Confessor spent his exiled boyhood at Jumièges, and when he came to the throne he made the learned abbot Robert, Bishop of London, and subsequently Archbishop of Canterbury, an appointment that did not prove a success.
In the fourteenth century the library at Jumièges
The following is a list of the books and pamphlets on the subject of the history of the United States, which have been published in the last year:
1. "The History of the United States" by John Fiske.
2. "The Story of the United States" by Henry Adams.
3. "The Making of the United States" by Charles Francis Adams.
4. "The United States and the World" by Woodrow Wilson.
5. "The United States and the War" by Theodore Roosevelt.
These books and pamphlets provide a comprehensive overview of the history of the United States, covering various aspects such as politics, economics, and culture. They are essential reading for anyone interested in understanding the development of the United States as a nation.
A watercolor painting depicts a narrow, cobblestone street lined with historic buildings. The architecture features a mix of timber-framed and brick structures, with steeply pitched roofs and chimneys. The buildings are closely packed, creating a sense of intimacy and age. A person can be seen walking down the street, adding a touch of life to the scene. The overall atmosphere is warm and inviting, capturing the charm of an old town.
Up the Seine
was one of the most notable in the land. Till 1790 this abbey continued whole, and sheltered a household of five hundred persons, including monks. It is now the property of a French lady, who permits visitors to see over the ruins with a caretaker. Not far off is Duclair, and the greater part of Duclair lies along the front of the river. It certainly lacks beauty, and after Caudebec the contrast is striking; but Duclair has interest. Its high chalk cliffs are imposing in their sheer precipitousness, and the deep, dark caverns, used as dwellings which are made in their sides, are weird and uncanny. One of these cliffs, from its size and shape, is called the Chair of Gargantua. With another immense dip southward, and corresponding rise, we come to Rouen, with its islands, and its bridges, and its busy life.
The end of the next horseshoe brings us within a few kilometres of the preceding one, and once more we double back on our tracks to reach Pont de l'Arche, an attractive place, much patronised by artists, above which the Eure joins the Seine. On the former river, only about nine miles away, is Louviers, with a magnificent church, celebrated for its decorated porch, which rivals those at Rouen. Continuing in the main stream of the Seine, we come soon to the range of chalk cliffs which leads up to Chateau-Gaillard. Many of these might be castles themselves, so curious is the effect of the rough, grey rock, outcropping suddenly from the green turf. The even strata look remarkably like lines of
Normandy
stonework laid by hand, and the general ruggedness and hoariness are just that which ruins gain by time and exposure, and at first it is difficult to distinguish the castle itself, so closely does it resemble the rock on which it stands.
Chateau-Gaillard was built by Richard I., as an outpost or defence on the Seine below Rouen, and it was instantly recognised by the King of France as being the key to Normandy; while the castle stood untaken, no one could hope to approach Rouen with any chance of success. Standing as it did on the borders of Normandy and France, it was many times a meeting-place for the two kings, when fair words were spoken and promises made, only to be broken and renewed. It was not until after the death of Richard, when John's dastardly act had alienated from him all who were not dependent on him, that Philip advanced against it. It was held by Roger de Lacy, a man of known courage, and it was well prepared for a siege. Among the defences were a stockade across the river and a fort upon the island in midstream. But by encamping on the further shore of the river, Philip managed to break down the stockade, and replace it by a pontoon or bridge, thus he could surround the island fort; but even John the Shifty could not see one of the noblest castles in his dominions so attacked without an effort at succour. He planned well. A part of his force was to fall by night upon the French camp on the left bank of the Seine, and at the same time
a flotilla of boats was to attack the pontoon. Unfortunately the ebbing tide, combined with the strong current, prevented the flotilla's arrival in time. The land troops did their part, and so fiercely were the French attacked that they fled across their bridge, but they rallied and returned, and, overcoming their foes, were ready to meet the English boats when they appeared. It is a gallant fight to picture, under the clear sky of an August night. The first alarm, the scurried retreat, the stumbling, and slipping, and scrambling of the terrified fugitives. The straining into the darkness of the men on the island-fort, who could not conjecture what was going on. The clash of steel, the splash of water, the cry as one went down, the breathless expectation in the air. Then the pulling together of the demoralised Frenchmen by one or two strong officers, the reforming and recrossing the now swaying and half-broken bridge, the stringing up of those half-beaten troops to face the foe, the struggle, the sense of victory, the final rout; but that was not the end; after having reformed and repulsed the boats, the Frenchmen, drunk with the wine of victory, set fire to the island-fort, and seized it also, while the defenders fled in terror, and joined by the whole population of the little village, now left defenceless, demanded admittance and refuge at the castle gates. A desperate picture truly. And above, overhanging the flood on its rock, the saucy castle was watching, crouching, eager, expectant. Had friend or foe won
the fight? Was relief at hand? There would be no eye closed within the walls that night, and then would come the hurried knocking, the parley, the admittance of the fugitives with their disastrous tidings, and with the first grey light would come the confirmation of despair, when the French bridge was seen repaired and intact; and alas, not the bridge only, but the island in the hands of the enemy!
After this one attempt—in which, however, he seems to have played no personal part—John made no effort to relieve his gallant castle; though he was at Rouen in November, and sent a letter to the commander in ambiguous language, a letter to chill the hearts of those who bore arms for him. Nevertheless, the garrison held out until March 6th in the next year, 1204, and with its fall the fate of Normandy was sealed. Chateau-Gaillard is the jewel that makes the fame of both Les Andelys, but there are other things to be seen here also, a fine church in each place, and at Le Grand Andely a splendid old sixteenth-century house, now used as an hotel. Poussin the painter was a native; he was born in 1594, and he must have had plenty of opportunity for the exercise of his talent in the scenery around his home.
It is impossible to mention Les Andelys without at the same time referring to Gisors, which lies some fifteen miles eastward, on a feeder of the Seine, called the Epte. Gisors is not in itself an interesting town;
Up the Seine
its main street is dull, its river is of the sluggish, canal-like variety, its streets lack pretty peeps; but all is atoned for by the beautiful ruin of its castle, which is well and worthily made use of. It stands high behind the main street, and is not readily seen. But the grounds enclosed by the still strong and perfect wall are open as a public park, and on the soft green grass, beneath many shady trees, countless hosts of children daily play. There is no attempt to keep the place too stringently; the grass grows long, and may be trodden underfoot. The grey hoary keep rises high, to give character and dignity to the scene; and behind, outside the walls, is a magnificent wood. The castle was built by Rufus, added to by his successor, and repaired by Henry II. It, with Chateau-Gaillard, was one of the castles on the outer line of defence of the duchy lying in that much-disputed ground, with the appropriate name of Le Vexin, and it stood many a siege. There were two surrounding walls to be taken before the stronghold; the keep could even be assailed, and Gisors must have been a tough nut to crack. The whole district is full of the ruins of castles showing the perpetual state of warfare and uncertainty which must have prevailed.
Returning to our river, we soon come to Vernon, the very last town in Normandy, chiefly known on account of its forest and its seven-arched bridge. With this we take leave of Normandy, over which we have wandered in so desultory a way, gathering
Normandy
impressions, examining some things in detail, leaving others aside, but all the while intent on gaining an insight into that character and individuality which marks the country. We have found it in the west still preserving traces of its rulers, who made its fame; to the east, almost wholly French. We have found it full of variety and delight, full of historical interest, and that mostly of a far past generation.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Network: A collection of computers and devices connected together by communication channels.
9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to be used by humans to express instructions to a computer.
11. Query: A request for information from a database.
12. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
14. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
15. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with users.
16. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
18. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data between devices.
19. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
20. YAML: Yet Another Markup Language, a markup language that is used to represent structured data.
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How far back can we trace the history of the section of Bogue Banks we know as Pine Knoll Shores? We have evidence that Native Americans camped and fished here, but the earliest recorded history of a westerner visiting may be when the explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano arrived in the 16th century.
Giovanni da Verrazzano may or may not have made landfall in Pine Knoll Shores, but a letter he wrote to King Francis I of France, dated July 8, 1524, indicates that Verrazzano did sail along our coast. North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources (NCDCR) highway marker ID: C-59, on the corner of Highway 58 and Pine Knoll Boulevard, honors his passage.
Francis I, along with Italian merchants and French bankers, sponsored Verrazzano’s navigational venture to find a northwest passage to Asia. Several years earlier, Christopher Columbus and Ponce de Leon, both sailing in a similar search under the Spanish flag, had made famous landings in North America.
Verrazzano began his cross-Atlantic voyage with three vessels—the *Brittany*, the *Normandy* and the *Dauphine*—but only the *Dauphine* survived to make it to our shores. It’s believed he first came to the tip of Cape Fear and continued up the coast to the Pine Knoll Shores section of Bogue Banks.
In his letter to the French King, Verrazzano described campfires along the coast. When he and his crew first came ashore, he marveled at what he saw:
The seashore is completely covered with fine sand XV feet deep, which arises in the forms of small hills about fifty paces wide. After climbing farther, we found other streams and inlets from the sea, which come in by several mouths, and follow the ins and outs of the shoreline. Nearby we could see a stretch of country much higher than the sandy shore, with many beautiful fields and plains full of great forests, some sparse and some dense; and the trees have so many colors, and are so beautiful and delightful that they defy description.
Was he down by the mouth of the Cape Fear River or right here along the shores of Bogue Banks? Verrazzano also described a native population he and his crew encountered:
They go completely naked except that around their loins they wear skins of small animals like martens, with a narrow belt of grass around the body, to which they tie various tails of other animals, which hang down to the knees; the rest of the body is bare, and so is the head. Some of them wear garlands of birds’ feathers. They are dark in color, not unlike the Ethiopians, with thick black hair, not very long, tied back behind the head like a small tail. As for the physique of these men, they are well proportioned, of medium height, a little taller than we are. They have broad chests, strong arms, and the legs and other parts of the body are well composed. There is nothing else, except that they tend to be rather broad in the face: but not all, for we saw many with angular faces. They have big black eyes, and an attentive and open look.
Are these early residents of Pine Knoll Shores? The North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources does consider the possibility that Verrazzano could be describing a coastal area further south: “Cases can be made for Brunswick and Onslow Counties as well as Carteret County. In recent years, in fact, a real estate development in the Cape Fear region has taken the name ‘Landfall’ for the event.” But, in finally making the decision that Verrazzano was describing Bogue Banks, those working with the highway marker program relied heavily on one important detail—specifically, Verrazzano’s observation that after he and his crew made their first landing the coast “veered” eastward.
In the translation used to support the highway marker, Verrazzano is quoted as saying, “We departed this place still running along the coast, which we found to trend toward the east.” And NCDCR remarks, “In defense of the Pine Knoll Shores site in Carteret it is pointed out that the geographical landmass on Bogue Banks is the only spot along the explorer’s route where the land ‘trend[s]’ toward the east.”
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The Library of Congress
The Library of Congress is the national library of the United States and the world's largest library, with over 170 million items in its collections. It was established on December 24, 1800, by an act of Congress, and has been located in Washington, D.C., since 1808. The Library serves as both a research center and a cultural institution, providing access to information resources for scholars, students, and the general public.
The Library's collections include books, manuscripts, maps, prints, photographs, sound recordings, motion pictures, and other formats. Its holdings encompass a wide range of subjects and languages, reflecting the diversity of human knowledge and culture. The Library also houses the National Union Catalog, which indexes the holdings of libraries across the country.
The Library's mission is to provide leadership and service to Congress; to collect materials of enduring historical value; and to provide access to materials through a worldwide network of cooperative programs. It is committed to preserving and making accessible the nation's intellectual heritage, and to promoting lifelong learning and discovery.
For more information about the Library of Congress, visit their website at www.loc.gov.
The Library of Congress
The Library of Congress is the national library of the United States and the world's largest library, with over 164 million items in its collections. It was established on December 24, 1800, by an act of Congress. The Library serves as both a working library and a research center for members of Congress and their staffs.
The Library of Congress is located in Washington, D.C., and is open to the public. It houses a vast collection of books, manuscripts, maps, prints, photographs, films, sound recordings, and other materials. The Library also provides access to electronic resources and offers a variety of educational programs and services.
The Library of Congress is committed to preserving and making available the nation's cultural heritage. It is a vital resource for researchers, scholars, and the general public, and plays a crucial role in shaping American culture and history.
A MONTH IN YORKSHIRE.
A MONTH IN YORKSHIRE
BY WALTER WHITE,
AUTHOR OF
"A LONDONER'S WALK TO THE LAND'S END," "ON FOOT THROUGH TYROL," &c.
"Know most of the rooms of thy native country, before thou goest over the threshold thereof; especially, seeing England presents thee with so many observables."—FULLER.
LONDON:
CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY.
MDCCCLVIII.
[The right of Translation is reserved.]
TRANSFER
2
SEP 22 1943
Serial Record Division
The Library of Congress
Copy
DA670
Y6W58
1858
21 je 49
Glimpses of the Town—Antiquities and Constables—The Minster—Yellow Ochre—The Percy Shrine—The Murdered Earl—The Costly Funeral—The Sisters’ Tomb—Rhyming Legend—The Fridstool—The Belfry
CHAPTER V.
A Scotchman’s Observations—The Prospect—The Anatomy of Beverley—Historical Associations—The Brigantes—The Druids—Austin’s Stone—The Saxons—Coifi and Paulinus—Down with Paganism—A great Baptism—St. John of Beverley—Athelstan and Brunanburgh—The Sanctuary—The Conqueror—Archbishop Thurstan’s Privileges—The Sacrilegious Mayor—Battle of the Standard—St. John’s Miracles—Brigand Burgesses—Annual Football—Surrounding Sites—Watton and Meaux—Etymologies—King Athelstan’s Charter
CHAPTER VI.
The Great Drain—The Carrs—Submerged Forest—River Hull—Tickton—Routh—Tippling Rustics—A Cooler for Combatants—The Blind Fiddler—The Improvised Song—The Doñkey Races—Specimens of Yorkshiremen—Good Wages—A Peep at Cottage Life—Ways and Means—A Paragraph for Bachelors—Hornsea Mere—The Abbots’ Duel—Hornsea Church—The Marine Hotel
CHAPTER VII.
Coast Scenery—A waning Mere, and wasting Cliffs—The Rain and the Sea—Encroachment prevented—Economy of the Hotel—A Start on the Sands—Pleasure of Walking—Cure for a bad Conscience—Phenomena of the Shore—Curious Forms in the Cliffs—Fossil Remains—Strange Boulders—A Villager’s Etymology—Reminiscences of “Bonypart” and Paul Jones—The last House—Chalk and Clay—Bridlington—One of the Gipseys—Paul Jones again—The Sea-Fight—A Reminiscence of Montgomery
CHAPTER VIII.
What the Boarding-House thought—Landslips—Yarborough House—The Dane’s Dike—Higher Cliffs—The South Landing—The Flamborough Fleet—Ida, the Flamebearer—A Storm—A Talk in a Lime-kiln—Flamborough Fishermen—Coffee before Rum—No Drunkards—A Landlord’s Experiences—Old-fashioned Honesty
CHAPTER XIII.
To Upgang—Enter Cleveland—East Row—The first Alum-Maker—Sandsend—Alum-Works—The huge Gap—Hewing the Alum Shale—Limestone Nodules: Mulgrave Cement—Swarms of Fossils—Burning the Shale—Volcanic Phenomena—From Fire to Water—The Cisterns—Soaking and Pumping—The Evaporating Pans—The Crystallizing Process—The Roaching Casks—Brilliant Crystals—A Chemical Triumph—Rough Epsoms 137
CHAPTER XIV.
Mulgrave Park—Giant Wade—Ubba’s Landing-place—The Boggle-boggarts—The Fairy’s Chase—Superstitions—The Knight of the Evil Lake—Lythe—St. Oswald’s Church—Goldsborough—Kettleness—Rugged Cliffs and Beach—Runswick Bay—Hob-Hole—Cure for Whooping-cough—Jet Diggers—Runswick—Hinderwell—Horticultural Ravine—Staithes—A curious Fishing-town—The Black Minstrels—A close-neaved Crowd—The Cod and Lobster—Houses washed away—Queer back Premises—The Termagants’ Duel—Fisherman’s Talk—Cobles and Yawls—Dutch and French Poachers—Tap-room Talk—Reminiscences of Captain Cook 147
CHAPTER XV.
Last Day by the Sea—Boulby—Magnificent Cliffs—Lothouse and Zachary Moore—The Snake-killer—The Wyvern—Eh! Packman—Skinninggrave—Smugglers and Privateers—The Bruce’s Privileges—What the old Chronioler says—Story about a Sea-Man—The Groaning Creek—Huntcliff Nab—Rosebury Topping—Saltburn—Cormorant Shooters—Cunning Seals—Miles of Sands—Marske—A memorable Grave—Redcar—The Estuary of Tees—Asylum Harbour—Recreations for Visitors—William Hutton’s Description—Farewell to the Sea 162
CHAPTER XVI.
Leave Redcar—A Cricket-Match—Coatham—Kirkleatham—The Old Hospital—The Library—Sir William Turner’s Tomb—Cook, Omai, and Banks—The Hero of Dettingen—Yearby Bank—Upleatham—Guisborough—Past and Present—Tomb of Robert Bruce—Priory Ruins—Hemingford, Pursglove, and Sir Thomas Chaloner—Pretty Scenery—The Spa—More Money, less Morals—What George Fox’s Proselytes did—John Wesley’s Preaching—Hutton—Lowcross—Rustics of Taste—Rosebury Topping—Lazy Enjoyment—The Prospect: from Black-a-moor to Northumberland—Cook’s Monument—Canny Yatton—The
CONTENTS.
Quakers’ School—A Legend—Skelton—Sterne and Eugenius—Visitors from Middlesbro’—A Fatal Town—Newton—Diggers’ Talk—Marton, Cook’s Birthplace—Stockton—Darlington 174
CHAPTER XVII.
Locomotive, Number One—Barnard Castle—Baliol’s Tower—From Canute to the Duke of Cleveland—Historic Scenery—A surprised Northumbrian—The bearded Hermit—Beauty of Teesdale—Egliston Abbey—The Artist and his Wife—Dotheboys Hall—Rokeby—Greta Bridge—Mortham Tower—Brignall Banks—A Pilgrimage to Wycliffe—Fate of the Inns—The Felon Sow—A Journey by Omnibus—Lartington—Cotherstone—Scandinavian Traces—Romaldkirk—Middleton-in-Teesdale—Wild Scenery—High Force Inn—The Voice of the Fall 192
CHAPTER XVIII.
Early Morn—High Force—Rock and Water—A Talk with the Waitress—Hills and Cottages—Cronkley Scar—The Weel—Caldron Snout—Soothing Sound—Scrap from an Album—View into Birkdale—A Quest for Dinner—A Westmoreland Farm—Household Matters—High Cope Nick—Mickle Fell—The Boys’ Talk—The Hill-top—Glorious Prospect—A Descent—Solitude and Silence—A Moss—Stainmoor—Brough—The Castle Ruin—Reminiscences 206
CHAPTER XIX.
Return into Yorkshire—The Old Pedlar—Oh! for the olden Time—“The Bible, indeed!”—An Emissary—Wild Boar Fell—Shunnor Fell—Mallerstang—The Eden—A Mountain Walk—Tan Hill—Brown Landscape—A School wanted—Swaledale—From Ling to Grass—A Talk with Lead Miners—Stonesdale—Work for a Missionary—Thwaite—A Jolly Landlord—A Ruined Town—The School at Muker—A Nickname—Buttertubs Pass—View into Wensleydale—Lord Wharncliffe’s Lodge—Simonstone—Hardraw Scar—Geological Phenomenon—A Frozen Cone—Hawes 222
CHAPTER XX.
Bainbridge—“If you had wanted a Wife”—A Ramble—Millgill Force—Whitfell Force—A lovely Dell—The Roman Camp—The Forest Horn, and the old Hornblower—Haymaking—A Cockney Raker—Wensleydale Seythemen—A Friend indeed—Addleborough—Curlews and Grouse—The First Teapot—Nasty
Greens — The Prospect — Askrigg — Bolton Castle — Penhill — Middleham — Miles Coverdale’s Birthplace — Jervaux Abbey — Moses’s Principia — Nappa Hall — The Metcalfes — The Knight and the King — The Springs — Spoliation of the Druids — The great Cromlech — Legend — An ancient Village — Simmer Water — An advice for Anglers — More Legends — Counterside — Money-grubbers — Widdale — Newby Head . . . 234
CHAPTER XXI.
About Gimmer Hogs — Gearstones — Source of the Ribble — Weathercote Cave — An underground Waterfall — A Gem of a Cave — Jingle Pot — The silly Ducks — Hurtle Pot — The Boggart — A Reminiscence of the Doctor — Chapel-le-Dale — Remarkable Scenery — Ingleborough — Ingleton — Craven — Young Daniel Dove, and Long Miles — Clapham — Ingleborough Cave — Stalactite and Stalagmite — Marvellous Spectacle — Pillar Hall — Weird Music — Treacherous Pools — The Abyss — How Stalactite forms — The Jockey Cap — Cross Arches — The Long Gallery — The Giants’ Hall — Mysterious Waterfall — A Trouty Beck — The Bar Parlour — A Bradford Spinner . . . 251
CHAPTER XXII.
By Rail to Skipton — A Stony Town — Church and Castle — The Cliffords — Wharfedale — Bolton Abbey — Picturesque Ruins — A Foot-Bath — Scraps from Wordsworth — Bolton Park — The Strid — Barden Tower — The Wharf — The Shepherd Lord — Reading to Grandfather — A Cup of Tea — Cheerful Hospitality — Trout Fishing — Gale Beck — Symon Seat — A Real Entertainer — Burn-sall — A Drink of Porter — Immoralities — Threshfield — Kilnsey — The Crag — Kettlewell — A Primitive Village — Great Whernside — Starbottom — Buckden — Last View of Wharfedale — Cray — Bishopdale — A Pleasant Lane — Bolton Castle — Penhill — Aysgarth — Dead Pastimes — Decrease of Quakers — Failure of a Mission — Why and Wherefore — Aysgarth Force — Drunken Barnaby — Inroad of Fashion . . . 271
CHAPTER XXIII.
A Walk — Carperby — Despotic Hay-time — Bolton Castle — The Village — Queen Mary’s Prison — Redmire — Scarthe Nick — Pleasing Landscape — Halfpenny House — Hart Leap Well — View into Swaledale — Richmond — The Castle — Historic Names — The Keep — St. Martin’s Cell — Easby Abbey — Beautiful Ruins — King Arthur and Sleeping Warriors — Ripon — View from the Minster Tower — Archbishop Wilfrid — The Crypt — The Nightly
Horn—To Studley—Surprising Trick—Robin Hood’s Well—Fountains Abbey—Pop goes the Weasel—The Ruins—Robin Hood and the Curtall Friar—To Thirsk—The Ancient Elm—Epitaphs
CHAPTER XXIV.
Sutton: a pretty Village—The Hambleton Hills—Gormire Lake—Zigzags—A Table-Land—Boy and Bull Pup—Skawton—Ryedale—Rievaulx Abbey—Walter L’Espec—A Charming Ruin—The Terrace—The Pavilion—Helmsley—T’Boos—Kirkby Moorside—Helmsley Castle—A River Swallowed—Howardian Hills—Oswaldkirk—Gilling—Fairfax Hall—Coxwold—Sterne’s Residence—York—The Minster Tower—The Four Bars—The City Walls—The Ouse Legend—Yorkshire Philosophical Society—Ruins and Antiquities—St. Mary’s Lodge
CHAPTER XXV.
By Rail to Leeds—Kirkstall Abbey—Valley of the Aire—Flight to Settle—Giggleswick—Drunken Barnaby again—Nymph and Satyr—The Astonished Bagman—What do they Addle?—View from Castleber—George Fox’s Vision on Pendle Hill—Walk to Maum—Companions—Horse versus Scenery—Talk by the Way—Little Wit, muckle Work—Malham Tarn—Ale for Recompense—Malham—Hospitality—Gordale Scar—Scenery versus Horse—Trap for Trout—A Brookside Musing—Malham Cove—Source of the Aire—To Keighley
CHAPTER XXVI.
Keighley—Men in Pinafores—Walk to Haworth—Charlotte Bronte’s Birthplace—The Church—The Pew—The Tombstone—The Marriage Register—Shipley—Saltaire—A Model Town—Household Arrangements—I isn’t the Gaffer—A Model Factory—Acres of Floors—Miles of Shafting—Weaving Shed—Thirty Thousand Yards a Day—Cunning Machinery—First Fleeces—Shipley Feast—Scraps of Dialect—To Bradford—Rival Towns—Yorkshire Sleuth-hounds—Die like a Britoner
CHAPTER XXVII.
Bradford’s Fame—Visit to Warehouses—A Smoky Prospect—Ways and Means of Trade—What John Bull likes—What Brother Jonathan likes—Vulcan’s Head-quarters—Cleckheaton—Heckmondwike—Busy Traffic—Mirfield—Robin Hood’s Grave
—Batley the Shoddyopolis—All the World's Tatters—Aspects of Batley—A Boy capt—The Devil's Den—Grinding Rags—Mixing and Oiling—Shoddy and Shoddy—Tricks with Rags—The Scribbling Machine—Short Flocks, Long Threads—Spinners and Weavers—Dyeing, Dressing, and Pressing—A Moral in Shoddy—A Surprise of Real Cloth—Iron, Lead, and Coal—To Wakefield—A Disappointment—The Old Chapel—The Battle-field—To Barnsley—Bairnsla Dialect—Sheffield 347
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Clouds of Blacks—What Sheffield was and is—A Detestable Town—Razors and Knives—Perfect Work, Imperfect Workmen—Foul Talk—How Files are Made—Good Iron, Good Steel—Breaking-up and Melting—Making the Crucibles—Casting—Ingots—File Forgers—Machinery Baffled—Cutting the Teeth—Hardening—Cleaning and Testing—Elliott's Statue—A Ramble to the Corn-law Rhymer's Haunt—Rivelin—Bilberry-gatherers—Ribbledin—The Poet's Words—A Desecration—To Manchester—A few Words on the Exhibition 363
CHAPTER XXIX.
A Short Chapter to end with 378
INDEX 383
A MONTH IN YORKSHIRE.
CHAPTER I.
A SHORT CHAPTER TO BEGIN WITH.
I had cheerful recollections of Yorkshire. My first lessons in self-reliance and long walks were learned in that county. I could not forget how, fresh from the south, I had been as much astonished at the tall, stalwart forms of the men, their strange rustic dialect and rough manners, as by their hearty hospitality. Nor could I fail to remember the contrast between the bleak outside of certain farm-houses and the rude homely comfort inside, where a ruddy turf fire glowed on the hearth, and mutton hams, and oaten bread, and store of victual burdened the racks of the kitchen ceiling. Nor the generous entertainment of more than one old hostess in little roadside public-houses, who, when I arrived at nightfall weary with travel, would have me sit at the end of the high-backed settle nearest the fire, or in the "neukin" under the great chimney, and bustle about with motherly kindness to get tea ready; who before I had eaten the first pile of cakes would bring
a second, with earnest assurance that a "growing lad" could never eat too much; who talked so sympathisingly during the evening—I being at times the only guest—wondering much that I should be so far away from home: had I no friends? where was I going? and the like; who charged me only eighteen-pence for tea, bed, and breakfast, and once slyly thrust into my pocket at parting a couple of cakes, which I did not discover till half way across a snow-drifted moor where no house was in sight for many miles. All this, and much more which one does not willingly forget, haunted my memory.
The wild scenery of the fells, the tame agricultural region, and the smoky wapentakes, where commerce erects more steeples than religion, were traversed during my rambles. While wandering in the neighbourhood of Keighley, I had seen Charlotte Bronte's birthplace, long before any one dreamed that she would one day flash as a meteor upon the gaze of the "reading public." Rosebury Topping had become familiar to me in the landscapes of Cleveland, and now a desire possessed me to get on the top of that magnificent cone. In the villages round about its base I had shared the pepper-cake of Christmas-tide; and falling in with the ancient custom prevalent along the eastern coast from Humber to Tyne, had eaten fried peas on Carlin Sunday—Mid-Lent of the calendar—ere the discovery of that mineral wealth, now known to exist in such astonishing abundance, that whether the British coal-fields will last long enough or not to smelt all the ironstone of Cleveland, is no longer a question with a chief of geologists. I had mused in the ruin where Richard
the Second was cruelly murdered, at Pontefract; had looked with proper surprise at the Dropping Well at Knaresborough, and into St. Robert’s Cave, the depository of Eugene Aram’s terrible secret; had walked into Wakefield, having scarcely outlived the fond belief that there the Vicar once dwelt with his family; and when the guard pointed out the summits as the coach rolled past on the way from Skipton to Kirkby Lonsdale, had no misgivings as to the truth of the saying:
“Penigent, Whernside, and Ingleborough,
Are the three highest hills all England thorough.”
Unawares, in some instances, I had walked across battle-fields, memorable alike in the history of the county, and of the kingdom; where marauding Scots, dissolute Hainaulters, Plantagenets and Tudors, Cavalier and Roundhead had rushed to the onslaught. Marston Moor awoke the proudest emotions; notwithstanding my schoolboy recollections of what David Hume had written thereupon; while Towton was something to wonder at, as imagination flew back to the time when
“Palm Sunday chimes were chiming
All gladsome thro’ the air,
And village churls and maidens
Knelt in the church at pray’r;
When the Red Rose and the White Rose
In furious battle reel’d;
And yeomen fought like barons,
And barons died ere yield.
When mingling with the snow-storm,
The storm of arrows flew;
And York against proud Lancaster
His ranks of spearmen threw.
When thunder-like the uproar
Outshook from either side,
As hand to hand they battled
From morn to eventide.
When the river ran all gory,
And in hillocks lay the dead,
And seven and thirty thousand
Fell for the White and Red.
* * * *
When o'er the Bar of Micklegate
They changed each ghastly head,
Set Lancaster upon the spikes
Where York had bleached and bled.
* * * *
There still wild roses growing,
Frail tokens of the fray—
And the hedgerow green bear witness
Of Towton field that day."
Did the decrepid old shambles, roofed with paving-flags, still encumber the spacious market-place at Thirsk? Did the sexton at Ripon Minster still deliver his anatomical lecture in the grim bonehouse, and did the morality of that sedate town still accord with the venerable adage, "as true steel as Ripon rowels?" Was York still famous for muffins, or Northallerton for quoits, cricket, and spell-and-nurr? and was its beer as good as when Bacchus held a court somewhere within sight of the three Ridings, and asked one of his attendants where that new drink, "strong and mellow," was to be found? and
"The boon good fellow answered, 'I can tell
North-Allerton in Yorkshire doth excel
All England, nay all Europe, for strong ale;
If thither we adjourn we shall not fail
To taste such humming stuff, as I dare say
Your Highness never tasted to this day.'"
Hence when the summer sun revived my migratory instinct, I inclined to ramble once more in Yorkshire. There would be no lack of the freshness of new scenes, for my former wanderings had not led me to the coast,
nor to the finest of the old abbeys, those ruins of wondrous beauty, nor to the remote dales where crowding hills abound with the picturesque. Here was novelty enough, to say nothing of the people and their ways, and the manifold appliances and results of industry which so eminently distinguish the county, and the grand historical associations of the metropolitan city, once the "other Rome," of which the old rhymester says—
"Let London still the just precedence claim,
York ever shall be proud to be the next in fame."
I was curious, moreover, to observe whether the peculiar dialect or the old habits were dying out quite as rapidly as some social and political economists would have us believe.
Quaint old Fuller, among the many nuggets imbedded in his pages, has one which implies that Yorkshire being the biggest is therefore the best county in England. You may take six from the other thirty-nine counties and put them together, and not make a territory so large as Yorkshire. The population of the county numbers nearly two millions. When within it you find the distances great from one extremity to the other, and become aware of the importance involved in mere dimensions. In no county have Briton, Roman, and Dane left more evident traces, or history more interesting waymarks. Speed says of it: "She is much bound to the singular love and motherly care of Nature, in placing her under so temperate a clime, that in every measure she is indifferently fruitful. If one part of her be stone, and
a sandy barren ground, another is fertile and richly adorned with corn-fields. If you here find it naked, and destitute of woods, you shall see it there shadowed with forests full of trees, that have very thick bodies, sending forth many fruitful and profitable branches. If one place of it be moorish, miry, and unpleasant, another makes a free tender of delight, and presents itself to the eye full of beauty and contentive variety."
Considering, furthermore, that for two years in succession I had seen the peasantry in parts of the north and south of Europe, and had come to the conclusion (under correction, for my travel is brief) that the English labourer with his weekly wages, his cottage and garden, is better off than the peasant proprietor of Germany and Tyrol,—considering this, I wished to prove my conclusion, and therefore started hopefully for Yorkshire.
And again, does not Emerson say "a wise traveller will naturally choose to visit the best of actual nations."
CHAPTER II.
Estuary of the Humber—Sunk Island—Land versus Water—Dutch Phenomena—Cleathorpes—Grimsby—Paul—River Freaks—Mud—Stukeley and Drayton—Fluvial Parliament—Hull—The Thieves’ Litany—Docks and Drainage—More Dutch Phenomena—The High Church—Thousands of Piles—The Citadel—The Cemetery—A Countryman’s Voyage to China—An Aid to Macadam.
As the *Vivid* steamed past the Spurn lighthouse, I looked curiously at the low sandy spit on which the tall red tower stands, scarcely as it seems above the level of the water, thinking that my first walk would perhaps lead thither. At sight of the Pharos, and of the broad estuary alive with vessels standing in, the Yorkshiremen on board felt their patriotism revive, and one might have fancied there was a richer twang in their speech than had been perceptible in the latitude of London. A few who rubbed their hands and tried to look hearty, vowed that their future travels should not be on the sea. The *Vivid* is not a very sprightly boat, but enjoys or not, as the case may be, a reputation for safety, and for sleeping-cabins narrower and more stifling than any I ever crept into. But one must not expect too much when the charge for a voyage of twenty-six hours is only six and six-pence in the chief cabin.
Not without reason does old Camden remark of the Humber, "it is a common rendezvous for the greatest part of the rivers hereabouts," for it is a noble estuary, notwithstanding that water and shore are alike muddy. It is nearly forty miles long, with a width of more than two miles down to about three leagues from the lighthouse, where it widens to six or seven miles, offering a capacious entrance to the sea. The water has somewhat of an unctuous appearance, as if overcharged with contributions of the very fattest alluvium from all parts of Yorkshire. The results may be seen on the right, as we ascend. There spreads the broad level of Sunk Island, a noteworthy example of dry land produced by the co-operation of natural causes and human industry. The date of its first appearance above the water is not accurately known; but in the reign of Charles II. it was described as three thousand five hundred acres of "drowned ground," of which seven acres were enclosed by embankments; and was let at five pounds a year. A hundred years later fifteen hundred acres were under cultivation, producing a yearly rental of seven hundred pounds to the lessee; but he, it is said, made but little profit, because of the waste and loss occasioned by failure of the banks and irruptions of the tides. In 1802 the island reverted to the Crown, and was relet on condition that all the salt marsh—nearly three thousand acres—which was "ripe for embankment," should be taken in, and that a church and proper houses should be built to replace the little chapel and five cottages which ministered as little to the edification as to the comfort of the occupants. In 1833 the lease once more fell in, and the
Woods and Forests, wisely ignoring the middlemen, let the lands directly to the "Sunk farmers," as they are called in the neighbourhood, and took upon themselves the construction and maintenance of the banks. A good road was made, and bridges were built to connect the island with the main, and as the accumulations of alluvium still went on, another "intake" became possible in 1851, and now there are nearly 7000 acres, comprising twenty-three farms, besides a few small holdings, worth more than 12,000l. of annual rent. It forms a parish of itself, and not a neglected one; for moral reclamation is cared for as well as territorial. The clergyman has a sufficient stipend; the parishioners supplemented the grants made by Government and the Council of Education, and have now a good schoolhouse and a competent schoolmaster.
The island will continue to increase in extent and value as long as the same causes continue to operate; and who shall set limits to them? Already the area is greater than that described in the last report of the Woods and Forests, which comprehends only the portion protected by banks. The land when reclaimed is singularly fertile, and free from stones, and proves its quality in the course of three or four years, by producing spontaneously a rich crop of white clover. Another fact, interesting to naturalists, was mentioned by Mr. Oldham in a report read before the British Association, at their meeting in Hull. "When the land, or rather mud-bank, has nearly reached the usual surface elevation, the first vegetable life it exhibits is that of samphire, then of a very thin wiry grass, and
after this some other varieties of marine grass; and when the surface is thus covered with vegetation, the land may at once be embanked; but if it is enclosed from the tide before it obtains a green carpet, it may be for twenty years of but little value to agriculture, for scarcely anything will grow upon it.”
This is not the only place on the eastern coast where we may see artificial land, and banks, dikes, and other defences against the water such as are commonly supposed to be peculiar to the Netherlands.
The windows of Cleathorpes twinkling afar in the morning sun, reveal the situation of a watering-place on the opposite shore much frequented by Lincolnshire folk. Beyond rises the tall and graceful tower of Grimsby Docks, serving at once as signal tower and reservoir of the water-power by which the cranes and other apparatus are worked, and ships laden and unladen with marvellous celerity. These docks cover a hundred acres of what a few years ago was a great mud-flat, and are a favourable specimen of what can be accomplished by the overhasty enterprise of the present day. Grimsby on her side of the river now rivals Hull on the other, with the advantage of being nearer the sea, whereby some miles of navigation are avoided.
Turning to the right again we pass Foul Holme Sand, a long narrow spit, covered at half-tide, which some day may become reclaimable. A little farther and there is the church of Paghill or Paul, standing on a low hill so completely isolated from the broken village to which it belongs, that the distich runs:
“High Paul, and Low Paul, Paul, and Paul Holme,
There was never a fair maid married in Paul town.”
The vessel urges her way onwards across swirls and eddies innumerable which betray the presence of shoals and the vigorous strife of opposing currents. The spring tides rise twenty-two feet, and rush in with a stream at five miles an hour, noisy, and at times dangerous, churning the mud and shifting it from one place to another, to the provocation of pilots. It is mostly above Hull that the changes take place, and there they are so sudden and rapid that a pilot may find the channel by which he had descended shifted to another part of the river on his return a few days afterwards. There also islands appear and disappear in a manner truly surprising, and in the alternate loss or gain of the shores may be witnessed the most capricious of phenomena. One example may suffice. A field of fourteen acres, above Ferriby, was reduced to less than four acres in twenty years, although the farmer during that time had constructed seven new banks for the defence of his land.
Some idea of the enormous quantity of mud which enters the great river, may be formed from the fact that fifty thousand tons of mud have been dredged in one year from the docks and basins at Hull. The steam dredge employed in the work lifts fifty tons of mud in an hour, pours it into lighters which when laden drop down with the tide, and discharge their slimy burden in certain parts of the stream where, as is said, it cannot accumulate.
Stukeley, who crossed the estuary during one of his itineraries, remarks: "Well may the Humber take its name from the noise it makes. My landlord, who is a sailor, says in a high wind 'tis incredibly great and terrible, like the crash and dashing together of ships."
The learned antiquary alludes probably to the bore, or ager as it is called, which rushes up the stream with so loud a hum that the popular mind seeks no other derivation for Humber. Professor Phillips, in his admirable book on Yorkshire, cites the Gaelic word Comar, a confluence of two or more waters, as the origin; and Dr. Latham suggests that Humber may be the modified form of Aber or Inver. Drayton, in Polyolbion, chants of a tragical derivation; and as I take it for granted, amicable reader, that you do not wish to travel in a hurry, we will pause for a few minutes to listen to the debate of the rivers, wherein "thus mighty Humber speaks:"
"My brave West Riding brooks, your king you need not scorn,
Proud Naiades neither ye, North Riders that are born,
My yellow-sanded Your, and thou my sister Swale
That dancing come to Ouse, thro' many a dainty dale,
Do greatly me enrich, clear Derwent driving down
From Cleveland; and thou Hull, that highly dost renown,
Th' East Riding by thy rise, do homage to your king,
And let the sea-nymphs thus of mighty Humber sing;
That full an hundred floods my wat'ry court maintain
Which either of themselves, or in their greater's train
Their tribute pay to me; and for my princely name,
From Humber king of Hunns, as anciently it came;
So still I stick to him: for from that Eastern king
Once in me drown'd, as I my pedigree do bring:
So his great name receives no prejudice thereby;
For as he was a king, so know ye all that I
Am king of all the floods, that North of Trent do flow;
Then let the idle world no more such cost bestow,
Nor of the muddy Nile so great a wonder make,
Though with her bellowing fall, she violently take
The neighbouring people deaf; nor Ganges so much praise,
That where he narrowest is, eight miles in broadness lays
His bosom; nor so much hereafter shall be spoke
Of that (but lately found) Guianian Oronoque,
Whose cataract a noise so horrible doth keep
That it even Neptune frights: what flood comes to the deep,
Than Humber that is heard more horribly to roar?
For when my Higre comes, I make my either shore
Even tremble with the sound, that I afar do send."
The view of Hull seen from the water is much more smoky than picturesque. Coming nearer we see the Cornwallis anchored off the citadel, looking as trim and earnest as one fancies an English seventy-four ought to look, and quite in keeping with the embasured walls through which guns are peeping on shore. The quay and landing-places exhibit multifarious signs of life, especially if your arrival occur when the great railway steam-ferry-boat is about to start. There is, however, something about Hull which inspires a feeling of melancholy. This was my third visit, and still the first impression prevailed. It may be the dead level, or the sleepy architecture, or the sombre colour, or a combination of the three, that touches the dismal key. "Memorable for mud and train oil" was what Etty always said of the town in which he served an apprenticeship of seven weary years; yet in his time there remained certain picturesque features which have since disappeared with the large fleet of Greenland whale-ships whereof the town was once so proud:—now migrated to Peterhead. However, we must not forget that Hull is the third port in the kingdom; that nearly a hundred steamers arrive and depart at regular intervals from over sea, or coastwise, or from up the rivers; that of the 4000 tons of German yeast now annually imported, worth nearly 200,000l., it receives more than two-thirds; and that it was one of the first places to demonstrate the propulsion of vessels by the power of steam. Nor will we forget that we are in one of the towns formerly held in wholesome dread by evil-doers when recommendation to mercy was seldom
heard of, as is testified by the litany used by thieves in the olden time, thus irreverently phrased:
"From Hull, Hell, and Halifax,
Good Lord deliver us."
Halifax, however, stood pre-eminent for sharp practice; a thief in that parish had no chance of stealing twice, for if he stole to the value of thirteenpence-half-penny, he was forthwith beheaded.
Andrew Marvell need not have been so severe upon the Dutch, considering how much there was in his native county similar in character and aspect to that which he satirised. You soon discover that this character still prevails. Is not the southern landing-place of the steam-ferry named New Holland? and here in Hull, whichever way you look, you see masts, and are stopped by water or a bridge half open, or just going to open, whichever way you walk. It is somewhat puzzling at first; but a few minutes' survey from the top of the High Church affords an explanation.
Following the line once occupied by the old fortifications—the walls by which Parliament baffled the king—the docks form a continuous water-communication from the river Hull on one side to the Humber on the other, so that a considerable portion of the town has become an island, and the sight of masts and pennons in all directions, some slowly moving, is accounted for. The opening of the Junction Dock in 1829, whereby the communication was completed, was celebrated among other incidents by a steamer making the entire circuit of the insular portion.
The amphibious Dutch-looking physiognomy thus produced is further assisted by the presence of numerous windmills in the outskirts, and the levelness of the surrounding country. A hundred years ago, and the view across what is now cultivated fields would have comprehended as much water as land, if not more. Should a certain popular authoress ever publish her autobiography, she will, perhaps, tell us how that Mr. Stickney, her father, used when a boy to skate three or four miles to school over unreclaimed flats within sight of this church-tower of Hull, now rich in grass and grain. Only by a system of drainage and embankment on a great scale, and a careful maintenance, has the reclamation of this and other parts of Holderness been accomplished. Taylor, the water-poet, who was here in 1632, records,
"It yearly costs five hundred pounds besides
To fence the towne from Hull and Humber's tydes,
For stakes, for bavins, timber, stones and piles,
All which are brought by water many miles;
For workmen's labour, and a world of things,
Which on the towne excessive charges brings."
British liberty owes something to this superabundance of water. Hull was the first town in the kingdom to shut its gates against the king and declare for the people, and was in consequence besieged by Charles. In this strait, Sir John Hotham, the governor, caused the dikes to be cut and sluices drawn, and laid the whole neighbourhood under water, and kept the besiegers completely at bay. The Royalists, to retaliate, dug trenches to divert the stream of fresh water that supplied the town,—a means of annoyance to which Hull, from its situation, was always liable. In the good
old times, when the neighbouring villagers had any cause of quarrel with the townsfolk, they used to throw carrion and other abominations into the channel, or let in the salt-water, nor would they desist until warned by one of the popes in an admonitory letter.
The church itself, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, is a handsome specimen of florid Gothic, dating from the reign of Edward II. You will perhaps wish that the effect of the light tall columns, rising to the blue panelled roof, were not weakened by the somewhat cold and bare aspect of the interior. If you are curious about bells, there are inscriptions to be deciphered on some of those that hang in the tower; and in the belfry you may see mysterious tables hanging on the wall of "grandsire bobs," and "grandsire tripples;" things in which the ringers take pride, but as unintelligible to the uninitiated as Babylonish writing. There, too, hangs the ringers' code of laws, and a queer code it is! One of the articles runs:—"Every Person who shall Ring any Bell with his Hat or Spurs on, shall Forfeit and Pay Sixpence, for the Use of the Ringers." And the same fine is levied from "any Person who shall have Read Any of these Orders with his Hat upon his Head;" from which, and the characteristic touches in the other "orders," you will very likely come to some strange conclusions respecting the fraternity of ringers.
The market-place is in the main street, where a gilt equestrian statue of William III. looks down on stalls of fruit, fish, and seaweed, and the moving crowd of townsfolk and sailors. By the side of the Humber dock rises the Wilberforce monument, a tall column,
bearing on its capital a statue of the renowned advocate of the negroes. And when you have looked at these and at the hospital, and walked through the garrison, you will have visited nearly all that is monumental in Hull.
At low water, the little river Hull is a perfect representation of a very muddy ditch. While crossing the ferry to the citadel, the old boatman told me he could remember when every high tide flowed up into the streets of the town, but the new works for the docks now kept the water out. Hundreds of piles were driven into the sandy bank to establish a firm foundation for the massive walls, quays, and abutments. At the time when timber rose to an enormous price in consequence of Napoleon’s continental blockade, the piles of the coffer-dam which had been buried seven years, were pulled up and sold for more than their original cost. Government gave the site of some old military works and 10,000l. towards the formation of the first dock, on condition that it should be made deep enough to receive ships of fifty guns.
In records of the reign of Henry VIII. there appears—"Item: the Kinges Ma’tes house to be made to serve as a Sitidell and a speciall kepe of the hole town." The present citadel has an antiquated look, and quiet withal, for the whole garrison, at the time I walked through it, numbered only twenty-five artillerymen. Judging from my own experience, one part of the sergeant’s duty is to shout at inquisitive strangers who get up on the battery to look through an embrasure, and the more vehemently as they feign not to hear till their curiosity is satisfied. There is
room in the magazines for twenty thousand stand of arms, and ordnance stores for a dozen ships of the line. A ditch fed from the Hull completely separates the fortifications from the neighbouring ship-yards.
Half a day's exploration led me to the conclusion that the most cheerful quarter of Hull is the cemetery. I was sitting there on a grassy bank enjoying the breeze, when a countryman came up who perhaps felt lonely, for he sat down by my side, and in less than a minute became autobiographical. He was a village carpenter, "come forty mile out of Lincolnshire" for the benefit of his health; had been waiting three days for his brother's ship, in which he meant to take a voyage to China, and feeling dull walked every day to the cemetery; for, he said, "It's the pleasantest place I can find about the town." I suggested reading as a relief; but he "couldn't make much out o' readin'—'ud rather work the jack-plane all day than read." The long voyage to China appeared to offer so good an opportunity for improving himself in this particular, that I urged him to take a few books on board, and gave an assurance that one hour's study every day would enable him to read with pleasure by the time he returned.
"Oh, but we be on'y three days a-going," he answered.
I had played the part of an adviser to no purpose, for it appeared, on further questioning, that his brother's ship was a small sloop trading to some port beyond the North Sea about three days distant; he did not know where it was, but was sure his brother called it China. I mentioned the names of all the ports I
could think of to discover the real one if possible, but in vain; nor have I yet found one that has the sound of China.
One thing I saw on my way back to the town, which London—so apt to be self-conceited—might adopt with signal advantage. It was a huge iron roller drawn by horses up and down a newly-macadamised road. Under the treatment of the ponderous cylinder, the broken stone, combined with a sprinkling of asphalte, is reduced to a firm and level surface, over which vehicles travel without any of that distressing labour and loss of time and temper so often witnessed in the metropolis, where a thousand pair of wheels produce less solidity in a week than the roller would in a day; especially on the spongy roads presided over by St. Pancras.
Late in the evening, while walking about the streets, even in the principal thoroughfares, I saw evidences enough of—to use a mild adjective—an unpolished population. The northern characteristics were strongly marked.
CHAPTER III.
A Railway Trip—More Land Reclamation—Hedon—Historical Recollections—Burstwick—The Earls of Albemarle—Keyingham—The Duke of York—Winestead—Andrew Marvell's Birthplace—A Glimpse of the Patriot—Patrington—A Church to be proud of—The Hildyard Arms—Feminine Paper-hangers—Walk to Spurn—Talk with a Painter—Welwick—Yellow Ochre and Cleanliness—Skeffling—Humber Bank—Miles of Mud—Kilnsea—Burstall Garth—The Greedy Sea—The Sandbank—A Lost Town, Ravenser Odd—A Reminiscence from Shakspeare—The Spurn Lighthouse—Withernsea—Owthorne—Sister Churches—The Ghastly Churchyard—A Retort for a Fool—A Word for Philologists.
By the first train on the morrow I started for Patrington. The windmills on the outskirts of the town were soon left behind, and away we went between the thick hedgerows and across the teeming fields, which, intersected by broad, deep drains, and grazed by sleek cattle, exhibit at once to your eye the peculiarities of Holderness. All along between the railway and the river there are thousands of acres, formerly called the "out-marshes," which have been reclaimed, and now yield wonderful crops of oats. After the principal bank has been constructed, the tide is let in under proper control to a depth of from three to five feet, and is left undisturbed until all the mud held in suspension is deposited. The impoverished flood is then discharged through the sluices, and in due time, after
the first has stiffened, a fresh flow is admitted. By this process of "warping," as it is called, three or four feet of mud will be thrown down in three years, covering the original coarse, sour surface with one abounding in the elements of fertility. Far inland, even up the Trent, and around the head of the Humber within reach of the tide, the farmers have recourse to warping, and not unfrequently prefer a fresh layer of mud to all other fertilisers.
About every two miles we stop at a station, and at each there is something to be noted and remembered. Hedon, a dull decayed town, now two miles from the river, once the commercial rival of Hull, has something still to be proud of in its noble church, "the pride of Holderness." Here, too, within a fence, stands the ancient cross, which, after several removals, as the sea devoured its original site—a royal adventurer's landing-place—found here a permanent station. At Burstwick, two miles farther, lay the estates, the caput baroniae, of the renowned Earls of Albemarle. A few minutes more and another stop reminds us of Keyingham Bridge, where a party of the men of Holderness opposed the passage of Edward IV. with his three hundred Flemings, some carrying strange fire-weapons, until he replied to their resolute question that he had only come to claim his dukedom of York. A "duke-dom large enough" for a wise man. And, as tradition tells, Keyingham church was the scene of a miracle in 1392, when all the doors were split by a lightning-stroke, and the tomb of Master Philip Ingleberd, formerly rector, sweated a sweetly-scented oil, perhaps out of gratitude to the patron saint for the escape of
thirteen men who fell all at once with the ladder while seeking to put out the fire in the steeple, and came to no harm. Then Winestead, which was, if the parish-register may be believed, the birthplace of Andrew Marvell—not Hull, as is commonly reported of the incorruptible Yorkshireman. His father was rector here, but removed to Hull during the poet's infancy, which may account for the error. The font in which he was christened having fallen into neglect, was used as a horse-trough, until some good antiquary removed it into the grounds of Mr. Owst, at Keyingham, where it remains safe among other relics. Andrew represented Hull in parliament for twenty years, and was the last member who, according to old usage, received payment for his services. One's thought kindles in thinking of him here at this quiet village, as the friend of Milton, like him using his gifts manfully and successfully in defence of the Englishman's birthright. What a happy little glimpse we get of him in the lines—
"Climb at court for me that will—
Tottering favour's pinnacle;
All I seek is to lie still,
Settled in some secret nest,
In calm leisure let me rest,
And far off the public stage,
Pass away my silent age.
Thus, when without noise, unknown,
I have lived out all my span,
I shall die without a groan,
An old honest countryman."
Then Patrington—erst Patrick's-town—one of those simple-looking places which contrast agreeably with towns sophisticated by the clamour and bustle of trade; and although a few gas-lamps tell of innovation, a
market not more than once a fortnight upholds the authority of ancient usage. You see nearly the whole of the town at once: a long, wide, quiet street, terminated by a graceful spire, so graceful, indeed, that it will allure you at once to the church from which it springs; and what a feast for the eye awaits you! Truly the "pride of Holderness" is not monopolised by Hedon. The style is that which prevailed in the reign of Edward II., and is harmonious throughout, from weather-cock to door-sill. You will walk round it again and again, admiring the beauty of its design and proportion, pausing oft to contemplate the curious carvings, and the octagonal spire springing lightly from flying buttresses to a height of one hundred and ninety feet. The gargoyle's exhibit strange conceits: chiselled to represent a fiddler—a bagpiper—a man holding a pig—a fiend griping a terrified sinner—a lion thrusting his tongue out—and others equally incongruous. How I wished the architect would come to life for an hour to tell me what he meant by them, and by certain full-length figures carved on the buttresses, which accord so little with our modern sense of decency, much less with the character of a religious house! Inside you find a corresponding lightness and gracefulness, and similarly relieved by a sprinkling of monsters. The east or "Ladye aisle" contains three chantry chapels; the "Easter sepulchre" is a rare specimen of the sculptor's art, and the font hewn from a single block of granite displays touches of a master hand. St. Patrick's church at Patrington is an edifice to linger in; an example of beauty in architecture in itself worth a journey to Yorkshire.
There are relics, too, of an earlier age: embankments discovered some feet below the present surface, fragments of buildings, an altar, and other objects of especial interest to the antiquary, for they mark Patrington as the site of a Roman station. An important station, if the supposition be correct that this was the Praetorium of Antoninus—the place where some of the legions disembarked to subjugate the Brigantes.
To eat breakfast under the sign of the Hildyard Arms—a name, by the way, which preserves in a modified form the old Saxon Hildegarde—seemed like connecting one’s self with remote antiquity. The ancestors of the Hildyards were here before the Conquest. One of the family, Sir Christopher, is commemorated by a handsome monument in Winestead church. The landlord, willing to entertain in more ways than one, talked of the improvements that had taken place within his remembrance. The railway was not one of them, for it took away trade from the town, and deadened the market. Visitors were but few, and most of those who came wondered at seeing so beautiful a church in such an out-of-the-way place. He could show me a garden near the churchyard which was said to be the spot where the building-stone was landed from boats; but the water had sunk away hundreds of years ago. Patrington haven—a creek running up from the Humber—had retreated from the town, and, since the reclamation of Sunk Island, required frequent dredging to clear it of mud. The farmers in the neighbourhood were very well content with the crops now yielded by the land. In 1854 some of them reaped “most wonderful crops.”
I had seen a woman painting her door-posts, and asked him whether that was recognised as women's work in Patrington. "Sure," he answered, "all over the country, too. Women do the whitewashing, and painting, ay, and the paper-hanging. Look at this room, now! My daughter put that up."
I did look, and saw that the pattern on the walls sloped two or three inches from the perpendicular, whereby opposite sides of the room appeared to be leaning in contrary directions. However, I said nothing to disparage the damsel's merits.
From Patrington to Spurn the distance is thirteen miles. Hoping to walk thither and back in the day, I snapped the thread of the landlord's talk, and set out for the lighthouse. Presently I overtook a man, and we had not walked half a mile together before I knew that he was a master painter in a small way at Patrington, now going to paper a room at Skeffling, a village five miles off. To hear that he would get only sixpence a piece for the hanging surprised me, for I thought that nowhere out of London would any one be silly enough to hang paper for a halfpenny a yard.
"You see," he rejoined, "there's three in the trade at Patrington, and then 'tis only the bettermost rooms that we gets to do. The women does all the rest, and the painting besides. That's where it is. But 'tain't such a very bad job as I be going to. They finds their own paste, and there's nine pieces to hang: that'll give me four and sixpence; and then I shall get my dinner, and my tea too, if I don't finish too soon. So it'll be a pretty fair day's work." And yet the chances
were that he would have to wait six months for payment.
We passed through Welwick—place of wells—a small, clean village, with a small, squat church, with carvings sadly mutilated on the outside, and inside, a handsome tomb. At Plowland, near this, lived the Wrights, confederates in the Gunpowder Plot. Nearly all the cottages are models of cleanliness; the door-sill and step washed with yellow ochre, and here and there you see through the open door that the walls of the room inside are papered, and the little pictures and simple ornaments all in keeping. You will take pleasure in these indications, and perhaps believe them to be the result of an affection for cleanliness. The walls of some of the houses and farm-yards are built of pebbles—"sea-cobbles," as they are called—placed zigzag-wise, with a novel and pretty effect; and the examples multiply as we get nearer the sea, where they may be seen in the walls of the churches.
At Skeffling the painter turned into a farm-house which looked comfortably hospitable enough to put him at ease regarding his dinner, and as if it had little need to take six months' credit for four and sixpence, while I turned from the high road into a track leading past the church—which, by the way, has architectural features worth examination—to the coarse and swarthy flats where the distant view is hidden by a great embankment that runs along their margin for miles. Once on the top of this "Humber bank," I met a lusty breeze sweeping in from the sea, and had before me a singular prospect—the bank itself stretching
far as eye can see in a straight line to the east and west, covered with coarse grass and patches of gray, thistle-like sea-holly—*Eryngo maritima*. Its outer slope is loose sand falling away to the damp line left by the tide, beyond which all is mud—a great brown expanse outspread for miles. The tide being at its lowest, only the tops of the masts of small vessels are to be seen, moving, as it seems, mysteriously: the river itself is hardly discernible. In places the mud lies smooth and slimy; in others thickly rippled, or tossed into billows, as if the water had stamped thereon an impression of all its moods. Fishermen wade across it in huge boots from their boats to the firm beach, and dig down through it two or three feet to find firm holding-ground for their anchors.
Yonder rises the lighthouse surprisingly far, as it seems, to seaward, at times half hidden by a thin, creeping haze. And from Spurn to Sunk Island this whole northern shore is of the same brown, monotonous aspect. A desert, where the only living things are a few sea-birds, wheeling and darting rapidly, their white wings flashing by contrast with the sad-coloured shore.
I walked along the top of the bank to Kilnsea, deceived continually in my estimate of distance by the long dead level. Here and there a drain pierces the bank, and reappears on the outer side as a raised sewer, with its outlet beyond high-water mark; and these constructions, as well as the waifs and strays—old baskets and dead seagulls—cheat the eye strangely as to their magnitude when first seen. At times, after a lashing storm has swept off a few acres of the mud, the soil beneath is found to be a mixture of peat and
gravel, in which animal and vegetable remains and curious antiquities are imbedded. Now and then the relics are washed out, and show by their character that they once belonged to Burstall Priory, a religious house despoiled by the sea before King Harry began his Reformation. Burstall Garth, one of the pastures traversed by the bank, preserves its name: the building itself has utterly disappeared.
Suddenly a gap occurs in the bank, showing where the unruly tide has broken through. For some reason the mischief was not repaired, but a new bank was constructed of chalk and big pebbles about a stone’s throw to the rear. A green, slimy pool still lies in the hollow between the two.
The entertainment at the Crown and Anchor at Kilnsea by no means equals the expectations of a stranger who reads the host’s aristocratic name—Metforth Tennison—over the door. I found the bread poor; the cheese poorer; the beer poorest, yet was content therewith, knowing that vicissitude is good for a man. The place itself has a special interest, telling, so to speak, its own history—a history of desolation. The wife, pointing to the road passing between the house and the beach, told me she remembered Kilnsea church standing at the seaward end of the village, with as broad a road between it and the edge of the cliff. But year by year, as from time immemorial the sea advanced, the road, fields, pastures, and cottages were undermined and melted away. Still the church stood, and though it trembled as the roaring waves smote the cliff beneath, and the wind howled around its unsheltered walls, service was held within it up to
1823. In that year it began to yield, the walls cracked, the floor sank, the windows broke; sea-birds flew in and out, shrieking in the storm, until, in 1826, one-half of the edifice tumbled into the sea, and the other half followed in 1831. The chief portion of the village stands on and near the cliff; but as the waste appears to be greater there than elsewhere, houses are abandoned year by year. In 1847 the Blue Bell Inn was five hundred and thirty-four yards from the shore; of this quantity forty-three yards were lost in the next six years. Kilnsea exists, therefore, only as a diminished and diminishing parish, and in the few scattered cottages near the bank of the Humber. The old font was carried away from the church to Skeffling, where it is preserved in the garden of the parsonage.
Her reminiscences ended, the good woman talked of the rough walking that lay before me. It was a wild place out there, not often visited by strangers; but sometimes "wagon loads o' coontra foak cam' to see t' loights." At one time, as I have heard, a stage-coach used to do the journey for the gratification of the curious.
A short distance beyond the Crown and Anchor stands a small lone cottage built of sea-cobbles, with a sandy garden and potato-plot in front, and a sandy field in which a thin, stunted crop of rye was making believe to grow. Once past this cottage, and all is a wild waste of sand, covered here and there with reedy grass, among which you now and then see a dusty pink convolvulus, struggling, as it were, to keep alive a speck of beauty amid the barrenness. Here, as old chronicles tell, the king once had "coningers," or rabbit warrens, and rabbits still burrow in the hillocks.
Presently, there is the wide open sea on your left, and you can mark the waves rushing up on either side, hissing and thundering against the low bank that keeps them apart.
"A broad long sand in the shape of a spoon," is the description given of Spurn in a petition presented to parliament nearly two hundred years ago; and, if we suppose the spoon turned upside down, it still answers. It narrows and sinks as it projects from the main shore for about two miles, and this part being the weakest and most easily shifted by the rapid currents, is strengthened every few yards by rows of stakes driven deeply in, and hurdle work. You see the effect in the smooth drifts accumulated in the spaces between the barriers, which only require to be planted with grass to become fixed. As it is, the walking is laborious: you sink ankle-deep and slide back at every step, unless you accept the alternative of walking within the wash of the advancing wave. For a long while the lighthouse appears to be as far off as ever.
A little farther, and we are on a rugged embankment of chalk: the ground is low on each side, and a large pond rests in the hollow between us and the sea on the left, marking the spot where, a few years ago, the sea broke through and made a clean sweep all across the bank. Every tide washed it wider and deeper, until at last the fishing-vessels used it as a short cut in entering or departing from the river. The effect of the breach would, in time, had a low-water channel been established, have seriously endangered the shore of the estuary, besides threatening destruction to the site of the lighthouse. As speedily, therefore, as wind and weather would permit, piles and stakes were driven in, and the gap was filled up with big lumps of chalk brought from the quarry at Barton, forming an embankment sloped on both sides, to render the shock of the waves as harmless as possible. The trucks, rails, and sleepers with which the work had been accomplished were still lying on the sand awaiting removal. Henceforth measures of precaution will be taken in time, for a conservator of the river has been appointed.
The depth of the bay formed by the spoon appears to increase more and more each time you look back. How vast is the curve between this bank of chalk and the point where we struck the shore from Skeffling! The far-spreading sands—or rather mud—are known as the Trinity Dry Sands. At this moment they are disappearing beneath the rising tide, and you can easily see what thousands of acres might be reclaimed were a barrier erected to keep out the water. "Government have been talking o' doing of it for years," said a fisherman to whom I talked at Kilnsea, "but 'tain't begun yet."
Desolate as is now the scene, it was once enlivened by the dwellings of men and the stir of commerce. Off the spot where we stand there lay, five hundred years ago, a low islet, accessible by a flat ridge of sand and yellow pebbles, known as Ravenser Odd, or Ravensrode, as some write it. "Situate at the entry of the sea," it was a port regarded with envy and fear by the merchants of Grimsby and Hull, for its pilots were skilful, and its traders enterprising. For a time it flourished; but while the rival Roses wasted the realm,
the sea crept nearer, and at length, after an existence of a century and a half, distinctly traceable in ancient records and old books, a high tide, enraged by a storm, ended the history of Ravenser Odd with a fearful catastrophe. A gravelly bank, running outwards, still discoverable by excavation, is believed to be the foundation of the low, flat ridge of sand and yellow pebbles along which the folk of the little town passed daily to and fro; among them at times strange seamen and merchants from far-away lands, and cowled monks and friars pacing meekly on errands of the Church.
And yonder, near the bottom of the curve, stood the town variously described as Ravenser, Ravenspurne, and Ravenspurg—a town that sent members to parliament in the reigns of the first two Edwards, and was considered of sufficient importance to be invited to take part in the great councils held in London when the "kinges majestie" desired to know the naval forces of the kingdom. Now twice a day the tide rolls in triumphantly over its site.
"The banish'd Bolingbroke repeals himself,
And with uplifted arms is safe arriv'd
At Ravenspurg,"
writes Shakspeare, perpetuating alike the name of the place and the memory of the Duke of Lancaster's adventure,—an adventure brought before us in an invective by the fiery Hotspur, which I may, perhaps, be pardoned for introducing here:
"My father, my uncle, and myself,
Did give him that same royalty he wears:
And,—when he was not six and twenty strong,
Sick in the world's regard, wretched and low,
A poor unminded outlaw sneaking home,—
My father gave him welcome to the shore:"
And,—when he heard him swear a vow to God,
He came but to be Duke of Lancaster,
To sue his livery, and beg his peace;
With tears of innocency and terms of zeal,—
My father in kind heart and pity mov'd,
Swore him assistance, and perform'd it too.
Now, when the lords and barons of the realm
Perceiv'd Northumberland did lean to him,
The more and less came in with cap and knee;
Met him in boroughs, cities, villages;
Attended him on bridges, stood in lanes,
Laid gifts before him, proffer'd him their oaths,
Gave him their heirs; as pages follow'd him,
Even at the heels, in golden multitudes.
He presently,—as greatness knows itself,—
Steps me a little higher than his vow
Made to my father, while his blood was poor,
Upon the naked shore at Ravenspurg."
The cross set up to commemorate the landing was shifted from place to place when endangered by the sea, and lastly to Hedon, where it still remains, as already mentioned. It was at the same port that Edward IV. landed, with an excuse plausible as that of the duke whose exploit be imitated.
Though it be "naked" still and toilsome to walk on, the shore is by no means barren of interest. By-and-by we come to firm ground, mostly covered with thickly-matted grass; a great, irregular, oval mound, which represents the bowl of the spoon reversed. Near its centre is a fenced garden and a row of cottages—the residence of the life-boat crew. A little farther, on the summit of the ridge, stands the lighthouse, built by Smeaton in 1776, and at the water's edge on the inner side, the lower light. The principal tower is ninety feet in height, and from the gallery at the top you get an excellent bird's-eye view over sea and land. Most remarkable is the tongue of sand along which we have walked, now visible in its whole extent and
outline. It is lowest where the breach was made, and now that the tide has risen higher, the chalk embankment seems scarcely above the level of the water. Beyond that it broadens away to the shore of the estuary on one side, and the coast of Holderness on the other—low, sweeping lines which your eye follows for miles. By the waste of that coast the Spurn is maintained, and the Trinity Sands daily enlarged, and the meadows fattened along Ouse and Trent. First the lighter particles of the falling cliffs drift round by the set of the current, and gradually the heavier portions and pebbles follow, and the supply being inexhaustible, a phenomenon is produced similar to that of the Chesil Bank on the coast of Dorsetshire, except that here the pebbles are for the most part masked by sand.
I looked northwards for Flamborough Head, but Dimlington Hill, which lies between, though not half the height, hides it completely. Beyond Dimlington lies Withernsea, a small watering-place, the terminus of the Hull and Holderness Railway, to which the natives of the melancholy town betake themselves for health and recreation, tempted by a quadrille band and cheap season-tickets. Adjoining Withernsea is all that remains of Owthorne, a village which has shared the doom of Kilnsea. The churches at the two places were known as "sister churches;" that at Withernsea yet stands in ruins; but Owthorne church was swept into the sea within the memory of persons now living. The story runs that two sisters living there, each on her manor, in the good old times, began to build a church for the glory of God and the good of their own souls,
and the work went on prosperously until a quarrel arose between them on the question of spire or tower. Neither would yield. At length a holy monk suggested that each sister should build a church on her own manor; the suggestion was approved, and for long years the Sister Churches resounded with the rustic voice of prayer and praise, and offered a fair day-mark to the mariner.
But, as of old, the devouring sea rushed higher and higher upon the land, and the cliff, sapped and undermined, fell, and with it the church of Owthorne. In 1786, the edge of the burial-ground first began to fail; the church itself was not touched till thirty years later. It was a mournful sight to see the riven churchyard, and skeletons and broken coffins sticking out from the new cliff, and bones, skulls, and fragments of long-buried wood strewn on the beach. One of the coffins washed out from a vault under the east end of the church contained an embalmed corpse, the back of the scalp still bearing the grey hairs of one who had been the village pastor. The eyes of the villagers were shocked by these ghastly relics of mortality tossed rudely forth to the light of day; and aged folk who tottered down to see the havoc, wept as by some remembered token they recognised a relative or friend of bygone years, whom they had followed to the grave—the resting-place of the dead, as they trusted, till the end of time. In some places bodies still clad in naval attire, with bright-coloured silk kerchiefs round the neck, were unearthed, as if the sea were eager to reclaim the shipwrecked sailors whom it had in former time flung dead upon the shore.
But, to return to the lighthouse. According to Smeaton's survey this extremity of the spoon comprehends ninety-eight acres. It slopes gently to the sea, and is somewhat altered in outline by every gale. At the time of my visit, rows of piles were being driven in, and barriers of chalk erected, to secure the ground on the outer side between the tower and the sea; and a new row of cottages for the life-boat crew, built nearer to the side where most wrecks occur than the old row, was nearly finished. Beyond, towards the point, stands a public-house, in what seems a dangerous situation, close to the water. There was once a garden between it and the sea; now the spray dashes into the rear of the house; for the wall and one-half of the hindermost room have disappeared along with the garden, and the hostess contents herself with the rooms in front, fondly hoping they will last her time. She has but few guests now, and talks with regret of the change since the digging of ballast was forbidden on the Spurn. Then trade was good, for the diggers were numerous and thirsty. That ballast-digging should ever have been permitted in so unstable a spot argues a great want of forethought somewhere.
The paved enclosure around the tower is kept scrupulously clean, for the rain which falls thereon and flows into the cistern beneath is the only drinkable water to be had." "It never fails," said the keeper, "but in some seasons acquires a stale flavour." He was formerly at Flamborough, and although appointment to the Spurn was promotion, he did not like it so well. It was so lonesome; the rough, trackless way between, made the nearest village seem far off; now and then a
boat came across with visitors from Cleathorpes, a seven miles' trip; there had been one that morning, but not often enough to break the monotony. And he could not get much diversion in reading, for the Trinity Board, he knew not why, had ceased to circulate the lighthouse library.
The lesser tower stands at the foot of the inner slope, where its base is covered by every tide. Its height is fifty feet, and the entrance, approached by a long wooden bridge, is far above reach of the water. This is the third tower erected on the same spot; the two which preceded it suffered so much damage from the sea that they had to be rebuilt.
About the time that ambitious Bolingbroke landed, a good hermit, moved with pity by the number of wrecks, and the dangers that beset the mouth of the estuary, set up a light somewhere near Ravenser. But finding himself too poor to maintain it, he addressed a petition to the "wyse Commons of Parliament," for succour, and not in vain. The mayor of Hull, with other citizens, were empowered "to make a toure to be up on daylight and a redy bekyn wheryn shall be light gevyng by nyght to alle the vesselx that comyn into the seid ryver of Humbre."
In the seventeenth century, Mr. Justinian Angell, of London, obtained a license to build a lighthouse on the Spurn. It was an octagonal tower of brick, displaying an open coal fire on the top, which in stormy weather was frequently blown quite out, when most wanted. Wrecks were continually taking place; and it is only since Smeaton completed his tower, and the floating-light was established in the offing, and the
channel was properly buoyed, that vessels can approach the Humber with safety by night as well as by day.
It was full tide when I returned along the chalky embankment, and the light spray from the breakers sprinkled my cheek, giving me a playful intimation of what might be expected in a storm.
I was passing a tilery near Welwick when a beery fellow, who sat in the little office with a jug before him and a pipe in his mouth, threw up the window and asked, in a gruff, insolent tone, "A say, guvner, did ye meet Father Mathew?"
"Yes."
"What did he say to ye?"
"He told me I should see a fool at the tileworks."
Down went the window with a hearty slam, and before I was fifty yards away, the same voice rushed into the road and challenged me to go back and fight. And when the owner of the voice saw that the stranger took no heed thereof, he cried, till hidden by a bend in the road, "Yer nothin' but t' scram o' t' yerth!—yer nothin' but t' scram o' t' yerth!"
Thinking scram might be the Yorkshire for seum, I made a note of it for the benefit of philologists, and kept on to Patrington, where I arrived in time for the last train to Hull, quite content with six-and-twenty miles for my first day's walk.
CHAPTER IV.
Northern Manners—Cottingham—The Romance of Baynard Castle—Beverley—Yorkshire Dialect—The Farmers' Breakfast—Glimpses of the Town—Antiquities and Constables—The Minster—Yellow Ochre—The Percy Shrine—The Murdered Earl—The Costly Funeral—The Sisters' Tomb—Rhyming Legend—The Fridstool—The Belfry.
Journeying from Hull to Beverley by "market-train" on the morrow, I had ample proof, in the noisy talk of the crowded passengers, that Yorkshire dialect and its peculiar idioms are not "rapidly disappearing before the facilities for travel afforded by railways." Nor could I fail to notice what has before struck me, that taken class for class, the people north of Coventry exhibit a rudeness, not to say coarseness of manners, which is rarely seen south of that ancient city. In Staffordshire, within twenty miles of Birmingham, there are districts where baptism, marriage, and other moral and religious observances considered as essentials of Christianity, are as completely disregarded as among the heathen. In some parts of Lancashire and Yorkshire similar characteristics prevail; but rude manners do not necessarily imply loose morality. Generally speaking the rudeness is a safety-valve that lets off the faults or seeming faults of character; and I for one prefer rudeness to that over-refinement prevalent in Middlesex, where you may not call things by
their right names, and where, as a consequence, the sense of what is fraudulent, and criminal, and wicked, has become weakened, because of the very mild and innocent words in which "good society" requires that dishonesty and sin should be spoken of.
If we alight at Cottingham and take a walk in the neighbourhood we may discover the scene of a romantic incident. There stood Baynard Castle, a grand old feudal structure, the residence of Lord Wake. When Henry VIII. lay at Hull, he sent a messenger to announce a royal visit to the castle, anticipating, no doubt, a loyal reception; but the lord instead of pride felt only alarm, for his wife, whom he loved truly, was very beautiful, and he feared for the consequences should the amorous monarch set eyes on her beauty. He resolved on a stratagem: gave instructions to his confidential steward; departed at dead of night with his wife; and before morning nothing of the castle remained but a heap of smoking ruins. The king, on hearing of the fire, little suspecting the cause, generously sent a gift of two thousand pounds, with friendly words, to mitigate the loss; but the wary lord having evaded the visit, refused also to receive the money. And now, after lapse of centuries, there is nothing left but traces of a moat and rampart, to show the wayfarer where such an ardent sacrifice was made to true affection.
Even among the farmers, at whose table I took breakfast at the Holderness Hotel, at Beverley, there was evidence that broad Yorkshire is not bad Dutch, as the proverb says:
"Gooid brade, botter, and cheese,
Is gooid Yorkshire, and gooid Friese."
The farmers talked about horses, and, to my surprise, they ate but daintily of the good things, the beef, ham, mutton, brawn, and other substantial fare that literally burdened the table. Not one played the part of a good trencherman, but trifled as if the victim of dinners fashionably late; and still more to my surprise, when the conversation took a turn, they all spoke disdainfully of walking. That sort of exercise was not at all to their liking. "I ha'n't walked four mile I don't know when," said one; and his fellows avowed themselves similarly lazy. My intention to walk along the coast to the mouth of the Tees appeared to them a weak-minded project.
Beverley has a staid, respectable aspect, as if aware of its claims to consideration. Many of the houses have an old-world look, and among them a searching eye will discover unmistakable bits of antiquity. A small columnar building in the market-place is called the market cross; beyond it is St. Mary's Church, a rare old specimen of architecture; and beyond that one of the old town gates, a heavy stone arch bestriding the street. At the other end of the town, screened by an ancient brick wall, you may see the house of the Black Friars—more venerable than picturesque—besides little glimpses of the middle ages on your straggling saunter thither. Among these are not a few of that sort of endowments which give occasion for abuses, and perpetuate helplessness. And of noticeable peculiarities you will perhaps think that one might be beneficially imitated in other towns: A CONSTABLE LIVES HERE is a notification which you may read on sundry little boards, topped by a royal crown, nailed here and there over the doors.
But the minster is the great attraction, rich in historical associations and architectural beauty. The edifice, as it now appears, has all been built since the destruction by fire, in 1138, of an older church that stood on the same spot. The style is diverse, a not uncommon characteristic of ancient churches: Early English at the east end, Decorated in the nave, and Perpendicular in the west front and some minor portions. This western front is considered a masterwork, for not one of its features is out of harmony with the others—a specimen of the Perpendicular, so Rickman signifies, not less admirable than the west front of York Minster of the Decorated. The effect, indeed, is singularly striking as you approach it from a quiet back street. I found a seat in a favourable point of view, and sat till my eye was satisfied with the sight of graceful forms, multiplied carvings, the tracery and ornament from base to roof, and upwards, where the towers, two hundred feet in height, rose grandly against the bright blue sky.
However much you may admire yellow ochre on door-steps, door-posts, and in the passages and on the stairs of dwelling-houses, you will think it out of place when used to hide the natural colour of the masonry in a noble church. For me, the effect of the interior was marred by the yellow mask of the great pillars. The eye expects repose and harmony, and finds itself cheated. Apart from this, the lofty proportions, the perspective of the aisles, the soaring arches, the streaming lights and tinted shadows, fail not in their power to charm. Your architect is a mighty magician. All the windows, as is believed, were once filled with stained glass, for the large east window was glazed in 1733 with the numerous fragments that remained after the destroyers
of ecclesiastical art had perpetrated their mischief. The colours show the true old tone; and the effect, after all, is not unpleasing.
The Percy shrine on the north side of the choir is one of the monuments to which, after viewing the carved stalls and the altar screen, the sexton will call your special attention. It is a canopied tomb of exquisite workmanship, enriched with various carvings, figures of knights and angels, crockets and finials; marking the resting-place, as is supposed, of the Lady Idonea Clifford, wife of the second Lord Percy of Alnwick. The Percys played a conspicuous part in Yorkshire history. Another of the family, grandson of Hotspur, reposes, as is said, under a tomb in the north transept. He was not a warrior, but a prebend of Beverley. Then, at the east end, the Percy chapel, which has lost its beauty through mutilation, commemorates Henry, the fourth Earl of Northumberland, who was massacred at his seat, Maiden Bower, near Topcliffe, in 1489. Authorized by Henry VIII. to answer the appeal of the leading men of his neighbourhood against a tax which levied one-tenth of their property, by a declaration that not one penny would be abated, he delivered his message in terms so haughty and imperious, that the chiefs, losing patience, brought up their retainers, sacked the house, and murdered the earl. The corpse was buried here in the minster; and the funeral, which cost a sum equivalent to 10,000l. present value, is described as of surpassing magnificence. Among the numerous items set down in the bill of charges is twopence a piece for fourteen thousand "pore folk" at the burial.
In the south aisle of the nave stands another canopied tomb, an altar tomb of elegant form, covered by a slab of Purbeck marble, which appears never to have had a word of inscription to tell in whose memory it was erected. Neither trace nor record: nothing but tradition, and Venerable Bede. St. John of Beverley had only to send a cruse of water into which he had dipped his finger to a sick person to effect a cure. He once restored the wife of Earl Puch, who lived at Bishop Burton, a few miles distant. The lady drank a draught of holy water, and recovered forthwith from a grievous sickness. She had two daughters who, overawed by the miracle, entered the nunnery at Beverley, where they won a reputation for holiness and good works. It was they who gave the two pastures on which freemen of the town still graze their cattle. The rest of their story is told in an olden ballad. It was Christmas-eve, says the rhymers, the customary service had been performed in the chapel, the abbess and her nuns slowly retired to pursue their devotions apart in their cells, all save two, who lingered and went forth hand in hand after the others. Whither went they? On the morrow they were missing; and
"The snow did melt, the Winter fled
Before the gladsome Spring
And flowers did bud, the cuckoo piped,
And merry birds did sing.
"And Spring danced by, and crowned with boughs
Came lusty Summer on:
And the bells ring out, for 'tis the eve,
The eve of blessed St. John.
"But where bide they, the sisters twain?
Have the holy sisters fled?
And the abbess and all her nuns bewail'd
The sisters twain for dead."
"Then go they forth in the eventide,
In the cool and dusky hour;
And the abbess goes up the stair of stone
High on the belfry tower.
"Now Christ thee save! thou sweet ladye,
For on the roof-tree there,
Like as in blessed trance y-rapt,
She sees the sisters fair.
"Whence come ye, daughters? long astray:
'Tis but an hour, they tell,
Since we did chant the vesper hymn,
And list the vesper bell.
"Nay, daughters, nay! 'tis months agone:
Sweet mother, an hour we ween;
But we have been in heaven each one,
And holy angels seen."
A miracle! cries the rhymer; and he goes on to tell how that the nuns repair to the chapel and chant a hymn of praise, after which the two sisters, kneeling, entreat the abbess for her blessing, and no sooner has she pronounced Vade in pace, than drooping like two fair lilies, two pale corse sink to the floor. Then the bells break into a chime wondrously sweet, rung by no earthly hand; and when the sisters are laid in the tomb, they suffer no decay. Years passed away, and still no change came over those lovely forms and angelic features:
"And pilgrims came from all the land,
And eke from oversea,
To pray at the shrine of the sisters twain,
And St. John of Beverley."
Another noteworthy object is King Athelstan's Fridstool, or chair of peace; the centre of a sanctuary which extended a mile from the minster in all directions. Any fugitive who could once sit therein was safe, whatever his crime. When Richard II. encamped at Beverley, on his way to Scotland, his half-brother,
Sir John Holland, having aided in the atrocious murder of Lord Ralph Stafford, fled to the Fridstool, nor would he leave it until assured of the king's pardon. The chair, hewn from a single block of stone, is very primitive in form and appearance; and as devoid of beauty as some of the seats in the Soulages collection. Athelstan was a great benefactor to the church. You may see his effigy, and that of St. John, at the entrance to the choir and over a door in the south transept, where he is represented as handing a charter to the holy man, of which one of the privileges is recorded in old English characters:
\[
\begin{align*}
& \text{As fre make E The} \\
& \text{As herf may thynke or Egh may see.}
\end{align*}
\]
Such a generous giver deserved to be held in honour, especially if the eye were to see from the height of the tower, to the top of which I now mounted by the narrow winding-stair. While stopping to take breath in the belfry, you will perhaps be amused by a table of ringers' laws, and a record of marvellous peals, the same in purport as those exhibited at Hull. You can take your time in the ascent, for sextons eschew climbing, at least in all the churches I visited in Yorkshire.
CHAPTER V.
A Scotchman's Observations—The Prospect—The Anatomy of Beverley—Historical Associations—The Brigantes—The Druids—Austin's Stone—The Saxons—Coifi and Paulinus—Down with Paganism—A great Baptism—St. John of Beverley—Athelstan and Brunanburgh—The Sanctuary—The Conqueror—Archbishop Thurstan's Privileges—The Sacrilegious Mayor—Battle of the Standard—St. John's Miracles—Brigand Burgesses—Annual Football—Surrounding Sites—Watton and Meaux—Etymologies—King Athelstan's Charter.
"On my first coming to England I landed at Hull, whose scenery enraptured me. The extended flatness of surface—the tall trees loaded with foliage—the large fat cattle wading to the knees in rich pasture—all had the appearance of fairy-land fertility. I hastened to the top of the first steeple—thence to the summit of Beverley Minster, and wondered over the plain of verdure and rank luxury, without a heathy hill or barren rock, which lay before me. When, after being duly sated into dulness by the constant sight of this miserably flat country, I saw my old bare mountains again, my ravished mind struggled as if it would break through the prison of the body, and soar with the eagle to the summit of the Grampians. The Pentland, Lomond, and Ochil hills seemed to have grown to an amazing size in my absence, and I remarked
several peculiarities about them which I had never observed before."
This passage occurs in the writings of a late Scottish author to whom I am indebted for some part of my mental culture. I quote it as an example of the different mood of mind in which the view from the top of the tower may be regarded. To one fresh from a town it is delightful. As you step on the leads and gaze around on what was once called "the Lowths," you are surprised by the apparently boundless expanse—a great champaign of verdure, far as eye can reach, except where, in the north-west, the wolds begin to upheave their purple undulations. The distance is forest-like: nearer the woods stand out as groves, belts, and clumps, with park-like openings between, and everywhere fields and hedgerows innumerable. How your eye feasts on the uninterrupted greenness, and follows the gleaming lines of road running off in all directions, and comes back at last to survey the town at the foot of the tower.
Few towns will bear the inspection from above so well as Beverley. It is well built, and is as clean in the rear of the houses as in the streets. Looking from such a height, the yards and gardens appear diminished, and the trim flower-beds, and leafy arbours, and pebbled paths, and angular plots, and a prevailing neatness reveal much in favour of the domestic virtues of the inhabitants. And the effect is heightened by the green spaces among the bright red roofs, and woods which straggle in patches into the town, whereby it retains somewhat of the sylvan aspect for which it was in former times especially remarkable.
Apart from its natural features, the region is rich in associations. The history of Beverley, an epitome of that of the whole county, tempts one to linger, if but for half an hour. It will not be time thrown away, for a glimpse of the past will not be without its influence on our further wanderings.
Here the territory of the Brigantes, which even the Romans did not conquer till more than a hundred years after their landing in Kent, stretched across the island from sea to sea. Here, deep in the great forest, the Druids had one of their sacred groves, a temple of living oaks, for their mysterious worship and ruthless sacrifices. Hundreds of tumuli scattered over the country, entombing kysts, coffins, fragments of skeletons, and rude pottery, and not less the names of streets and places, supply interesting testimony of their existence. Drewton, a neighbouring village, marks, as is said, the site of Druids'-town, where a stone about twelve feet in height yet standing was so much venerated by the natives, that Augustine stood upon it to preach, and erected a cross thereupon that the worshipper might learn to associate it with a purer faith. It is still known as Austin's Stone.
The Saxon followed, and finding the territory hollow between the cliffs of the coast and the wolds, named it Höll-deira-ness, whence the present Holderness. It was in the forest of Deira that the conference was held in presence of Edwin and Ethelburga, between the missionary Paulinus and Coifi, the high-priest of Odin, on the contending claims of Christianity and Paganism. The right prevailed; and Coifi, convinced by the arguments he had heard, seized a spear, and hurrying with newly-awakened zeal to the temple at Godmanham, cursed his deity, and hurled the spear at the image with such fury that it remained quivering in the wall of the sacred edifice. The multitude looked on in amazement, waiting for some sign of high displeasure at so outrageous a desecration. But no sign was given, and veering suddenly from dread to derision, they tore down the temple, and destroyed the sacred emblems. Edwin’s timorous convictions were strengthened by the result, and so great was the throng of converts to the new faith, that, as is recorded, Paulinus baptized more than ten thousand in one day in the Swale. According to tradition, the present church at Godmanham, nine miles distant, a very ancient edifice, was built from the ruins of the Pagan temple.
St. John of Beverley was born at Harpham, a village near Driffield—Deirafeld—in 640. Diligent in his calling, and eminently learned and conscientious, he became Archbishop of York. In 700 he founded here an establishment of monks, canons, and nuns, and rebuilt or beautified the church, which had been erected in the second century; and when, after thirty-three years of godly rule over his diocese, he laid aside the burden of authority, it was to the peaceful cloisters of Beverley that he retired. “He was educated,” says Fuller, “under Theodorus the Grecian, and Archbishop of Canterbury, yet was he not so famous for his teacher as for his scholar, Venerable Bede, who wrote this John’s life, which he hath so spiced with miracles, that it is of the hottest for a discreet man to digest into his belief.” He died in 721, and was buried in his favourite church, with a
reputation for sanctity which eventually secured him a place in the calendar.
Was it not to St. John of Beverley that Athelstan owed the victory at Brunanburgh, which made him sole monarch of Northumbria? The fame of the "great battle" remains, while all knowledge of the site of Brunanburgh has utterly perished, unless, as is argued in the Proceedings of the Literary and Historical Society of Liverpool, it was fought near Burnley, in Lancashire. It was celebrated alike in Anglo-Saxon song and history. Greater carnage of people slain by the edge of the sword, says the ancient chronicle, had never been seen in this island, since Angles and Saxons, mighty war-smiths, crossed the broad seas to Britain. Athelstan, in fulfilment of his vow, laid up his sword at the shrine of St. John, and added largely to the revenues and privileges of the church. A stone cross, erected on each of the four roads, a mile from the minster, marked the limits of the sanctuary which he conferred. One of these yet remains, but in a sadly mutilated condition.
When the Conqueror came and laid the country waste from Humber to Tees, trampling it into a "horrible wilderness," he spared Beverley and the surrounding lands, yielding, as was believed, to the miraculous influence of the patron saint. One of his soldiers, who entered the town with hostile intent, became suddenly paralysed, and smitten with incurable disease; and a captain falling, by accident as it seemed, from his horse, his head was turned completely round by the shock. These were warnings not
to be disregarded; and Beverley remained a scene of fertile beauty amid the desolation.
One of John’s successors, Archbishop Thurstan, took pleasure also in fondling Beverley. He cut the canal, a mile in length, from the river Hull to the town: he gave to the inhabitants a charter of incorporation conferring similar privileges to those enjoyed by the citizens of York, whereby they were free from all fines and dues in England and Normandy; had the right to pontage—that is, a toll on all the barges and boats that passed under a bridge as well as on the vehicles over it; and to worry debtors as rigorously as they chose, without fear of retaliation. In these anti-church-rate days it is surprising enough to read of the power exercised by an archbishop in the twelfth century. Thurstan had rule over the baronies of Beverley and five other places, with power to try and execute criminals, and punish thieves without appeal. In all the baronies the prisons were his; to him belonged the gibbet, pillory, and cucking-stool in the towns; the assize of bread and beer; waifs and wrecks of the sea; the right to “prises” in the river Hull, diligently enforced by his watchful coroners; besides park and free warren, and all his land released from suit and service.
That taking of prises, by the way, was a standing cause of quarrel between the burghers of Hull and Beverley. The right to seize two casks of wine from every vessel of more than twenty tons burden that entered the river, one before, the other behind the mast, was a grievance too much akin to robbery to be borne with patience. The merchants, wise in their
generation, tried to save their casks by discharging the cargoes into smaller vessels before entering the port; but the coroners detected the evasion, and took their prises all the same. Hence bitter quarrels; in which the Beverley ships, dropping down the stream to pursue their voyage, were many times barred out of the Humber by the men of Hull. Once, when the archbishop appeared at the port to defend his right, the mayor, losing temper, snatched the crosier from the dignitary's hand, and, using it as a weapon, actually spilt blood with the sacred instrument.
Never was the saint's influence more triumphantly felt than when Thurstan's fiery eloquence roused the citizens of York to march against David of Scotland. The Scottish king, to support Maud's claim against Stephen, ravaged Northumbria with such ferocious devastation, that it seemed but a repetition of the Norman havoc, and provoked the Saxon part of the population to join in repelling the invader. After threatening York, David moved northwards, followed by the Yorkshire army which had rendezvoused at the castle of Thirsk. To inspire their patriotism, a great pole, topped by a crucifix, and hung with the standards of St. John of Beverley, St. Peter of York, and St. Wilfrid of Ripon, was mounted on wheels, and placed where every eye could behold it. The Scottish army was overtaken, three miles beyond Northallerton, on the 22nd of August, 1138: the king, seeing the threefold standard from afar, inquires of a deserter what it means; whereupon he replies, in the words of the ballad:
"A mast of a ship it is so high,
All bedeck'd with gold so gay:
And on its top is a Holy Cross,
That shines as bright as day.
"Around it hang the holy banners
Of many a blessed saint:
St. Peter, and John of Beverley,
And St. Wilfrid there they paint."
The king begins to have misgivings, and rejoins:
"Oh! had I but yon Holy Rood
That there so bright doth show,
I would not care for yon English host,
Nor the worst that they could do."
But in vain: the Yorkshire blood was up, no quarter was given, and ten thousand Scotchmen bit the dust. So complete was the victory, that the oppressed Saxons boasted of it as an indemnity for their former sufferings; and the Battle of the Standard remains memorable among the greatest battles of Yorkshire, and the Standard Hill among her historical places.
Was it not the same St. John who afterwards appeared in full pontificals to Stephen, and warned him to stay his purpose of building a castle at Beverley? and was it not again his banner, saved from the fire when the town and minster were burnt in 1186, which rendered Edward I. victorious in his invasion of Scotland? Did not his tomb sweat blood on that famous day of Agincourt, and the rumour thereof bring Henry V. and his lovely Kate hither on a pilgrimage?
Then the chronicler tells us that one while the provost and burgesses, resolving to enlarge and beautify the minster, brought together the best workmen from all parts of England; and later, that the corporation repaired the edifice with stones taken from the neighbouring abbey of Watton. And so bitter became the quarrels between Hull and Beverley, that some of the chief men encouraged the insurrectionary movements known as the Rising of the North and the Pilgrimage of Grace, with no other purpose than to damage their rivals. The burgesses of Beverley, not having the fear of the marshal before their eyes, were accused of unfair trading: of keeping two yard measures and two bushels: unlawfully long and big to buy with—unlawfully short and small to sell with. And when in process of time the trade of the town decayed, evil-minded persons looked on the change as a judgment. At present there is little of manufacture within it besides that of the implements which have made the name of Crosskill familiar to farmers.
Some old customs lingered here obstinately. The cucking-stool was not abolished until 1750, which some think was a hundred years too soon. Ducking-stool-lane preserves its memory. And down to 1825, an annual match at football was played on the Sunday before the races, to which there gathered all the rabble of the town and adjacent villages, who for some years successfully resisted the putting down of what had become a nuisance. Instead of abolishing the game, it would have been better to change the day, and hold weekly football matches on the race-course.
From the tower-top the eye takes in the site of Leckonfield, where the Percys had a castle; of Watton Abbey, where an English Abelard and Heloise mourned and suffered; of the scanty remains of Meaux Abbey, founded about 1140 by William le Gros, Earl of AlbeConcerning this nobleman, we read that he had vowed a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, but grew so fat as to be detained at home against his will. Feeling remorse, he consulted his confessor, who advised him to establish a convent of Cistercians. A monk from Fountains, eminent alike for piety and skill in architecture, was invited to choose a site. He selected a park-like tract commanding a view of the Humber. The earl, loving the place, bade him reconsider his choice; but the monk, striking his staff into the ground, replied, "This place shall in future be called the door of life, the vineyard of heaven, and shall forever be consecrated to religion and the service of God." The abbey was built and tenanted by cowls from Fountains, and flourished until floods and high tides wasted the lands, and the Reformation destroyed the house.
But though one man may write a poem while "waiting on the bridge at Coventry," another may hardly, without presumption, write a long chapter on the top of a tower. Let me end, therefore, while descending, with a scrap of etymology. Beaver Lake, that is, the lake of floating islands, sacred to the Druids, is said by one learned scribe to be the origin of the name Beverley. Another finds it in the beavers that colonized the river Hull, with lea for a suffix, and point to an ancient seal, which represents St. John seated, resting his feet on a beaver. Did not the wise men of Camelford set up the figure of a camel on the top of their steeple as a weathercock, because their river winds very much, and camel is the aboriginal British word for crooked? Other scholars trace Beverley through Bevorlac, back to Pedwarllech—the four stones.
And here, by way of finish, are a few lines from Athelstan's charter:
"Yat witen all yat ever been
Yat yis charter heren and seen
Yat I ye King Athelstan
Has yaten and given to St. John
Of Beverlike yat sai you
Tol and theam yat wit ye now
Sok and sake over al yat land
Yat is given into his hand."
CHAPTER VI.
The Great Drain—The Carrs—Submerged Forest—River Hull—Tickton—Routh—Tippling Rustics—A Cooler for Combatants—The Blind Fiddler—The Improvised Song—The Donkey Races—Specimens of Yorkshiremen—Good Wages—A Peep at Cottage Life—Ways and Means—A Paragraph for Bachelors—Hornsea Mere—The Abbots' Duel—Hornsea Church—The Marine Hotel.
About a mile from the town on the road to Hornsea, you cross one of the great Holderness drains, broad and deep enough for a canal, which, traversing the levels, falls into the sea at Barmston. It crosses the hollow lands known as "the Carrs," once an insalubrious region of swamp and water covering the remains of an ancient forest. So deep was the water, that boats went from Beverley to Frothingham, and some of the farmers found more profit in navigating to and fro with smuggled merchandise concealed under loads of hay and barley than in cultivating their farms. For years a large swannery existed among the islands, and the "king's swanner" used to come down and hold his periodical courts. The number of submerged trees was almost incredible: pines sixty feet in length, intermingled with yew, alder, and other kinds, some standing as they grew, but the most leaning in all directions, or lying flat. Six hundred trees were
taken from one field, and the labourers made good wages in digging them out at twopence a piece. Some of the wood was so sound that a speculator cut it up into walking-sticks. Generally, the upper layer consists of about two feet of peat, and beneath this the trees were found densely packed to a depth of twenty feet, and below these traces were met with in places of a former surface: the bottom of the hollow formed by the slope from the coast on one side, from the wolds on the other, to which Holderness owes its name. The completion of the drainage works in 1835 produced a surprising change in the landscape; green fields succeeded to stagnant water; and the islands are now only discoverable by the "holm" which terminates the name of some of the farms.
A little farther, and there is the river Hull, flowing clean and cheerful to the muddy Humber. Then comes Tickton, where, looking back from the swell in the road, you see a good sylvan picture—the towers of the minster rising grand and massy from what appears to be a great wood, backed by the dark undulations of the wolds.
In the public-house at Routh, where I stayed to dine on bread-and-cheese, the only fare procurable, I found a dozen rustics anticipating their tippling hours with noisy revelry. The one next whom I sat became immediately communicative and confidential, and, telling me they had had to turn out a quarrelsome companion, asked what was the best cure "for a lad as couldn't get a sup o' ale without wanting to fight." I replied, that a pail of cold water poured down the back was a certain remedy; which so tickled his
fancy that he rose and made it known to the others, with uproarious applause. For his own part he burst every minute into a wild laugh, repeating, with a chuckle, "A bucket o' water!"
There was one, however, of thoughtful and somewhat melancholy countenance, who only smiled quietly, and sat looking apparently on the floor. "What's the matter, Massey?" cried my neighbour.
"Nought. He's a fool that's no melancholy yance a day," came the reply, in the words of a Yorkshire proverb.
"That's you, Tom! Play us a tune, and I'll dance."
"Some folk never get the cradle straws off their breech," came the ready retort with another proverb.
"Just like 'n," said the other to me. "He's the wittiest man you ever see: always ready to answer, be 't squire or t' parson, as soon as look at 'n. He gave a taste to Sir Clifford hisself not long ago. He can make songs and sing 'em just whenever he likes. I shouldn't wunner if he's making one now. He's blind, ye see, and that makes 'n witty. We calls 'n Massey, but his name's Mercer—Tom Mercer. Sing us a song, Tom!"
True enough. Nature having denied sight to him of the melancholy visage, made it up with a rough and ready wit, and ability to improvise a song apt to the occasion. He took his fiddle from the bag and attempted to replace a broken string; but the knot having slipped two or three times, three or four of his companions offered their aid. The operation was, however, too delicate for clumsy fingers swollen with
beer and rum, and as they all failed, I stepped forward, took the fiddle in hand, and soon gave it back to the minstrel, who, after a few preliminary flourishes, interrupted by cries of "Now for 't!" struck up a song. With a voice not unmusical, rhythm good, and rhyme passable, he rattled out a lively ditty on the incidents of the hour, introducing all his acquaintances by name, and with stinging comments on their peculiarities and weaknesses. The effect was heightened by his own grave demeanour, and the fixed grim smile on his face, while the others were kicking up their heels, and rolling off their seats with frantic laughter.
"Didn't I tell ye so!" broke in my neighbour, as he winced a little under a shaft unusually keen from the singer's quiver.
I was quite ready to praise the song, which, indeed, was remarkable. Albert Smith does not chant about passing events more fluently than that blind fiddler caught up all the telling points of the hour. He touched upon the one who had been turned out, and on my hydropathic prescription, and sundry circumstances which could only be understood by one on the spot. Without pause or hesitation, he rattled off a dozen stanzas, of which the last two may serve as a specimen:
"Rebecca sits a shellin' peas, ye all may hear 'em pop:
She knows who's comin' with a cart: he won't forget to stop:
And Frank, and Jem, and lazy Mat, got past the time to think,
With ginger-beer and rum have gone and muddled all their drink.
With a fol lol, riddle, liddle, lol, lol, lol!
"Here's a genelman fro' Lunnon; 'tis well that he cam' doun;
If he'd no coom ye rantin' lads would happen had no tune:
Ye fumbled at the fiddle-strings: he screwed 'em tight and strong;
Success to Lunnon then I say, and so here ends my song.
With a fol lol, riddle, liddle, lol, lol, lol!"
Lusty acclamations and a drink from every man's jug rewarded the fiddler, and a vigorous cry was set up for "The Donkey Races," another of his songs, which, as lazy Mat told me, "had been printed and sold by hundreds." The blind man, nothing loth, rattled off a lively prelude, and sang his song with telling effect. The race was supposed to be run by donkeys from all the towns and villages of the neighbourhood: from Patrington, Heden, Hull, Driffield, Beverley, and others, each possessed of a certain local peculiarity, the mention of which threw the company into ecstasies of merriment. And when the "donkey from York" was introduced along with his "sire Gravelcart" and his "dam Work," two of the guests flumped from their chairs to laugh more at ease on the floor. The fiddler seemed to enjoy the effect of his music; but his grim smile took no relief; the twinkle of the eye was wanting. He was now sure of his game, for the afternoon at least.
While looking round on the party, I had little difficulty in discerning among them the three principal varieties of Yorkshiremen. There was the tall, broad-shouldered rustic, whose stalwart limbs, light gray or blue eyes, yellowish hair, and open features indicate the Saxon; there was the Scandinavian, less tall and big, with eyes, hair, and complexion dark, and an intention in the expression not perceptible in the Saxon face; and last, the Celt, short, swarthy, and Irish-looking. The first two appeared to me most numerous in the East and North Ridings, the last in the West.
On the question of wages they were all content.
Here and there a man got eighteen shillings a week; but the general rate was fifteen shillings, or "nine shill'n's a week and our meat" (diet), as one expressed it. Whatever folk might do in the south, Yorkshire lads didn't mean to work for nothing, or to put up with scanty food. "We get beef and mutton to eat," said lazy Mat, "and plenty of it."
The road continues between fat fields and pastures, skirts a park bordered by noble trees or tall plantations, in which the breeze lingers to play with the branches. Here and there a few cottages, or a hamlet, clean in-doors, and pretty out of doors, with gay little flower-gardens. Frequent thunder-showers fell, and I was glad to shelter from the heaviest under a roof. Always the same cleanliness and signs of thrift, and manifest pleasure in a brief talk with the stranger. And always the same report about wages, and plenty of work for men and boys; but a slowness to believe that sending a boy to school would be better than keeping him at work for five shillings a week. I got but few examples of reading, and those far from promising, and could not help remembering how different my experiences had been the year before in Bohemia.
One of the cottages in which I took shelter stands lonely in a little wood. The tenant, a young labourer, who had just come home from work, "not a bit sorry," as he said, "that 'twas Saturday afternoon," entered willingly into conversation, and made no secret of his circumstances. His testimony was also favourable as regards wages. He earned fifteen shillings a week, and didn't see any reason to complain of hard times, for he paid but three pounds a year for his cottage,
which sum he recovered from his garden in vegetables and flowers, besides sundry little advantages which at times fall to the lot of rustics. He eat meat—beef or mutton—"pretty well every day," and was fully persuaded that without enough of good food a man could not do a fair day's work.
While we talked his wife was putting the finishing touch to the day's cleaning by washing the brick floor, and without making herself unclean or untidy, as many do. Her husband had shown himself no bad judge of rustic beauty when he chose her as his helpmate, and her good looks were repeated in their little daughter, who ran playfully about the room. I suggested that the evening, when one wished to sit quiet and comfortable, was hardly the time to wet the floor. "I'd rather see it wet than mucky" (mooky, as he pronounced it), was the answer; and neither husband nor wife was ready to believe that the ill-health too plainly observable among many cottagers' children arose from avoidable damp. To wash the floor in the morning, when no one had occasion to sit in the room, would be against all rule.
"Stay a bit longer," said the young man, as I rose when the shower ceased; "I like to hear ye talk."
And I liked to hear him talk, especially as he began to praise his wife. It was such a pleasure to come home when there was such a lass as that to make a man comfortable. Nobody could beat her at making a shirt or making bread, or cooking; and he opened the oven to show me how much room there was for the loaves. Scarcely a cottage but has a grate with iron oven attached, and in some places the overpowering heat reminded me of my friends' house in Ulrichsthal. Then we had a little discourse about books. He liked reading, and had a Bible for Sundays, and a few odd volumes which he read in the evenings, but not without difficulty; it was so hard to keep awake after a day out of doors.
Meanwhile I made enticing signs to the merry little lassie, and at last she sat without fear on my knee, and listened with a happy smile and wondering eyes to my chant of the pastoral legend of Little Bopeep. Such good friends did we become, that when at length I said "good-bye," and shook hands, there was a general expression of regret, and a hope that I would call again. I certainly will the next time I visit Holderness.
Often since has this incident recurred to my mind, and most often when the discussion was going on in the newspapers concerning the impropriety of marriage on three hundred a year. I wished that the writers, especially he who sneered at domestic life, could go down into Yorkshire, and see how much happiness may be had for less than fifty pounds a year. As if any selfish bachelor enjoyments, any of the talk of the clubs, were worth the prattle of infancy, the happy voices of childhood, the pleasures and duties that come with offspring! Sandeau deserved to be made Académicien, if only for having said that "un berceau est plus éloquent qu'une chaire, et rien n'en-seigne mieux à l'homme les côtés sérieux de sa destinée."
A mile or two farther, and water gleams through the trees on the right. It is Hornsea Mere, nearly
two miles in length, and soon, when the road skirts the margin, you see reedy shallows, the resort of wild-fowl, and swans floating around the wooded islands; and at the upper end the belts and masses of trees under which the visitors to Hornsea find pleasant walks while sauntering out to the sylvan scenery of Wassand and Sigglesthorne. The lake, said a passing villager, averages ten feet in depth, with perhaps as much more of mud, and swarms with fish, chiefly pike and perch. He added something about the great people of the neighbourhood, who would not let a poor fellow fish in the mere, and ordered the keeper to duck even little boys poaching with stick and string. And he recited with a gruff chuckle a rhyming epitaph which one of his neighbours had composed to the memory of a clergyman who had made himself particularly obnoxious. It did not flatter the deceased.
In Henry the Third’s reign, as may be read in the Liber Melsæ, or Chronicle of the Abbey of Meaux, the Abbot of St. Mary’s at York quarrelled with him of Meaux about the right to fish in the mere, and not being able to decide the quarrel by argument, the pious churchmen had recourse to arms. Each party hired combatants, who met on the appointed day, and after a horse had been swum across the mere, and stakes had been planted to mark the Abbot of St. Mary’s claim, they fought from morning until nightfall, and Meaux lost the battle, and with it his ancient right of fishery.
In Elizabeth’s reign, the Countess of Warwick granted to Marmaduke Constable the right to fish and fowl for “the some of fyfyte and five pounds of lawful
English money." This Marmaduke, who thus testified his love of fin and feather, was an ancestor of Sir Clifford Constable, the present "Lord Paramount," upon whom the blind fiddler exercised his wit.
Hornsea church stands on an eminence at the eastern end between the mere and the village. Its low square tower once bore a tall spire, on which, as is said, the builder had cut an inscription:
Hornsea steeple, when I built thee,
Thou was 10 miles off Burlington,
10 miles off Beverley, and 10 miles off sea;
but it fell during a gale in 1773. The edifice is a specimen of fifteenth-century architecture, with portions of an earlier date. The crypt under the chancel was at one time a receptacle for smuggled goods, and the clerk was down there doing unlawful work when the tempest smote the spire, and frightened him well-nigh to death. The memory of the last rector is preserved by an altar tomb of alabaster, and of William Day, gentleman, who "dyed" in 1616, by a curious epitaph:
If that man's life be likened to a day,
One here interr'd in youth did lose a day
By death, and yet no loss to him at all;
For he a threefold day gain'd by his fall;
One day of rest in bliss celestial,
Two days on earth by gifts terrestryall—
Three pounds at Christmas, three at Easter Day,
Given to the poure until the world's last day.
This was no cause to heaven; but, consequent,
Who thither will, must tread the steps he went.
For why? Faith, Hope, and Christian charity,
Perfect the house framed for eternity.
Hornsea village is a homely-looking place with two or three inns, a post-office, and little shops and houses
furbished up till they look expectant of customers and lodgers. Many a pair of eyes took an observation of me as I passed along the street, and away up the hill, seeking for quarters with an open prospect. Half a mile farther, the ground always rising, and you come to the edge of a clay cliff, and a row of modern houses, and the *Marine Hotel* in full view of the sea.
Even at the first glance you note the waste of the land. As at Kilnsea, so here. A few miles to the south, between us and Owthorne, stands the village of Aldborough, far to the rear of the site once occupied by its church. The sea washed it away. That church was built by Ulf, a mighty thane, in the reign of Canute. A stone, a relic of the former edifice, bearing an inscription in Anglo-Saxon, which he caused to be cut, is preserved in the wall of the present church. This stone, and Ulf's horn, still to be seen in York Minster, are among the most venerable antiquities of the county.
Hornsea is a favourite resort of many Yorkshire folk who love quiet; hence a casual traveller is liable to be disappointed of a lodging on the shore. There was, however, a room to spare at the hotel—a top room, from which, later in the evening, I saw miles of ripples twinkling with moonlight, and heard their murmur on the sand through the open window till I fell asleep.
CHAPTER VII.
Coast Scenery—A waning Mere, and wasting Cliffs—The Rain and the Sea—Encroachment prevented—Economy of the Hotel—A Start on the Sands—Pleasure of Walking—Cure for a bad Conscience—Phenomena of the Shore—Curious Forms in the Cliffs—Fossil Remains—Strange Boulders—A Villager's Etymology—Reminiscences of "Bonypart" and Paul Jones—The last House—Chalk and Clay—Bridlington—One of the Gipseys—Paul Jones again—The Sea-Fight—A Reminiscence of Montgomery.
I was out early the next morning for a stroll. The upper margin of the beach, covered only by the highest tides, is loose, heavy sand, strewn with hardened lumps of clay, fatiguing to walk upon; but grows firmer as you approach the water. The wheels of the bathing-machines have broad wooden tires to prevent their sinking. The cliffs are, as we saw near the Spurn, nothing but clay, very irregular in profile and elevation, resembling, for the most part, a great brown bank, varying in height from ten feet to forty. The hotel stands on a rise, which overtops the land on each side and juts out farther, commanding a view for miles, bounded on the north by that far-stretching promontory, Flamborough Head; and to the south by the pale line, where land and water meet the sky. The morning sun touching the many jutting points, while the intervals lay in thin, hazy shadow, imparted
something picturesque to the scene, which vanished as the hours drew on, and the stronger light revealed the monotonous colour and unclothed surface of the cliffs. Towards evening the picturesque reappears with the lights falling in the opposite direction.
A short distance south of the hotel, a stream runs from the mere to the sea. The land is low here, so low that unusually high tides have forced their way up the channel of the stream to the lake, and flooded the grounds on both sides; and the effect will be, as Professor Phillips says, the entire drainage of the mere, and production of phenomena similar to those which may be seen on the other parts of the coast of Holderness. A depression in the cliffs exposing a section of deposits such as are only formed under a large surface of standing water. The result is a mere question of time; and if it be true that Hornsea church once stood ten miles from the sea, within the historical period, the scant half-mile, which is now all that separates it from the hungry waves, has no very lengthened term of existence before it. More than a mile in breadth along the whole coast from Bridlington to Spurn has been devoured since the Battle of the Standard was fought.
An old man of eighty who lives in the village says there are no such high tides now as when he was a boy; and if he be not a romancer, the low ground from the sea to the mere must, at least once, have presented the appearance of a great lake. But the wasting process is carried on by other means than the sea. I saw threads of water running down the cliffs, produced by yesterday's rain, and not without astonishment at the
great quantities of mud they deposit at the base, forming in places a narrow viscous stream, creeping in a raised channel across the sand, or confused pasty heaps dotted with pools of liquid ochre. Mr. Coniton, the proprietor of the hotel, told me that he believed the rain had more influence than the sea in causing the waste of the land, and he showed me the means he employed to protect his territory from one and the other. To prevent the loss by rain, which he estimates, where no precautions are taken, at a foot a year, he at first sloped his cliff at such an angle that the water runs easily down, and with scarcely appreciable mischief. Then, to protect the base, he has driven rows of piles through the sand into the clay beneath, and these, checking the natural drift of the sand to the southward, preserve the under stratum. Where no such barrier exists, the waves in a winter storm sweep all the sand clean off, and lay bare the clay, and tumbling upon it with mighty shocks, sometimes wear it down a foot in the course of a tide. By this lowering of the base, the saturated soil above, deprived of support, topples over, leaving a huge gap, which only facilitates further encroachments; and in the course of a few tides the fallen mass is drifted away to enlarge the shoals in the estuary of the Humber.
Mr. Coniton entered into possession fifteen years ago, and in all that time, so effectual are the safeguards, has lost none of his land. The edge, he says, has not receded, and, to show what might be, he points to his neighbour's field, which has shrunk away some yards to the rear.
The space between the hotel and the edge of the cliff is laid out as a lawn, which, sheltered by a bank
on the north, forms an agreeable outlook and lounging-place, while gravelled paths lead to an easy descent to the sands at each extremity of the premises. The house is well arranged; there is no noise, no slackness in the service; and families may live as privately as in a private residence. The charge for adults is four shillings a day; for young children, half a guinea a week, without stint as to number of meals: to which must be added the cost of rooms and attendance. The charges to casual guests are as reasonable as could be desired, contrasting favourably in this particular with my experiences at Hull and in certain of the inland towns and villages. Ninepence a day for service and boots is charged in the bill; hence you can depart without being troubled to "remember" anybody. An omnibus arrives every day from Beverley during the season—May to November. The distance is thirteen miles.
The falling tide had left a breadth of comparatively firm sand by the time I was ready to start, and along that I took my way to Bridlington: another stage of thirteen miles. The morning was bounteous in elements of enjoyment: a bright sun, great white clouds sailing high across the blue, a south-westerly breeze, which made the sea playful and murmurous: all gratifying to the desire of a wayfarer's heart. I could not help pitying those farmers at Beverley who saw no pleasure in walking. No pleasure in the surest promotion of health and exercise! No pleasure in the steady progressive motion which satisfies our love of change without hindering observation! No pleasure in walking, that strengthens the limbs and invigorates
the lungs! No pleasure in arming the sling against the giant! No pleasure in the occasion of cheerful thoughts and manifold suggestions which bring contentment to the heart! Walking is an exercise which in our days might replace, more commonly than it does, the rude outdoor recreations of former times; and if but a few of the many hundreds who put on their Sunday clothes to lounge the hours away at the corner of a street, would but take a ten miles' walk out to the country lanes or breezy moorlands, they would find benefit alike to their manhood and morals. If I remember rightly, it is one of the old Greeks who says that walking will almost cure a bad conscience; and, for my part, I am never so ready to obey the precept of neighbourly love as when my sentiments are harmonized by walks of seven or eight leagues a day.
The sands are of varying consistency. In some places you leave deep footprints; and nowhere is the firmness equal to that we shall find farther north, except on the wet border from which the wave has just retired. Mile after mile it stretches before you, a broad slope of sand, sparely roughened here and there by pebble drifts. At times you see numerous rounded lumps lying about of many sizes, which at a distance resemble sleeping turtles, and on a nearer view prove to be nothing but masses of hardened clay water-worn, and as full of pebbles as a canon's pudding is of plums. These are portions of the bottoms of lakes overrun by the sea; stubborn vestiges, which yield but slowly. At times the shortest route takes you through watery flats, or broad shallow streams, where little rivers are well-nigh swallowed by the sand as they run across
to the sea. A little farther and you come to a low bank, everywhere cut up by glistening ripple-marks, or to a bare patch of clay, which feels like india-rubber under your foot.
And the cliffs taken thus furlong by furlong offer a greater variety than appears at first sight. Here, the clay is cracked in such a way as to resemble nothing so much as a pile of huge brown loaves; now it falls away into a broken hollow patched with rough grass; now it juts again so full of perpendicular cracks that you liken it to a mass of starch; now it is grooved by a deep gully; now a buttress terminates in a crumbling pyramid—umber mottled with yellow; now it is a rude stair, six great steps only to the summit; now a point, of which you would say the extremity had been shaped by turf-cutters; now a wall of pebbles, hundreds of thousands of all sizes, the largest equal in bigness to a child’s head; now a shattered ruin fallen in a confused heap. Such are some of the appearances left by the waves in their never-ending aggressions.
In one hollow the disposition of the clay was so singular, and apparently artificial, and unlike anything which I had ever seen, that I could only imagine it to be a recess in which a party of Assyrian brickmakers had been at work and left great piles of their bricks in different degrees of finish. It was easier to imagine that than to believe such effects could be produced by the dash of the sea.
The greatest elevation occurs about Atwick and Skirlington, places interesting to the palæontologist, on account of fossils—an elephant’s tusk, and the head and horns of the great Irish elk—found in the cliffs.
Farther on the cliff sinks to a mere bank, six feet in height, but, whether high or low, you need not fear a surprise by the rising tide, for you can scramble up anywhere out of reach of the water. Looking inland from these points you see always the same character of scenery, and where a path zigzags up you will notice large trays used for carrying up the heaps of pebbles there accumulated, for the construction of drains, fences, and walls. Among remarkable curiosities are two large boulders—one of a slaty rock, the other of granite half embedded in the sand. From what part of the country were they drifted to their present position?
Here and there I fell in with a villager taking a quiet walk on the beach, and leading two or three little children. One of them told me that the Stricklands, a well-known family in Holderness, derived their name from Strikeland; that is, they were the first to strike the land when they came over. Collectors of folk-lore will perhaps make a note of this rustic etymology. He remembered hearing his father talk of the alarm that prevailed all along the coast when there was talk of "Bonypart's" invasion; and how that Paul Jones never sailed past without firing a ball at Rolleston Hall, that stood on a slope in sight of the sea, where dwelt Mr. Brough, who, as Marshal to the Court of Admiralty, had to direct the proceedings on the trial of Admiral Byng.
Here and there are parties of country lads bathing; or trying which can take the longest jump on the smooth sand; or squatting in soft places idly watching the waves, and exasperating their dogs into a fight.
After passing Skipsea and the northern end of the Barmston drain, the lone house in the distance catches your eye; the last house of Auburn—a village devoured by the sea. The distance is deceptive along the level shore; but when at length you come to the spot, you see a poor weatherbeaten cottage on the top of the cliff, and so close to the edge, that the eastern wall forms but one perpendicular line with the cliff itself. You can hardly help fancying that it will fall at any moment, even while you are looking; but so it has stood for many years; a fact the more remarkable, as in this place the cliff projects as if in defiance of the ruthless waters. Look at the old maps, and you will read: "Here Auburn washed away by the sea;" and the lone house remains a melancholy yet suggestive monument of geological change.
Now Bridlington comes in sight, and immediately beyond you see a change in the aspect of the cliffs. The chalk formation which stretches across England from Kent to Yorkshire, makes its appearance here as a thin white band under the clay, becoming thicker and thicker, till at length the whole cliff is chalk from base to summit, and the great promontory, of snowy whiteness, gleams afar in the sunlight along the shores and across the sea. The chalk opposes a barrier, which, though far less stubborn than the volcanic rocks of Cornwall, is yet more enduring than the clay: hence the land rushes proudly out on the domain of ocean. Nearness, however, while it shows you the mouths of caverns and gullies, like dark shades in the chalk, markedly shortens the headland to the eye.
The last mile of cliff as you approach Bridlington
is diversified by a pale chalky stratum, about four feet thick along the top. It dips down in places basin-like, and contrasts strangely with the clay.
Bridlington Quay, as the seaward part of the town is named, though situate at the very rear of the Head, is, as I saw on turning the last point, not safe from the sap and shock of the breakers. The cliff, sunken in places, exhibits the effect of landslips in rough slopes, and ugly heaps. Two legs of the seat fixed at the corner overhang the edge and rest upon nothing, and you see that the remainder are doomed to follow, notwithstanding the numerous piles driven in for protection.
The two arms of the pier enclose a small harbour, one of the few places of refuge for vessels caught by easterly gales on the Yorkshire coast—a coast deficient in good and easily-accessible harbours. A chalybeate spring bursts from the cliff on the northern side; and near the middle of the port an artesian well throws up a constant stream, varying with the rise and fall of the tide. The noisy brook which you cross, on entering the principal street, has its sources in those remarkable springs which, known as "the Gipseys," gush out from the foot of the wolds.
Bridlington attracts numbers of that class of visitors for whom Hornsea is too quiet and Scarborough too gay: in fine weather, steamers arrive with pleasure parties from Hull and Whitby, Flamborough Head being the great attraction. The boatmen ask fifteen shillings a day for a boat to sail round the Head, and give you opportunity to peer into caverns, or to shoot seafowl should your desire be for "sport." And besides their pay, the tough old fellows like to have a voice in provisioning the boat, resolute to demonstrate how much your pleasure depends on "laying in plenty of bottled porter."
The church, situate in the town about half a mile from the Quay, was at one time as large and handsome as the minster of Beverley; but of late years the visitor has only been able to see the remains of beauty through grievous dilapidations, in which the hand of man was more implicated than the weather. Paul Jones is still held responsible for some of the mischief. Now, however, the work of restoration is commenced, and ere long the admirable details and proportions of the edifice will reappear.
Here it was that, attended by a convoy of seven Dutch vessels of war, commanded by Van Tromp, Queen Henrietta Maria landed in 1643; and there are people yet living who remember the terror inspired by the redoubtable privateer aforementioned, while the North-American colonies were battling for their liberties. On the 20th of September, 1779, a messenger came in hot haste from Scarborough to Bridlington with news that an enemy had been espied off the coast, and in the evening of the same day the Yankee squadron was in sight from Flamborough Head. Preparations were at once made to send the women and children into the interior; money and valuables were hastily packed, and some of the inhabitants, panic-stricken, actually fled. The drum beat to arms; the Northumberland militia, then quartered in the neighbourhood, were called out; and all the coasting-vessels bore up for Bridlington Bay, and
crowded for protection into the little harbour. Scarcely a town or village on the Yorkshire coast but has its story of alarms and unwelcome visitations from the American privateers.
On the 24th the timid population witnessed a sea-fight from the cliffs. Jones, with the Bonhomme Richard, and the Pallas and Alliance frigates, intercepted the Serapis, of forty-four, and Countess of Scarbro', of twenty-two guns, convoying a fleet of merchant-vessels, and at once commenced action. The two largest ships grappled, and fired into each other for two hours, the two frigates meanwhile sailing round, and doing their best to cripple the Englishman. The American at length struck; but only as a feint, for when the crew of the Serapis boarded, they fell into an ambush prepared for them, and suffered so much loss, that the Serapis hauled down her colours, and the Countess of Scarbro' was taken by the Pallas. The victory, however, was dearly won: the Bonhomme Richard lost three hundred men in killed and wounded, and was so grievously cut up in her hull, that the next day she went to the bottom. Captain Pearson, of the Serapis, in his despatch to the Admiralty announcing the capture of his ship, had good reason to write, "I flatter myself with the hopes that their lordships will be convinced that she has not been given away."
The scene of three of Montgomery's sonnets is laid at Bridlington. Turn to the volume and read them, before you go farther.
CHAPTER VIII.
What the Boarding-House thought—Landslips—Yarborough House—The Dane’s Dike—Higher Cliffs—The South Landing—The Flamborough Fleet—Ida, the Flamebearer—A Storm—A Talk in a Limekiln—Flamborough Fishermen—Coffee before Rum—No Drunkards—A Landlord’s Experiences—Old-fashioned Honesty.
The party—four gentlemen and one lady—at the boarding-house where I tarried to dine, agreed unanimously that to pass a whole Sunday morning in walking, was especially blameworthy. Besides being wrong in itself, it was “setting such a bad example;” nor would they hear reason on the question. With them, indeed, it was no question: they quoted the fourth Commandment, and that settled it. Any departure from that was decidedly wrong, if not sinful. And then, perhaps out of a benevolent desire for my spiritual welfare, they urged me to stay till the morrow, when I might join them in a boat-trip to the Head, and help to fire guns at the seafowl. It surprised me somewhat to hear them discuss their project with as much animation as if they had not just administered a homily to me, or the day had not been Sunday. The possibilities of weather, the merits of cold pies, sandwiches, and lively bottled drinks, powder and shot moreover, and tidal contingencies, were talked
about in a way that led me to infer there was nothing at all wrong in consuming the holy day with anticipations of pleasure to come in the days reckoned unholy. Then one of the party set off to walk to a village three miles distant; and presently, when I started for Flamborough, the other three accompanied me as far as the path along the cliff was easy to the foot. So I could only infer again that there is nothing wrong in short walks on a Sunday. It is simply the distance that constitutes the difference between good and evil. Some folk appear to believe that if they only sit under a pulpit in the morning, they have earned a dispensation for the rest of the day.
The cliffs now are sixty feet in height, broken by frequent slips in the upper stratum of clay, and numerous cracks running along the path mark the limits of future falls. One of the slips appeared to be but a few hours old, and the lumps, of all dimensions, with patches of grass and weeds sticking out here and there, lying in a great confused slope, suggested the idea of an avalanche of clay. Ere long you come to Yarborough House, a stately mansion standing embowered by trees about a furlong from the shore. Holding that an Englishman has an inherent right of way along the edge of his own country, I gave no heed to the usual wooden warning to trespassers, erected where the path strikes inland at the skirt of the grounds, and kept along the pathless margin of the cliff. Nothing appeared to be disturbed by my presence except a few rabbits, that darted as if in terror to their burrows. Once past the grounds you come into large
fields, where the grain grows so close to the brink of the precipice, that you wonder alike at the thrift of the Yorkshire farmers and the skill with which they drive their ploughs in critical situations.
As you proceed, the cliffs rise higher, interrupted in places by narrow gullies, one of which is so deep and the farther bank so high as to appear truly formidable, and shut out all prospect to the east. After a difficult scramble down, and a more difficult scramble up, you find yourself on the top of a ridge, which, stretching all across the base of the headland from sea to sea, along the margin of a natural ravine, remains a monument, miles in length, of the days
"When Denmark's Raven soar'd on high,
Triumphant through Northumbrian sky."
It is the "Dane's Dike," a barrier raised by our piratical Scandinavian forefathers to protect their settlements on the great promontory. With such a fence, they had always a refuge to fall back upon where they could hold their own, and command the landing-places till more ships and marauders arrived with succours. As the eye follows the straight line of the huge grass-grown embankment, you will feel something like admiration of the resolute industry by which it was raised, and perhaps think of the fierce battles which its now lonely slopes must once have witnessed.
Still the cliffs ascend. Farther on I came to a broader and deeper ravine, at the mouth of which a few boats lay moored; and others hauled up on the beach, and coming nearer, I saw boat after boat lodged here and there on
the slopes, even to the level ground above, where, judging from the number, the fleet found its rendezvous. It was curious to see so many keels out of their element, most of them gay with stripes of blue and red, and bearing the names of the wives and daughters of Flambro'. The little bay, however, known as the South Landing, is one of the two ports of Flamborough: the other, as we shall see after passing the lighthouse, is similar in formation—a mere gap in the cliffs. They might be called providential landing-places, for without them the fishermen of Flamborough would have no access to the sea, except by ladders down the precipice. As it is, the declivity is very steep; and it is only by hauling them up to every available spot, that room is found for the numerous boats.
Here it was that Ida, the Flamebearer, is supposed to have landed, when he achieved the conquest of Northumbria; and here the galleys of the Sea-Kings found a precarious shelter while the daring Northmen leaped on shore to overrun the land in later centuries, when tradition alone preserved the remembrance of the former invaders and their warlike deeds.
I was prowling hither and thither in the ravine, entertained with the present while imagining the past, when the clouds, grown every minute blacker since noon, let fall their burden with something like tropical vehemence. For some time there was no perceptible pause in the lightning or thunder, and against the accompanying rain an umbrella was but as gauze. I rushed into the arch of a neighbouring limekiln, and, once in, was kept there two hours by the roaring storm.
Presently two fishermen, speeding up from the landing, made for the same shelter, and of course, under the circumstances, we fraternised at once, and talked the time away.
Clean and well-clad, they were favourable—and as I afterwards saw—not exceptional specimens of their class. In their own opinion the Flamborough fishermen bear as good a character as any in Yorkshire—perhaps better. About seven years ago they all resolved to work but six days a week, and on no account to go to sea on Sundays. They held to their resolve, and, to the surprise of most, found themselves the better. They earn quite as much as before, if not more, and go to work with better spirit. During the herring season it is a common practice with them to put into Scarborough on Saturday evening, and journey home by rail for the Sunday, taking advantage of the very low fares at which return tickets are issued to fishermen. And as for diet, they take good store of bread and meat, pies even, in their boats, seeing no reason why they should not live as well as their neighbours. A glass of rum was acceptable, especially in cold and blowing weather; but so far as they knew, there were very few fishermen who would not "choose hot coffee before rum any day."
There was none of that drinking among fishermen now as there used to be formerly. You could find some in Flamborough "as liked their glass," but none to be called drunkards. There is a National School in the village; but not so well attended as it might be, and perhaps would be if they had a better schoolmaster. The people generally had pretty good health,
which is possibly the occasion why the last two doctors, finding time hang heavy on their hands, drank themselves to death. There is, or rather was in July, 1857, an opening for a doctor in Flamborough.
The rain still fell heavily when we left our shelter, and it kept on till past midnight. Luckily the village was not a mile distant, and there I took possession of a comfortable chair by the kitchen fire of *The Ship*. The landlord corroborated all that the fishermen had told me, with the reservation that he found it difficult to clear his room of tipplers on Saturday night, although none could be set down as drunkards. At times he put on his clock ten minutes, to ensure a clearance before the Sunday morning, resolutely refusing to refill the glasses after twelve. The guests would go away growling out a vow never to return to such an inhospitable house; but not one kept the vow more than a fortnight. When, nineteen years ago, he determined not to open his house on Sunday to any but strangers who might chance to arrive from a distance, the village thought itself scandalised, and the other public-houses predicted his ruin. They were, however, mistaken. *The Ship* still flourishes; and the host and his family "find themselves none the worse for going to a place of worship, and keeping the house quiet one day in seven."
"Sometimes," he ended, "we don't think to fasten the front door when we go to bed; but it's all the same; nobody comes to disturb us." Which may be taken as an indication that honesty has not yet abandoned Flamborough.
CHAPTER IX.
Men's and Women's Wages—The Signal Tower—The passing Fleet—The Lighthouse—The Inland View—Cliff Scenery—Outstretching Reefs—Selwicks Bay—Down to the Beach—Aspect of the Cliffs—The Matron—Lessons in Pools—Caverns—The King and Queen—Arched Promontories—The North Landing—the Herring-Fishers—Pleasure Parties—Robin Lyth's Hole—Kirk Hole—View across Little Denmark—Speeton—End of the Chalk—Walk to Filey.
A fresh, bright morning succeeded the stormy night, and it was but a few hours old when, after a look at the old Danish tower at the west of the village, I walked across the fields to the lighthouse. A woman trudging in the same direction with a hoe on her shoulder said, after I had asked her a few questions, she wished she were a man, for then she would get nine shillings a week and her meat, instead of one shilling a day and feeding herself, as at present. However, 'twas better than nothing. Presently her daughter came up, a buxom maiden, wearing her bonnet in a way which saved her the affliction of shrugs and the trouble of tying. It was front behind: a fashion which leaves no part of the head exposed, shelters the poll, and looks picturesque withal. It prevails, as I afterwards noticed, among the rustic lasses everywhere.
As I passed the old stone tower near the coastguard station, the signal-man was busy raising and lowering his flag, for a numerous fleet of coasting-vessels was running by to the southward, each telling its name as it came within signal distance. The man sends a daily list of the names to London for publication, whereby coal-merchants and others hear of cargoes on the way, and calculate the time of their arrival. It is a peculiarity of Flamborough Head, an enlivening one, that ships can keep so close in that the men on their decks are distinctly seen, and their voices heard, by one standing on the cliff.
The lighthouse, a circular white tower, eighty-two feet in height, stands on the verge of the cliff, displaying inside and out all that admirable order and cleanliness characteristic of British lighthouses. There is no difficulty in obtaining admittance; you sign your name in a book, and are forthwith conducted up to the lantern by the chief or one of his aids. The light is revolving, alternately white and red, and can be seen at a distance of thirty miles. But here, elevated two hundred and fifty feet above the sea, you feel most interested in the prospect. No "shadowy pomp of woods" arrests the eye looking landwards, but a region bleak and bare in aspect rolling away to the distant wolds, the line of uplands which, sweeping round, approaches the coast about Scarborough. The village with its windmill, and the few farms that are in sight, look naked and comfortless. Not an inviting territory for an invader given to the picturesque. But seawards, and along the rugged front of the cliffs, grandeur and variety exert their charm. Here the up-piled chalk flings out a bold perpendicular buttress, solid from
base to summit; there the jutting mass is isolated by yawning cracks and chasms, and underneath, as we shall presently see, is fretted into fantastic shapes, pierced through and through, or worn into caverns by the headlong billows. In places a broken slope of rocky hummocks and patches of grass, weeds, and gravel descends, more or less abruptly, to the beach, opening a view of the long weed-blackened reefs that, stretching out from the Head, afford a measure of the amazing encroachments of the sea. Northwards, the bluff crowned by Scarborough Castle, backed by higher elevations, closes the view; to the south you have the low, fading coast of Holderness. And all the while brigs, ships, and schooners are sailing past, more than a hundred in sight, some of them so near that you fancy they will hardly escape the lurking points of the dark reef. One small vessel, the keeper told me, had touched the day before, and lay fast and helpless till, the weather being calm, she floated off by the succeeding tide. You can look down into Selwicks Bay, and see men and boys quarrying chalk, and donkeys laden with heavy panniers of the lumps, toiling painfully up the steep winding road which forms the only approach. The farther horn of the little bay is arched and tunnelled, and taken with the waterfall plunging down in its rear and the imposing features of the points beyond, invites to further exploration.
The residents at the lighthouse enjoy an abundant supply of water from a spring within their enclosure: their garden produces cabbages and potatoes; the neighbours are friendly, and visitors numerous. Hence
life is more cheerful to them than to the amphibious hermits who dwell at the Spurn.
While looking for a practicable descending-place, I noticed many tufts of thrift as thick with flowers as in an antiquated garden where the old favourites are still cherished.
"Even here hath Nature lavished hues, and scent,
And melody; born handmaids of the ocean:
The frowning crags, with moss and rock-flowers blent,
Dazzle the eyes with sunlight, while the motion
Of waves, the breezes fragrant from the sea,
And cry of birds, combine one glorious symphony!"
The time—dead low water—being favourable for a stroll on the beach, I scrambled down a rough slope to the south of the lighthouse, and across the rougher beach to the rocks beyond the outmost point, where, turning round, I could view the cliffs in either direction. And a striking scene it is! A wild beach, as rugged with water-worn lumps of chalk as any lover of chaos could desire. Here the cliff jutting proudly, the white patches gleaming brightly where masses of chalk have recently fallen, and the harder portions presenting a smooth, marble-like appearance; there receding into the shade, and terminating in darksome hollows, the mouths of gullies and caverns; and everywhere broken up with buttresses, piers, and columnar projections, the bases of which are garnished with a belt of shelly incrustation, and a broad brown fringe of weed. Above, the white surface is varied by streaks and stains of yellow and green, and seafowl innumerable crowd on all the ledges, or wheel and dart in
restless flight, as if proud to show their white wings to the sun.
The reef stretches out a quarter of a mile, as one may guess, worn here and there with channels narrow and deep, along which the water rolls with intermittent rush and roar, reminding the loiterer here in the slumberous July weather of tremendous energies lulled to repose. I walked round the Matron—an isolated pyramid of chalk—and patted her on the back; and strode from one little pool to another, taking an unscientific lesson in natural history while watching the animal and vegetable occupants, and those that seemed to be as much one as the other. I got a fine specimen of the hermit crab, and proved the strength of local attachment: it would not be coaxed from its hermitage—the shell of a whelk.
I saw a limpet give its shell half a rotation, then grow tall for an instant, and then shut itself snugly down upon the rock. At times, while I stood quite still, "ninnycocks," that is, young lobsters, would venture out from their crevices, and have a frolic in their weedy basin; but they would tolerate no intruder, and darted into undiscoverable retreats on my slightest movement. And the animated flowers that displayed their orange and crimson petals at the bottom of the basin were equally mistrustful, and shut themselves up if I did but put my hand in the water, even after they had looked on without winking at the gambols of the ninnycocks.
There are times when ignorance has a charm, and this was one of them. How much happier to sit and watch a crowd of weeds, a very forest in miniature,
tenanted by creeping things innumerable, and to have your faculty of wonder excited as well as admiration while observing them in full liberty, than to come prepared to call one an ascidian, another an entomostacan, and so on, and to assign to each its place in the phycological handbook, or the zoological catalogue.
In some of the smallest and deepest caverns which curve as they enter the cliff, you get effects of cross lights from their inner extremity, and see the glistening of the walls, which, worn smooth by the water, appear to be varnished. In all the floor rises more or less rapidly; and in one, a hundred paces deep, the rush and roar of the surge outside comes only as a gentle murmur, and a slow drip-drip from the crevice has an impressive sound there in the gloom where entrance cannot be seen.
I took advantage of the opportunity, and explored most of the openings, catching sight now and then of belemnites and other curious fossils in the chalk; wading at times knee-deep in weed, and scrambled round the bays on each side of the point, and failed not to salute the venerable King and Queen.
Having rambled about till the rising tide began to cut off the way round the promontories, and the crabbers came in from their raid on the reefs, I climbed the rough slope, and paced away for the North Landing. Beyond Selwicks Bay the cliff is more broken and cut up into romantic coves and bays; with confused landslips here and there, and in places the green turf rushing half way down masks the chalk; and everywhere are thousands of birds, with their ceaseless cry and clang. Isolated masses are numerous; and from one point I could count eight headlands, each pierced by an arch. And here the water, no longer stained with clay, shows green and bright along the base of the cliff, beautifully pellucid where it rolls over a bottom of chalk, contrasting strangely with darksome gulfs and broad beds of weed. And mingling with the cry of birds, there comes from time to time to your ear the noisy report of the guns, or the chant of the fishermen, as rocked on the swell, they sit watching their nets.
The North Landing is a gap similar to the South, but broader, and with an outlet wide enough to be described as a bay. Here I saw some sixty or eighty boats perched from top to bottom of the steep slope; and groups of fishermen with their families, men, women, and children, all busy with preparations for the herring fishery. While some sorted the nets, others lifted in big stones for ballast, or set up the masts, and others pushed their boats down to meet the tide, and all in high good humour; while all about there prevailed a strong fishy smell. And besides the fishermen, there were parties of young men with their guns embarking for a sporting cruise; some, armed only with parasols and accompanied by ladies, setting off for a sail round the Head; for this is the chief port of Flamborough, and the North Star, a public-house at the top of the hill, is convenient for the commissariat.
The advance of the tide prevented my seeing Robin Lyth’s Hole, a cavern on the eastern side of the Landing; named, as some say, after a certain smuggler who kept his unlawful merchandise therein; or to commemorate the name of a man who was caught in the
cavern by the tide, and saved his life by clinging to the topmost ledge till the water fell. Another cavern is known as the Dovecote; another as Kirk Hole; and of this the tradition runs that it extends far underground to the village churchyard.
I climbed up the western side of the gap, and continued my way along the cliffs, which maintain their elevation. Soon I came to the northern end of the Dike, a height of three hundred feet, and from the top beheld the whole territory of Little Denmark, and the sea all the way round to the lighthouse, and the southern end of the Dike. According to Professor Phillips, this remarkable bank was probably already in existence when the Danes landed: "perhaps earlier than the Anglian invasion," he says; "perhaps it is a British work, like many other of the entrenchments on these anciently peopled hills."
A mile farther, and the cliff rises to a height of more than four hundred feet. In some places the bank which encloses the fields is broad enough for a footpath; but you must beware of the landslips. The fences, which are troublesome to climb, project beyond the edge of the cliff to keep the cows, as an old farmer said, "from persevering after the grass and tumbling over." Then at Speeton the chalk turns inland away from the coast, the cliff makes a deep hollow curve, chiefly gravel and dark blue clay, abounding in fossils. To avoid the curve, I zigzagged down to the beach; but was presently stopped by a point against which the waves were dashing breast high. I scrambled over it, and was struck by its curious appearance. It seemed to be a high clay buttress, which had fallen
perhaps within a few weeks, and was broken up into masses of somewhat regular form, resembling big loaves, and the long grass that had once waved on the surface now looked like dishevelled thatch. It was an interesting example of the way in which the sea commences its ravages.
Farther on the cliffs diminish in height, and are furrowed by numerous streamlets, and the rugged, stony beach changes to smooth, yielding sand. Filey comes in sight, and Filey Brig, a long black bar stretching into the sea from the extreme point of the great bay, half concealed at times by a quivering ridge of foam. Then we pass from the East to the North Riding, and ere long we look up at Filey—a Royal Hotel, a crescent, and rows of handsome houses, coldish of aspect, a terrace protected by a paved slope, and gravelled paths and a stair for easy access to the beach. The terrace commands a view over the bay, and of the cliffs all the way to Flamborough.
CHAPTER X.
Old and New Filey—The Ravine—Filey Brig—Breaking Waves—Rugged Cliffs—Prochronic Gravel—Gristhorpe Bay—Insulated Column—Lofty Cliffs—Fossil Plants—Red Cliff—Cayton Bay—Up to the Road—Bare Prospect—Cromwell Hotel and Oliver’s Mount—Scarborough—The Esplanade—Watering-Place Phenomena—The Cliff Bridge—The Museum—The Spa—The Old Town—The Harbour—The Castle Rock—The Ancient Keep—The Prospect—Reminiscences: of Harold Hardrada; of Pembroke’s Siege; of the Papists’ Surprise; of George Fox; of Robin Hood—The One Artilleryman—Scarborough Newspapers—Cloughton—The Village Inn, and its Guests—Tudds and Pooads.
Here at Filey you begin to see a special characteristic of these sea-side resorts:—the contrast between the new and old—the nineteenth century looking proudly across a narrow debatable ground at the sixteenth and seventeenth, putting even still earlier periods out of countenance. Were it not for its churches, the olden time would on occasions be made to feel ashamed of itself.
A breezy commanding outlook in front; a large handsome church, with low square tower, in the rear; a few shops trying to reconcile themselves to the new order of things while supplying the wants of fifteen hundred inhabitants; more than a few true to the old order, and here and there behind the dim panes, eggs of seabirds, and shells, and marine stores, in the literal
sense; and two or three quiet-looking, respectable inns, open to visitors whom the style of the Royal Hotel intimidates; the new town on the south, and a wooded ravine on the north; and such is old Filey.
Into this ravine I descended from the church. Heavy rain had fallen nearly all night, and the paths were so sticky and slippery, that I wondered so pretty a spot, so capable with bushes and trees and a little brook of contributing to recreation, should not be better kept. There is no lack of material for solid paths in the neighbourhood; but judging from appearances the ravine gets none of it. The path follows the course of the brook, and brings you out upon a beach where fishing-boats, and nets, and lobster-pots, and heaps of ballast, and a smoky fire, and fishy refuse and a smell of tar, and sturdy men and women, make up divers pictures for the eye, and odours for the nostrils.
As, on approaching Flamborough, we saw the chalk begin to appear at the base of the cliff, so here we see a stratum of sandstone slanting up beneath the clay, rising higher towards the northern horn of the bay, and thence stretching out for three furlongs into the sea, forming the remarkable reef known as Filey Brig. Camden describes it as "a thin slip of land, such as the old English called File; from which the little village Filey takes its name." We may suppose that the cliff once projected as far, sheltering an indentation so deep that Ptolemy might well call it the well-havened bay; though on this particular there are different opinions among the learned. Even now, stripped of its cap of clay, the reef forms a natural breakwater,
of which the effect is best seen in the quiet of the small vessels at anchor behind it.
I was fortunate in the time, for a strong north wind was blowing, and the great waves, checked in their career, dashed headlong against the stony barrier, and broke into little mountains of foam, bursting up here and there in tall white intermittent jets as from a geyser; here one solid surge tumbling over another, mingling with rush and roar in a wide drift of spume; there flinging up gauzy whiffs of spray as if mermaids in frolic were tossing their veils. So mighty were the shocks at times as to inspire a feeling of insecurity in one who stood watching the magnificent spectacle.
You can walk out to the end of the reef, and get good views of Scarborough, about six miles distant in one direction, and away to Flamborough on the other. The floor is generally level, interrupted in places by great steps, channels, and holes; and by huge blocks of many tons' weight scattered about, testifying mutely to the tremendous power of the sea.
It is a wild scene, and wilder beyond the point, where the whole beach is strewn with broken lumps, and ledge succeeds to ledge, now high, now low, compelling you to many an up-and-down, stooping under a rude cornice, or scrambling over a slippery ridge. In places the cliff overhangs threateningly, or, receding, forms an alcove where you may sit and feast your eye with the wondrous commotion, and your ear with the thundering chorus of many waters.
The upper stratum of clay is worn by the two-fold action of rain and spray into singularly fantastic forms, and where it has been deeply excavated, there,
kept in by the rim of stone, lies a salt-water pool so bright and pellucid that the temptation to bathe therein is irresistible. I thought to get round to Gristhorp Bay, but came presently to a recess where the breakers rushing half way up the cliff barred all further progress. To lean against the rocky wall and feel it throb with the shock within the shower of spray, produced an almost painful emotion; and it seemed to me that the more tumultuous the sea the better did it harmonise with a promontory so rugged and grim.
I retraced my steps to a stair that zigzags up the cliff on the inner side of the point. Near this certain visitors have cut their initials in the hard rock floor, of such dimensions that you can only imagine a day must have been spent in the task with mallet and chisel. Vain records! The sea will wash them out some day. When on the summit I was struck more than before by the contrast between the rage and uproar on the outside of the ridge, and the comparative calm inside; nor was it easy to leave a view to which, apart from all the features of the shore, the restless sea added touches of the sublime, wherein wrought fascination. And all the while men, looking like pigmies in the distance, were groping for crabs along each side of the far-stretching reef.
A little way north of the point a rustic pavilion standing in a naked garden indicates where the visitor will find a jutting buttress whence to contemplate the scene below. More exposed on this side, the cliff is more cut up and broken in outline, jutting and receding in rugged ledges, and in every hollow rests one of those limpid pools, so calm and clear that you can see
the creeping things moving between the patches of weed at the bottom. And the beach is thickly strewn with boulders of a size which perhaps represents the gravel of the "prochronic" era.
The elevation increases as we advance, and by-and-by looking round on Filey, we see how it lies at the mouth of a broad vale which it requires no great effort of imagination to believe may have been an estuary at some very remote period, near to the time
"When the Indian Ocean did the wanton play,
Mingling its billows with the Balticke sea,
And the whole earth was water."
And far as you can see inland the prospect is bare even to the distant hills and wolds which loom large and mountainous through the hazy atmosphere.
Now the cliff shows bands of colour—brown, gray, and ochre, and the lower half capped by a green slope forms a thick projecting plinth to the perpendicular wall above. Scarborough begins to be visible in detail, and soon we descend into Gristhorp Bay, where rough walking awaits us. At its northern extremity stands an insulated columnar mass, somewhat resembling the Cheesewring, on a rude pedestal shaped by the waves from the rocky layers. Situate about fifty yards from the point, it marks the wear of the cliff from which it has been detached, while the confused waste of rocks left bare by the ebb suggests ages of destruction prior to the appearance of the stubborn column.
The cliffs are of imposing height, nearly three hundred feet: a formidable bulwark. It is heavy walking
along their base, but as compensation there are strata within reach in which you may find exhaustless deposits of fossil plants, giant ferns, and others. And so the beach continues round Red Cliff into Cayton Bay, where another chaos of boulders will try your feet and ability to pick your way. To vary the route, I turned up at Cayton Mill, past the large reservoir from which Scarborough is supplied with water, along the edge of the undercliff to the high road, leaving Carnelian Bay unvisited. At the hill-top you come suddenly upon a wide and striking prospect—a great sweep of hilly country on one hand, on the other the irregular margin of the cliffs all the way to the town, and a blue promontory far beyond the castle bluff, which marks our course for the morrow.
The road is good and the crops look hopeful; but the hedgerows are scanty and stunted, and not improved by the presence of a few miserable oaks; nor do the plantations which shelter the farm-houses and stingy orchards appear able to rejoice though summer be come. In some places, for want of better, the banks are topped by a hedge of furze. On the left of the road, long offshoots from the bleak uplands of the interior terminate with an abrupt slope, presenting the appearance of artificial mounds. Another rise, and there is Scarborough in full view, crowding close to the shore of its bay, terminated by the castle rock, the most striking feature. Bright, showy houses scattered on the south and west indicate the approaches to the fashionable quarter, and of those farthest from the sea you will not fail to notice the Cromwell Hotel—a new building in Swiss-like style of architecture, at the foot
of Oliver’s Mount. The Mount—so named from a tradition that the Protector planted his cannon there when besieging the castle—is another of those truncated offshoots, six hundred feet in height, and from the summit, which is easily accessible and much visited, you get an interesting prospect.
You see the tops of the trees in the deep valley which divides the New Town from the Old, and rearwards, broken ground sprinkled with wood, which imparts some touches of beauty to the western outskirts.
Then, turning to the right, you come upon a stately esplanade, and not without a feeling of surprise after a few days’ walking by yourself. For here all is life, gaiety, and fashion. Long rows of handsome houses, of clean, light-coloured sandstone, with glittering windows and ornamental balconies, all looking out on the broad, heaving sea. In front, from end to end, stretches a well-kept road, where seats, fixed at frequent intervals, afford a pleasurable resting-place; and from this a great slope descends to the beach, all embowered with trees and shrubs, through which here and there you get a glimpse of a gravelled path or the domed roof of a summer-house. And there, two hundred feet below, is the Spa—a castellated building protected by a sea-wall, within which a broad road slopes gently to the sands. You see visitors descending through the grove for their morning draught of the mineral water, or assisting the effect by a “constitutional” on the promenade beneath; while hundreds besides stroll on the sands, where troops of children under the charge of nursemaids dig holes with little wooden spades. And here on the esplanade
elegant pony barouches, driven by natty little postilions, are starting every few minutes from the aristocratic-looking hotel to air gay parties of squires and dames around the neighbourhood. And turning again to the beach, there you see rows of bathing-machines gay with green and red stripes, standing near the opening of the valley, and now and then one starts at a slow pace laden with bathers to meet the rising tide. And beyond these the piers stretch out, and the harbour is crowded with masts, and two steamers rock at their moorings, waiting for "excursionists." The whole backed by the houses of the Old Town rising picturesquely one above the other, and crowning the castle heights.
Nearly an hour passed before I left that agreeable resting-place: none better for getting a view of Scarborough and its environment. Of all the strollers I saw none go beyond what appeared to be a conventional limit; nature without art was perhaps too fatiguing for them. In all my walk along the coast, I met but two, and they were young men, who had ventured a few miles from head-quarters for a real walk on the cliffs.
A bridge, four hundred feet long and seventy-five high, offers a level crossing for foot-passengers from the esplanade to the opposite side of the deep valley above mentioned, on payment of a toll. It is at once ornamental and convenient, saving the toil of a steep ascent and descent, and combining the advantage of an observatory. From the centre you get a complete view of the bay, one which the eye rests on with pleasure, though you will hardly agree with a
medical author, that it is a "Bay of Naples." In the other direction, you look up the wooded valley, and down upon the Museum, a Doric rotunda, built by the members of the Scarborough Philosophical Society, for the preservation of geological specimens. The contents are admirably classified, rocks and fossils in their natural order; amid them rests the skeleton of an ancient British chief; and near the entrance you may see the clumsy oak coffin in which it was found, about twenty-five years ago, in a barrow at Gristhorp.
Descend into the valley, and you will find pleasure in the sight of the bridge, and miles of water seen through the light and graceful arches. Then take a walk along the sands, and look up at the leafy slope, crowned by the esplanade, and you will commend the enterprise which converted an ugly clay cliff into a hanging wood. And enterprise is not to stop here: Sir Joseph Paxton, as I heard, has been consulted about the capabilities of the cliff to the south. Some residents, however, think that Scarborough is already overdone.
In a small court within the Spa you may see the health-giving waters flowing from two mouths, known from their position as North Well and South Well. The stream is constant, and, after all the wants of the establishment are supplied, runs across the sand to the sea. The water has a flavour of rusty iron and salt, differing in the two wells, although they are but a few feet apart; and the drinkers find it beneficial in cases of chronic debility, and indigestion, with their remorseless allies.
The contrast is more marked between New and Old than at Filey. There is, however, a good, respectable look about the streets of the Old Town, and signs of solid business, notwithstanding the collections of knick-knackery and inharmonious plate-glass. From the broad main street you descend by a narrow crooked street—from old through oldest to the harbour, where old anchors, old boats, old beams and buttresses dispute possession with the builders of new boats, who make the place noisy with their hammering. Here, as a Yorkshireman would say, were assembled all the "ragabash" of Scarborough, to judge by what they said and did. Boys and men were fishing from the pier-head under the lighthouse, watched by grizzly old mariners, who appeared to have nothing better to do than to sit in the sun; children paddled in the foamy shallows of the heavy breakers; carts rumbled slowly to and from the coal brigs, followed by stout fellows carrying baskets of fish; a sight which might have shamed the dissolute throng into something like industry.
Enclosed by the three piers which form the harbour stands a detached pile of masonry, seemingly an ancient breakwater—all weatherbeaten, weedy, and grass-grown, with joints widely gaping, looking as if it had stood there ever since Leland's day—a remarkable object amid the stir of trade and modern constructions, but quite in harmony with the old pantile-roofed houses that shut in the port. Among these you note touches of the picturesque; and your eye singles out the gables as reminiscences of the style which, more than any other, satisfies its desire.
But let us go and look down on the scene from the castle rock. The ascent is steep, yet rich in recompense. St. Mary's church, near the summit, and the fragments of old walls standing amidst the graves, remind us of its former dimensions, and of the demolitions it suffered during the siege. And there rises in massive strength, to a height of ninety feet, a remnant of the castle keep—an imposing ruin full before us, as we cross the drawbridge, pass under the barbican, and along the covered way, to the inner court. But the court is a large, rough pasture, fenced on the north and east, where the cliff is perpendicular as a wall, and towards the town shut in by a range of old wall, pierced by a few embrasures, some low buildings, and the remains of an ancient chapel. There is no picturesque assemblage of ruins; but little indeed besides the shattered keep, and that appears to best effect from without. Near the chapel, Our Lady's Well, a spring famous from time immemorial, bubbles silently up in a darksome vault.
Northwards the view extends along the rugged coast to the Peak, a lofty point that looks down on Robin Hood's Bay, and to hazy elevations beyond Whitby. To get a sight of the town you must return to the barbican, where you can get upon the wall and securely enjoy a bird's-eye view; from the row of cannon which crown the precipice sheer down to the port and away to the Spa, all lies outspread before the curious eye.
A great height, as we have already proved, appears to be favourable to musing, especially when the sun shines bright. And here there is much to muse about. Harold Hardrada, when on his way to defeat and death
at Stamford Brig, landed here, and climbing the "Scarburg" with his wild sea-rovers, lit a huge bonfire, and tossed the blazing logs over the cliff down upon the town beneath. The burg, or fortress, was replaced in the reign of Stephen by a castle, which, renewed by Henry II., became one of the most important strongholds of the kingdom. Piers Gavestone defended it vigorously against the Earl of Pembroke, but was starved into a surrender, with what result we all know. The Roman Catholics attempted it during their Pilgrimage of Grace, but were beaten off. In 1554, however, when Queen Mary was trying to accomplish the Pilgrims' work, a son of Lord Stafford and thirty confederates, all disguised as rustics, sauntered unsuspected into the outer court, where on a sudden they surprised the sentries, and immediately admitting a reserve party carrying concealed arms, they made themselves masters of the place. The success of this surprise is said to have given rise to the adage "Scarborough warning; a word and a blow, and the blow first." But after three days the Earl of Westmoreland regained possession, and Mr. Stafford underwent the same sharp discipline as befel Edward the Second's favourite. At length came the struggle between Prerogative and People, and in the triumph of the right the castle was well-nigh demolished; and since then, time and tempest have done the rest.
Among the unfortunates who suffered imprisonment here, George Fox, the aboriginal Quaker, has left us a most pathetic account of his sufferings. Brought hither from Lancaster Castle, he was put into a chamber which he likened to purgatory for smoke,
into which the rain beat, and after he had "laid out about fifty shillings" to make it habitable, "they removed me," he writes in his Journal, "into a worse room, where I had neither chimney nor fireplace. This being to the sea-side and lying much open, the wind drove in the rain forcibly, so that the water came over my bed and ran about the room, that I was fain to skim it up with a platter. And when my clothes were wet, I had no fire to dry them; so that my body was benumbed with cold, and my fingers swelled, that one was grown as big as two." For more than a year did the resolute Peacemaker endure pain and privation, and vindicate his principles on this tall cliff; and when three years later, in 1669, he again went preaching in Yorkshire, he revisited Scarborough, and "the governor hearing I was come," he writes, "sent to invite me to his house, saying, 'surely I would not be so unkind as not to come and see him and his wife.' So after the meeting I went up to visit him, and he received me very courteously and lovingly."
Five hundred years earlier, and, as the ballad tells, the merry outlaw, Robin Hood, who
"The Yorkshire woods frequented much,"
being a-weary of forest glades and fallow deer, exclaimed,
"The fishermen brave more money have
Than any merchants two or three;
Therefore I will to Scarborough go,
That I a fisherman brave may be."
But though the "widow woman" in whose house "he took up his inn," lent him a stout boat and willing
crew, he caught no fish, and the master laughed at him for a lubber. However, two or three days later, he espied a ship of war sailing proudly towards them, and then it was the master's turn to lament, for the French robbers spared no man. To him then Robin:
"Master, tye me to the mast,' saith he,
'That at my mark I may stand fair,
And give me my bent bow in my hand,
And never a Frenchman will I spare.'
"He drew his arrow to the very head,
And drew it with all might and maine,
And straightway in the twinkling of an eye,
To the Frenchman's heart the arrow's gane.
* * * *
"Then streight they boarded the French ship
They lyeing all dead in their sight;
The found within that ship of warre
Twelve thousand pound of mony bright."
The castle is national property, and as the bluff affords a good site for offence and defence, a magazine and barracks for a company of men have been built. For all garrison, at the time of my visit, there was but one invalid artilleryman, who employs his leisure in constructing models of the ruins for sale along with bottles of ginger-beer. He will talk to you about the nice water of Our Lady's Well; the cavern in the cliff, where the officers once dined; of the cannon-balls that Cromwell sent across from Oliver's Mount; about the last whale caught on the shore, and about the West Indies, where he lost his health; but he remembers little or nothing of Piers Gavestone or George Fox, and is not quite sure if he ever heard that Robin Hood went a-privateering. His duties, he told me, were not heavy; he did not even lock the
gate at night, because folk came very early in the morning to fetch their cows from the pasture.
Since then, that is, in the autumn of 1857, the rains occasioned a landslip, which nearly obliterated the cavern; a whale thirty feet long was caught floundering in the shallows; and on Seamer Moor, about three miles distant, ancient gold and silver rings and ornaments, beads and broken pottery, and implements of bronze and iron and a skeleton, were found on excavating a chalky knoll.
Of course, a town of thirteen thousand inhabitants must have its newspapers. The Scarborough Gazette is a curiosity for its long list of visitors, filling sometimes two pages. A cheap paper—the title of which I have lost—was a curiosity to me in another way, for I could not have believed that Yorkshire folk would read anything so stupid as the wordy columns therein passed off for politics.
The shadows were lengthening towards the east when, after satisfying myself with another look at the coast to the north, I took the road for Cloughton, leaving the town by the north esplanade, where Blenheim-terrace shows the sober style of the first improvements. Many visitors, however, prefer the view from those plain bay-windows to that seen from the stately houses to the south.
Cloughton is a small, quiet village, with a Red Lion to match, where you may get good rustic fare—cakes, bacon, and eggs—and a simple chamber. The landlord, a patriarch of eighty-five, still hale and active, who sat warming his knees at the turf fire, opened his budget of reminiscences concerning Scarborough. The
change from what it was to what it is, was wonderful. He went there at election times. Had once been to vote at York, years ago, "when there was a hard fight betuuxt a Milton and a Lascelles." Had never been to London, but his niece went up to the Great Exhibition. While we talked, in came a shabby-looking fellow with a six days' beard, for a pint of beer. He had been trout-fishing all day on the moors—one of his means of living. He stayed but a few minutes, and as he went out the patriarch said, "He's a roughish one to look at, but he can make powetry." It was too late to call him back, or I might perhaps have got a specimen.
Then came in the rustics in twos and threes for their evening pint and pipe, most of them preferring hard porter to the ale, which was really good. Not one had a complaint to make of hard times: wages were one and sixpence a day, and meat, and good meat, too—beef and mutton and pies—as much as they could eat. They didn't want to emigrate; Yorkshire was quite good enough for them. While talking to them and listening to their conversation among themselves, my old conviction strengthened that the rural folk are not the fools they are commonly taken to be. Choose such words as they are familiar with—such as John Bunyan uses—and you can make them understand any ordinary subject and take pleasure in it. And how happy they are when you can suggest an illustration from something common to their daily life! I would have undertaken to give an hour's lecture on terrestrial magnetism even, to that company; and not one should have wished it shorter.
And once having broken through their crust of awkwardness, you find them possessed of a good fund of common sense, quick to discern between the plausible and what they feel to be true. Flattering speeches made at hay-homes and harvest-homes are taken for what they are worth; and the sunburnt throng are everywhere ready to applaud the sentiment conveyed in a reaper's reply to a complimentary toast:
"Big bees fly high;
Little bees make the honey
Poor men do the work;
Rich men get the money."
One of the party, lively enough to have lived when the island was "merry England," hearing that I intended to walk through Bay Town on the morrow, said, laughingly, "You'll find nought but Tudds and Poads down there;" meaning that Todd and Poad were the prevalent names.
CHAPTER XI.
From Cloughton to Haiburn Wyke—The embowered Path—Approach to the Sea—Rock, Water, and Foliage—Heavy Walking—Staintondale Cliffs—The Undercliff—The Peak—Raven Hall—Robin Hood’s Bay—A Trespass—Alum-Works—Waterfalls—Bay Town—Manners and Customs of the Natives—Coal Trade—The Churchyard—Epitaphs—Black-a-moor—Hawsker—Vale of Pickering—Robin Hood and Little John’s Archery—Whitby Abbey—Beautiful Ruin—St. Hilda, Wilfrid, and Codmon—Legends—A Fallen Tower—St. Mary’s Church—Whitby—The Vale of Esk—Specimens of Popular Hymns.
The next morning looked unpromising; the heavy rain which began to fall the evening before had continued all night, and when I started, trees and hedges were still dripping and the grass drooping, overburdened with watery beads. Byepaths are not enticing under such circumstances; however, the range of cliffs between Haiburn Wyke and Robin Hood’s Bay is so continuously grand and lofty that I made up my mind to walk along their summit whether or not.
About half an hour from Cloughton brought me to a “crammle gate,” as the natives call it; that is, a rustic gate with zigzaggy rails, from which a private road curves down through a grove to a farm-house on the right. Here, finding no outlet, I had to inquire, and was told to cross the garden. All praise to the
good-nature which trusts a stranger to lift the "clinking latch" and walk unwatched through a garden so pretty, teeming with fruit, flowers, and vegetables; where a path overarched by busy climbers leads you into pleasing ins and outs, and along blooming borders to the edge of a wooded glen, and that is Haiburn Wyke. The path, not trimly kept as in the garden, invites you onwards beneath a thick shade of oak, ash, and hazel; between clumps of honeysuckle and wild roses, and broken slopes hung with ferns and ivy, and a very forest of grasses; while, to heighten the charm, a little brook descends prattling confidingly to the many stones that lie in its crooked channel. The path winds, now steep, now gradual, and at the bends a seat offers a resting-place if you incline to pause and meditate.
There was another charm: at first a fitful murmur, which swelled into a roar as I sauntered down and came nearer to the sea. The trees grow so thickly that I could see but a few yards around, and there seemed something almost awful in the sound of the thundering surge, all the heavier in the damp air, as it plunged on the rugged beach. So near, and yet unseen. But after another bend or two it grows lighter overhead, crags peep through the foliage on both sides, and then emerging on a level partly filled by a summer-house, you see the narrow cove, the jutting cliffs that shelter it, and every minute the tumultuous sea flinging all round the stony curve a belt of quivering foam.
I could not advance far, for the tide had but just begun to fall; however, striding out as far as possible,
I turned to look at the glen. It is a charming scene: the leafy hollow, the cliffs rounding away from the mantling green to present a bare front to the sea, yet patched and streaked with gray and yellow and white and brown, as if to make up for loss of verdure. There the brook, tumbling over stony ledges, shoots in a cascade between huge masses of rock, and hurries still with lively noise across the beach, talking as freely to boulders of five tons' weight as to stones of a pound; heedless, apparently, that its voice will soon be drowned for ever in the mighty voice of the sea. A charming scene, truly, even under a gloomy sky. You will see none fairer on all the coast. On a sunshiny day it should attract many visitors from Scarborough, when those able to walk might explore Cloughton Wyke—less beautiful than this—on the way.
To get up the steep clay road all miry with the rain on the northern side of the glen, was no easy task; but the great ball of clay which clung to each of my feet was soon licked off by the wet grass in the fields above. I took the edge of the cliffs, and found the ascent to the Staintondale summit not less toilsome. There was no path, and wading through the rank grass and weeds, or through heavy wheat and drenched barley on ground always up-hill, wetted me through up to the hips in a few minutes, and gave me a taste of work. For the time I did not much admire the Yorkshire thriftiness which had ploughed and sown so close to the bank leaving no single inch of space. However, I came at times to a bare field or a pasture, and the freshening breeze blew me almost dry before climbing
over awkward fences for another bath of weeds and grain. And besides a few faint watery gleams of sunshine began to slant down upon the sea, and the increasing height of the cliffs opened wide views over land and water—from misty hills looming mountainous on one side, to the distant smoke of a coasting steamer on the other. And again there are two or three miles of undercliff, a great slope covered with a dense bush, threaded here and there by narrow paths, and forming in places an impenetrable tangle. To stand on the highest point, five hundred and eighty-five feet above the sea, and look down on the precipitous crags, the ridges and hollows and rounded buttresses decked with the mazy bush where birds without number haunt, is a sight that repays the labour. At the corner of one of the fields the bushes lean inwards so much from the wind, that the farmer has taken advantage of the overshoot to construct a bower wherein to sit and enjoy the prospect.
These tall cliffs are the sudden termination of a range of hills stretching from the interior to the coast. Taken with the undercliff, they present many combinations which would delight the eye and employ the pencil of an artist. And to the geologist they are of abounding interest, exhibiting shale, shelly limestone, sandstones of various qualities in which belemnites and ferns, and other animal and vegetable fossils, are embedded in surprising quantities. You can descend here and there by a zigzag path, and look up at the towering crags, or search the fallen masses, or push into the thicket; that is, in dry weather. After about two miles the bush thins off, and gives place to gorse,
and reedy ponds in the hollows, and short turf on which cattle and sheep are grazing.
The range continues for perhaps five miles and ends in a great perpendicular bluff—a resort of seabirds. Here on getting over the fence I noticed that the pasture had a well-kept, finished appearance; and presently, passing the corner of a wall, I found myself on a lawn, and in front of Raven Hall—a squire's residence. An embrasured wall built to represent bastions and turrets runs along the edge of the cliff, and looking over, you see beneath the grand sweep of Robin Hood's Bay backed by a vast hollow slope—a natural amphitheatre a league in compass, containing fields and meadows, shaly screes and patches of heath, cottages, and the Peak alum-works. We are on the Peak, and can survey the whole scene, away to Bay Town, a patch of red capped by pale-blue smoke just within the northern horn of the bay.
A lady and gentleman were trying in defiance of the wind to haul up a flag on the tall staff erected at the point, to whom I apologised for my unintentional trespass. They needed no apology, and only wondered that any one should travel along the cliffs on such a morning. "Did you do it for pleasure?" asked the lady, with a merry twinkle in her eye as she saw how bedraggled I looked below the knees.
The gentleman left the flapping banner, and showed me from the rear of the premises the readiest way down to the beach—a very long irregular descent, the latter portion across the alum shale, and down the abrupt slope of Cinder Hill, where the buildings are blackened by smoke. At first the beach is nothing
but a layer of small fragments of shale, of a dark slate colour, refuse from the works; and where the cliffs reappear there you see shale in its natural condition, and feel it beneath your feet while treading on the yielding sand. Numerous cascades leap down from these cliffs; at the time I passed swollen by the rain, and well set off by the dark precipice. One of them was a remarkably good representation of the Staubbach on a small scale.
About half way I met a gig conveying visitors to the Hall at a walking pace, for the wheels sank deep. It was for them that the flag was to be raised, as a signal of welcome; and looking back I saw it flying proudly, on what, seen from below, appeared a castle on the cliff. At this moment the sun shone out, and lit up the Peak in all its magnificent proportions; and all the effects of my trudge through drip and mire soon disappeared. Another mile and the rocks are thickly strewn with periwinkles, and great plashy beds of seaweed must be crossed, and then we see that the outermost houses rest on a solid weather-stained wall of boulders, through which descends a rugged incline of big stones—the foot of the main street of Bay Town.
There is no lack of quarters, for within a few yards you may count seven public-houses. It is a strange place, with alleys which are stairs for side streets, and these leading into queer places, back yards and pigsties, and little gardens thriving with pot-herbs. Everything is on a slope, overtopped by the green hill behind. Half way up the street, in what looks like a market-place, lie a number of boats, as if
for ornament. You can hardly imagine them to have been hauled up from the beach. Some of the shops are curiosities in their appearance and display of wares; yet there are traders in Bay Town who could buy up two or three of your fashionable shopkeepers in the watering-places.
"Yer master wants ye," said a messenger to a young fellow who sat smoking his pipe in the King's Head, while Martha, the hostess, fried a chop for my dinner.
"Tell him I isn't here: I isn't a coomin'," was the answer, with a touch of Yorkshire, which I heard frequently afterwards.
From the talk that went on I gathered that Bay Town likes to amuse itself as well as other places. All through the past winter a ball or dance had been held nearly every evening, in the large rooms which, it appears, are found somewhere belonging to the very unpretending public-houses. On the other hand, church and chapel are well attended, and the singing is hearty. Weddings and funerals are made the occasion of festivals, and great is the number of guests. Martha assured me that two hundred persons were invited when her father was buried; and even for a child, the number asked will be forty or fifty; and all get something to eat and drink. It was commonly said in the neighbourhood that the head of a Bay Town funeral procession would be at the church before the tail had left the house. The church is on the hill-top, nearly a mile away. A clannish feeling prevails. Any lad or lass who should choose to wed with an outsider, would be disgraced. Ourselves to ourselves, is the rule. On their way home from church,
the young couple are beset by invitations to drink at door after door, as they pass, and jugs of strong liquor are bravely drained, and all the eighteen hundred inhabitants share in the gladness. Hence the perpetuation of Todds and Poads. However, as regards names, the most numerous which I saw were Granger and Bedlington, or Bettleton, as the natives call it.
The trade in fish has given place to trade in coal; and Bay Town owns about eighty coal brigs and schooners, which sail to Edinburgh, to London, to ports in France, and one, which belongs to a man who a few years ago was a labourer, crosses the ocean to America. There are no such miserable paupers as swarm in the large towns. Except the collier crews, the folk seldom leave the parish; and their farthest travel is to Hartlepool in the steamer which calls in the bay on her way from Scarborough.
I chose to finish the walk to Whitby by the road; and in a few minutes, so steep is the hill, was above Bay Town, and looking on the view bounded by the massy Peak. Near where the lane enters the high road stands the church, a modern edifice, thickly surrounded with tombstones. Black, with gilt letters, appears to be the favourite style; and among them are white stones, bearing outspread gilt wings and stars, and an ornamental border. The clannish feeling loves to keep alive the memory of the departed; and one might judge that it has the gift of "powetry," and delights in epitaphs. Let us read a few: we shall find "drowned at sea," and "mariner," a frequent word in the inscriptions:
Partner dear my life is past,
My love for you was to the last;
Therefore for me no sorrow take,
But love my children for my sake.
An old man of eighty-two is made to say:
From raging storms at sea
The Lord he did me save,
And here my tottering limbs is brought
To moulder in the grave.
Lancelot Moorsom, aged seventy-four, varies the matter thus:
Tho' boreas blasts and neptune waves
Hath toss'd me too and fro',
By God's decree you plainly see,
I'm harbour'd here below,
But here I do at anchor ride
With many of our fleet,
And once again I must set sail,
My Saviour Christ to meet.
Of a good old wife, we read something for which the sex would be the better were it true of all:
She was not puff'd in mind,
She had no scornful eye,
Nor did she exercise herself
In things that were too high.
Childhood claims a tender sentiment; and parents mourn thus for their little ones:
One hand they gave to Jesus, one to Death,
And looking upward to their Father's throne,
Their gentle spirits vanish'd with their breath,
And fled to Eden's ever blooming zone.
The road runs along the high ground near enough to the sea for you to hear its roar, and note the outline of the cliffs, while inland the country rolls away
hilly to the dreary region described by old writers as "Black-a-moor." Another half-hour, and having passed through Hawsker, you see a strange-looking building a long way off. It is the Abbey of Whitby. And now a view opens into the Vale of Pickering; and there, in the fields on the left, are the stones which mark where the arrows fell, when Robin Hood and Little John, who had been treated to a dinner at the Abbey, went up on the roof to gratify the monks with a specimen of their skill, and proved the goodness of their bows, and their right to rank as foremost of English archers. As your eye measures the distance, more than a mile, your admiration of the merry outlaws will brighten up, unless, like the incredulous antiquary, you consider such stories as only fit to be left "among the lyes of the land."
Seen from the road, over the wall-top, the abbey reveals but few of the beautiful features which charm your eye on a nearer view. To gain admission you have to pass through an old mansion belonging to the Cholmley family, in which, by the way, there are rooms, and passages, and a stair, weapons, furniture, and tapestry that remind you of the olden time; and in the rear a delightful garden, with a prospect along the vale of Esk. Hence you enter a meadow, and may wander at will about the ruin.
I saw it to perfection, for the sky had cleared, and the evening sun touched the crumbling walls and massy columns and rows of graceful arches with wondrous beauty, relieved by the lengthening shadows. The effect of the triple rows of windows is singularly pleasing, and there are carvings and mouldings still
remaining that will bear the closest inspection, although it was a mason of the thirteenth century who cut them. Three distinct styles are obvious, and you will notice that the whitest stone, which is the oldest, is the least decayed. An aisle still offers you the shelter of its groined roof, the transept still shows the corbels and niches, and carved roses that fed the eyes of Robin Hood's entertainers, and on the sedilia where they sat you may now repose. Every moment you discover some new beauty, something to increase your admiration, and wonder that so much should be left of a building which has not a tree to shelter it from the storms of the sea.
For twelve hundred years the ground has been consecrated. Here the blessed St. Hilda founded a monastery, and dedicated it to St. Peter, in 658. Here it was that the famous debate was held concerning the proper time of Easter, between the Christians who were converted by Culdee missionaries from Ireland before St. Augustine's visit, and those of the later time. It was St. John and the practice of the Eastern Church against St. Peter and the Western; and through the eloquent arguments of Wilfrid of Ripon, the latter prevailed.
Here Ceddmon, one of the menial monks, was miraculously inspired to write the poem which immortalises his name; and here St. John of Beverley was educated. Then came the Danish pirates, under Ubba, and destroyed the monastery, and the place lay waste till one of William the Conqueror's warriors, grieved to the heart on beholding the desolation, exchanged his coat of steel for a Benedictine's gown, and rebuilt the sacred house.
Few who come hither will need to be reminded of that inspiriting voyage along the coast, when
"The Abbess of Saint Hilda placed
With five fair nuns the galley graced,"
nor of the sisters' evening talk, while
"—Whitby's nuns exulting told,
How to their house three barons bold
Must menial service do;
While horns blow out a note of shame,
And monks cry 'Fye upon your name!
In wrath, for loss of sylvan game,
Saint Hilda's priest ye slew.'—
This on Ascension day, each year,
While labouring on our harbour-pier,
Must Herbert, Bruce, and Percy hear.—
They told how in their convent cell
A Saxon princess once did dwell,
The lovely Edelfled;
And how of thousand snakes, each one
Was changed into a coil of stone
When holy Hilda pray'd;
Themselves, within their holy bound,
Their stony folds had often found.
They told how seafowls' pinions fail,
As over Whitby's towers they sail,
And sinking down, with flutterings faint,
They do their homage to the saint."
The stately tower, the glory of the ruin, fell in 1830, at the close of a reign, during which things good and beautiful were unhappily but too much neglected. A rugged heap, with lumps of stone peeping out from tufts of coarse grass, marks the spot where the fall took place; the last, it is to be hoped, that will be permitted in so striking a memorial of the architecture of the past. Standing in private grounds and surrounded by a light iron fence, it is now safe from the intrusion of cattle and from wanton spoilers.
A few yards beyond the abbey, you cross St. Mary's
churchyard to the top of a long flight of steps, where a remarkable scene opens suddenly beneath. Whitby, lying on each side of the Esk, the river winding from a wooded vale, expanding to receive the numerous vessels of the inner harbour, and flowing away between the houses and the two piers to the sea. The declivity is so abrupt, that the houses appear strangely huddled together, tier above tier, in irregular masses, as if resting one on the other, and what with the colour and variety of forms, the shipping, the great depth of the valley, the great bluffs with which it terminates, and line upon line of breakers beginning to foam at two furlongs from the shore, make up a scene surpassingly picturesque; one that you will be in no hurry to lose sight of. If the Whitby church-goers find it toilsome to ascend nearly two hundred steps every Sunday, they have a goodly prospect for recompense, besides the service.
One wall of the church is said to be older than any portion of the abbey; but the edifice has undergone so many alterations, that meritorious architecture is not now to be looked for. A more breezy churchyard it would not be easy to find. Opposite, on the farther cliff, is a cluster of new stone houses, including a spacious hotel, built to attract visitors; an enterprise promoted by King George Hudson in his palmy days.
I lingered, contemplating the view, till it was time to look for an inn; I chose the Talbot, and had no reason to repent my choice. On the way thither, I bought two religious ballads at a little shop, the mistress of which told me she sold "hundreds of 'em," and they were printed at Otley. As specimens of a
class of compositions which are relished and sung as hymns by a numerous section of the community, they are eminently suggestive. Do they supply a real want? Are they harmless? Are they edifying? Can they who find satisfaction therein be led up to something better? To close this chapter, here follows a quotation from *The Railway to Heaven*:
“O! what a deal we hear and read
About Railways and railway speed,
Of lines which are, or may be made;
And selling shares is quite a trade.
* * *
Allow me, as an old Divine,
To point you to another line,
Which does from earth to heaven extend,
Where real pleasures never end.
* * *
Of truth divine the rails are made,
And on the Rock of Ages laid;
The rails are fix’d in chairs of love,
Firm as the throne of God above.
* * *
One grand first-class is used for all,
For Jew and Gentile, great and small,
There’s room for all the world inside,
And kings with beggars here do ride.
* * *
About a hundred years or so
Wesley and others said they’d go:
A carriage mercy did provide,
That Wesley and his friends might ride.
’Tis nine-and-thirty years, they say,
Whoever lives to see next May,
Another coach was added then
Unto this all-important train.
* * *
Jesus is the first engineer,
He does the gospel engine steer;
We’ve guards who ride, while others stand
Close by the way with flag in hand.
CHORUS.
‘My Son, says God, give me thy heart;
Make haste, or else the train will start.’”
The other, entitled *Daniel the Prophet*, begins with:
"Where are now the Hebrew children?
Where are now the Hebrew children?
Where are now the Hebrew children?
Saved into the promised land;"
and after enumerating the prophet, the fiery furnace, the lion, tribulation, Stephen, and the Great Apostle, in similar strain, ends:
"Where is now the patriarch Wesley?
Where is now the patriarch Wesley?
Where is now the patriarch Wesley?
Saved into the promised land.
CHORUS.
"When we meet we'll sing hallelujah,
When we meet we'll shout hosannah,
When we meet we'll sing for ever,
Saved into the promised land."
Though good taste and conventionality may be offended at such hymns as these, it seems to me that if those who sing them had words preached to them which they could understand and hearken to gladly, they would be found not unprepared to lay hold of real truth in the end.
CHAPTER XII.
Whitby's Attractions—The Pier—The River-Mouth—The Museum—Saurians and Ammonites—An enthusiastic Botanist—Jet in the Cliffs, and in the Workshop—Jet Carvers and Polishers—Jet Ornaments—The Quakers' Meeting—A Mechanics' Institute—Memorable Names—Trip to Grosmont—The Basaltic Dike—Quarries and Ironstone—Thrifty Cottagers—Abbeys and Hovels—A Stingy Landlord—Egton Bridge—Eskdale Woods—The Beggar's Bridge.
Whitby, and not Scarborough, would be my choice had I to sojourn for a few weeks on the Yorkshire coast. What it lacks of the style and show which characterise its aristocratic neighbour, is more than made up by its situation on a river and the beauty of its environment; and I regretted not having time to stay more than one day in a place that offers so many attractions. Woods and waterfalls beautify and enliven the landscape; shady dells and rocky glens lie within an easy walk, and the trip by rail to Pickering abounds with "contentive variety." And for contrast there is always the wild Black-a-moor a few miles inland; and beyond that again the pleasant hills and vales of Cleveland.
And few towns can boast so agreeable a promenade as that from the bridge, along the spacious quay, and out to the pier-head, a distance of nearly half a mile. Thence can be seen all the life and movement on the
river, all the picturesque features of the heights on each side crowded with houses, and to seaward the foaming crests of waves chasing one another towards the land. You can see how, after rolling and plunging on the rocky bar, they rush up the stream with a mighty swell even to the bridge. In blowing weather their violence is such that vessels cannot lie safely in the lower harbour, and shift to the upper moorings above the bridge. On the pier-head stands a lighthouse, built in the form of a fluted Doric column, crowned by a gallery and lantern; and here, leaning on the encircling parapet, you can admire the solid masonry, or watch the furious breakers, while inhaling the medicinal breath of the sea. The pier on the opposite side is more exposed, serving the purpose of a breakwater; and at times clouds of spray leap high from its outer wall, and glisten for an instant with rainbow hues in the sunshine.
It surprises a stranger on first arrival to hear what seems to him the south bank of the river spoken of as the east bank, and the north bank as the west; and it is only by taking into account the trend of the coast, and the direction of the river's course, that the cardinal points are discovered to be really in their true position, and you cease to look for sunrise in the west.
One of the buildings at the rear of the quay contains the Baths, and on the upper floor the Museum, and a good Subscription Library. The Museum, which belongs to the Literary and Philosophical Society, dates from 1823, a time when Whitby, with the sea on one side and wild tracts of moorlands on the other,
was in a manner shut out from the rest of the world, and compelled to rely on its own resources. Not till 1759 was any proper road made to connect it with neighbouring towns. Warm hospitality was thereby nourished, and, as regards science, the result is highly meritorious. To say nothing of the collections which represent antiquity, ethnology, natural history, and mineralogy, the fossil specimens are especially worth attention. Side by side with a section of the strata of the coast from Bridlington to Redcar is a collection of the fossils therein contained; among which those of the immediate neighbourhood, such as may be called Whitby fossils, occupy the chief place, all classed and labelled in a way that shows how much may be done with small means when the curator is in earnest. There are saurians in good preservation, one of which was presented to the Museum for 150l., by the nobleman on whose estate it was found embedded in lias. The number of ammonites of all sizes is surprising. These are the headless snakes of St. Hilda's nuns, and the "strange frolics of nature," of philosophers in later days, who held that she formed them "for diversion after a toilsome application to serious business." Perhaps it is to some superstitious notion connected with the snake-stones that the town owes the three ammonites in its coat of arms. Altogether, the fossil specimens in the Museum now amount to nearly nine thousand.
I had the advantage of explanations from Mr. Simpson, the curator, during my visit, and afterwards of accompanying him and some of his friends in a walk. One of the party, a botanist, was the first to
discover the *Epilobium alpinum* (alpine willow herb) in England, while walking one day on the hills near Whitby. No sooner did he set eyes on it, than, as his companions said, they thought he had taken leave of his senses, for he leaped, shouted, danced, sang, and threw his hat up in the air, and made other enthusiastic demonstrations around the plant, which, up to that time, was believed not to exist south of the Tweed. I asked him if he would have exchanged his emotions for California.
"No," he answered, "that I wouldn't! At all events, not for the first three minutes."
Besides its traffic in ship-building, alum, and stone, Whitby has a trade in works of art which makes at least its name known to fashionable society; and for this, as for its fossils, it depends on the neighbouring cliffs. For many miles along the shore, and at places inland, jet is found embedded with other formations. Drayton makes mention of it:
"The rocks by Moulgrave too, my glories forth to set,
Out of their crany'd cleves can give you perfect jet."
And the shaping of this remarkable substance into articles for ornament and use gives employment to five hundred men, women, and children in Whitby. I was favoured with a sight of Mr. Greenbury's manufactory, and saw the processes from beginning to end. There is nothing mysterious about them. The pattern of the desired object, a scroll, leaf, flower, or whatever else, is scratched with a steel point on a piece of jet sawn to the required dimensions; the workman then with a knife cuts away the waste portions, brings out the rude form, and by using various knives and chisels,
according to the delicacy of the design, he in no long time has the article ready for the polisher. The work looks very easy, as you watch the men cutting, apparently with less concern than some folk bestow on the whittling of a stick, and making the chips fly in little heaps. The nature of the jet favours rapidity of hand. It has somewhat the appearance of compressed pitch, and when under the knife sends off a shower of chips and splinters as hard pitch does. Some specimens have been found with fossils so embedded therein, as to confirm the opinion of those who hold jet to be a species of petroleum, contrary to the common belief that it is wood partly converted into coal.
After the knives, the grindstones come into play, to work up and smooth all the accessible surfaces; and next, swift-whirling wheels encircled with list, which give the polish. The deep incisions and hollows which cannot be touched by the wheel are polished on narrow slips of list. This is the work of boys: the slips of list are made fast by one end to the bench, and taking hold of the other, and shifting or tightening as the work may require, the boys rub the deep parts of the ornaments backwards and forwards till the polish is complete. The finishing touch, which imparts the brilliance, is given by a sprinkling of rouge, and a light hand with the rubber.
Armlets and bracelets composed of several pieces are cemented together, forming a complete hoop, while in course of manufacture, to ensure accuracy of workmanship, and are separated at last for the drilling of the holes for the elastic cord whereby they are held together in the finished state. The drilling of these holes
through each separate piece is a nice operation, for any departure from the true line would appear as an imperfection in the ornament.
What with the drilling-lathes, the rapid grindstones and polishing-wheels, and the busy artificers, from those who cut up the jet, to the roughers-out, the carvers, the polishers in their order, to the boys with their list rubbers, and the finishers, the factory presented a busy scene. The boys earn from three-and-sixpence to five shillings a week; the men from three to four times as much. I made an inquiry as to their economical habits, and heard in reply that the landlord of the Jetmen's Arms could give the surest information.
No means has yet been discovered of working up the chips and splinters produced in cutting the jet, so as to form solid available blocks, as can be done with black-lead for pencils; there is, therefore, a considerable amount of waste. The value of jet varies with the quality; from ten to eighteen shillings a pound. According to the report on mineral products, by Mr. Robert Hunt, the value of the jet dug and manufactured in England is twenty thousand pounds a year. Some of the best shops in Whitby and Scarborough are those where jet is sold; and not the least attractive of the displays in Regent-street, is that labelled Finest Whitby Jet, and exhibited as vases, chains, rings, seals, brooches, taper-stands, and obelisks. Here in Whitby you may buy a small ammonite set in jet.
Jet is not a new object of luxury. It was used for ornamental purposes by the ancient Britons, and by their conquerors, as proved by articles found in their tombs. A trade in jet is known to have existed in
Whitby in 1598. Camden, translating from an old Treatise of Jewels, has
"Jeat-stone almost a gemm, the Lybians find,
But fruitful Britain sends a wondrous kind;
'Tis black and shining, smooth, and ever light,
'Twill draw up straws if rubb'd till hot and bright,
Oyl makes it cold, but water gives it heat."
The amber mines of Prussia yield a species of jet which is burnt as coal.
Whitby presents signs of a social phenomenon which is observable in other places: the decline of Quakerism. I was invited to look at the Mechanics' Institute, and found it located in the Quakers' Meeting House. The town was one of George Fox's strongholds, and a considerable number of Quakers, including some of the leading families, remained up to the last generation. Death and secession have since then brought about the result above mentioned. Is it that Quakerism has accomplished its work? or that it has been stifled by the assiduous painstaking to make itself very comfortable?
I went up once more to the Abbey, and to enjoy the view from the churchyard steps. The trouble of the ascent is abundantly repaid by such a prospect: one should never tire of it. You will hardly fail while looking down on the river to remember that Cook sailed from it, to begin his apprenticeship to a seafaring life; and profiting in later years by his early experiences, he chose Whitby-built ships for his memorable voyage of discovery. And from the Esk sailed the two Scoresbys, father and son—two of the latest names on the list of Yorkshire Worthies.
Towards evening I took a trip by railway to Grosmont (six miles), or the Tunnel Station as it is commonly called, for a glance at the pretty scenery of the lower part of Eskdale. The river bordered by rocks and wooded hills enlivens the route. From the Tunnel I walked about half a mile down the line to a stone quarry, where a section of that remarkable basaltic dike is exposed, which, crossing the country in a north-westerly direction for about seventy miles, impresses the observer with a sense of wonder at the tremendous force by which such a mass was upheaved through the overlying strata. Here it has the form of a great wedge, the apex uppermost; and the sandstone, which it so rudely shouldered aside, is scorched and partially vitrified along the line of contact. The labourers, who break up the hard black basalt for macadamising purposes, call it "chaney metal."
This is a pleasant spot to loiter in; but its sylvan character is marred by the quarrying, and by the great excavations where busy miners dig the ironstone which abounds in the district, after the rate, as is estimated, of twenty-two thousand tons to the acre. No unimportant item in the exports of Whitby, until blast furnaces shall be built to make the iron on the spot.
"The path 'll tak' ye up to a laan," said the quarryman, with a Dutch pronunciation of lane; "and t' laan 'll bring ye doon to Egton, if ye don't tak' t' wrang turning." So up through the wood I went, and came presently to the lane, where seeing a lonely little cottage, and a woman nursing a few flowers that grew near the door, I tarried for a short talk. 'Twas but a poor little place, she said, and vera lonesome; and she thought a few flowers made it look cheerful-like. The
rent for the house and garden was but a pound a year; but 'twas as much as she could afford, for she had had ten children, and was thankful to say, brought 'em all up without parish help. 'Twas hard work at times; but folk didn't know what they could do till they tried. It animated me to hear such honest words.
A little farther there stands a long low cottage with a garden in front, an orchard at the side, and a row of beehives in a corner, presenting a scene of rural abundance. I stopped to look at the crowding flowers, and was drawn into another talk by the mistress, who came out on seeing a stranger. I could not help expressing my surprise at the prosperous look of the garden and the shabby look of the house, which appeared the worse from a narrow ditch running along the front. "'Tis a miserable house," she answered, "damp and low; but what can we do? It's all very well, sir, to talk about the beautiful abbeys as they used to build in the old days, but they didn't build beautiful cottages. I always think that they built the wall till they couldn't reach no higher standing on the ground, and then they put the roof on. That's it, sir; anything was good enough for country folk in them days." Some modern writers contend that the abbeys and cathedrals were but the highest expression of an architecture beautiful and appropriate in all its degrees; but I doubt the fact, and hold by the Yorkshirewoman's homely theory.
I suggested that the landlord might be asked to build a new house. "Ah, sir, you wouldn't say that if you knew him. Why, he won't so much as give us a board to mend the door; he'll only tell us where to go and buy one." I might have felt surprised that any
landlord should be willing to allow English men and women to dwell in such a hovel; but she told me his name, and then there was no room for surprise.
Ere long the view opens over the valley, and a charming valley it is; hill after hill covered with wood to the summit. Then the lane descends rapidly, and we come to the romantically situated hamlet of Egton Bridge. This is a place which, above all others, attracts visitors and picnic parties from Whitby, and the Oak Tree is the very picture of a rustic hostelry. Here you may fancy yourself in a deep wooded glen; and, if limited for time, will have an embarrassing choice of walks. Arncliffe woods offer cool green shades, and a fine prospect from the ridge beyond, with the opportunity to visit an ancient British village. But few can resist the charm of the Beggar's Bridge, a graceful structure of a single arch, which spans the Esk in a sequestered spot delightful to the eye and refreshing to the ear, with the gurgling of water and rustling of leaves. There is a legend, too, for additional charm: how that a young dalesman, on his way to say farewell to his betrothed, was stopped here by the stream swollen with a sudden flood, and, spite of his efforts to cross, was forced to retrace his steps and cross the sea to seek fortune in a distant land. He vowed, if his hopes were gratified, to build a bridge on his return; and to quote Mrs. George Dawson's pretty version of the legend:
"The rover came back from a far distant land,
And he claimed of the maiden her long-promised hand;
But he built, ere he won her, the bridge of his vow,
And the lovers of Egton pass over it now."
A pleasant twilight walk among the trees, within hearing of the rippling Esk, brought me back to the Tunnel in time for the last train to Whitby.
CHAPTER XIII.
To Upgang—Enter Cleveland—East Row—The first Alum-Maker—Sandsend—Alum-Works—The huge Gap—Hewing the Alum Shale—Limestone Nodules: Mulgrave Cement—Swarms of Fossils—Burning the Shale—Volcanic Phenomena—From Fire to Water—The Cisterns—Soaking and Pumping—The Evaporating Pans—The Crystallizing Process—The Roching Casks—Brilliant Crystals—A Chemical Triumph—Rough Epsoms.
It was yet early the next morning when I descended from the high road to the shore at Upgang, about two miles from Whitby. Here we approach a region of manufacturing industry. Wagons pass laden with Mulgrave cement, with big, white lumps of alum, with sulphate of magnesia; the kilns are not far off; and the alum-works at Sandsend are in sight, backed by the wooded heights of Mulgrave Park, the seat of the Marquis of Normanby. Another half-hour, and crossing a beck which descends from those heights, we enter Cleveland, of which the North Riding is made to say,
"If she were not here confined thus in me,
A shire even of herself might well be said to be."
Hereabouts, in the olden time, stood a temple dedicated to Thor, and the place was called Thordisa—a name for which the present East Row is a poor exchange. The alteration, so it is said, was made by
the workmen on the commencement of the alum manufacture in 1620. The works, now grimy with smoke, are built between the hill-foot and the sea, a short distance beyond the beck.
The story runs that the manufacture of alum was introduced into Yorkshire early in the seventeenth century by Sir Thomas Chaloner, who had travelled in Italy, and there seen the rock-beds from which the Italians extracted alum. Riding one day in the neighbourhood of Guisborough, he noticed that the foliage of the trees resembled in colour that of the leaves in the alum districts abroad; and afterwards he commenced an alum-work in the hills near that town, sanctioned by a patent from Charles I. One account says that he smuggled over from the Papal States, concealed in casks, workmen who were acquainted with the manufacture, and was excommunicated by the Pope for this daring breach of his own monopoly. The Sandsend works were established a few years later. Subsequently certain courtiers prevailed on the king to break faith with Sir Thomas, and to give one-half of the patent to a rival, which so exasperated the knight that he became a Roundhead, and one of the most relentless foes of the king. A great monopoly of the alum-works was attempted towards the end of the last century by Sir George Colebrooke, who, being an East India director, got the name of Shah Allum. His attempt failed.
My request for permission to view the works was freely granted, and I here repeat my acknowledgments for the favour. The foreman, I was told, took but little pains with visitors who came, and said, "Dear me!
How very curious!” and yawned, and wanted to go away at the end of ten minutes; but for any one in earnest to see the operations from beginning to end, he would spare no trouble. Just the very man for me, I thought; so, leaving my knapsack at the office, I followed the boy who was sent to show me the way to the mine. Up the hill, and across fields for about half a mile, brought us to the edge of a huge gap, which at first sight might have been taken for a stone quarry partially changed into the crater of a volcano. At one side clouds of white sulphureous smoke were rising; within lay great heaps resembling brick rubbish; and heaps of shale, and piles of stony balls, and stacks of brushwood; and while one set of men were busily hacking and hewing the great inner walls, others were loading and hauling off the tramway wagons, others pumping, or going to and fro with wheelbarrows.
There was no proper descent from the side to which we came, and to scramble down three or four great steps, each of twenty feet, with perpendicular fronts, was not easy. However, at last I was able to present to the foreman the scrap of paper which I had brought from the office, and to feel sure that such an honest countenance and bright eye as his betokened a willing temper. Nor was I disappointed, for he at once expressed himself ready to show and explain everything that I might wish to see.
“Let us begin at the beginning,” I said; and he led me to the cliff, where the diggers were at work. The formation reminded me of what I had seen in the quarries at Portland: first a layer of earth, then a hard, worthless kind of stone, named the “cap” by the
miners; next a deposit of marlstone and "dogger-head," making altogether a thickness of about fifty feet; and below this comes the great bed of upper lias, one hundred and fifty feet thick; and this lias is the alum shale. Where freshly exposed, its appearance may be likened to slate soaked in grease: it has a greasy or soapy feel between the fingers, but as it oxidises rapidly on exposure to the air, the general colour of the cliff is brown. Here the shale is not worked below seventy-five feet; for every fathom below that becomes more and more bituminous, and more liable to vitrify when burnt, and will not yield alum. At some works, however, the excavation is continued down to ninety feet. Embedded in the shale, most abundant in the upper twenty-five feet, the workmen find nodules of limestone, the piles of balls I had noticed from above, about the size of a cricket-ball; and of these the well-known Mulgrave cement is made. The Marquis, to whom all the land hereabouts belongs, requires that his lessees shall sell to him all the limestone nodules they find. The supply is not small, judging from the great heap which I saw thrown aside in readiness for carting away. Alum shale prevails in the cliffs for twenty-seven miles along the coast of Yorkshire, in which are found one hundred and fifty kinds of ammonites.
Besides balls of limestone, the shale abounds in fossils. It was in this—the lias—that nearly all the specimens, including the gigantic reptiles of the ancient world which we saw in the museum at Whitby, were found. Every stroke of the pick brings them out; and as the shale is soft and easily
worked, they are separated without difficulty. You might collect a cartload in half a day. For a few minutes I felt somewhat like a schoolboy in an orchard, and filled my pockets eagerly with the best that came in my way. But ammonites and muscles, when turned to stone, are very heavy, and before the day was over I had to lighten my load: some I placed where passers-by could see them; then I gave some away at houses by the road, till not more than six remained for a corner of my knapsack. And these were quite enough, considering that I had yet to walk nearly three hundred miles.
After the digging comes the burning. A layer of brushwood is made ready on the ground, and upon this the shale is heaped to the height of forty or fifty feet until a respectable little mountain is formed, comprising three thousand tons, or more. The rear of the mass rests against the precipice, and from narrow ledges and projections in this the men tilt their barrow-loads as the elevation increases. The fire, meanwhile, creeps about below, and soon the heap begins to smoke, sending out white sulphureous fumes in clouds that give it the appearance of a volcano.
Such a heap was smouldering and smoking at the mouth of the great excavation, the sulphate of iron, giving off its acid to the clay, converting it thereby into sulphate of alumina. All round the base, and for a few feet upwards, the fire had done its work, and the mass was cooling; but above the creeping glow was still active. The colour is changed by the burning from brown to light reddish yellow, with a streak of darker red running along all the edges of the fragments; and the progress of combustion might be noted by the differences of colour: in some places pale; then a mottled zone, blending upwards with the sweating patches under the smoke. Commonly the heap burns for three months; hence a good manager takes care so to time his fires that a supply of mine—as the calcined shale is technically named—is always in readiness. Fifty tons of this burnt shale are required to make one ton of alum.
We turned to the heap which I have mentioned as resembling a mound of brick rubbish at a distance. One-third of it had been wheeled away to the cisterns, exposing the interior, and I could see how the fire had touched every part, and left its traces in the change of colour and the narrow red border round each calcined chip. The pieces lie loosely together, so that on digging away below the upper part falls of itself. The man who was filling the barrows had hacked out a cavernous hollow; it seemed that a slip might be momentarily expected, for the top overhung threateningly, and yet he continued to hack and dig with apparent unconcern, and replied to the foreman’s caution, “Oh! it won’t come down afore to-morrow. It’ll give warning.”
Now for the watery ordeal. On the sloping ground between the cliffs and the sea, shallow pits or cisterns are sunk, nearly fifty feet long and twenty wide, and so placed, with a bottom sloping from a depth of one foot at one end to two feet at the other, as to communicate easily with one another by pipes and gutters. Whether alum-works shall pay or not, is said to depend in no small degree on the proper arrangement of
the pits. Each pit will contain forty wagon-loads of the mine. As soon as it is full, liquor is pumped into it from a deep cistern covered by a shed, and this at the end of three days is drawn off by the tap at the lower end, and when drained the pit is again pumped full and soaked for two days. Yet once more is it pumped full, but with water—producing first, second, and third run, and sometimes a fourth—but the last is the weakest, and is kept to be pumped up as liquor on a fresh pit for first run. It would be poor economy to evaporate so weak a solution. Each pit employs five men.
All this is carried on in the open air, with the sea lashing the shore but a few yards off, and all around the signs of what to a stranger appears but a rough and ready system. And in truth there must be something wasteful in it, for all the alum is never extracted. After the third or fourth washing, the mine is shovelled from the pits and flung away on the beach, where the sea soon levels it to a uniform slope. In one of the so-called exhausted pits I saw many pieces touched, as it were, by hoar frost, which was nothing but minute crystals of alum formed on the surface, strongly acid to the taste.
The rest of the process was to be seen down at the works, so thither we went; not by the way I came, for the foreman, scrambling up the side of the gap, conducted me along the ledge at the top of the burning heap. He walked through the stifling fumes without annoyance, while on me they produced a painful sense of choking, with an impulse to run. Before we had passed, however, he pushed aside a few
of the upper pieces, and showed me the dull glow of the fire beneath. Then we had more ledges along the face of the cliff, and now and then to creep and jump; and we crossed an old digging, which looked ugly with its heaps of waste and half-starved patches of grass. All the way extends a course of long wooden gutters, in which the first-run liquor was flowing in a continuous stream to undergo its final treatment—another trial by fire.
Then into a low, darksome shed, where from one end to the other you see nothing but leaden evaporating pans and cisterns, some steaming, and all containing liquor in different states of preparation. That from which the most water has been evaporated—the concentrated solution—has a large cistern to itself, where its tendency to crystallize is assisted by an admixture of liquor containing ammonia in solution, and immediately the alum falls to the bottom in countless crystals. The liquor above them, now become "mother-liquor," or more familiarly "mothers," is drawn off, the crystals are washed clean in water, are again dissolved, and once more boiled, mixed with gallons of mothers remaining from former boilings. When of the required density, the liquor is run off from the pan to the "roching casks"—great butts rather, big as a sugar hogshead, and taller; and in these is left to cool and crystallize after its manner, from eight to ten days, according to the season. The butts are constructed so as to take to pieces easily, and at the right time the hoops are knocked off, the staves removed, and there on the floor stands a great white cask of alum, solid all round and top and bottom, except in its centre a quantity of liquor which has
crystallized. This having been drawn off by a hole driven through, the mass is then broken to pieces, and is fit for the market; and for the use of dyers, leather-dressers, druggists, tallow-chandlers; for bakers even, and other crafty traders.
Looked at from the outside, there is no beauty in the cask of alum; but as soon as the interior is exposed, then the numberless crystals shooting from every part, glisten again as the light streams in upon them; and you acknowledge that the cunning by which they have been produced from the dull slaty shale is a happy triumph of chemical art—one that will stand a comparison with a recent triumph, the extraction of brilliantly white candles from the great brown peat-bogs of Ireland, or from Burmese tar. Perhaps some readers will remember the beautiful specimen of alum crystals—an entire half-tun—that stood in the nave of the Great Exhibition.
Alum is made near Glasgow from the shale of abandoned coal mines, soaked in water without burning. After the works had been carried on for some years, and the heap of refuse had spread over the neighbourhood to an inconvenient extent, it was found that on burning this waste shale, it would yield a second profitable supply of alum. Moreover, artificial alum is manufactured in considerable quantities from a mixture of clay and sulphuric acid.
In going about the works it was impossible not to be struck by the contrast between the sooty aspect of the roofs, beams, and gangways, and the whiteness of the crystal fringes in the pans, and the snowy patches here and there where the vapour had condensed. And in
an outhouse wagon-loads of "rough Epsoms" lay in a great white heap on the black floor. This rough Epsoms, or sulphate of magnesia, is the crystals thrown down by the mother-liquor after a second boiling.
In our goings to and fro, we talked of other things as well as alum; of that other mineral wealth, the ironstone, to which Cleveland owes so important a development of industry within the past fifteen years. The existence of ironstone in the district had long been known; but not till the foreman—jointly with his father—discovered a deposit near Skinningrave, and drew attention to it, was any attempt made to work it. Geologically the deposit is known as clay-band ironstone; hence clay will still make known the fame of this corner of Yorkshire, as when the old couplet was current—
"Cleveland in the clay,
Carry in two shoon, bring one away."
If I liked the foreman at first sight, much more did I like him upon acquaintance. He won my esteem as much by his frank and manly bearing, as by his patient attentions and intelligent explanations; and I shook his hand at parting with a sincere hope of having another talk with him some day.
CHAPTER XIV.
Mulgrave Park—Giant Wade—Ubba’s Landing-place—The Boggle-boggarts—The Fairy’s Chase—Superstitions—The Knight of the Evil Lake—Lythe—St. Oswald’s Church—Goldsborough—Kettleness—Rugged Cliffs and Beach—Runswick Bay—Hob-Hole—Cure for Whooping-cough—Jet Diggers—Runswick—Hinderwell—Horticultural Ravine—Staithes—A curious Fishing-town—The Black Minstrels—A close-neaved Crowd—The Cod and Lobster—Houses washed away—Queer back Premises—The Termagants’ Duel—Fisherman’s Talk—Cobles and Yawls—Dutch and French Poachers—Tap-room Talk—Reminiscences of Captain Cook.
I SHOULDERED my knapsack, and paced once more up the hill: a long and toilsome hill it is; but you can beguile the way nevertheless. Behind the hedge on the left stretches Mulgrave Park, hill and dale, and running brooks, and woods wherein the walks and drives extend for twenty miles. I had procured a ticket of admission at Whitby; but having spent so much time over the alum, had none to spare for the park, with its Gothic mansion, groves and gardens, and fragment of an old castle on an eminence surrounded by woods; and the Hermitage, the favourite resort of picnic parties. According to hoary legend, the original founder of the castle was giant Wade, or Wada, a personage still talked of by the country folk, who give his name to the Roman Causeway which runs from Dunsley to Malton, and point out certain large stones at two
villages a few miles apart as Wade’s Graves. It was in Dunsley Bay, down there on the right, that Ubba landed with his sea-rovers in 867, and the hill on which he planted his standard is still called Ravenhill.
And here were the haunts of the boggle-boggarts—a Yorkshire fairy tribe. At Kettleness, whither we shall come by and by, they used to wash their linen in a certain spring, named Claymore Well, and the noise of their “bittle” was heard more than two miles off. Jeanie, one of these fairies, made her abode in the Mulgrave woods, and one day a young farmer, curious to see a bogle, mounted his horse, rode up to her bower, and called her by name. She obeyed the call, but in a towering rage at the intrusion, and the adventurer, in terror, turned and fled, with the nimble sprite close at his heels. At length, just as he was leaping a brook, she aimed a stroke with her wand and cut his horse in two; but the fugitive kept his seat, and fell with the foremost half on the farther bank, and the weird creature, stopped by the running water, witnessed his escape with an evil eye.
We may remember, too, that Cleveland, remote from great thoroughfares, was a nursery of superstitions long after the owlish notions died out from other places. Had your grandmother been born here she would have been able to tell you, that to wear a ring cut from old, long-buried coffin-lead, would cure the cramp; that the water from the leaden roof of a church, sprinkled on the skin, was a specific for sundry diseases—most efficacious if taken from over the chancel. Biscuits baked on Good Friday would keep good all the year, and a person ill with flux had only to swallow one grated in milk, or
brandy-and-water, and recovery was certain. Clothes hung out to dry on Good Friday would, when taken down, be found spotted with blood. To fling the shirt or shift of a sick person into a spring was a sure way to foreknow the issue of the malady: if it floated—life; if it sank—death. And when the patient was convalescent, a small piece was torn from the garment and hung on the bushes near the spring; and springs thus venerated were called Rag-wells.
The lands of Mulgrave were given by King John to Peter de Malolacu as a reward for crime—helping in the cruel murder of Prince Arthur. By this Knight of the Evil-lake—evil heart, rather—the castle was rebuilt; and, pleased with the beauty of the site, he named it Moult Grace; but because that he was hard-hearted and an oppressor, the people changed the c into v; whence, says tradition, the origin of the present name.
On the crown of the hill we come to Lythe, which—to borrow a term from Lord Carlisle—is a "well-conditioned" village, adorned with honeysuckle and little flower-gardens. The elevation, five hundred feet, affords an agreeable view of Whitby Abbey, and part of the intervening coast and country. The church is dedicated to St. Oswald, the royal Northumbrian martyr; and inside you may see a monument to Constantine John, Baron Mulgrave, who as Captain Phipps sailed to Spitzbergen in 1773, on one of those arctic explorations to which, from first to last, England owes no small share of her naval renown.
Here I struck into a lane for Goldsborough, the village which claims one of Wade's graves; and along
byeways down to the shore at Kettleness—a grand cliff nearly four hundred feet high, so named from hollows or "kettles" in the ground near it.
Here, descending the steep road to the beach, you pass more alum-works, backed by the precipitous crags. Everywhere you see signs of fallen rocks and landslips. In a slip which happened in 1830, the labourers' cottages were carried down and buried; but with sufficient warning to enable the inmates to escape. Once the cliff took fire and burned for two years. From this point the way along the shore is wilder and rougher—more bestrewn with slabs and boulders than any we have yet seen. Up and down, in and out; now close under the cliff; now taking to the weedy rocks to avoid an overhanging mass that seems about to fall. Here and there jet-diggers and quarrymen are busy high above your head, and make the passage more difficult by their heaps of rubbish. Among the boulders you will notice some perfectly globular in form, as if finished in a lathe. One that I stooped to examine was a singular specimen of Nature's handiwork. It proved to be a hemisphere only, smooth and highly polished, so exact a round on one side, so true a flat on the other, that no artificer could have produced better. In appearance it resembled quartz. I longed to bring it away; but it was about the bigness of half an ordinary Dutch cheese, and weighed some five or six pounds. All I could do was to leave it in a safe spot for some after-coming geologist.
Having passed the bluff, we see to the bottom of Runswick Bay, and the village of Runswick clustered on the farther heights. A harbour of refuge is much
wanted on this shelterless coast, and some engineers show this to be the best place for it; others contend for Redcar, at the mouth of the Tees. Here, again, the cliff diminishes in elevation, and the ground slopes upwards to higher land in the rear. About the middle of the bay is Hob-Hole, a well-known cave, once more than a hundred feet deep, but now shortened by two-thirds, and in imminent danger of complete destruction by jet-diggers. Cattle used to come down from the pastures and betake themselves to its cool recesses in hot summer days, and if caught by the tide instinctively sought the inner end, which, as the floor rose by a gentle acclivity, was above the reach of the water. I could scarcely help fancying that the half-dozen cows standing up to their knees in a salt-water pool were ruminating sadly over their lost resort.
What would the grandmothers say if they could return and see the spoiling of Hob’s dwelling-place: Hob, whose aid they used to invoke for the cure of whooping-cough? Standing at the entrance of the cave with the sick child in their arms, they addressed him thus:
"Hob-hole Hob!
My bairn's gotten t' kin cough:
Tak 't off—tak 't off!"
If Hob refused to be propitiated, they tried another way, and catching a live hairy worm, they hung it in a bag from the child’s neck, and as the worm died and wasted away so did the cough. If this failed, a roasted mouse, or a piece of bread-and-butter administered by the hands of a virgin, was infallible; and if the cough remained still obstinate, the child, as a last resort, was
passed nine times under the belly of a donkey. To avoid risk of exposure, it was customary to lead the animal to the front of the kitchen fire.
I found a party of jet-diggers at work in the low cliff near the cave, and stayed to watch their proceedings. Eleven weeks had they been labouring, and found nothing. It was astonishing to see what prodigious gaps they had made in that time, and the heap of refuse, which appeared twice as big as all the gaps put together. I thought the barrow-man gave himself too little trouble to wheel the waste out of the way; but he, who knew best, answered, "Bowkers! why should I sweat for nothin'? The sea 'll tak 't all away the fust gale."
Judging from what they told me, jet-digging is little, if any, less precarious than gold-digging. Their immediate experience was not uncommon; and at other times they would get as much jet in a week as paid them for six months' labour. Then, again, after removing tons of superincumbent rock, the bed of jet would be of the hard stony kind, worth not more than half-a-crown a pound; or a party would toil fruitlessly for weeks, losing heart and hope, and find themselves outwitted at last by another crafty digger, who, scanning the cliff a few yards off with a keen eye, would discover signs, and setting to work, lay bare a stratum of jet in a few days. The best kind is thoroughly bitumenized, of a perfect uniform black, and resembles nothing so much as a tree stem flattened by intense pressure, while subjected to great heat without charring.
If Bay Town be remarkable, much more so is Runswick, for the houses may be said to hang on the abrupt hill-side, as martens' nests on a wall, among patches of ragwort, brambles, gorse, elders, and bits of brown rock, overtopped by the summit of the cliff. Boats are hauled up on the grass, near the rivulet that frolics down the steep; balks of pine and ends of old ship timbers lie about; clothes hung out to dry flutter in the breeze; and the little whitewashed gables, crowned by thatch or red tiles, gleam in the sunshine. There is no street, nothing but footpaths, and you continually find yourself in one of the little gardens, or at the door of a cottage, while seeking the way through to the heights above. Two public-houses offer very modest entertainment, and The Ship better beer than that at Kilnsea. About the end of the seventeenth century the alum shale, on which the village is built, made a sudden slip, and with it all the houses but one. Since then it has remained stationary; but with a rock so liable to decomposition as alum shale, a site that shall never be moved cannot be hoped for.
The view from the brow in the reverse direction, after you have climbed the rough slope of thorns and brambles above the village, is striking. Kettleness rears its head proudly over the waters; and looking inland from one swelling eminence to another, till stopped by a long bare hill, which in outline resembles the Hog's back, your eye completes the circle and rests at last on the picturesque features of the bay beneath. There is no finer cliff scenery on the Yorkshire coast than from Kettleness to Huntcliff Nab.
Then turning my face northwards, I explored the shortest way to Staithes, now on the edge of the cliff,
now cutting across the fields, and leaving on the left the village of Hinderwell—once, as is said, St. Hilda's well, from a spring in the churchyard which bore the pious lady's name. About four miles of rough walking brought me to a bend in the road above a deep ravine, which, patched or fringed with wood towards its upper end, submits its steep flanks to cultivation on approaching the sea. Garden plots, fenced and hedged, there chequer the ground; and even from the hither side you can see how well kept they are, and how productive. Facing the south, and sheltered from the bitter north-easters, they yield crops of fruit and vegetables that would excite admiration anywhere, and win praise for their cultivators. In some of the plots you see men at work with upturned shirt-sleeves, and you can fancy they do their work lovingly in the golden evening light. The ravine makes sharp curves, each wider than the last, and the brook spreads out, with a few feet of level margin in places at which boats are made fast, and you wonder how they got there. Then the slope, with its gardens, elders, and flowers, merges into a craggy cliff, near which an old limekiln comes in with remarkably picturesque effect.
A few yards farther and the road, descending rapidly, brings you in sight of the sea, seemingly shut in between two high bluffs, and at your feet, unseen till close upon it, lies the little fishing-town of Staithes. And a strange town it is! The main street, narrow and painfully ill-paved, bending down to the shore of a small bay; houses showing their backs to the water on one side, on the other hanging thickly on a declivity so steep that many of the roofs touch the
ground in the rear. Frowsy old houses for the most part, with pantile roofs, or mouldy thatch, from which here and there peep queer little windows. Some of the thatched houses appear as if sunk into the ground, so low are they, and squalid withal. Contrasted with these, the few modern houses appear better than they are; and the draper, with his showy shop, exhibits a model which others, whose gables are beginning to stand at ease, perhaps will be ambitious to follow. Men wearing thick blue Guernsey frocks and sou’westers come slouching along, burdened with nets or lobster pots, or other fishing gear; women and girls, short-skirted and some barefooted, go to and from the beck with “skeels” of water on their head, one or two carrying a large washing-tub full, yet talking as they go as if the weight were nothing; and now and then a few sturdy fellows stride past, yellow from head to foot with a thick ochre-like dust. They come from the ironstone diggings beyond Penny Nab—the southern bluff. Imagine, besides, that the whole place smells of fish, and you will have a first impression of Staithes.
The inns, I thought, looked unpromising; but the Royal George is better than it looks, and if guests are not comfortable the blame can hardly lie with Mrs. Walton, the hostess—a portly, good-humoured dame, who has seen the world, that is, as far as London, and laughs in a way that compels all within hearing to laugh for company. Though the tap-room and parlour be sunk some three feet below the roadway, making you notice, whether or not, the stout ankles of the water-bearers, you will find it very possible to take your ease in your inn.
I was just sauntering out after tea when a couple of negro minstrels, with banjo and tambourine, came down the street, and struck up one of their liveliest songs. Instantly, and as if by magic, the narrow thoroughfare was thronged by a screeching swarm of children, who came running down all the steep alleys, and from nooks and doorways in the queerest places, followed by their fathers and mothers. I stepped up the slope and took a survey of the crowd as they stood grinning with delight at the black melodists. Good-looking faces are rare among the women; but their stature is remarkably erect—the effect probably of carrying burdens on the head. How they chattered!
"Eh! that caps me!" cried one.
"That's brave music!" said another.
And a third, when Tambourine began his contortions, shrieked, "Eh! looky! looky! he's nobbut a porriwiggle;" which, translated out of Yorkshire into English, means, "nought but a tadpole." And to see how the weatherbeaten old fishermen chuckled and roared with laughter, showing such big white teeth all the while, was not the least amusing part of the exhibition. Such lusty enjoyment I thought betokened an open hand; but when the hat went round the greater number proved themselves as "close-neaved," to use one of their own words, as misers.
Near the end of the street, and under the shadow of Penny Nab, there is an opening whence you may survey the little bay, or rather cove, which forms the port of Staithes, well protected by the bluff above named, and Colburn Nab, on the north. Here the Cod and Lobster public-house, with a small quay in
front, faces the sea, as if indifferent to consequences, notwithstanding that the inmates are compelled from time to time to decamp suddenly from threatened drowning. Even as I stood there I was fain to button my overcoat against the spray which swept across and sprinkled the windows, for there was a heavy "lipper" on, and huge breakers came tumbling in with thunderous roar. You see piles driven here and there, and heaps of big stones laid for protection; and not without need, you will think, while looking at the backs of the houses huddling close around the margin of the tide. In the month of February, twenty-seven years ago, thirteen houses were swept away at once, and among them the one in which Cook was first apprenticed. Judging from what Staithes is now, it must have been a remarkably primitive and hard-featured place in his day.
Then, crossing over, I threaded the narrow alleys and paths to look at the backs of the houses from the hill-side. You never saw such queer ins and outs, and holes and corners as there are here. Pigsties, little back yards, sheds, here and there patches of the hill rough with coarse grass and weeds, and everywhere boat-hooks and oars leaning against the walls, and heaps of floats, tarred bladders, lobster-pots and baskets, and nets stretched to dry on the open ground above. If you wished to get from one alley to another without descending the hill, it would not be difficult to take a short cut across the pantiles. Indeed, that seems in some places the only way of extrication from the labyrinth.
I was on my way to look at the cove from the side
of Colburn Nab, when a woman, rushing from a house, renewed a screeching quarrel with her opposite neighbour, which had been interrupted by the negro interlude. The other rushed out to meet her, and there followed a clamour of tongues such as I never before heard—each termagant resolute to outscold the other. They stamped, shook their fists and beat the air furiously, made mouths at one another, yelled bitter taunts, and at last came to blows. The struggle was but short, and then the weaker, not having been able to conquer by strength of arm, screamed hoarsely, "Never mind, Bet—never mind, you faggot! I can show a cleaner shimmy than you can." And, turning up her skirt, she showed half a yard of linen, the cleanliness of which ought to have made her ashamed of her tongue. A loud laugh followed this sally, and the men, having maintained their principle that "it's always best to let t' women foight it out," straggled away to their lounging-places.
The beck falls from the ravine into the cove at the foot of the Nab, having a level wedge of land between it and the cliff. This was more than half covered by fishing-boats and the carts of dealers, who buy the fish here and sell it in the interior, or convey it to the Tunnel Station for despatch by railway. Two smoke-houses for the drying of herrings are built against the cliff, and in one of these a man was preparing for the annual task, and shovelling his coarse-grained salt into tubs. "The coarser the better," he said, "because it keeps the fish from layin' too close together." A fisherman, who seemed well pleased to have some one to talk to, assured me that I was a month too soon: the
middle of August was the time to see the place as busy as sand-martens. And with an overpowering smell of fish, he might have added. Six score boats of one kind or another sailed from the cove, and they took a good few of fish. Some boats could carry twenty last, and at times a last of herrings would fetch ten or eleven pounds. In October, '56, the boats were running down to Scarbro', when they came all at once into a shoal, and was seven hours a sailin' through 'em. One boat got twelve lasts in no time, came in on Sunday, cleared 'em out, sailed again, and got back with twelve more lasts on Wednesday. That was good addlings (i.e. earnings). He knowed the crew of one boat who got sixty pound a man that season.
Some liked cobles, and some liked yawls. A coble wanted six men and two boys to work her: a yawl would carry fifty tons, and some were always out a fishin'. Now and then they went out to the Silver Pit, an oyster-bed about twenty-five miles from the coast. He thought the French and Dutch were poachers in the herring season, especially the French. They'd run their nets right across the English nets, and pretend they didn't know or didn't understand; and though the screw steamer from Dunkirk kept cruising about to warn 'em not to come over the line, the English fishermen thought 'twas only to spy out where the most fish was, and then let the foreign boats know by signal. Yorkshire can't a bear such botherments, and retaliates between whiles by sinking the buoy barrels.
This is an old grievance. In former times no Dutchman was permitted to fish without a license from Scarborough Castle, yet they evaded the regulation continually; "for," to quote the old chronicler, "the English always granted leave for fishing, reserving the honour to themselves, but out of a lazy temper resigning the gain to others."
He remembered the gale that swallowed the thirteen houses. 'Twas a northerly gale, and that was the only quarter that Staithes had to trouble about. Whenever the wind blew hard from the north, the Cod and Lobster had to get ready to run. But the easterly gales, which made everything outside run for shelter, never touched the place, and you might row round the port in a skiff when collier ships were carrying away their topmasts in the offing, or drifting helplessly ashore. He saw the thirteen houses washed away, and at the same time a coble carried right over the bridge and left high and dry on the other side.
The mouth of the beck would make a good harbour for cobles were it not for the bar, a great heap of gravel "foreanenst" us, which, by the combined action of the stream and tide, was kept circling from side to side, and stopping the entrance. It would be all right if somebody would build a jetty.
Returned to my quarters, I preferred a seat in the tap-room to the solitude of the parlour. The hour to "steck up" shops had struck, and a few of the "bettermy" traders had come in for their evening pipe and glass of ale. The landlord, who is a jet-digger, confirmed all that the three men had told me at Runswick: jet-digging was quite a lottery, and not unattended with danger. In some instances a man would let himself half way down the cliff by a rope to begin his work. And the doctor—a talkative gentleman—corroborated the old fisherman’s statements. In an easterly gale the little port was “as smooth as grease,” and, if it were only larger, would be the best harbour on the eastern coast. He, too, remembered the washing away of the thirteen houses, and the consternation thereby created. Would the sea be satisfied with that one mouthful? was a terrible question in the minds of all.
I had heard that among the few things saved from the house in which Cook was apprenticed, was the till from which he stole the shilling; but although I met with persons who thought the relic was still preserved somewhere in the town, not one could say that he had ever seen it. As regards the story of the theft, the popular version is that Cook, after taking the coin, ran away from Staithes. But, according to another version, there was no stealing in the case. Tempted by the sight of a bright new South-Sea Company’s shilling in the till, he took it out, and substituted for it one from his own pocket; and his master, who combined the trades of haberdasher and grocer, was satisfied with the boy’s explanation when the piece was missed. Cook, however, fascinated by the sight of the sea and of ships, took a dislike to the counter, and, before he was fourteen, obtained his discharge, and was learning the rudiments of navigation on board the *Freelove*, a collier ship, owned by two worthy Quakers of Whitby.
CHAPTER XV.
Last Day by the Sea—Boulby—Magnificent Cliffs—Lothouse and Zachary Moore—The Snake-killer—The Wyvern—Eh! Packman—Skinninggrave—Smugglers and Privateers—The Bruce’s Privileges—What the old Chronicler says—Story about a Sea-Man—The Groaning Creek—Huntcliff Nab—Rosebury Topping—Saltburn—Cormorant Shooters—Cunning Seals—Miles of Sands—Marske—A memorable Grave—Redcar—The Estuary of Tees—Asylum Harbour—Recreations for Visitors—William Hutton’s Description—Farewell to the Sea.
It is the morning of our last day by the sea; and a glorious morning it is, with a bright sun, a blue sky, and a cool, brisk breeze, that freshens still as the hours glide on to noon. It is one of those days when merely to breathe, to feel that you are alive, is enjoyment enough; when movement and change of scene exert a charm that grows into exhilaration, and weariness, the envious thief, lags behind, and tries in vain to overtake the willing foot and cheerful heart. In such circumstances it seems to me that from all around the horizon the glowing sunlight streams into one’s very being laden with the delightfulest influences of all the landscapes.
Though the hill be steep and high by which we leave Staithes, there are gaily painted boats lying on the grass at the top. You might almost believe them to be placed there as indications that the town, now
hidden from sight, really exists below. Northwards, the cliffs have a promising look, for they rise to a higher elevation (six hundred and sixty feet) than any we have yet trodden on this side of Flamborough. Again we pass wagon-loads of alum and sulphate, and come to the Boulby alum-works, beyond which stretches a wild heathery tract, which, rounding sharply down to the edge of the cliff, shuts out the inland prospect. Up here the breeze is half a gale, and the sea view is magnificent. More than a hundred vessels of different sizes are in sight, the greater number bowling along to the southward, with every stitch of canvas spread, and so near the shore that you can see plainly the man at the wheel, and the movements of the crew on deck.
By the roadside runs a stream of alum liquor along the wooden trough, and on rounding the bluff, we discover more alum-works, on a broad undercliff, with troughs, diggings, and refuse heaps, extending farther than you can see. You may continue along the broken ground below, or mount to the summit by a rude stair chopped in the face of the cliff. The higher the better, I thought, and scrambled up. It is a strange scene that you look down upon: a few lonely cottages, patches of garden, and a chaos of heaps, some grass-grown, with numerous paths winding among them. And now the view opens towards the west, great slopes of fields heaving up as waves one beyond the other, till they blend with the pale blue hill-range in the distance; and glimpses of Hartlepool and Tynemouth can be seen in the north.
The Earl of Zetland is the great proprietor hereabouts: the alum-works are his, and to him belongs the estate at Lofthouse—a village about two miles inland—once owned by the famous Zachary Moore, whose lavish hospitality, and eminent qualities of mind and heart, made him the theme for tongue and pen while Pitt was minister:
"What sober heads hast thou made ache!
How many hast thou kept from nodding!
How many wise ones for thy sake
Have flown to thee and left off plodding!"
and who, having spent a great fortune, discovered the reverse side of his friends' characters, accepted an ensign's commission, and died at Gibraltar in the prime of his manhood.
And it was near Lofthouse that Sir John Conyers won his name of Snake-killer. A sword and coffin, dug up on the site of an old Benedictine priory, were supposed to have once belonged to the brave knight who "slew that monstrous and poysonous vermine or wyverne, an aske or werme which overthrew and devoured many people in fight; for that the scent of that poison was so strong that no person might abide it." A gray stone, standing in a field, still marks the haunt of the worm and place of battle.
Tradition tells, moreover, of a valiant youth, who killed a serpent and rescued an earl's daughter from the reptile's cave, and married her; in token whereof Scaw Wood still bears his name.
As I went on, past Street Houses, diverging hither and thither, a woman cried, from a small farm-house, "Eh! packman, d'ye carry beuks?" She wanted a
new spelder-beuk* for one of her children. We had a brief talk together. She had never been out of Yorkshire, except once across the Tees to Stockton, twenty-two miles distant. That was her longest journey, and the largest town she had ever seen. 'Twas a gay sight; but she thought the ladies in the streets wore too many danglements. She couldn't abear such things as them, for she was one of the aud-farrand† sort, and liked lasty‡ clothes.
While talking, she continued her preparations for dinner, and set one of her children to polish the "reckon-crooks." The "reckon" is the crane in the kitchen fireplace, to which pots and kettles are suspended by the "crooks." In old times, when a pot was lifted off, the maid was careful to stop the swinging of the crook, because, whenever the reckon-crooks swung the blessed Virgin used to weep.
Skinningrave—a few houses at the mouth of a narrow valley, a brook running briskly to the sea, a coast-guard station on the green shoulder of the southern cliff—makes up a pleasing scene as you descend to the beach. The village gossips can still talk on occasion about the golden age of smugglers, and a certain parish-clerk of the neighbourhood, who used to make the church steeple a hiding-place for his contraband goods. Smuggling hardly pays now on this coast. They can repeat, too, what they heard in their childhood concerning Paul Jones; how that, as at Whitby, the folk kept their money and valuables packed up, ready to start for the interior, watching day and night in great alarm, until at length the
* Spelling-book. † Old-fashioned. ‡ Lasting.
privateers did land, and fell to plundering from house to house. But when the fugitives returned they found nothing disturbed except the pantries and larders.
This was one of the places where the Bruce, proudest of the lords of Cleveladd, had "free fisheries, plantage, floatage, lagan, jetsom, derelict, and other maritime franchises." And an industrious explorer, who drew up a report on the district for Sir Thomas Chaloner, in that quaint old style which smacks of true British liberty, gives us a glimpse of Skinninggrave morals in his day. The people, he says, with all their fish, were not rich; "for the moste parte, what they have they drinke; and howsoever they reckon with God, yt is a familiar maner to them to make even with the worlde at night, that pennillesse and carelesse they maye go lightly to their labour on the morrow morninge." And, relating a strange story, he tells us that about the year 1535, certain fishers of the place captured a sea-man, and kept him "many weekes in an olde house, giving him rawe fish to eate, for all other fare he refused. Instead of voyce he skreaked, and showed himself courteous to such as flocked farre and neare to visit him; faire maydes were welcomest guests to his harbour, whome he woulde beholde with a very earnest countenaynce, as if his phlegmaticke breaste had been touched with a sparke of love. One day when the good demeanour of this newe gueste had made his hosts secure of his abode with them, he privily stole out of doores, and ere he could be overtaken recovered the sea, whereinto he plunged himself; yet as one that
woulde not unmannerly depart without taking of his leave, from the mydle upwardes he raysed his shoulders often above the waves, and makinge signes of acknowledgeing his good entertainment to such as beheld him on the shore, as they interpreted yt. After a pretty while he dived downe, and appeared no more."
Give me leave, reader, to quote one more passage, in which our narrator notices the phenomenon now known as the calling of the sea. "The little stream here," he says, "serveth as a trunke or conduite to convey the rumor of the sea into the neighbouring fieldes; for when all wyndes are whiste, and the sea restes unmoved as a standing poole, sometimes there is such a horrible groaninge heard from that creake at the least six myles in the mayne lande, that the fishermen dare not put forth, though he thyrste of gaine drive them on, houlding an opinion that the sea, as a greedy beaste raginge for hunger, desyers to be satisfyed with men's carcases."
I crossed the beach where noisy rustics were loading carts from the thick beds of tangle, to the opposite cliff, and found a path to the top in a romantic hollow behind the point. Again the height increases, and presently you get a peep at Handale, traceable by its woods; and Freeburgh Hill, which was long taken for a tumulus, appears beyond. After much learned assertion in favour of its artificial formation, the question was settled by opening a sandstone quarry on its side. Still higher, and we are on Huntcliff Nab, a precipice of three hundred and sixty feet, backed by broad fields and pastures. Farther, we come to broken ground, and then to a sudden descent by a zigzag path at the
Saltburn coast-guard station; and here the noble range of cliffs sinks down to one of the pleasantest valleys of Cleveland—an outlet for little rivers. Pausing here on the brow we see the end of our coast travel, Redcar, and the mouth of the Tees five miles distant, and all between the finest sandy beach washed by the North Sea: level and smooth as a floor. The cliff behind is a mere bank, as along the shore of Holderness, and there is a greater breadth of plain country under our eye than we have seen for some days past.
Among the hills, picturesquely upheaved in the rear of the plain, I recognised the pointed summit of Rosebury Topping; and with almost as much pleasure as if it had been the face of a friend, so many recollections did the sight of the cone awaken of youthful days, and of circumstances that seemed to have left no impression. And therewith came back for a while the gladsome bounding emotions that consort with youth's inexperience.
Some time elapsed before I could make up my mind to quit the turfy seat on the edge of the cliff, and betake myself to the nether ground. The path zigzags steeply, and would be dangerous in places were it not protected by a handrope and posts. At the public-house below the requisites of a simple dinner can be had, and excellent beer. While I ate, two men were busy casting bullets, and turning them out to cool in the middle of the floor. They were going to shoot cormorants along Huntcliff Nab, where the birds lodge in the clefts and afford good practice for a rifle.
Concerning the Nab, our ancient friend describes it as "full of craggs and steepe rocks, wherein meawes,
pidgeons, and sea-fowle breade plentifully; and here the sea castinge up pebble-stones maketh the coaste troublesome to passe.” And seals resorted to the rocks about its base, cunning animals, which set a sentry to watch for the approach of men, and dived immediately that the alarm was given. But “the poore women that gather cockles and mussels on the sandes, by often use are in better credyte with them. Therefore, whosoe intends to kill any of them must craftely put on the habyte of a woman, to gayne grounde within the reache of his peece.”
The sands at the mouth of the valley are furrowed and channelled by the streams that here find their outlet; and you will get many a splash in striding across. The view of the valley backed by hills and woods is a temptation, for yonder lie fair prospects, and the obscure ruins of Kilton Castle; but the sea is on the other side, and the sands stretch away invitingly before us. Their breadth, seen near low water, as when I saw them, may be guessed at more than half a mile, and from Saltburn to Redcar, and for four or five miles up the estuary of the Tees they continue, a gentle slope dry and firm, noisy to a horse’s foot, yet something elastic under the tread of a pedestrian. At one time the Redcar races were always held on the broad sands, and every day the visitors to the little town resort to the smooth expanse for their exercise, whether on foot or on wheels. For my part, I ceased to regret leaving the crest of the cliffs, and found a novel sense of enjoyment in walking along the wide-spread shore, where the surface is smooth and unbroken except here and there a solitary pebble, or a shallow pool, or a patch
left rough by the ripples. And all the while a thin film, paler than the rest, as if the surface were in motion, is drifting rapidly with the wind, and producing before your eyes, on the margin of the low cliff, some of the phenomena of blown sand.
Smugglers liked this bit of the coast, because of the easy access to the interior; and many a hard fight has here been had between them and the officers of the law in former times, and not without loss of life. The lowlands, too, were liable to inundation. Marske, of which the church has been our landmark nearly all the way from Saltburn, was once a marsh. If we mount the bank here we shall see the marine hotel, and the village, and the mansion of Mr. Pease, who is the railway king of these parts. And there is Marske Hall, dating from the time of Charles I., which, associated with the names of Fauconberg and Dundas, has become historical. In the churchyard you may see the graves of shipwrecked seamen, and others indicated by a series of family names that will detain you awhile. Here in April, 1799—that fatal year—was buried James Cook, the day labourer, and father of the illustrious navigator. And truly there seems something appropriate in laying him to rest within hearing of that element on which his son achieved lasting renown for himself and his country. Providence was kind to the old man, and took him away six weeks after that terrible massacre at Owwhyhee, thereby saving his last days from hopeless sorrow.
Numerous were the parties walking, riding, and driving on the sands within a mile of Redcar; but so far as I could judge, liveliness was not one of their
characteristics. Now, the confused line of houses resolves itself into definite form; and, turning the point, you find the inner margin of the sand loose and heavy, a short stair to facilitate access to the terrace above, all wearing a rough makeshift appearance: the effect, probably, of the drift. There is no harbour; the boats lie far off in the shallow water, where embarkation is by no means convenient. Once arrived at the place, it appeared to me singularly unattractive.
Wide as the estuary looks, its entrance is narrowed by a tongue of sand, Seaton-Snook, similar to the Spurn, but seven miles long, and under water, which stretches out from the Durham side; and on the hither side, off the point where we are standing, you can see the long ridges of lias which are there thrust out, as if to suggest the use that might be made of them. Twenty years ago Mr. Richmond drew up a report on what he names an "Asylum Harbour" at Redcar, showing that at that time forty thousand vessels passed in a year, and that of the wrecks, from 1821 to 1833, four hundred and sixty-two would not have happened had the harbour then existed. "To examine and trace," he remarks, "during a low spring-ebb, the massive foundations, which seem laid by the cunning hand of Nature to invite that of man to finish what has been so excellently begun, is a most interesting labour. In their present position they form the basis on which it is projected to raise those mounds of stone by whose means, as breakwaters, a safe and extensive harbour will be created, with sufficient space and depth of water for a fleet of line-of-battle ships to be moored with perfect security within their limits, and still leave ample room
for merchant vessels.” There is no lack of stone in the neighbourhood; and seeing what has been accomplished at Portland and Holyhead, there should be no lack of money for such a purpose.
Cockles and shrimps abound along the shore: hence visitors may find a little gentle excitement in watching the capture of these multitudinous creatures, or grow enthusiastic over the return of the salmon-fishers with their glistening prey. And in fine weather there are frequent opportunities for steam-boat trips along the coast. But the charm of the place consists in the broad, flat shore, and, looking back along the way you came, you will find an apt expression in the lines:
“Next fishy Redcar view Marske’s sunny lands,
And sands, beyond Pactolus’ golden sands;
Till shelvy Saltburn, cloth’d with seaweed green,
And giant Huntcliff close the pleasing scene.”
William Hutton, at the age of eighty-five, journeyed hither for a summer holiday, and wrote a narrative of his adventures, from which we may get an idea of the place as he saw it. “The two streets of Coatham and Redcar,” he says, “are covered with mountains of drift sand, blown by the north-west winds from the shore, which almost forbid the foot; no carriage above a wheelbarrow ought to venture. It is a labour to walk. If a man wants a perspiring dose, he may procure one by travelling through these two streets, and save his half-crown from the doctor. He may sport white stockings every day in the year, for they are without dirt; nor will the pavement offend his corns. The sand-beds are in some places as high as the eaves of the houses. Some of the inhabitants are obliged every
morning to clear their doorway, which becomes a pit, unpleasant to the housekeeper and dangerous to the traveller.”
I saw no sand-beds up to the eaves, but there were indications enough that the sand-drift must be a great annoyance. The town is comprised chiefly in one long, wide street, which looks raw and bleak, even in the summer. There are a few good shops at the end farthest from the sea; and if you ask the bookseller to show you the weekly list of visitors, it will perhaps surprise you to see the number so great. The church was built in 1829; before that date church-goers had to walk the three miles to Marske.
And now my travel from Humber to Tees is accomplished, and I must say farewell to the wide rolling main with its infinite horizon—to the ships coming up from the unseen distance, and sailing away to the unseen beyond—to the great headlands, haunted by swift-winged birds, which, when winds are still, behold a double firmament, stars overhead and stars beneath; and so, not without reluctance, I turn my back on what the rare old Greek calls
“The countless laughter of the salt-sea waves.”
CHAPTER XVI.
Leave Redcar—A Cricket-Match—Coatham—Kirkleatham—The Old Hospital—The Library—Sir William Turner's Tomb—Cook, Omai, and Banks—The Hero of Dettingen—Yearby Bank—Upleatham—Guisborough—Past and Present—Tomb of Robert Bruce—Priory Ruins—Hemingford, Pursglove, and Sir Thomas Chaloner—Pretty Scenery—The Spa—More Money, less Morals—What George Fox's Proselytes did—John Wesley's Preaching—Hutton-Lowcross—Rustics of Taste—Rosebury Topping—Lazy Enjoyment—The Prospect: from Black-a-moor to Northumberland—Cook's Monument—Canny Yatton—The Quakers' School—A Legend—Skelton—Sterne and Eugeniuss—Visitors from Middlesbro'—A Fatal Town—Newton—Diggers' Talk—Marton, Cook's Birthplace—Stockton—Darlington.
However, we will be of good cheer, for Nature forsakes not the trustful heart. Hill and dale, breezy moorland, craggy mountains, and lovely valleys stretch away before us well-nigh to the western tides; and there we shall find perennial woods, where rustling leaves and rushing waterfalls will compensate us for the loss of the voice of the sea.
I started for Guisborough, taking a short cut across the fields to Kirkleatham. In the first field, on the edge of the town, I saw what accounted to me for the lifelessness of Redcar—a cricket-match. As well might one hope to be merry at a funeral as at a game of cricket, improved into its present condition; when the ball is no longer bowled, but pelted, and the pelter's
movements resemble those of a jack-pudding; when gauntlets must be worn on the hands and greaves on the shins; and other inventions are brought into use to deprive pastime of anything like enjoyment. That twenty-two men should ever consent to come together for such a mockery of pleasure, is to me a mystery. Wouldn't Dr. Livingstone's Makalolo laugh at them! The only saving point attending it is, that it involves some amount of exercise in the open air. No wonder that the French duchess, who was invited to see a game, sent one of her suite, after sitting two hours, to inquire "when the creekay vas going to begin." The Guisborough band was doing its best to enliven the field; but I saw no exhilaration. Read Miss Mitford's description of a cricket-match on the village green; watch a schoolboys' game, consider the mirth and merriment that they get out of it, and sympathise with modern cricket if you can.
The fields are pleasant and rural; haymakers are at work; we cross a tramway, one of those laid to facilitate the transport of Cleveland ironstone; we get glimpses of Coatham, and come nearer to the woods, and at length emerge into the road at Kirkleatham. Here let us turn aside to look at the curious old hospital, built in 1676 by Sir William Turner, citizen and woollen-draper of London, and lord mayor, moreover, three years after the Great Fire. There it stands, a centre and two wings, including a chapel, a library and museum, and comfortable lodging for ten old men, as many old women, and the same number of boys and girls. The endowment provides for a good education for the children, and a benefaction on their
apprenticeship; and the services of a chaplain. Among the curiosities shown to visitors are a waxen effigy of Sir William, wearing the wig and band that he himself once wore; the likeness of his son and heir in the stained glass of one of the windows; St. George and the Dragon, singularly well cut out of one piece of boxwood; the fragment of the tree from Newby Park, presented by Lord Falconberg, on which appears, carved—
This Tre long time witnese beare
Of toww lovrs that did walk heare.
It was no random hand that selected the library; some of the books are rare. One who loves old authors will scan the shelves with pleasure. "I could easily have forgotten my dinner in this enchanting room," says William Hutton. Interesting in another way is the ledger of the worthy citizen and woollen-draper here preserved: it shows how well he kept his accounts, and that he was not vainglorious. On one of the pages, where the sum of his wealth appears as 50,000l., he has written, "Blessed be the Almighty God, who has blest me with this estate."
The church, not far from the hospital, is worth a visit. Conspicuous in the chancel are the monuments of the Turners, adorned with sculptures and long inscriptions. Of Sir William, we read that he lies buried "amongst the poor of his hospital—the witnesses of his piety, liberality, and humility." There is the mausoleum, erected by Cholmley Turner, in 1740, to the memory of his son, who died at Lyon, of which Schumacher was the sculptor, and near it the tomb of Sir Charles Turner, the last of the family. Cook, acaccompanied by Omai and Sir Joseph Banks, paid him a visit in 1775. Some of the church plate was presented by Sir William; but that used for the communion was thrown up by the sea about a century ago, within the privilege of the lord of the manor.
This quiet little village of Kirkleatham was the birthplace of Tom Brown the famous dragoon, who at the battle of Dettingen cut his way single-handed into the enemy's line, recovered the standard of the troop to which he belonged, and fought his way back in triumph; by which exploit he made his name ring from one end of England to the other, and won a place for his likeness on many a sign-board. You may see his portrait here if you will, and his straight basket-hilted sword.
After a glance at the Hall, a handsome building, we return to the road, and ascend Yearby bank—a bank which out of Yorkshire would be called a hill. Look back when near the top, and you will have a pleasing prospect: Kirkleatham nestled among the trees, the green fields refreshing to the eye; Eston Nab and the brown estuary beyond. Here we are on the verge of the Earl of Zetland's richly wooded estate—
"Behold Upleatham, slop'd with graceful ease,
Hanging enraptur'd o'er the winding Tees"—and the breeze makes merry among the branches that overhang us on both sides till a grand fragment of a ruin appears in sight—the tall east window of a once magnificent Priory—rising stately in decay from amidst the verdure of a fertile valley, and we enter the small market-town of Guisborough.
Having refreshed myself at The Buck, I took an evening stroll, not a little surprised at the changes which the place had undergone since I once saw it. Then it had the homely aspect of a village, and scarce a sound would you hear after nine at night in its long wide street: now at both ends new houses intrude on the fields and hedgerows, the side lanes have grown into streets lit by gas and watched by policemen. Tippling iron-diggers disturb the night with noisy shouts when sober folk are a-bed, and the old honest look has disappeared for ever. In the olden time it was said, "The inhabitants of this place are observed by travellers to be very civil and well bred, cleanly in dressing their diet, and very decent in their houses." The old Hall is gone, but the gardens remain: you see the ample walnut-trees and the primeval yew behind the wall on your way to the churchyard. Seven centuries have rolled away since that Norman gateway was built, and it looks strong enough to stand another seven. Under the shadow of those trees was a burial-place of the monks: now the shadow falls on mutilated statues and other sculptured relics, and on the tomb of Robert Brus, one of the claimants of the Scottish throne and founder of the abbey, who was buried here in 1294. Even in decay it is an admirable specimen of ancient art.
From the meadow adjoining the churchyard you get a good view of the great east window, or rather of the empty arch which the window once filled; and looking at its noble dimensions, supported by buttresses, flanked by the windows of the aisles, and still adorned with crumbling finials, you will easily believe what is recorded of Guisborough Priory—that it was
the richest in Yorkshire. It was dedicated to St. Augustine, and when the sacred edifice stood erect in beauty, the tall spire pointing far upwards, seen miles around, many a weary pilgrim must have invoked a blessing on its munificent founder—a Bruce of whom the Church might well be proud.
Hemingford, whose chronicle of events during the reigns of the first three Edwards contains many curious matters of ecclesiastical history, was a canon of Guisborough; and among the priors we find Bishop Pursglove, him of whom our ancient gossip Izaak makes loving mention. Another name associated with the place is Sir Thomas Chaloner, eminent alike in exercises of the sword, and pen, and statesmanship. It was there in the neighbourhood that he discovered alum, as already mentioned, led thereto by observing that the leaves of the trees about the village were not so dark a green as elsewhere, while the whitish clay soil never froze, and "in a pretty clear night shined and sparkled like glass upon the road-side."
Skeletons and stone coffins have been dug up from time to time, and reburied in the churchyard. On one occasion the diggers came upon a deposit of silver plate; and from these and other signs the presence of a numerous population on the spot in former days has been inferred. Our quaint friend, who has been more than once quoted, says: "Cleveland hath been wonderfully inhabited more than yt is nowe...nowe all their lodgings are gone; and the country, as a widow, remayneth mournful." And among the local traditions, there is the not uncommon one, which hints obscurely at a subterranean passage, leading
from the Priory to some place adjacent, within which lay a chest of gold guarded by a raven.
Situate near the foot of a finely-wooded range of hills, the ruin shows effectively with the green heights for a background. More delightful than now must the prospect have been in the early days, and even within the present century, when no great excavations of ironstone left yellow blots in the masses of foliage.
The sun went down while I sauntered about, and when I took my last look at the great east window the ruddy blaze streamed through its lofty space, and as each side grew dark with creeping glooms, filled it with quivering beams whereunto all the glory of glass would be but a mockery.
Guisborough may claim to rank among watering-places, for it has a spa, with appliances for drinking and bathing, down in a romantic nook of Spa Wood, watered by Alum-work beck. The walk thither, and onwards through Waterfall wood to Skelton, is one of the prettiest in the neighbourhood. And on the hill-slopes, Bellman bank—formerly Bellemonde—still claims notice for pleasing scenery. The medicinal properties of the spring were discovered in 1822. The water, which is clear and sparkling, tastes and smells slightly of sulphur and weak alkaline constituents, and is considered beneficial in diseases of the skin and indigestion. And in common with other small towns in Yorkshire, Guisborough has a free grammar-school, which, at least, keeps alive the memory of its founder.
Mine host of *The Buck* said, as we talked together later in the evening about the changes that had taken place, that although more money came into the town
than in years gone by, he did not think that better habits or better morals came in along with it. A similar remark would be made wherever numbers of rude labourers earn high wages. Even in the good old times there was something to complain of. George Fox tells us, concerning his proselytes in Cleveland, that they fell away from their first principles and took to ranting; and at the time of his later visits "they smoked tobacco and drank ale in their meetings, and were grown light and loose." And John Wesley, on his first visit to Guisborough, in 1761, found what was little better than practical heathenism. He preached from a table standing in the market-place, where "there was," as he writes, "so vehement a stench of stinking fish as was ready to suffocate me." The people "roared;" but as the zealous apostle of Methodism went on in his sermon they gradually became overawed, and listened in silence. Did their forefathers ever roar when Paulinus preached to them from a mossy rock, or under the shadow of a spreading oak? Wesley, however, made an impression, and followed it up by visits in four subsequent years.
At any rate, there was no noise to disturb the Sunday quiet when I went forth on the morrow. While passing along the street I noticed many cottagers reading at their doors, and exposing a pair of clean white shirt-sleeves to the morning sun. Turning presently into a road on the left, which rises gently, you get an embowered view of the town, terminated by the soaring arch. Then we come to Hutton Lowcross, a pleasant hamlet, which suggests a thought of the days of old, for it once had an hospital and a Cistercian nunnery. Hutton joined to the name of a village is a characteristic of Cleveland. In one instance—a few miles from this—it helps out an unflattering couplet:
"Hutton Rudby, Entrep'en,
Far more rogues than honest men."
We cross the railway near a station, which, as a cottager told me, is "Mr. Pease's station; built for hisself, and not for everybody," and take a bridle road leading to the hill. I fell in with a couple of rustics, who were able to enjoy the scenery amid which they had lived for years. They lay under a tree, at a spot open to the prospect down the valley; and as I commended their choice, one replied, "I do like to come and set here of a Sunday better than anything else. 'Tis so nice to hear the leaves a-rustlin' like they do now." But the view there was nothing to what I should see from the hill-top: there couldn't be a prettier sight in England than that.
I felt willing to believe them; and a few minutes later strode from the steep, narrow lane, where ferns, foxgloves, wild roses, and elders overhang the way, to the open expanse of Guisborough moors. Here a track runs along the undulating slope to the foot of the hills, which roll away on the left to the wild region of Black-a-moor, with many a pleasant vale and secluded village between, while on the right spreads the cultivated plain, of which, ere long, we shall get a wider view. For now Rosebury Topping comes clear in sight, from gorse-patched base to rocky apex, and your eye begins to select a place for ascent. It is approachable on all sides; no swamp betrays the foot, but the
steepness in some places compels you to use hands as well as feet. The morning was already hot, and I was fain to sit down in the belt of bracken above the gorse and breathe awhile, glad to have climbed beyond reach of the flies. From the fern you mount across clean, soft turf to the bare wall of rock which encircles the northern half of the summit, where the breeze of the plain is a brisk wind, cooling and invigorating as it sweeps across. I threw off my knapsack, and choosing a good resting-place, lay down in idle enjoyment of being able to see far enough.
Who that has travelled knows not what an enjoyment it is to recline at length on a hill-top, the head reposing on a cushion of moss, and to have nothing to do but let the eye rove at will over the widespread landscape below? Sheltered by the rock, you breathe the coolness of upper air without its rapid chill, and indulge for a while in lazy contemplation. It is the very luxury of out-door existence. Perhaps you are somewhat overcome by the labour of the ascent, and unconsciousness steals gently on you; and a snatch of slumber in such a spot, while the winds whisper of gladness in your ear, and a faint hush floats to and fro among the blades of grass, is a pleasure which can be imagined only by one who beholds at his awaking the blue sky and the broad earth of the great Giver.
At length curiosity prevails. Here we are a thousand and twenty-two feet above the sea—an elevation that sounds small after Switzerland and Tyrol; but a very little experience of travelling convinces one that the highest hills are not those which always command the most pleasing views. Standing on the top of the
crag you may scan the whole ring of the horizon, from the sea on the east to the high summits of the west; from the bleak ridges of Black-a-moor to the headlands of Northumberland, seen dimly through the smoky atmosphere of the Durham coal-fields.
Considering, reader, that I may please myself at times, as well as you, I borrow again from our honest friend, whose admiration of the picturesque appears to have equalled his ability to note the useful. "There is," he says, "a most goodly prospecte from the toppe of thys hyll, though paynefully gayned by reason of the steepnesse of yt... There you may see a vewe the like whereof I never saw, or thinke that any traveller hath seen any comparable unto yt, albeit I have shewed yt to divers that have paste through a greate part of the worlde, both by sea and land. The vales, rivers, great and small, swelinge hylls and mountaynes, pastures, meadows, woodes, cornefields, parte of the Bishopricke of Durham, with the newe porte of Tease lately found to be safe, and the sea replenyshed with shippes, and a most pleasant flatt coaste subjecte to noe inundation or hazarde make that countrye happy if the people had the grace to make use of their owne hap-pinesse, which may be amended if it please God to send them trafique and good example of thrifte." All this is still true; but Tees has now other ports, and Middlesborough, which has grown rapidly as an American town, and the iron furnaces, spread a smoky veil here and there across the landscape, which, when our narrator looked down upon it, lay everywhere clear and bright in the sunshine.
The name of the hill is said to be derived from Ross,
a heath or moor; *Burg*, a fortress; and *Toppen*, Danish for apex. If you incline to go back to very early days—as the Germans do—try to repeople the rows of basin-like pits which, traceable around the slope of the hill, are, so the students of antiquity tell us, the remains of ancient British dwellings. Were they inhabited when the Brigantes first mustered to repel the Romans? Rebuild the hermitage which a solitary once constructed here in the rock, which afterwards was known as the smith’s forge or cobbler’s shop; and restore the crevice which, known afar as Wilfrid’s needle, tempted many a pilgrim to the expiatory task of creeping through the needle’s eye. No traces of them are now left, for the remains which Time respected were destroyed some years ago by quarrymen, and with them the perfect point of the cone.
Rosebury Topping was once talked of as the best site for a monument to the memory of Cook, where it would be seen from his birthplace and for miles around. But another spot was chosen, and looking to the southeast you see the tall, plain column on Easby heights, about three miles distant. It was erected in 1827, at the cost of Mr. Robert Campion, of Whitby. At the foot of the hill, in the same direction, partly concealed by trees, and watered by the river Leven, lies the village of Great Ayton—canny Yatton—where Cook went to school after exhausting Dame Walker’s lessons. In the churchyard is a stone, which records the death of Cook’s mother, and of some of his brothers and sisters, supposed to have been wrought by his father, who was a working mason. It is said, however,
that the old man was unable to read until the age of seventy-five, when he learned in order that he might have the pleasure of reading the narrative of his son's voyages of discovery. Of other noteworthy objects in the village are a monument to Commodore Wilson in the church; a Chapel-well of the olden time; and an agricultural school, with seventy-five acres of good land attached, belonging to the Quakers. Farming work and in-doors work are there taught to boys and girls in a thoroughly practical way, carrying out the intentions of the chief promoter, who gave the land and 5000l. to establish the institution.
A few yards below the rocks a spring trickles slowly into a hollow under a stone, but the quantity of water is too small to keep itself free from the weeds and scum which render it unfit for drinking. It can hardly be the fatal spring of the tradition, wherein is preserved the memory of a Northumbrian queen and Prince Oswy, her son. Soothsayers had foretold the boy's death by drowning on a certain day: the mother, to keep him from harm, brought him to this lofty hillside early on the threatened day, where, at all events, he would be in no danger from water. Fondly she talked with him for a while and watched his play; but drowsiness stole over her and she fell asleep. By-and-by she woke, and looked hastily round for her darling. He was nowhere to be seen. She flew hither and thither, searching wildly, and at last found him lying dead, with his face in the spring.
Looking to the north-east we see Skelton, backed by the Upleatham woods. Though but a speck in the landscape, it has contributed more to history than places which boast acres of houses. "From this little
nook of Cleveland," says the local historian, "sprang mighty monarchs, queens, high-chancellors, archbishops, earls, barons, ambassadors, and knights, and, above all, one brilliant and immortal name—Robert Bruce." We hear of a Robert de Brus, second of the name, trying to dissuade David of Scotland from awaiting the attack of the English army near Northallerton; but the king chose to fight, and lost, as we have already read, the Battle of the Standard. And the sixth baron, Peter de Brus, was one of the resolute band who made his mark at Runnymede, and helped to wrest the right of liberty from a royal craven.
Then taking a stride to later years, we find the author of *Crazy Tales*, John Hall Stevenson, the occupant of Skelton Castle, an esquire hospitable and eccentric, the Eugenius of Sterne, who was his willing guest:
"In this retreat, whilom so sweet,
Once Tristram and his cousin dwelt."
There it was that Sterne bribed a boy to tie the weathercock with its point to the west, hoping thereby to lure the host from his chamber; for Eugenius would never leave his bed while the wind blew from the east, even though good company longed for his presence.
In one of his poems the "crazy" author describes the hill country such as we see it stretching away beyond Cook's monument:
"Where the beholder stands confounded
At such a scene of mountains bleak;
Where nothing goes
Except some solitary pewit,
And carrion crows,
That seem sincerely to rue it;"
Where nothing grows,
So keen it blows,
Save here and there a graceless fir,
From Scotland with its kindred fled,
That moves its arms and makes a stir,
And tosses its fantastic head."
On Eston Nab, that bold hill between us and the Tees, is an ancient camp, and graves supposed to be two thousand years old. Kildale, in the opposite direction, had once a diabolical notoriety; for there the devil played many a prank, and drank the church-well dry, so that the priest could get no holy water. Ingleby Manor, an antique Tudor house, belonged to the Foulis family, who gave a noteworthy captain to the army of the Parliament. And other historic names—the D'Arcys, Eures, Percys, and Baliols—all had estates overlooked by Rosebury. Wilton Castle, not far from the foot of Eston Nab, was built by Sir John Lowther, about fifty years ago, on the site of a fortress once held by the Bulmers.
Now to return for a moment to the hill itself: the topmost rocks are of the same formation as those we saw stretching into the sea at Redcar, uptilted more than a thousand feet in a distance of ten miles. And lower down, as if to exemplify the geology of the North Riding in one spot, a thick stratum of alum-rock is found, with ironstone, limestone, jet and coal, and numerous fossil shells. And it illustrates meteorological phenomena, for, from time immemorial, weatherwise folk have said,
"When Rosebury Topping wears a cap,
Let Cleveland then beware a clap."
More than an hour slipped away while I lounged
and loitered, making the round of the summit again and again, till it seemed that the landscape had become familiar to me. Then the solitude was broken by the arrival of strangers, who came scrambling up the hill, encouraging one another with cheerful voices. They gained the rocks at last, panting; two families from Middlesborough, husbands, wives, boys and girls, and a baby, with plenty to eat and drink in their baskets, come from the murky town to pass the Sunday on the breezy hill-top. How they enjoyed the pure air and the wide prospect; and how they wondered to find room for a camp-meeting on a summit which, from their homes, looked as if it were only a blunt point! They told me that a trip to Rosebury Topping was an especial recreation for the people of Middlesborough—a town which, by the way, is built on a swampy site, where the only redeeming feature is ready access to a navigable river. I remember what it was before the houses were built. A drearier spot could not be imagined: one of those places which, as Punch says, "you want never to hear of, and hope never to see."
"'Tis frightful to see how fast the graves do grow up in the new cemetery," said one of the women, whose glad surprise at the contrast between her home and her holiday could hardly express itself in words. "It can't be a healthy place to bring up a family in. That's where we live, is it—down there, under all that smoke? Ah! if we could only come up here every day!"
Middlesborough, as we can see from far off, is now a large town, numbering nearly 8000 inhabitants in
1851, and owes its sudden growth to coal and iron. There the smelting furnaces, roaring night and day, convert hundreds of tons of the Cleveland hills every week into tons of marketable iron. The quantity produced in 1856 in the Cleveland district was 180,000 tons. And there is the terminus of the "Quakers' Railway;" a dock, of nine acres, where vessels can load at all times of the tide; an ingenious system of drops for the coal; branch railways running in all directions; and a great level of fifteen acres, on which three thousand wagons can stand at once.
I stayed two hours on the hill-top, then taking a direct line down the steepest side, now sliding, now rolling, a very few minutes brought me to the village of Newton at the foot. With so sudden a change, the heat below seemed at first overpowering. In the public-house, which scrupled not to open its door to a traveller, I found half a dozen miners, who had walked over from a neighbouring village to drink their pint without molestation. Each recommended a different route whereby the ten miles to Stockton might be shortened. One insisted on a cut across the fields to Nuntharp.
My ear caught at the sharp twang of the ar—a Yorkshire man would have said Nunthurp—and turning to the speaker I said, "Surely that's Berkshire?"
"Ees, 'tis. I comes not fur from Read'n."
True enough. Tempted by high wages in the north, he had wandered from the neighbourhood of Our Village up to the iron-diggings of Cleveland. I took it for granted that, as he earned more than twice as much as
he did at home, he saved in proportion. But no; he didn’t know how ’twas; the money went somehow. Any way he didn’t save a fardin’ more than he did in Berkshire. I ventured to reply that there was little good in earning more if one did not save more, when a tall brawny fellow broke in with, “Look here, lad. I’d ruther ’arn fifty shillin’s a week and fling ’em right off into that pond there, than ’arn fifteen to keep.”
Just the retort that was to be expected under the circumstances. It embodies a touch of proud sentiment in which we can all participate.
I found the short cut to Nunthorp, struck there the high road, and came in another hour to Marton—the birthplace of Cook. It is a small village with a modernised church, and a few noble limes overshadowing the graves. The house where the circumnavigator was born was little better than a clay hovel of two rooms. It has long since disappeared; but the field on which it stood is still called “Cook’s Garth.” The parish register contains an entry under the date November 3rd, 1728: “James, ye son of James Cook, day-labourer, baptized.” The name of Mary Walker, aged 89, appears on one of the stones in the churchyard; she it was who taught the day-labourer’s son to read while he was in her service, and who has been mistakenly described as Dame Walker, the schoolmistress.
I caught the evening train at Stockton, which travelling up the Durham side of the Tees—past Yarm, where Havelock’s mother was born—past the “hell kettles” and Dinsdale Spa, where drinking the water turns all the silver yellow in your pockets—and so to Darlington, where I stayed for the night.
CHAPTER XVII.
Locomotive, Number One—Barnard Castle—Baliol's Tower—From Canute to the Duke of Cleveland—Historic Scenery—A surprised Northumbrian—The bearded Hermit—Beauty of Teesdale—Egliston Abbey—The Artist and his Wife—Dotheboys Hall—Rokeby—Greta Bridge—Mortham Tower—Brignall Banks—A Pilgrimage to Wycliffe—Fate of the Inns—The Felon Sow—A Journey by Omnibus—Lartington—Cotherstone—Scandinavian Traces—Romaldkirk—Middleton-in-Teesdale—Wild Scenery—High Force Inn—The Voice of the Fall.
Facing the entrance to the railway station, elevated on a pedestal of masonry, stands the first locomotive—Number One. With such machines as that did the Quakers begin in 1823 to transport coal from the mines near Darlington to Middlesborough along their newly-opened railway. Compared with the snorting giants of the Great Western, its form and dimensions are small and simple. No glittering brass or polished steel bedeck its strength; it is nothing but a black boiler, mounted on wheels, with three or four slender working-rods standing up near one end, and the chimney with its saw-toothed top at the other. Yet, common as it looks, it is one of George Stephenson’s early triumphs: one of the steps by which he, and others after him, established more and more the supremacy of mind over mere brute matter. It was a happy thought to preserve
Number One on the spot where enlightened enterprise first developed its capabilities.
Tees is one of those streams—the "silly few"—which owe a divided allegiance, watering two counties at once. Rising high amidst the wildest hills of the north-west, it takes a course of eighty-three miles to the sea through many scenes of romantic beauty. Yesterday we looked down from Rosebury on the last two or three leagues of its outfall; to-day, if all go well, we shall see the summit from which it springs. It is a glorious morning; the earliest train arrives, interrupts our examination of the old locomotive, and away we go to breakfast at Barnard Castle, on the Durham side of the river.
There is so much of beautiful and interesting in the neighbourhood, scenes made classic by the pen of Scott, that I chose to pass the day in rambling, and journey farther in the evening. The town itself, old-fashioned in aspect, quiet enough for grass to grow here and there in the streets, was one of the ancient border-towns, and paid the penalty of its position. It has a curious market-cross, and touches of antiquity in the byeways; and owing to something in its former habits or history, is a butt for popular wit. "Barney-Cassel, the last place that God made," is one way of mentioning the town by folk in other parts of the county; if you meet with a fellow more uncouth than usual, he is "Barney-Cassel bred;" any one who shoots with the long bow is silenced with "That wunna do, that's Barney-Cassel;" and as Barney-Cassel farmers may be recognised by the holes in their sacks, so may the women by holes in their stockings.
The pride of the town is the castle—ruined remains of the stronghold erected by Bernard Baliol to protect the lands bestowed on him by William the Red. Seen from the bridge, the rocky height, broken and craggy, and hung with wood, crowned by Baliol's Tower, is remarkably picturesque. The Tees sweeps round the base, as if impatient to hide itself once more under green woods, to receive once more such intermingled shadows of rock and leafage as fell on it through Marwood Chase, and where Balder rushes in about a league above. A mile of sunlight, and then the brawling stream will play with the big stones that crowd its bed all through the woods of Rokeby.
Let us mount the hill and ascend the tower. The bearded hermit who inhabits therein points the way to the stone stair constructed within the massive wall, and presently we come to the top, where, although there is no parapet, the great thickness admits of your walking round in safety. The view is a feast for the eye—thick woods marking the course of the river, the trees thinning off as they meet the uplands, where fields and hedgerows diversify the landscape away to the hills; while in the distance the sight of dark, solemn moorlands serves but to heighten the nearer beauty. We can see lands once held by King Canute, now the property of the Duke of Cleveland: we passed his estate, the park and castle of Raby, about six miles distant on our way hither; and whichever way we look there is something for memory to linger on:
"Staindrop, who, from her sylvan bowers,
Salutes proud Raby's battled towers;
The rural brook of Egliston,
And Balder, named from Odin's son;"
And Greta, to whose banks ere long
We lead the lovers of the song;
And silver Lune, from Stanmore wild,
And fairy Thorsgill's murmuring child,
And last and least, but loveliest still,
Romantic Deepdale's slender rill."
Barnard Castle was lost to the Baliol family by the defeat of John Baliol's pretensions to the crown of Scotland. Later it was granted, with the adjoining estates, to the Earls of Warwick, and on the marriage of Anne Neville with royal Gloucester, the Duke chose it as his favourite residence. You may still see his cognizance of the boar here and there on the walls, and on some of the oldest houses in the town. The Earl of Westmoreland had it next, but lost it by taking part in *The Rising of the North*. The couplet—
"Coward, a coward, of Barney Castel,
Dare not come out to fight a battel,"
is said to have its origin in the refusal of the knight who held the castle to quit the shelter of its walls, and try the effect of a combat with the rebels. And so the game went on, the Crown resuming possession at pleasure, until the whole property fell by purchase, in 1629, to an ancestor of the present owner—the Duke of Cleveland.
"Whoy! 'tis but a little town to ha' such a muckle castle," exclaimed one of three men who had just arrived with a numerous party by excursion train from Newcastle, and ventured to the top of the tower. "Eh! the castle wur bigger nor the town."
Whatever may have been, the thick-voiced Northumbrian was wrong in his first conclusion, for the town has more than four thousand inhabitants. But, looking
down, we can see that the castle with its outworks and inner buildings must have been a fortress of no ordinary dimensions. Nearly seven acres are comprehended within its area, now chiefly laid out in gardens, where, sheltered by the old gray stones, the trees bear generous fruit. If you can persuade the hermit to ascend, he will point out Brackenbury’s Tower, a dilapidated relic, with dungeons in its base, now used as stables; and near it a cow-stall, which occupies the site of the chapel. Examine the place when you descend, and you will discover, amid much disfigurement, traces of graceful architecture.
The hermit himself—a man of middle age—is a subject for curiosity. So far as I could make him out, he appeared to be half misanthropist, half mysoginist. He quarrelled with the world about eighteen years ago, and, without asking leave, took possession of a vault and a wall-cavity at the foot of the great round tower, and has lived there ever since, supporting himself by the donations of visitors, and the sale of rustic furniture which he makes with his own hands. His room in the wall is fitted with specimens of his skill, and it serves as a trap, for you have to pass through it to ascend the tower. He showed me his workshop, and pointed out a spot under the trees at the hill-foot where flows the clear cold spring from which he draws water. The Duke, he said, sometimes came to look at the ruin, and gave him a hint to quit; but he did not mean to leave until absolutely compelled. I heard later in the day that he had been crossed in love; and that, notwithstanding his love of solitude, he would go
out at times and find a friend, and make a night of it. But this may be scandal.
I went down and took a drink at the spring which, embowered by trees and bushes, sparkles forth from the rocky brink of the river, and rambled away to Rokeby. There are paths on both sides of the stream, along the edge of the meadows, and under the trees past the mill, past cottages and gardens, leading farther and farther into scenes of increasing beauty. Then we come to the Abbey Bridge, whence you get a pleasing view of a long straight reach of the river, terminated by a glimpse of Rokeby Hall, a charming avenue, so to speak, of tall woods, which, with ferns, shrubs, and mazy plants, crowd the rocky slopes to the very edge of the water. From ledge to ledge rushes the stream, making falls innumerable, decked with living fringes of foam, and as the noisy current hurries onward, it engirdles the boulders with foamy rings, or hangs upon them a long white train that flutters and glistens as sunbeams drop down through the wind-shaken leaves. Strong contrasts of colour enrich the effect:
"Here Tees, full many a fathom low,
Wears with his rage no common foe;
For pebbly bank, nor sand-bed here,
Nor clay-mound, checks his fierce career,
Condemn'd to mine a channell'd way,
O'er solid sheets of marble gray."
On the Yorkshire side, a few yards above the bridge, the remains of Egliston or Athelstan Abbey crown a pleasant knoll surrounded by wood. They are of small extent, and, on the whole, deficient in the picturesque; but, as an artist said who sketched while his wife sat
sewing by his side, "There are a few little bits worth carrying away." The east window, in which the plain mullions still remain, is of unusual width, the chancel exhibits carvings of different styles; two or three slabs lying on the grass preserve the memory of an abbot, and of a Rokeby, who figures in the still legible inscription as Bastard; and the outbuildings are now occupied as a farm. Some years hence, when the ivy, which has begun to embrace the eastern window, shall have spread its evergreen mantle wider and higher, the ruins will be endowed with a charm wherein their present scanty nakedness may be concealed. Yet apart from this the place has natural attractions—a village green, noble trees, Thorsgill within sight; and just beyond the green a mill of cheerful clatter.
The artist and his wife were enjoying a happy holiday. They had come down into Yorkshire with a fortnight's excursion ticket, and a scheme for visiting as many of the abbeys and as much picturesque scenery as possible within the allotted time. Sometimes they walked eight or ten miles, or travelled a stage in a country car, content to rough it, so that their wishes should be gratified. They had walked across from Stainmoor the day before, and told me that in passing through Bowes they had seen the original of Dotheboys Hall, now doorless, windowless, and dilapidated. Nicholas Nickleby's exposure was too much for it, and it ceased to be a den of hopeless childhood—a place to which heartless fathers and mothers condemned their children because it was cheap.
What a contrast! Wackford Squeers and the Thracian cohort. Bowes, under the name of Lavatrae, was
once a station on the great Roman road from Lincoln to Carlisle. Ere long it will be a station on the railway that is to connect Stockton with Liverpool.
Now, returning to the bridge, we plunge into the woods, and follow the river's course by devious paths. Gladsome voices and merry laughter resound, for a numerous detachment of the excursionists from Newcastle are on their way to view the grounds of Rokeby. Delightful are the snatches of river scenery that we get here and there, where the jutting rock affords an outlook, and the more so as we enjoy them under a cool green shade. Leaving the Northumbrians at the lodge to accomplish their wishes, I kept on to Greta Bridge, and lost myself in the romantic glen through which the river flows. It will surprise you by its manifold combinations of rock, wood, and water, fascinating the eye at every step amid a solitude profound. This was the route taken by Bertram and Wilfrid when the ruthless soldier went to take possession of Mortham. You cannot fail to recognise how truly Scott describes the scenery; the "beetling brow" is there, and the "ivied banners" still hang from the crags as when the minstrel saw them. We can follow the two to that
"______grassy slope which sees
The Greta flow to meet the Tees;"
and farther, where
"South of the gate, an arrow flight,
Two mighty elms their limbs unite,
As if a canopy to spread
O'er the lone dwelling of the dead;
For their huge boughs in arches bent
Above a massive monument,
Carved o'er in ancient Gothic wise,
With many a scutcheon and device."
You will long to lengthen your hours into days for wanderings in this lovely neighbourhood. You will be unwilling to turn from the view at Mortham Tower—one of the old border peels, or fortresses on a small scale—or that which charms you from the Dairy Bridge. Then if the risk of losing your way does not deter, you may ramble to "Brignall Banks" and Scargill, having the river for companion most part of the way. And should you be minded to pursue the road through Richmondshire to Richmond, the village and ruins of Ravensworth will remind you of
"The Baron of Ravensworth prances in pride,
And he views his domains upon Arkindale side.
The mere for his net, and the land for his game,
The chase for the wild, and the park for the tame;
Yet the fish of the lake, and the deer of the vale,
Are less free to Lord Dacre than Allen-a-Dale!"
Or, if inspired by a deeper sentiment, you prefer a pilgrimage to a spot of hallowed memory to every Englishman, choose the river-side path to Wycliffe, and see how ever new beauties enchant the way, and say on arrival if ever you saw a prettier village church or a more charming environment. Shut in by woods and hills here, as some writers show, is the birthplace of John Wycliffe, to whom freedom of conscience is perhaps more indebted than to Luther. One may believe that Nature herself desires to preserve from desecration the cradle of him who opened men's hearts and eyes to see and understand the truth in its purity; cleansed from the adulterations of priestcraft; stripped of all the blinding cheats of papistry; who died a martyr to the Truth for which he had dared to live; who bequeathed that Truth to us, and with God's
blessing we will keep it alive and unblemished, using it manfully as a testimony against all lies and shams whatsoever and wheresoever they may be found.
The church was restored, as one may judge, in a loving spirit in 1850. It contains a few interesting antiquities, and is fraught with memories of the Wycliffes. One of the brasses records the death of the last of the family. Sir Antonio a-More's portrait of the great Reformer still hangs in the rectory, where it has been treasured for many generations.
You may return from this pilgrimage by the way you went, or walk on through Ovington to Winston, and there take the train to Barnard Castle. I preferred the banks of Tees, for their attractions are not soon exhausted. One of the houses at Greta, which was a famous hostelry in the days of stage-coaches, is now a not happy-looking farm-house. It has seen sore changes. Once noise, and activity, and unscrupulous profits, when the compact vehicles with the four panting horses rattled up to the door at all hours of the day or night, conveying passengers from London to Edinburgh. Now, a silence seldom disturbed save by the river's voice, and time for reflection, and leisure to look across to its neighbour, wherein the wayfarer or angler may still find rest and entertainment. From Greta Bridge to Boroughbridge was considered the best bit of road in all the county. Now it is encroached on by grass, and the inns which are not shut up look altogether dejected, especially that one where the dining-room has been converted into a stable.
If you have read the ballad of *The Felon Sow*, we will remember it while repassing the park:
"She was mare than other three,
The grisliest beast that e'er might be,
Her head was great and gray:
She was bred in Rokeby wood,
There were few that thither goed,
That came on live away.
"Her walk was endlong Greta side;
There was no bren that durst her bide,
That was froe heaven to hell;
Nor ever man that had that might,
That ever durst come in her sight,
Her force it was so fell.
* * *
"If ye will any more of this,
In the Fryers of Richmond 'tis
In parchment good and fine;
And how Fryar Middleton that was so kend,
At Greta Bridge conjured a feind
In likeness of a swine."
I got back to Barnard Castle in time for the omnibus, which starts at half-past five for Middleton-in-Teesdale, nine miles distant on the road to the hills. I was the only passenger, and taking my seat by the side of the driver, found him very willing to talk. The road ascends immediately after crossing the bridge to a finely-wooded district, hill and dale, rich in oak, ash, and beech. Deepdale beck yawns on the left, and every mile opens fresh enjoyment to the eye, and revives associations. Lartington is a pretty village, which hears night and morn and all day long the tremulous voice of innumerable leaves. "Them's all Roman Catholics there," said the driver, as we left it behind; and by-and-by, when we came to Cotherstone—Cuthbert's Town—"Here 'tis nothin' but cheese and Quakers." There is, however, something else, for here it was
"____________the Northmen came,
Fix'd on each vale a Runic name,
Rear'd high their altar's rugged stone,
And gave their gods the land they won.
Then, Balder, one bleak garth was thine,
And one sweet brooklet's silver line,
And Woden's Croft did title gain
From the stern Father of the Slain;
But to the Monarch of the Mace,
That held in fight the foremost place,
To Odin's son, and Sifia's spouse,
Near Stratforth high they paid their vows,
Remembered Thor's victorious fame,
And gave the dell the Thunderer's name."
A delightful day might be spent hereabouts in exploring the glen of the Balder, and the romantic scenery where it flows into Tees; the Hagg crowned by fragments of a stronghold of the Fitzhughs; and the grand rock on the river's brink known as Pendragon Castle. The whole region for miles around was once thickly covered by forest.
The pace is sober, for some of the hills are steep. We come to Romaldkirk, and the folk, as everywhere else along the road, come from their houses to inquire for parcels or replies to messages, and the driver has a civil word for all, and discharges his commissions promptly. He is an important man in the dale, the roving link between the villagers and the town—"Barn'd Cas'l," as they say, slurring it into two syllables. It does one good to see with how much good-nature the service can be performed.
Hill after hill succeeds, the woods are left behind, the country opens bare and wild, rolling away to the dark fells that look stern in the distance. Big stones bestrew the slopes; here and there a cottage seems little
better than a pile of such stones covered with slabs of slate or coarse thatch. "Poorish wheat hereabouts," says the driver, as he points to the pale green fields. The farms vary in size from seventy to one hundred and fifty acres; and he thinks it better to grow grass than grain. Then we come in sight of Middleton, and presently he pulls up, while a boy and girl get inside, and he tells me they are his children, who have come out half a mile to meet him.
Middleton, with its eighteen hundred inhabitants, has the appearance of a little metropolis. There are inns and shops which betoken an active trade, maintained probably by the lead mines in the neighbourhood. I did not tarry, for we had spent two hours on the journey, and I wished to sleep at the High Force Inn, nearly five miles farther. We are still on the Durham side of the Tees; the river is now in sight, winding along its shallow, stony bed. The road is an almost continuous ascent, whereby the landscape appears to widen, and every minute the shadows grow broader and darker across the vale. At last the sun drops behind the hill-top, and the lights playing on the summits of the fells deepen into purple, umber, and black, darkest where the slopes and ridges intersect. Cliffs topped with wood break through the acclivities on the left, and here and there plantations of spruce and larch impart a sense of shelter. Every step makes us feel that we are approaching a region where Nature partakes more of the stern than the gentle.
There is room for improvement. I interrupted three boys in their pastime of pelting swallows to examine them in reading; but they only went "whiles" to "skule," and only one could read, and that very badly, in the "Testyment."
I left Winch Bridge and the cascade which it bestrides about three miles from Middleton, unvisited, for I was tired with much rambling. The clean white front of the inn gleaming through the twilight was a welcome sight; and not less so the excellent tea which was quickly set before me. Cleanliness prevails, and unaffected civility; and the larder, though in a lone spot a thousand feet above the sea, contributes without stint to the hungry appetite.
It happened that I was the only guest; hence nothing disturbed the tranquil hour. Ere long I was looking from my chamber window on the dim outlines of the hills, and the thick wood below that intercepts the view of the valley beneath. Then I became aware of a solemn roar—the voice of High Force in its ceaseless plunge. Fitfully it came at times, now fuller, now weaker, as the night breeze rose and fell, and the tree-tops whispered in harmony therewith.
I listened awhile, sensible of a charm in the sound of falling water; then, pushing the sash to its full height, the sound still reached me on my pillow. Strange fancies came with it: now the river seemed to utter sonorous words; anon the hills talked dreamily one with another, and the distant sea sent up a reply; and then, all became vague—and I slept the sleep of the weary.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Early Morn—High Force—Rock and Water—A Talk with the Waitress—Hills and Cottages—Cronkley Scar—The Weel—Caldron Snout—Soothing Sound—Scrap from an Album—View into Birkdale—A Quest for Dinner—A Westmoreland Farm—Household Matters—High Cope Nick—Mickle Fell—The Boys' Talk—The Hill-top—Glorious Prospect—A Descent—Solitude and Silence—A Moss—Stainmoor—Brough—The Castle Ruin—Reminiscences.
The next day dawned, and a happy awaking was mine, greeted by the same rushing voice, no longer solemn and mysterious, but chanting, as one might imagine, a morning-song of praise. I looked out, and saw with pleasurable surprise the fall full in view from the window, a long white sheet of foam, glistening in the early sunbeams.
All the slope between the inn and the fall is covered by a thick plantation of firs, ash, hazel, and a teeming undergrowth, and through this by paths winding hither and thither you have to descend. Now the path skirts precipitous rocks, hung with ivy, now falls gently among ferns to an embowered seat, until at a sudden turn the noise of the fall bursts full upon you. A little farther and the trees no longer screen it, and you see the deep stony chasm, and the peat-stained water making three perpendicular leaps down a precipice
seventy feet in height. It is a striking scene, what with the grim crags, the wild slopes, and the huge masses lying at the bottom and in the bed of the stream; and the impressive volume of sound.
We can scramble down to the very foot of the limestone bluff that projects in the middle, leaving a channel on each side, down one of which a mere thread of water trickles; but in time of flood both are filled, and then the fall is seen and heard in perfection. Now we can examine the smooth water-worn rock, and see where something like crystallization has been produced by a highly heated intrusive rock. And here and there your eye will rest with pleasure on patches of moss and fern growing luxuriantly in dripping nooks and crannies.
You see how the water, rebounding from its second plunge, shoots in a broken mass of foam into the brown pool below, and therein swirls and swashes for a while, and then escapes by an outlet that you might leap across, talking to thousands of stones as it spreads itself out in the shallow bed. Standing with your back to the fall, and looking down the stream, the view, shut in by the trees on one side, by a rough grassy acclivity on the other, is one that lures you to explore it, striding along the rugged margin, or from one lump of rock to another.
Then returning to the diverging point in the path, we mount to the top of the fall. Here the scene is, if possible, wilder than below. The rock, as far as you can see, is split into a thousand crevices, and through these the river rushes to its leap. Such a river-bed you never saw before. The solid uprising portions
are of all dimensions, and you step from one to the other without first feeling if they are steady. Here and there you climb, and coming to the top of the bluff you can look over and watch the water in its headlong leap. The brown tinge contrasts beautifully with the white foam; and lying stretched on the sun-warmed rock, your eye becomes fascinated by the swift motion and the dancing spray. Then sit awhile on the topmost point and look up stream, and enjoy the sight of the rapids, and the multitudinous cascades. Though the rocks now lift their heads above water, you will notice that all are smoothly worn by the floods of ages. The view is bounded there by a mighty high-backed fell; and in the other direction brown moorlands meet the horizon, all looking glad in the glorious sunshine.
I loitered away two hours around the fall in unbroken solitude, and returned to the inn to breakfast before all the dew was dry. The house was built about twenty-five years ago, said the waitress, when the road was made to connect the lead mines of Aldston Moor, in Cumberland, with the highways of Durham. There was not much traffic in the winter, for then nobody travelled but those who were compelled—farmers, cattle-dealers, and miners; but in summer the place was kept alive by numerous visitors to the fall. Most were contented with a sight of High Force; but others went farther, and looked at Caldron Snout and High Cope Nick. Sometimes a school came up for a day's holiday; they had entertained one the day before—two wagon-loads of Roman Catholic
children. True enough, our omnibus had met them returning.
The house looks across the valley to Holwick fell, and were it not for the trees in front, would have but a bare, and, at times, desolate prospect. The whole premises are as clean as whitewash can make them; even the stone fences are whitewashed. The Duke of Cleveland is proprietor: he ought to be proud of his tenants.
How glad the morning seemed when I stepped forth again into the sunshine to travel a few miles farther up the Tees. The road still ascends and curves into the bleak and lonely fells, which stretch across the west of Durham and into Cumberland. In winter they are howling wastes, and in snow-storms appalling, as I remember from painful experience. But in summer there is a monotonous grandeur about them comparable only with that of the ocean.
Just beyond the sixteenth milestone from Aldstone I got over the fence, and followed a path edging away on the left towards the river. It crosses pastures, little meadows, coarse swampy patches sprinkled with flowers; disappears in places; but while you can see the river or a cottage you need not go astray. There is something about the cottages peculiar to a hill-country: the ground-floor is used for a stable and barn, and the dwelling-rooms are above, approached by a stone stair on the outside. With their walls freshly whitewashed, they appear as bright specks widely scattered in the wilderness; and though no tree adorns or shelters them, they betoken the
presence of humanity, and there is comfort in that. And withal they enjoy the purest breezes, the most sparkling water, flowery meadows, and hills purple with heather when summer is over. If you go to the door the inmates will invite you to sit, and listen eagerly to the news you bring. Meanwhile you may note the evidences of homely comfort and apparent contentment. A girl who was pulling dock-leaves—"dockans," as she called them—told me they were to be boiled for the pig.
Ere long Cronkley Scar comes in sight—a tremendous sombre precipice of the rock known to geologists as greenstone, in which, if learned in such matters, you may peruse many examples of metamorphic phenomena. And hereabouts, as botanists tell us, there are rare and interesting plants to be discovered. The Scar is on the Yorkshire side; but the stream is here so shallow and full of stones, that to wade across would only be an agreeable footbath.
Now the stream makes a bend between two hills, and looking up the vale we see the lower slopes of Mickle Fell—the highest mountain in Yorkshire. We shall perhaps climb to its summit ere the day be many hours older.
From the last dwelling—a farm-house—I mounted the hill, and followed a course by compass to hit the river above the bend. Soon all signs of habitation were left behind, and the trackless moorland lay before me overspread with a dense growth of ling, wearisome to walk through. And how silent! A faint sound of rushing water comes borne on the breeze, and that is all.
Then we come to the declivity, and the view opens to the north-west, swell beyond swell, each wilder in aspect, as it seems, than the other. And there beneath us glisten the shining curves of the Tees. The compass has not misled us, and we descend to the Weel, as this part of the river is called, where for about a mile its channel deepens, and the current is so tranquil that you might fancy it a lengthened pool. We go no higher, but after gazing towards the fells in which the river draws its source, we turn and follow the Weel to a rift in the hill-side. The current quickens, the faint sound grows louder, and presently coming to the brink of a rocky chasm we behold the cataract of Caldron Snout. The Tees here makes a plunge of two hundred feet, dashing from rock to rock, twisting, whirling, eddying, and roaring in its dark and tortuous channel. The foam appears the whiter and the grasses all the greener by contrast with the blackness of the riven crags, and although no single plunge equals that at High Force, you will perhaps be more impressed here. You are here shut out from the world amid scenes of savage beauty, and the sense of isolation begets a profounder admiration of the natural scene, and enjoyment of the manifold watery leaps, as you pause at each while scrambling down the hill-side.
About half way down the fall is crossed by a bridge—a rough beam only with a rude hand-rail—from which you can see the fall in either direction and note the stony bends of the river below till they disappear behind the hill. From near its source to Caldron the
Tees divides Durham from Westmoreland, and in all its further downward course from Yorkshire.
Let me sit for an hour by the side of a fall, and watch the swift play of the water, and hear its ceaseless splash and roar, and whatever cobwebs may have gathered in my mind, from whatever cause, are all swept clean away. Serenity comes into my heart, and the calm sunshine pervades my existence for months—nay, years afterwards. And what a joy it is to recall—especially in a London November—or rather to renew, the happy mood inspired by the waterfall among the mountains.
I have at times fancied that the effect of the noise is somewhat similar to that described of narcotics by those who indulge therein. The mind forgets the body, and thinks whatsoever it listeth. Whether or not, my most various and vivid day-dreams have been dreamt by the side of a waterfall.
It seems, moreover, at such times, as if memory liked to ransack her old stores. And now I suddenly recollected Hawkeye’s description of the tumbling water at Glenn’s Falls, as narrated in *The Last of the Mohicans*, which I had read when a boy. Turn to the page, reader, and you will admire its faithfulness. Anon came a rhyme which a traveller who went to see the falls of the Clyde sixty years ago, tells us he copied from the album at Lanark:
"What fools are mankind,
and how strangely inclin’d,
to come from all places
with horses and chaises,
by day and by dark,
to the Falls of Lanark."
"For good people after all,
what is a waterfall?
It comes roaring and grumbling,
and leaping, and tumbling,
and hopping and skipping,
and foaming and dripping,
and struggling and toiling,
and bubbling and boiling,
and beating and jumping,
and bellowing and thumping—
I have much more to say upon
both Linn and Bonnton;
but the trunks are tied on,
and I must be gone."
Southey, who read everything, perhaps saw this before he wrote his *Falls of Lodore*.
And we, too, must be gone; and now that we have seen
"Where Tees in tumult leaves his source
Thund'ring o'er Caldron and High Force,"
we will gather ourselves up and travel on.
But whither? I desired a public-house; but no house of any sort was to be seen—nothing but the scrubby hill-side, and mossy-headed rocks peeping out with a frown at the mortal who had intruded into their dominion. The end of a meadow, however, comes over the slope on the other side of the bridge; perhaps from the top of the slope something may be discerned. Yes, there was a cottage. I hastened thither, but it proved to be an old tenement now used as a byre. I looked farther: the view had opened into Birkdale, and there, about a mile distant, saw two farm-houses. And there, on the left, rose the huge, long-backed form of Mickle Fell, whose topmost height was my next aim, and I could test the hospitality of the houses on the way thither.
We are now in a corner of Westmoreland which, traversed by Birkdale, presents diversified alpine features. The valley is green; the meadows are flowery and dotted with cattle; the hills, stern and high, are browsed by sheep; and Maize Beck, a talkative mountain stream, flows with many a stony bend along the bottom—the dividing line between Westmoreland and Yorkshire. There are no trees; and for miles wide the only building is here and there a solitary byre.
My inquiry for dinner at the first of the two houses was answered by an invitation to sit down, and ready service of bread, butter, milk, and cheese. I made a capital repast, and drank as much genuine milk at one sitting as would charge a Londoner’s supply for two months. The father was out sheep-shearing, leaving the mother with a baby and four big children at home. But only the eldest boy looked healthy; the others had the sodden, unwashed appearance supposed to be peculiar to dwellers in the alleys of large towns. No wonder, I thought, for the kitchen, the one living room, was as hot and stifling as a Bohemian cottage. The atmosphere was close and disagreeably odorous; a great turf fire burned in the grate, and yet the outer door was kept as carefully shut as if July breezes were hurtful. I tried to make the good woman aware of the ill consequences of bad air; but old habits are not to be changed in an hour. She didn’t think that overmuch wind could do anybody good, and it was best for babies to keep them warm. They managed to do without the doctor: only fetched him when they must. There was none nearer than Middleton.
Six weeks previously, when baby was born, they had to send for him in a hurry; but Tees was in flood, and Caldron Snout so full that the water ran over the bridge; her boy, however, got across, and rode away the nine miles at full speed on his urgent errand.
What with chairs and tables, racks and shelves, the dresser, the clock, the settee under the window, three dogs, a cat, and a pigeon—to say nothing of the family—the room was almost as crowded as the steerage of a ship. The pigeon—the only one in the dale—had come from parts unknown a few weeks before of its own accord, and was now a household pet, cooing about the floor, and on civil terms with the cat. But the children feared it would die in winter, as they had no peas in those parts, nothing but grass. Sixty acres of "mowing-grass" and a run for sheep comprise the farm.
While the Ordnance Survey was in Westmoreland, two sappers lodged in the house for months; and the eldest son, an intelligent lad, had much to tell concerning their operations. What pains they took; how many times they toiled to the top of Mickle Fell only to find that up there it was too windy for their observations, and so forth. Sometimes a stranger came and wanted a guide to High Cope Nick, and then he went with his father. Two photographers had come the preceding autumn, and took views of the Nick on pieces of paper with a box that had a round glass in it; but the views wasn't very good ones.
High Cope Nick, as its name indicates, is a deep notch or chasm in the hills overlooking the low country of Westmoreland about four miles from this Birkdale farm. "It's nigh hand as brant* as a wall," said the boy; "you can hardly stand on't." It is one of the scenes which I reserve for a future holiday.
The woman could not hear of taking more than six-pence for my dinner, and thought herself overpaid with that. The two boys were going up the fell to look after sheep, so we started together, crossed the beck on stepping-stones, followed by two dogs, and soon began the long ascent. There is no path: you stride through the heather, through the tough bent, across miry patches, and stony slopes, past swallow-holes wherein streams of water disappear in heavy rains; and find at times by the side of the beck a few yards of smooth sweet turf. The beck is noisy in its freakish channel, yet pauses here and there and fills a sober pool, wherein you may see fish, and perchance a drowned sheep. I saw four on the way upwards, and the sight of the swollen carcases made me defer drinking till nearer the source. I could hardly believe the lads' words that fifteen hundred sheep were feeding on the hill, so few did they appear scattered over the vast surface.
"How many sheep do you consider fair stock to the acre?" asked Sir John Sinclair during one of his visits to the hills.
"Eh! mun, ye begin at wrang end," was the answer. "Ye should ax how many acres till a sheep."
Besides the sheep, added the youth, "there's thirty breeding galloways on the hill. There's nothing pays better than breeding galloways. You can sell the young ones a year or year and a half old for eight pounds apiece, and there's no much fash wi' 'em."
* Steep.
When the time came to part, I sat down and tried to give the boys a peep at their home through my telescope. But in vain; they could distinguish nothing, see nothing but a haze of green or brown. On the other hand, they could discern a sheep or some moving object at a great distance which I could not discover at all with the glass. They turned aside to their flock, and I onwards up the hill. The beck had diminished to a rill, and presently I came to its source—a delicious spring bubbling from a rock, and took a quickening draught.
At length the acclivity becomes gentle, the horizon spreads wider and wider, and we reach the cairn erected by the sappers on the summit of Mickle Fell, 2580 feet above the sea—the highest, as before remarked, of the Yorkshire mountains. Glorious is the prospect! Hill and dale in seemingly endless succession—there rolling away to the blue horizon, here bounded by a height that hides all beyond. In the west appears the great gathering of mountains which keep watch over the Lake country, there Skiddaw, there Helvellyn, yonder Langdale Pikes, and the Old Man of Coniston; summit after summit, their outlines crossing and recrossing in picturesque confusion. Conspicuous in the north Cross Fell—in which spring the head-waters of Tees—heaves his brown back in majestic sullenness some three hundred feet higher than the shaggy brow we stand on. Hence you can trace the vale of Tees for miles. Then gazing easterly, we catch far, far away the Cleveland hills, and, following round the circle, the blue range of the Hambletons, then Penyghent, Whernside, and Ingleborough, with many others, bring us round once more to the west. Again
and again will your eye travel round the glorious panorama.
Mickle Fell is one of the great summits in the range described by geologists as the Pennine chain—the backbone of England. Its outline is characteristic of that of the county; bold and abrupt to the west; sloping gradually down to the east. Hence the walk up from High Force or Birkdale calls for no arduous climbing, it is only tedious. From the western extremity you look down into the vale of the Eden, where the green meadows, the broad fields of grain, dotted with trees and bordered by hedgerows, appear the more beautiful from contrast with the brown tints of the surrounding hills.
Now for the descent. I scanned the great slope on the south for a practicable route, and fixed beforehand on the objects by which to direct my steps when down in the hollows—where scant outlook is to be had. Lowest of all lies what appears to be a light green meadow, beyond it rises a Mickle Fell on a small scale: I will make my way to the top of that, and there take a new departure. All between is a wild expanse of rock and heather. A sober run soon brought me to the edge of a beck, and keeping along its margin, now on one side, now on the other, choosing the firmest ground, I made good progress; and with better speed, notwithstanding the windings, than through the tough close heather. Every furlong the beck grows wider and fuller, and here and there the banks curve to the form of an oval basin smooth with short grass, favourite haunts for the sheep. The silly creatures take to flight nimbly as goats at the appearance of an intruder, and
I lie down to enjoy the solitude. The silence is oppressive—almost awful. Shut in already by the huge hill-sides, I am still more hidden in this hollow. The beck babbles; the fugitive sheep all unseen bleat timidly; a curlew comes with its melancholy cry wheeling round and round above my head; but the overwhelming silence loses nothing of its force. At times a faint hollow roar, as if an echo from the distant ocean, seems to fill all the air for an instant, and die mysteriously away. It is a time to commune with one's own heart and be still: to feel how poor are artificial pleasures compared to those which are common to all—the simplest, which can be had for nothing—namely, sunshine, air, and running water, and the fair broad earth to walk upon.
Onwards. The beck widens, and rushes into a broad stony belt to join a stream hurrying down the vale from the west. I crossed, and came presently to the supposed bright green meadow. It was a swamp—a great sponge. To go round it would be tedious: I kept straight on, and by striding from one rushy hummock to another, though not without difficulty in the middle, where the sponge was all but liquid, and the rushes wide apart, I got across. Then the smaller hill began: it was steep, and without a break in the heather, compelling a toilsome climb. However, it induces wholesome exercise. From the top I saw Stainmoor, and as I had anticipated, the road which runs across it from Barnard Castle into Westmoreland. I came down upon it about four miles from Brough.
It is a wild region. A line of tall posts is set up along the way, as in an alpine pass, suggestive of
winter snows deep and dangerous. By-and-by we come to a declivity, and there far below we see the vale of Eden, and descend towards it, the views continually changing with the windings of the road. Then a hamlet, with children playing on the green, and geese grazing among the clumps of gorse, and trees, and cultivation; and all the while the hills appear to grow more and more mountainous as we descend. Then Brough comes in sight—the little hard-featured Westmoreland town—whitewashed walls, blue slate roofs, the church a good way off on an eminence, and beyond that, on a grassy bluff, the ruins of a castle partly screened by trees.
I wanted rest and refreshment, and found both at the Castle Inn. An hour later I strolled out to the ruin. The mount on which it stands rises steeply from the Helbeck, a small tributary of the Eden, and terminates precipitously towards the west. The keep still rears itself proudly aloft, commanding the shattered towers, the ancient gateway, the dismantled walls and broken stair, and the country for miles around. Fallen masses lie partly buried in the earth, and here and there above the rough stonework overhangs as if ready to follow. While sauntering now within, now without, you can look across the cultivated landscape, or to the town, and the great slope of Helbeck fell behind it; and you will perhaps deem it a favourable spot to muse away the hour of sunset, when the old pile is touched with golden light. Thick as the walls are, Time and dilapidations have made them look picturesque. One of the spoilers was William the Lion of Scotland, who finding here a Norman fortress in
1174, took it, along with other Westmoreland strongholds; and was taken himself in the course of the same year at Alnwick. The Rey Cross on Stainmoor—still a monumental site—marked the southern limit of the Scottish principality of Cumberland; hence, the hungry reivers north of Tweed had always an excuse for crossing over to beat the bounds after their manner. Twice afterwards was Brough Castle repaired, and burnt out to a shell. The second restoration was carried out in 1659 by the Lady Anne Clifford, Countess Dowager of Pembroke, who recorded the fact on a stone over the entrance, enumerating all her titles, among which were "High Sheriffess by inheritance of the county of Westmoreland, and Lady of the Honour of Skipton," and ending with a text of Scripture—Isaiah lviii. 12. After the last fire, whosoever would pillaged the castle; the stone bearing the Countess's inscription was taken down, and used in the repair of Brough mill, and the ruins became a quarry out of which were built sheds and cottages. The large masses of masonry, which now lie embedded in the earth, fell in 1792.
According to antiquaries the castle occupies the centre of what had been a Roman station; for Brough was the ancient Verteræ, where coins of the emperors have been dug up, and the highway along which the legions marched to and from Carlisle, or the Pict's Wall, is still traceable, known in the neighbourhood as the Maiden Way.
It was a lovely evening. The sun went down in splendour behind the Cumbrian hills, and when the radiance faded from the topmost summits, and gave place to dusky twilight, I went back to mine inn.
CHAPTER XIX.
Return into Yorkshire—The Old Pedlar—Oh! for the olden Time—"The Bible, indeed!"—An Emissary—Wild Boar Fell—Shunnor Fell—Mallerstang—The Eden—A Mountain Walk—Tan Hill—Brown Landscape—A School wanted—Swaledale—From Ling to Grass—A Talk with Lead Miners—Stonesdale—Work for a Missionary—Thwaite—A Jolly Landlord—A Ruined Town—The School at Muker—A Nickname—Buttertubs Pass—View into Wensleydale—Lord Wharncliffe's Lodge—Simonstone—Hardraw Scar—Geological Phenomenon—A Frozen Cone—Hawes.
My next morning's route took me back into Yorkshire by a way which, leaving the road to Kirkby Stephen on the right, approaches Nine Standards, High Seat, and the other great summits which guard the head of Swaledale. The sight of these hills, and the gradual succession of cultivation and woods by untilled slopes patched with gorse and bracken, impart an interest to the walk. A modern battlemented edifice—Hougill Castle—appears on the left, the residence of a retired physician, and beyond it the wild region of Stainmoor Forest; and here upon its outskirts we can see how appropriate is the name Stonymoor.
When near the hills I overtook an old pedlar, and slackened my pace to have a talk with him. At times I had fancied my knapsack, of less than ten pounds'
weight, a little too heavy; but he, though aged sixty, carried a pack of forty pounds, and when in his prime could have borne twice as much. He took matters easily now; walked slowly, and rested often. From talking about schools, he began to contrast the present time with the past. Things were not half so good now as in the olden time, when monasteries all over the land took proper care alike of religion and the poor. Where was there anything like religion now-a-days, except among the Roman Catholics? Without them England would be in a miserable plight; but he took comfort, believing from certain signs that the old days would return—that England would once more acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope.
"Never," I replied; "that's not possible in a country where the Bible circulates freely; and where all who will may read it."
"The Bible!" he answered sneeringly—"the Bible! What's the Bible? It's a very dangerous and improper book for the people to read. What should they know about it? The Church is the best judge. The Bible, indeed!"
Such talk surprised me. I had heard that the Papists employ emissaries of all degrees in the endeavour to propagate their doctrines; but never met with one before who spoke out his notions so unreservedly; and I could have imagined myself thrown back some five hundred years, and the old fellow to be the spokesman in the Somersetshire ballad:
"Chill tell thee what good yellowe,
Before the vriers went hence,
A bushell of the best wheate
Was zold for yourteen pence,
And vorty egges a penny,
That were both good and newe;
And this che zay my self have zeene,
And yet ich am no Jewe.
* * *
"Ich care not for the bible booke,
'Tis too big to be true.
Our blessed Ladyes psalter
Zhall for my money goe;
Zuch pretty prayers, as therein bee,
The bible cannot zhowe."
I began to defend the rights of conscience, when, as we came to the foot of the first great hill, the old packman advised me to reconsider my errors, bade me good day, and turned into a cottage; perhaps to sell calico; perhaps to sow tares for the keeper of the keys at Rome.
I made a cut-off, and came upon the road half way up the hill, leaving sultriness for a breezy elevation. Soon wide prospects opened all around me: vast green undulations, dotted with sheep and geese, swelling up into the distant hills and moorlands. That great group of heights on the right—Wild Boar Fell and Shunnor Fell—wherein Nature displays but few of her smiles, is the parent of not a few of Yorkshire's dales, becks, and waterfalls. In those untrodden solitudes rise Swale and Ure; there lurks the spring from which Eden bursts to flow through gloomy Mallerstang, and transfer its allegiance, as we have seen, to other counties, and the fairest of Cumbrian vales. Our topographical bard makes the forest of the darksome glen thus address the infant stream:
"O, my bright lovely brook whose name doth bear the sound
Of God's first garden-plot, th' imparadised ground,
Wherein he placed man, from whence by sin he fell:
O, little blessed brook, how doth my bosom swell
With love I bear to thee, the day cannot suffice
For Mallerstang to gaze upon thy beauteous eyes."
Talk of royal tapestries, what carpet can compare with the springy turf that borders the road whereon you walk with lightsome step, happier than a king, and having countless jewels to admire in the golden buds of the gorse? It is a delightful mountain walk, now rising, now falling, but always increasing the elevation; so cool and breezy in comparison with the sultry temperature of the road we left below. And the grouping of the summits around the broad expanse changes slowly as you advance, and between the shades of yellow and green, brown and purple, the darker shadows denote the courses of the dales. Wayfarers are few; perhaps a boy trudges past pulling a donkey, which drags a sledge laden with turf or hay; or a pedlar with crockery; but for miles your only living companions are sheep and geese.
With increasing height we have less of grass and more of ling, and at ten miles from Brough we come to the public-house on Tan Hill, situate in the midst of a desolate brown upland, in which appear the upreared timbers of coalpits, some abandoned, others in work. The house shows signs of isolation in a want of cleanliness and order; but you can get oaten bread, cheese, and passable beer, and have a talk with the pitmen, and the rustics who come in for a drink ere starting homewards with cartloads of coal. Seeing the numerous family round the hostess, I inquired about their school; on which one of the black fellows—a rough diamond—took up the question. There had been a dame school in one of the adjacent cottages, but the old 'oman gave it up, and now the bairns was runnin' wild. 'Twasn't right of Mr. ——, the proprietor of the mines, to take away 5000l. a year, and not give back some on't for a school. It made a man's heart sore to see bairns wantin' schoolin' and no yabble to get it. 'Twasn't right, that 't wasn't.
Apparently an honest miner lived beneath that coaly incrustation, possessed of good sense and sensibility. I quite agreed with him, and recommended him to talk about a school whenever he could get a listener.
About a mile from the public-house the road leaves the brown region, and descends rapidly to the Swale, crossing where the stream swells in rainy weather to a noisy cataract, and Swaledale stretches away before us, a grand mountain valley, yet somewhat severe in aspect. Gentle, as its name imports, appears misapplied to a rushing stream; but a long course lies before it: past Grinton, past picturesque Richmond, ancient ruins, towers of barons, and cloisters of monks, and to the broad Vale of York, where, calmed by old experience, it flows at Myton gently into the Ure. And not only gentle but sacred, for Swale has been called the Jordan of Yorkshire, because of the multitudinous baptism of the earliest converts therein by Paulinus; "above ten thousand men, besides women and children, in one day," according to the chronicler, who, perhaps to disarm incredulity, explains that the apostle having baptized ten, sent them into the stream to baptize a hundred, and so multiplied his assistants as the rite proceeded, while he prayed on the shore.
By-and-by we meet signs of inhabitants—a house or
two; a few fields of mowing grass; the heaps of refuse at lead mines, and our walk derives a pleasurable interest from the hourly change—the bleak, barren, and lonely, for the sheltered, the cultivated, and inhabited. More and more are the hill-sides wavy with grass as we descend, field after field shut in by stone fences, and the dalesmen are beginning to mow. The time of the hay harvest has come for the mountains: a month later than in the south. How beautifully the bright green contrasts with the dark purple distances, and softens the features of the dale! And as I looked from side to side, or around to the rear, as the falling road made the hills seem higher, and saw how much Swaledale has in common with a valley of the Alps, I felt that here the desire for mountain scenery might be satisfied; and I found myself watching for the first field of grain with as much interest as I had watched for vines in the Val Mont Joie.
I overtook a party of lead miners, boys and men, going home from work. The boys could read; but there was only one of them who really liked reading. "He's a good quiet boy," said the father; "likes to set down wi' his book o' evenin's; t'other's says they is tired. He can draw a bit, too; and I'd like well to send 'n to a good skule; but I only gets two pounds a month, and that's poor addlings." And one of the young men wished that digging for lead didn't make him so tired, for readin' made him fall asleep, and yet he wanted to get on with his books. "It don't seem right," he added, "that a lad should want a bit o' larnin' and not get it." I said a few words about the value of habit, the steady growth of knowledge
from only half an hour's application continued day after day at the same hour, and the many ways of learning offered to us apart from books. The whole party listened with interest, and expressed their thanks when we parted at the hamlet of Stonesdale. The lad thought he'd try. He'd emigrate, only his wage was too low for saving.
If I had the missionary spirit, I would not go to Patagonia or Feejee; but to the out-of-the-way places in my own country, and labour trustfully there to remove some of the evils of ignorance. Any man who should set himself to such a work, thinking not more highly of himself than he ought to think, would be welcomed in every cottage, and become assured after a while, that many an eye would watch gladly for his coming. One of my first tasks should be to go about and pull up that old pedlar's mischievous tares, and plant instead thereof a practical knowledge of common things.
With unlimited supplies of stone to draw on, the houses of Stonesdale are as rough and solid as if built by Druids. Every door has a porch for protection against storms, and round each window a stripe of whitewash betrays the rudimentary ornamental art of the inmates. A little farther, and coming to the village of Thwaite, I called at the Joiners' Arms for a glass of ale. The landlord, mistaking my voice for that of one of his friends, came hastily into the kitchen with a jovial greeting, and apparently my being a stranger made no difference, for he sat down and began a hearty talk about business, about his boyhood, when he used to run after the hounds, about
his children, and the school down at Muker. I laughed when he mentioned running after the hounds, for, as I saw him, he was, as Southey has it, "broad in the rear and abdominalous in the van." His agility had been a fact, nevertheless. I praised the beer. That did not surprise him; he brewed it himself, out of malt and hops, too; not out of doctor's stuff. I asked a question about Hawes, to which I was going over the Pass. "Oh!" said he, "it's terribly fallen off for drink. I used to keep the inn there. A man could get a living in that day by selling drink; but now the Methodists and teetotallers have got in among 'em, and the place is quite ruined." Manifestly my heavy friend looked at the question from the licensed victualler's point of view. Concerning the school down at Muker, however, he was not uncharitable. 'Twas a good school—a church school. There was a chapel of ease there to Grinton. Mr. Lowther did the preaching and looked after the school, and the people liked his teaching and liked his preaching. He brought the children on well, gals as well as boys; that he did.
If, reader, you should go to Thwaite, and wish to have a chat with a jolly landlord, inquire for Matty John Ned, the name by which he is known in all the country round; remembering what happened in my experience. For when, late in the evening, I intimated to mine host of the White Hart at Hawes that Mr. Edward Alderson had recommended me to his house, he replied, doubtfully, "Alderson—Alderson at Thwaite, do you say?"
"Yes, Alderson at Thwaite: a big man."
“O-o-o-o-h! you mean Matty John Ned.”
Below Thwaite the dale expands; trees appear; you see Muker about three miles distant, the chief village of Upper Swaledale. Still nothing but grass in the fields; and the same all the way to Reeth, ten miles from Muker. There you would begin to see grain. Not far from Thwaite I turned up a very steep, stony road on the right, which leads over the Buttermubs Pass into Wensleydale, and soon could look down on the village, and miles of Swaledale, and the hills beyond. Among those hills are glens and ravines, and many a spot that it would be a pleasure to explore, to say nothing of the lead mines, and the “gliffs” of primitive manners; and any one who could be content with homely head-quarters at Muker or Thwaite might enjoy a roaming holiday for a week or two. And for lovers of the angle there are trout in the brooks.
The ascent is long as well as steep, and rough withal; but the views repay you every time you pause with more and more of the features of a mountain pass. There are about it touches of savage grandeur, and the effect of these was heightened at the time I crossed by a deep dark cloud-shadow which overspread a league of the hills, and left the lower range of the dale in full sunshine. For a while the road skirts the edge of a deep glen on the left; it becomes deeper and deeper; there are little fields, and haymakers at work at the bottom; then the slopes change; the heather creeps down; the beck frets and foams, sending its noise upward to your ear; scree and scars intermingle their rugged forms and variations of colour; a waterfall rushes down the crags; and when these have passed before your eyes you find yourself on the desolate summit.
More desolate than any of the heights I had yet passed over. A broad table-land of turf bogs, coffee-coloured pools, stacks of turf, patches of rushes, and great boulders peeping everywhere out from among the hardy heather. The dark cloud still hung aloft, and the wind blew chill, making me quicken my pace, and feel the more pleasure when, after about half an hour, the view opened into Wensleydale. A valley appears on the right, with colts and cattle grazing on the bright green slopes; the road descends; stone abounds; fences, large gate-posts, all are made of stone; the road gets rougher; and by-and-by we come to Shaw, a little village under Stag fell, by the side of a wooded glen, from which there rises the music of a mountain brook. On the left you see Lord Wharncliffe's lodge, to which he resorts with his friends on the 12th of August, for the hills around are inhabited by grouse. Yonder the walls and windows of Hawes reflect the setting sun, and we see more of Wensleydale, where trees are numerous in the landscape.
Then another little village, Simonstone, where, passing through the public-house by the bridge, we find a path that leads us into a rocky chasm, about ninety feet deep and twice as much in width, the limestone cliffs hung with trees and bushes, here and there a bare crag jutting out, or lying shattered beneath; while, cutting the grassy floor in two, a lively beck ripples its way along. A bend conceals its
source; but we saunter on, and there at the end of the ravine, where the cliffs advance and meet, we see the beck making one leap from top to bottom—and that is Hardraw Scar. The rock overhangs above, hence the water shoots clear of the cliff, and preserves an irregular columnar form, widening at the base with bubbles and spray. You can go behind it, and look through the falling current against the light, and note how it becomes fuller and fuller of lines of beads as it descends, until they all commingle in the flurry below. Dr. Tyndall might make an observatory of this cool nook, the next time he investigates the cause of the noise in falling water, with the advantage of looking forth on the romantic and pleasing scene beyond. The geologist finds in the ravine a suggestive illustration on a small scale of what Niagara with thunderous plunge has been accomplishing through countless ages—namely, wearing away the solid rock, inch by inch, foot by foot, until in the one instance a river chasm is formed miles in length, and here, in the other, a pretty glen a little more than a furlong deep.
At the time I saw it, the quantity of water was probably not more than would fill a twelve-inch tube; but after heavy rains the upper stream forms a broad horseshoe fall as it rushes over the curving cliff. In the severe frost of 1740, when the Londoners were holding a fair on the Thames, Hardraw Scar was frozen, and, fed continually from the source above, it became at last a cone of ice, ninety feet in height, and as much in circumference at the base: a phenomenon
that was long remembered by the gossips of the neighbourhood.
Hawes cheats the eye, and seems near, when by the road it is far off. On the way thither from Simonstone we cross the Ure, the river of Wensleydale, a broad and shallow yet lively stream, infusing a charm into the landscape, which I saw at the right moment, when the evening shadows were creeping from the meadows up the hill-sides, and the water flashed with gold and crimson ripples. I lingered on the bridge till the last gleam vanished.
So grim and savage are the fells at the head of Wensleydale, that the country folk in times past regarded them with superstitious dread, and called the little brooks which there foster the infancy of Ure, "hell-becks"—a name of dread. But both river and dale change their character as they descend, the one flowing through scenes of exquisite beauty ere, united with the Swale, it forms the Ouse; and the dale broadens into the richest and most beautiful of all the North Riding.
CHAPTER XX.
Bainbridge—"If you had wanted a Wife"—A Ramble—Millgill Force—Whitfell Force—A lovely Dell—The Roman Camp—The Forest Horn, and the old Hornblower—Haymaking—A Cockney Raker—Wensleydale Scythemen—A Friend indeed—Addleborough—Curlews and Grouse—The First Teapot—Nasty Greens—The Prospect—Askrigg—Bolton Castle—Penhill—Middleham—Miles Coverdale's Birthplace—Jervaux Abbey—Moses's Principia—Nappa Hall—The Metcalfes—The Knight and the King—The Springs—Spoliation of the Druids—The great Cromlech—Legend—An ancient Village—Simmer Water—An advice for Anglers—More Legends—Counterside—Money-grubbers—Widdale—Newby Head.
Four miles from Hawes down the dale is the pleasant village of Bainbridge, where the rustic houses, with flower-plots in front and roses climbing on the walls, and yellow stonecrop patching the roofs and fences, look out upon a few noble sycamores, and a green—a real village green. The hills on each side are lofty and picturesque; at one end, on a flat eminence, remains the site of a Roman camp; the Bain, a small stream coming from a lake some three miles distant, runs through the place in a bed of solid stone, to enter Ure a little below, and all around encroaching here and there up the hill-sides spread meadows of luxuriant grass. The simple rural beauty will gladden your eye, and—as with every stranger who comes to Bainbridge—win your admiration.
Wensleydale enjoys a reputation for cheese and fat pastures and wealth above the neighbouring dales, and appears to be fully aware of its superiority. The folk, moreover, consider themselves refined, advanced in civilization in comparison with the dwellers on the other side of Buttermere: those whom we talked with yesterday. "Mr. White, if you had wanted a wife, do you think you could choose one out of Swaledale?" was the question put to me by a strapping village lass before I had been three hours in Bainbridge.
Fortune favoured me. I found here some worthy Quaker friends of mine, who had journeyed from Oxfordshire to spend the holidays under the paternal roof-tree. It was almost as if I had arrived at home myself; and although I had breakfasted at Hawes, they took it for granted that I would eat a lunch to keep up my strength till dinner-time. They settled a plan which would keep me till the morrow exploring the neighbourhood—a detention by no means to be repined at—and introduced me to a studious young dalesman, the village author, who knew every nook of the hills, every torrent and noteworthy site, and all the legends therewith associated for miles round, and who was to be my guide and companion.
Away we rambled across the Ure to a small wooded hollow at the foot of Whitfell, in the hills which shut out Swaledale. It conceals a Hardraw Scar in miniature, shooting from an overhanging ledge of dark shale, in which are numerous fossil shells. From this we followed the hill upwards to Millgill Force, a higher fall, on another beck, overshadowed by firs and the mountain elm, and which Nature keeps
as a shrine approachable only by the active foot and willing heart. Now you must struggle through the tall grass and tangle on the precipitous sides high among the trees; now stride and scramble over the rocky masses in the bed of the stream. To sit and watch the fall deep under the canopy of leaves, catching glimpses of sunshine and of blue sky above, and to enjoy the delicious coolness, was the luxury of enjoyment. I could have sat for hours. Wordsworth came here during one of his excursions in Yorkshire; and if you wish to know what Millgill Force is, as painted by the pen, even the minute touches, read his description.
But there is yet another—Whitfell Force—higher up, rarely visited, for the hill is steep and the way toilsome. My guide, however, was not less willing to lead than I to follow, and soon we were scrambling through the deepest ravine of all, where the sides, for the most part, afford no footing, not even for a goat, but rise in perpendicular walls, or lean over at the top. Here again the lavish foliage is backed by the dark stiff spines of firs, and every inch of ground, every cranny, all but the impenetrable face of the rock, is hidden by rank grasses, trailing weeds, climbers, periwinkle, woodbine, and ferns, among which the hart's-tongue throws out its large drooping clusters of graceful fronds. For greater part of the way we had to keep the bed of the stream; now squeezing ourselves between mighty lumps of limestone that nearly barred the passage, so that the stream itself could not get through without a struggle; now climbing painfully over where the crevices were
too narrow; now zigzagging from side to side wherever the big stones afforded foothold, not without slips and splashes that multiplied our excitement; now pausing on a broad slab to admire the narrowing chasm and all its exquisite greenery. My companion pointed out a crystal pool in which he sometimes bathed—a bath that Naiads themselves might envy. In this way we came at length to a semicircular opening, and saw the fall tumbling from crag to crag for sixty feet, and dispersing itself into a Staubbach—a confused shower—before it fell into the channel beneath. We both sat for a while without speaking, listening to the cool splash and busy gurgle as the water began its race down the hill; and, for my part, I felt that fatigue and labour were well repaid by the sight of so lovely a dell.
Then by other paths we returned to the village, and mounted to the flat-topped grassy mound, which, Professor Phillips says, is an ancient gravel heap deposited by the action of water. The Romans, taking advantage of the site, levelled it, and established thereon a small camp. A statue and inscription and some other relics have been found, showing that in this remote spot, miles away from their main highway, the conquerors had a military station, finding it no doubt troublesome to keep the dalesmen of their day in order.
Then we looked at a very, very old millstone, which now stands on its edge at the corner of a cottage, doing motionless duty as one end of a kennel. The dog creeps in through the hole in the middle. There it stands, an unsatisfactory antique, for no one knows
anything about it. Of two others, however, which we next saw, something is known—the old horn and the old hornblower. Bainbridge was chief place of the forest of Wensleydale—of which the Duke of Leeds is now her Majesty’s Ranger, and at the same time hereditary Constable and Lord of Middleham Castle—and from time immemorial the “forest horn” has been blown on the green, every night at ten o’clock, from the end of September to Shrovetide, and it is blown still; for are not ancient customs all but immortal in our country? The stiff-jointed graybeard hearing that a curious stranger wished to look at the instrument, brought it forth. It is literally a horn—a large ox-horn, lengthened by a hoop of now rusty tin, to make up for the pieces which some time or other had been broken from its mouth. He himself had put on the tin years ago. Of course I was invited to blow a blast, and of course failed. My companion, however, could make it speak lustily; but the old man did best, and blew a long-sustained note, which proved him to be as good an economist of breath as a pearl-diver. For years had he thus blown, and his father before him. I could not help thinking of the olden time ere roads were made, and of belated travellers saved from perishing in the snow by that nightly signal.
Now it was tea-time, and we had tea served after the Wensleydale manner—plain cakes and currant cakes, cakes hot and cold, and butter and cheese at discretion, with liberty to call for anything else that you like; and the more you eat and drink, the more will you rise in the esteem of your hospitable entertainers. And after that I went down to the hayfield, for it was a large field, and the farmer longed to get the hay all housed before sunset. They don’t carry hay in the dales, they “lead” it; and the two boys from Oxfordshire were not a little proud in having the “leading” assigned to them, seeing that they had nothing to do but ride the horse that drew the hay-sledge to and fro between the barn and the “windrows.” Another difference is, that forks are not used except to pitch the hay from the sledge to the barn, all the rest—turning the swath, making into cocks—is done with the rake and by hand. So I took a rake, and beginning at one side of the field at the same time with an old hand, worked away so stoutly, that he had much ado to keep ahead of me. And so it went on, all hands working as if there were no such thing as weariness, load after load slipping away to the barn; and I unconsciously growing meritorious. “You’re the first cockney I ever saw,” said the stalwart farmer, “that knew how to handle a rake.” Had I stayed with him a week, he would have discovered other of my capabilities equally praiseworthy. We should have accomplished the task and cleared the field; but a black cloud rose in the west, and soon sent down a heavy shower, and compelled us to huddle up the remaining rows into cocks, and leave them till morning.
Must I confess it? Haymaking with the blithesome lasses in Ulrichsthal is a much more sprightly pastime than haymaking with the Quakers in Wensleydale.
The hay harvest is an exciting time in the dales, for grass is the only crop, and the cattle have to be fed all through the long months of winter, and sometimes far
into a backward spring. Hence everything depends on the hay being carried and housed in good condition; and many an anxious look is cast at passing clouds and distant hill-tops to learn the signs of the weather. The dalesmen are expert in the use of the scythe; and numbers of them, after their own hay-making is over, migrate into Holderness and other grain-growing districts, and mow down the crops, even the wheat-fields, with remarkable celerity.
Many a hand had I to shake the next morning, when the moment came to say farewell. The student would not let me depart alone; he would go with me a few miles, and show me remarkable things by the way; and what was more, he would carry my knapsack. "You will have quite enough of it," he said, "before your travel is over." So I had to let him. We soon diverged from the road and began the ascent of Addleborough (Edel-burg), that noble hill which rises on the south-east of Bainbridge, rearing its rocky crest to a height of more than fifteen hundred feet. We took the shortest way, climbing the tall fences, struggling through heather, striding across bogs, and disturbing the birds. The curlews began their circling flights above our heads, and the grouse took wing with sudden flutter, eight or ten brace starting from a little patch that, to my inexperience, seemed too small to hide a couple of chickens.
My companion talked as only a dalesman can talk—as one whose whole heart is in his subject. None but a dalesman, he said, could read Wordsworth aright, or really love him. He could talk of the history of the dale, and of the ways of the people. His greatgrandmother was the first in Bainbridge who ever had a teapot. When tea first began to be heard of in those parts, a bagman called on an old farmer, and fascinated him so by praising the virtues of the new leaf from China, that with his wife's approval he ordered a "stean" to begin with. The trader ventured to suggest that a stone of tea would be a costly experiment, and sent them only a pound. Some months afterwards he called again for "money and orders," and asked how the worthy couple liked the tea. "Them was the nastiest greens we ever tasted," was the answer. "The parcel cam' one morning afore dinner, so the missus tied 'em up in a cloth and put 'em into t' pot along wi' t' bacon. But we couldn't abear 'em when they was done; and as for t' broth, we couldn't sup a drop on 't."
Having climbed the last steep slope, we sat down in a recess of the rocky frontlet which the hill bears proudly on its brow, and there, sheltered from the furious wind, surveyed the scene below. We could see across the opposite fells, in places, to the summits on the farther side of Swaledale, and down Wensleydale for miles, and away to the blue range of the Hambleton hills that look into the Vale of York. Bainbridge appears as quiet as if it were taking holiday; yonder, Askrigg twinkles under a thin white veil of smoke; and farther, Bolton Castle—once the prison of the unhappy Queen of Scots—shows its four square towers above a rising wood: all basking in the glorious sunshine. Yet shadows are not wanting. Many a dark shade marks where a glen breaks the hill-sides: some resemble crooked furrows, trimmed here and there with a dull
green fringe, the tree-tops peeping out, and by these signs the beck we explored yesterday may be discerned on the opposite fell. Wherever that little patch of wood appears, there we may be sure a waterfall, though all unseen, is joining in the great universal chorus. Ure winds down the dale in many a shining curve, of which but one is visible between bright green meadow slopes, and belts, and clumps of wood, that broaden with the distance; and all the landscape is studded with the little white squares—the homes of the dalesmen.
Four miles below the stream rushes over great steps of limestone which traverse its bed at Aysgarth Force, and flows onwards past Penhill, the mountain of Wensleydale, overtopping Addleborough by three hundred feet; past Witton Fell and its spring, still known as Diana’s Bath; past Leyburn, and its high natural terrace—the Shawl, where the “Queen’s gap” reminds the visitor once more of Mary riding through surrounded by a watchful escort; past Middleham, where the lordly castle of the King-maker now stands in hopeless ruin, recalling the names of Anne of Warwick, Isabella of Clarence, Edward IV., and his escape from the haughty baron’s snare; of Richard of Gloucester, and others who figure in our national history; past Coverdale, the birthplace of that Miles Coverdale whose translation of the Bible will keep his memory green through many a generation, and the site of Coverham Abbey, of which but a few arches now remain. It was built in 1214 for the Premonstratensians, or “White Canons,” who never wore linen. Where the Cover falls into the Ure, spreads the meadow Ulshaw, the place from which Oswin dismissed his army
in 651. Tradition preserves the memory of Hugh de Moreville’s seat, though not of the exact site, and thus associates the neighbourhood with one of the slayers of Becket. And at East Witton, beyond Coverham, are the ruins of the Cistercian Abbey of Jervaux—Jarvis Abbey, as the country folk call it—a relic dating from 1156. Plunderers and the weather had their own way with it until 1805, when the Earl of Aylesbury, to whom the estate belongs, inspired by his steward’s discovery of a tesselated pavement, stayed the progress of dilapidation, and had the concealing heaps of grass-grown rubbish dug away. Old Jenkins, who died in 1670, remembered Jervaux as it stood in its prime: he had shared the dole given by the monks to poor wayfarers. He remembered, too, the mustering of the dalesmen under the banner of the good Lord Scroop of Bolton for the battle of Flodden, when
"With him did wend all Wensleydale
From Morton unto Morsdale moor;
All they that dwell by the banks of Swale
With him were bent in harness stour."
At Spennithorne, a village over against Coverham, were born John Hutchinson, the opponent of Newton, and Hatfield the crazy, who fired at George III. The philosopher—who was a yeoman’s son—made some stir in his day by publishing Moses’s Principia, in opposition to Sir Isaac’s, and by his collection of fossils, out of which he contrived arguments against geologists. This collection was bequeathed to Dr. Woodward, and eventually became part of the museum in the University of Cambridge.
Looking across the dale, somewhat to the right of Bainbridge, we see Nappa Hall, long the seat of the Metcalfes. In Queen Mary’s time, Sir Christopher Metcalfe was sheriff, and he met the judges at York at the head of three hundred knights, all dressed alike, and all of his own name and family. The name is still a common one in the North Riding, as you will soon discover on the front of public-houses, over the door at toll-bars, and on the sides of carts and wagons. The present Lord Metcalfe had a Guisborough man for his father. A Metcalfe, born at Coverhead, is said to have made Napoleon’s coffin at St. Helena. One of the fighting men who distinguished themselves at Agincourt was a Metcalfe. The Queen of Scots’ bedstead is still preserved at Nappa. Raleigh once visited the Hall, and brought with him—so the story goes—the first crayfish ever seen in the dale. Another visitor was that cruel pedant, Royal Jamie, who scrupled not to cut off Raleigh’s head—a far better one than his own—and concerning him we are told that he rode across the Ure on the back of one of the serving-men. Perhaps the poor serving-man felt proud all his life after.
If to dream about the Past by the side of a spring be one of your pleasures, you may enjoy it here in Wensleydale with many a change of scene. Besides Diana’s Bath, already mentioned, St. Simon’s Spring still bubbles up at Coverham, St. Alkelda’s at Middleham, and the Fairies’ Well at Hornby. To this last an old iron cup was chained, which a late local antiquary fondly thought might be one of those which
King Edwin ordered to be fastened to running springs throughout his territories.
Celt and Northman have left their traces. The grandmothers of the children who now play in the village could remember the Beltane bonfires, and the wild dances around them. The Danes peopled the gloomy savage parts of the glen with their imaginary black alfs. An old couplet runs:
"Druid, Roman, Scandinavia
Stone Raise, on Addleboro'."
So we sat and talked, and afterwards scrambled up the rocks to the summit. Here is, or rather was, a Druid circle of flat stones; but my companion screamed with vexation on discovering that three or four of the largest stones had been taken away, and were nowhere to be seen. The removal must have been recent, for the places where they lay were still sharply defined in the grass, and the maze of roots which had been covered for ages was still unbleached. And so an ancient monument must be destroyed either out of wanton mischief, or to be broken up for the repair of a fence! Whoever were the perpetrators, I say,
"Oh, be their tombs as lead to lead."
We walked across the top to Stain-Ray, or Stone Raise, a great cromlech or cairn 360 feet in circumference. You would perhaps regard it as nothing more than a huge irregular mound of lumps of gritstone bleached by the weather, with ferns and moss growing in the interstices, but within there are to be seen the remains of three cysts, of which only one retains a definite form. It is said that a skeleton was discovered therein. Tradition tells of a giant who was once travelling with a chest of gold on his back from Skipton Castle to Pendragon; while crossing Addleborough he felt weary, and his burden slipped, but recovering himself, he cried,
"Spite of either God or man,
To Pendragon castle thou shalt gang,"
when it fell from his shoulders, sank into the earth, and the stones rose over it. There the chest remained, and still remains, only to be recovered by the fortunate mortal to whom the fairy may appear in the form of a hen or an ape. He has then but to stretch forth his arm, seize the chest, and drag it out, in silence if he can, at all events without swearing, or he will fail, as did that unfortunate wight, who, uttering an oath in the moment of success, lost his hold of the treasure, and saw the fairy no more as long as he lived.
We descended into the hollow between Addleborough and Stake Fell, crossing on the way the natural terrace that runs along the southern and western sides of the hill, to look at a cluster of heaps of stone, and low, irregular walls or fences, the plan of which appears to show a series of enclosures opening one into the other. My friend had long made up his mind that these were the remains of an ancient British village. For my part, I could not believe that a village old as the Roman conquest would leave vestiges of such magnitude after the lapse of nearly two thousand years; whereupon, arguments, and learned ones, were
adduced, until I half admitted the origin assigned. But a few days later I saw an enclosure in Wharfedale identical in form with any one of these, used as a sheepfold, and all my doubts came back with renewed force. In the Ordnance maps, the description is "ancient enclosures;" and, to give an off-hand opinion, it appears to me probable that this outlying hollow may have been chosen as a safe place for the flocks in the troublous days of old.
Stake Fell is 1843 feet in height, rising proudly on our left. Beneath us, in the valley Ray or Roedale, a branch of Wensleydale, spreads Simmer Water, a lake of one hundred and five acres. Shut in by hills, and sprinkled with wood around its margin, it beautifies and enlivens the landscape. It abounds in trout, moreover, and bream and grayling, and any one who chooses may fish therein, as well as in the Ure, all the way down to Bainbridge, and farther. The river trout are considered far superior to those of the lake. We made haste down, after a pause to observe the view, for dinner awaited us in a pleasant villa overlooking the bright rippling expanse.
When we started anew, some two hours later, our hospitable entertainer would accompany us. We walked round the foot of the lake, and saw on the margin, near the break where the Bain flows out, two big stones which have lain in their present position ever since the devil and a giant pelted one another from hill to hill across the water. To corroborate the legend, there yet remain on the stones the marks—and prodigious ones they are—of the Evil One's
hands. To me the marks appeared more like the claws of an enormous bird, compared with which Dr. Mantell's *Dinornis* would be but a chicken.
Long, long ago, while the Apostles still walked the earth, a poor old man wandered into Raydale, where a large city then stood, and besought alms from house to house. Every door was shut against him, save one, an humble cot without the city wall, where the inmates bade him welcome, and set oaten bread and milk cheese before him, and prepared him a pallet whereon to sleep. On the morrow, the old man pronounced a blessing on the house and departed; but as he went forth, he turned, and looking on the city, thus spake:
"Semer Water rise, Semer Water sink,
And swallow all the town
Save this little house
Where they gave me meat and drink."
Whereupon followed the roar of an earthquake, and the rush of water; the city sank down and a broad lake rolled over its site; but the charitable couple who lodged the stranger were preserved, and soon by some miraculous means they found themselves rich, and a blessing rested on them and their posterity.
Besides the satanic missiles, there are stones somewhere on the brink of the lake known as the "Mermaid Stones," but not one of us knew where to look for them, so we set our faces towards Counterside, the hill on the northern side of the vale, and trudged patiently up the steep ascent in the hot afternoon sun, repaid by the widening prospect. We could see where waterfalls were rushing in the little glens at the
head of the dale, and the shadow of hills in the lake, and the remotest village, Stalling Busk, said to be a place of unusual thrift. Even in that remote nook, you would find the dalesmen's maxim kept from rusting, as well in the villages lower down and nearer the world: it is—"I don't want to chate, or to be chated; but if it must be one or t'other, why, then, I wouldn't be chated." It is no scandal to say that money-grubbing in the dale is proverbial. "Look at that man," said my Quaker friend at Bainbridge, pointing out what looked like a labourer driving a cart; "that man is worth thousands." I did not hear, however, that he made an offensive use of his talent, as certain money-grubbers do in the neighbourhood of large towns. "He's got nought," exclaimed a coarse, rich man near Hull, slapping his pocket, of a poor man who differed from him in opinion: "he's got nought—what should he know about it?"
We went down on the other slope of Counterside with Hawes in sight, and Cam Fell, a long ridgy summit more than 1900 feet high. I preferred to double it rather than go over it, and having shifted the knapsack to my own shoulders, shook hands with my excellent friends, and choosing short cuts so as to avoid the town, came in about an hour to the steep lonely road which turns up into Widdale, beyond the farther end of Hawes.
We shall return to Wensleydale a few days hence; meanwhile, good-natured reader, Widdale stretches before us, the road rising with little interruption for miles. Two hours of brisk walking will carry us through it between great wild hill slopes, which are
channelled here and there by the dry, stony bed of a torrent. The evening closes in heavy and lowering, and Cam Fell and Widdale Fell uprear their huge forms on the right and left in sullen gloom, and appear the more mountainous. Ere long thick mists overspread their summits, and send ragged wreaths down the hollows, and much of the landscape becomes dim, and we close our day with a view of Nature in one of her mysterious moods. We ascend into the bleak region, pass the bare little hamlet of Redshaw, catch a dull glimpse of Ingleborough, with its broad flat summit, and then at six miles from Hawes, come to the lonesome public-house at Newby Head.
It is a modest house, a resort for cattle-dealers from Scotland, and head-quarters for shepherds and labourers. The fare is better than the lodging. Three kinds of cakes, eggs, and small pies of preserved bilberries, were set before me at tea; but the bed, though the sheets were clean, had a musty smell of damp straw.
CHAPTER XXI.
About Gimmer Hogs—Gearstones—Source of the Ribble—Weathercote Cave—An underground Waterfall—A Gem of a Cave—Jingle Pot—The silly Ducks—Hurtle Pot—The Boggart—A Reminiscence of the Doctor—Chapel-le-Dale—Remarkable Scenery—Ingleborough—Ingleton—Craven—Young Daniel Dove, and Long Miles—Clapham—Ingleborough Cave—Stalactite and Stalagmite—Marvellous Spectacle—Pillar Hall—Weird Music—Treacherous Pools—The Abyss—How Stalactite forms—The Jockey Cap—Cross Arches—The Long Gallery—The Giants’ Hall—Mysterious Waterfall—A Trouty Beck—The Bar Parlour—A Bradford Spinner.
On the way hither, I had noticed what was to me a novel mode of bill-sticking, that is, on the sharp spines of tall thistles by the wayside. The bills advertised Gimmer Hogs for sale, a species of animal that I had never before heard of, and I puzzled myself not a little in guessing what they could be. For although Gimmer is good honest Danish, signifying a ewe that has not yet lambed, the connexion between sheep and swine is not obvious to the uninitiated. However, it happened that I sat down to breakfast with a Scottish grazier who had arrived soon after daybreak, and he told me that sheep not more than one year old are called Gimmer hogs; but why the word hogs should be used to describe ewes he could not tell.
The morning was dull and drizzly, and by the time I had crossed to Ingleton Fell, from the North to the
West Riding, a swift, horizontal rain came on, laborious to walk against, and drove me for shelter into the Gearstones Inn. Of the two or three houses hereabouts, one is a school; and in this wild spot a Wednesday market is held. Ingleborough is in sight; the hills around form pleasing groups, and had we time to explore them, we should find many a rocky glen, and curious cave, Catknot Hole, Alum Pot, Long Churn, and Dicken Pot; and many a sounding ghyll, as the folk here call it—that is, a waterfall. Not far from the inn is Galebeck, the source of the Ribble; and as we proceed down the now continuous descent, so do the features of the landscape grow more romantic.
For more than an hour did the rain-storm sweep across the hills, holding me prisoner. At length faint gleams of sunshine broke through; I started afresh, and three miles farther was treading on classic ground—Chapel-le-Dale. Turn in at the second gate on the right beyond the public-house, and you will soon have speech with Mr. Metcalfe, who keeps the key of Weathercote Cave. Standing on a sheltered valley slope, with a flower-garden in front and trees around, his house presents a favourable specimen of a yeoman's residence. No lack of comfort here, I thought, on seeing the plenteous store of oaten bread on the racks in the kitchen. Nor is there any lack of attention to the visitor's wishes on the part of Mr. Metcalfe. He unlocks a door, and leads the way down a steep, rude flight of steps into a rocky chasm, from which ascends the noise of falling water. A singularly striking scene awaits you. The rocks are thickly covered in places with ferns and mosses, and are broken up by crevices into a
diversity of forms, rugged as chaos. A few feet down, and you see a beautiful crystalline spring in a cleft on the right, and the water turning the moss to stone as it trickles down. A few feet lower and you pass under a natural bridge formed by huge fallen blocks. The stair gets rougher, twisting among the big, damp lumps of limestone, when suddenly your guide points to the fall at the farther extremity of the chasm. The rocks are black, the place is gloomy, imparting thereby a surprising effect to the white rushing column of water. A beck running down the hill finds its way into a crevice in the cliffs, from which it leaps in one great fall of more than eighty feet, roaring loudly. Look up: the chasm is so narrow that the trees and bushes overhang and meet overhead; and what with the subdued light, and mixture of crags and verdure, and the impressive aspect of the place altogether, you will be lost in admiration.
To descend lower seems scarcely possible, but you do get down, scrambling over the big stones to the very bottom, into the swirling shower of spray. Here a deep recess, or chamber at one side, about eight feet in height, affords good standing ground, whence you may see that the water is swallowed up at once, and disappears in the heap of pebbles on which it falls. Conversation is difficult here, for the roar is overpowering. After I had stood some minutes in contemplation, Mr. Metcalfe told me that it was possible to get behind the fall and look through it, taking care to run quickly across the strong blast that meets you on starting from the recess. I buttoned my overcoat to my chin, and rushed into the cavity, and looked upwards. I was in
a pit 120 feet deep, covered by a tumultuous curtain of water, but had to make a speedy retreat, so furiously was I enveloped by blinding spray. To make observations from that spot one should wear a suit of waterproof.
Through the absence of sunshine I lost the sight of the rainbow which is seen for about two hours in the middle of the day from the front of the fall. It is a horizontal bow with the convex side towards the water, shifting its position higher or lower as you mount or descend.
Although it might now be properly described as a pit, the chasm gives you the impression of a cave of which the roof has fallen in. If this be so, the fall was once entirely underground, roaring day and night in grim darkness. It may still be regarded as an underground fall, for the throat from which it leaps is more than thirty feet below the surface. In the cleft above this throat a thick heavy slab is fixed in a singular position, just caught, as it seems, by two of its corners, so that you fancy it ready to tumble at any moment with the current that shoots so swiftly beneath it. As you pause often to look back on the roaring stream, and up to the impending crags, you will heartily confirm Professor Sedgwick—who by the way is a Yorkshireman—in his opinion, that if Weathercote Cave be small, it is a very gem. Nor will you grudge the shilling fee for admission.
The extreme length of the pit is about 180 feet. In rainy weather it becomes a sink-hole into which the streams pour from all the slopes around, at times filling it to the brim and running over. Mr.
Metcalf showed me the stem of a tree entangled in the crevices near the top, which had been floated there by the floods of the previous winter. While coming slowly up, I could not fail to notice the change of temperature, from the chill damp that made me shiver, to a pleasant warmth, and then to the heavy heat of a dull day in July.
A little way below the house, going down the narrow dale, you come to another mossy crevice in the rocks among the trees to which the country folk have given the name of Gingle, or Jingle Pot, because of a certain jingling sound produced by stones when thrown therein. To my ear there was no ring in the sound. It is quite dry, with a bottom sloping steeply and making a sudden turn to a depth of eighty feet. Mr. Metcalfe had let himself down into the Pot by a rope, two days before my arrival, to look for a young cow that had fallen in while on the gad, and disappeared in the lowest hole. He saw the animal dead, and so tightly wedged in under the rock, that there he left it. This was his second descent. The first was made in winter some years ago to rescue his ducks, which, perhaps deceived by the dark crevice, that looked like a deep narrow pond when all the ground was white with snow, took altogether a sudden flight to settle on it, and of course went to the bottom. Mr. Metcalfe was driving them home at the time; he looked over the edge of the Pot, and invited the silly birds to fly out. But no, they would not be persuaded to use their wings, and remained crowded together on the highest part of the slope, stretching their necks upwards. So there was nothing for it but to fetch them out. Their
owner let himself down; yet after all his trouble the ungrateful creatures refused as long as possible to be put into the bag.
Farther down again, and you come to Hurtle Pot, a gloomy cavity overhung by trees, and mantled with ivy, ferns, and coarse weeds. At the bottom rests a darksome pool, said to be twenty-seven feet deep, which contains small trout, and swallows up rocks and stones, or whatever may be thrown into it, without any perceptible diminution of the depth. You can get down to the edge of the water by an inconvenient path, and feel the gloom, and find excuses for the rustics who believe in the existence of the Hurtle Pot Boggart. In olden time his deeds were terrible; but of late years he only frightens people with noises. Both this and Jingle Pot are choked with water from subterranean channels in flood time, and then there is heard here such an intermittent throbbing, gurgling noise, accompanied by what seem dismal gaspings, that a timorous listener might easily believe the Boggart was drowning his victims. One evening a loving couple, walking behind the trees above the Pot, heard most unearthly noises arise from the murky chasm; never had the like been heard before. Surely, thought the turtle-doves, the Boggart is coming forth with some new trick, and they fled in terror. A friend of Mr. Metcalfe's was playing his flute down on the edge of the pool.
Again farther, and there is the little chapel from which the dale takes its name. As I have said, we are here on classic ground. That is the edifice, and this is the place described by Southey. Here dwelt that
worthy yeoman, Daniel Dove’s father, and his fathers before him, handing down their six-and-twenty acres, and better yet, an honest name, from one to the other through many generations — yea, from time immemorial. One of those good old families which had ancestors before the Conquest. Give me leave, good-natured reader, to complete my sketch by the description as it appears, with masterly touches, in The Doctor.
"The little church called Chapel-le-Dale, stands about a bowshot from the family house. There they had all been carried to the font; there they had each led his bride to the altar; and thither they had, each in his turn, been borne upon the shoulders of their friends and neighbours. Earth to earth they had been consigned there for so many generations, that half of the soil of the churchyard consisted of their remains. A hermit who might wish his grave to be as quiet as his cell, could imagine no fitter resting-place. On three sides there was an irregular low stone wall, rather to mark the limits of the sacred ground, than to enclose it; on the fourth it was bounded by the brook, whose waters proceed by a subterraneous channel from Weathercote Cave. Two or three alders and rowan-trees hung over the brook, and shed their leaves and seeds into the stream. Some bushy hazels grew at intervals along the lines of the wall; and a few ash-trees as the winds had sown them. To the east and west some fields adjoined it, in that state of half cultivation which gives a human character to solitude: to the south, on the other side the brook, the common with its limestone rocks peering everywhere above ground, extended to
the foot of Ingleborough. A craggy hill, feathered with birch, sheltered it from the north.
"The turf was as soft and fine as that of the adjoining hills; it was seldom broken, so scanty was the population to which it was appropriated; scarcely a thistle or a nettle deformed it, and the few tombstones which had been placed there, were now themselves half buried. The sheep came over the wall when they listed, and sometimes took shelter in the porch from the storm. Their voices and the cry of the kite wheeling above, were the only sounds which were heard there, except when the single bell which hung in its niche over the entrance tinkled for service on the Sabbath day, or with a slower tongue gave notice that one of the children of the soil was returning to the earth from which he sprung."
Is not that charming?—a word-picture, worthy of a master's pen. One error, however, has slipped in. There is no porch, nor any sign that one has ever been. The chapel will hold eighty persons, and is, as Mr. Metcalfe informed me, "never too small."
A week or more might be spent in explorations in this neighbourhood. Five miles down towards Kirkby Lonsdale, there is Thornton Force. Near it is Yordas Cave—once the haunt of a giant; Gatekirk Cave is distant about half an hour's walk; Douk Hole is in the neighbourhood of Ingleton; and in all the region, and over the Westmoreland border, there is a highly picturesque succession of caves, ravines, glens, and torrents dashing through rocky chasms, and of all the magnificent phenomena only to be seen amid the limestone. Many a tourist hurries past on his way to the
Lakes all unmindful of scenery which, in its kind, surpasses any that he will see between Windermere and Bassenthwaite.
I went up to the public-house and dined with the haymakers, and enjoyed the sight of sunburnt rustics eating smoking mutton pie without stint, as much as I did my own repast. The host's daughter brought me a book, which had only recently been provided to receive the names of visitors. Among them was the autograph of a Russian gentleman who had called within the week, and who, as I heard, did nothing but grumble at English customs, yet could not help praising the scenery. He was on foot, and with knapsack on shoulder. I crossed his track, and heard of him sundry times afterwards, and hoped to meet him, that I might ask leave to enlighten him on a few points concerning which he appeared to be distressingly ignorant.
I had planned to ascend and cross Ingleborough, and drop down upon Clapham from its southern side; but when a hill is half buried in mist, and furious scuds fly across its brow, it is best to be content with the valley. So I took up my route on the main road, and continued down the dale, where the limestone crags breaking out on each side form a series of irregular terraces, intermingled green and gray, pleasing to the eye. In the bottom, on the right, the subterranean river bursts forth which Goldsmith mentions in his *Natural History*.
The height of Ingleborough is 2361 feet. Its name is supposed to be derived from *Ingle-burg*—a word which embodies the idea of fire and fortress. It is a
table mountain, with a top so flat and spacious that an encampment of more than fifteen acres, of which the traces are still visible, was established thereon, probably by the Brigantes, if not by an earlier race. It is a landmark for vessels on the coast of Lancashire. St. George's Channel is visible from the summit; and one who has looked on the eastern sea from Flamborough Head may find it convenient to remember that Yorkshire, on its westernmost extremity, is but ten miles from the western sea.
In a short hour from Weathercote you come to the end of the fells, an abrupt descent, all rough with crags and boulders, where the view opens at once over the district of Craven, and the little town of Ingleton is seen comfortably nestled under the hill. Craven lies outspread in beauty—woods, hills, fields, and pastures charming the eye of one who comes from the untilled moors, and suggestive of delightful rambles in store. The Ribble flows through it, watering many a romantic cliff and wooded slope. And for the geologist Craven possesses especial interest, for it is intersected by what he calls a "fault," on the southern side of which the limestone strata are thrown down a thousand feet.
I left Ingleton on the right, and turned off at the cross-roads for Clapham, distant four miles. Here, as in other parts of my travel, the miles seemed long—quite as long as they were found to be years ago. We are told that when young Daniel Dove walked dutifully every day to school, "the distance was in those days called two miles; but miles of such long measure that they were for him a good hour's walk at a cheerful
pace." On the way from Mickle Fell to Brough I met with a more unkindly experience; and that was an hour's walking for a single mile.
The road undulating along the hill-side commands pleasing views, and for one on foot is to be preferred to the new road, which winds among the fields below. And with a brightening evening we come to Clapham—a cheerful, pretty village, adorned with flowers, and climbers, and smooth grass-plots, embowered by trees, and watered by a merry brook; lying open to the sun on the roots of Ingleborough. Looking about for an inn, I saw the Bull and Cave, and secured quarters there by leaving my knapsack, and set out to seek for the guide, whom I found chatting with a group of loungers on the bridge. Bull and Cave seemed to me such an odd coupling, that I fancied cave must be a Yorkshire way of spelling calf; but it really means that which it purports, and the two words are yoked together in order that visitors, who are numerous, may be easily attracted.
Here in Clapdale—a dale which penetrates the slopes of Ingleborough—is the famous Ingleborough Cave, the deepest and most remarkable of all the caves hitherto discovered in the honeycombed flanks of that remarkable hill. Intending to see this, I left unvisited the other caves which have been mentioned as lying to the right and left of the road as you come down from Gearstones.
The fee for a single person to see the cave is half-a-crown; for a party of eight or ten a shilling each. The guide, who is an old soldier, and a good specimen of the class, civil and intelligent, called at his house as
we passed to get candles, and presently we were clear of the village, and walking up-hill along a narrow lane. Below us on the right lay cultivated grounds and well-kept plantations, through which, as the old man told me, visitors were once allowed to walk on their way to the cave—a pleasing and much less toilsome way than the lane; but the remains of picnics left on the grass, broken bottles, orange-peels, greasy paper and wisps of hay, became such a serious abuse of the privilege, that Mr. Farrer, the proprietor, withdrew his permission. "It's a wonder to me," said the guide, "that people shouldn't know how to behave themselves."
In about half an hour we came to a hollow between two grassy acclivities, out of which runs a rapid beck, and here on the left, in a limestone cliff prettily screened by trees, is the entrance to the cave, a low, wide arch that narrows as it recedes into the gloom. We walked in a few yards; the guide lit two candles, placed one in my hand and unlocked the iron gate, which, very properly, keeps out the perpetrators of wanton mischief. A few paces take us beyond the last gleam of daylight, and we are in a narrow passage, of which the sides and roof are covered with a brown incrustation resembling gigantic clusters of petrified moss. Curious mushroom-like growths hang from the roof, and throwing his light on these, the guide says we are passing through the Inverted Forest. So it continues, the roof still low, for eighty yards, comprising the Old Cave, which has been known for ages; and we come to a narrow passage hewn through a thick screen of stalagmite. It was opened twenty years ago by Mr. Farrer's gardener,
who laboured at the barrier until it was breached, and a new cavern of marvellous formation was discovered beyond. An involuntary exclamation broke from me as I entered and beheld what might have been taken for a glittering fairy palace. On each side, sloping gently upwards till they met the roof, great bulging masses of stalagmite of snowy whiteness lay outspread, mound after mound glittering as with millions of diamonds. For the convenience of explorers, the passage between them has been widened and levelled as far as possible, and the beck that we saw outside finds a channel after unusual rains. You walk along this passage now on sand, now on pebbles, now bare rock. All the great white masses are damp; their surfaces are rough with countless crystallized convolutions and minute ripples, between which trickle here and there tiny threads of water. It is to the moisture that the unsullied whiteness is due, and the glistening effect; for wherever stalactite or stalagmite becomes dry, the colour changes to brown, as we saw in the Old Cave. A strange illusion came over me as I paced slowly past the undulating ranges, and for a moment they seemed to represent the great rounded snow-fields that whiten the sides of the Alps.
The cavern widens; we are in the Pillar Hall; stalactites of all dimensions hang from the roof, singly and in groups. Thousands are mere nipples, or an inch or two in length; many are two or three feet; and the whole place resounds with the drip and tinkle of water. Stalagmites dot the floor, and while some have grown upwards the stalactites have grown downwards, until the ends meet, and the ceaseless trickle of water
fashions an unbroken crystal pillar. Some stalactites assume a spiral twist; and where a long thin fissure occurs in the roof they take the form of draperies, curtains, and wings—wings shaped like those of angels. The guide strikes one of the wings with a small mallet, and it gives out a rich musical note; another has the deep sonorous boom of a cathedral bell, another rings sharp and shrill, and a row of stalactitic leaves answers when touched with a gamut of notes. Your imagination grows restless while you listen to such strange music deep in the heart of a mountain.
And there are pools on the floor, and in raised basins at the side—pools of water so limpid as to be treacherous, for in the uncertain light all appears to be solid rock. I stepped knee deep into one, mistaking it for an even floor. Well for me it was not the Abyss which yawns at the end of Pillar Hall. The guide, to show the effect of light reflected on the water, crawls up to the end of one of the basins with the two candles in his hand, while you standing in the gloom at the other end, observe the smooth brilliant surface, and the brightness that flashes from every prominence of roof or wall.
Although geologists explain the process of formation, there is yet much food for wonder in remembering that all these various objects were formed by running water. The water, finding its way through fissures in the mighty bed of limestone overhead, hangs in drops, one drop pushes another off, but not idly; for while the current of air blowing through carries off their carbonic acid, they give up the salt of lime gathered during percolation, and form small stony tubes. And
these tubes, the same cause continuing to operate, growing in course of ages to magnificent stalactites; and where thin, broad streams have appeared, there the draperies and wings and the great snow-fields have been fashioned. The incrustation spreads even over some of the pools: the film of water flowing in leaves its solid contents on the margin, and these, crystallizing and accumulating, advance upon the surface, as ice forms from the edge towards the centre of a pond, and in time bridge it over with a translucent sheet.
Among the stalagmites are a few of beehive shape; but there is one named the Jockey Cap, an extraordinary specimen for bigness. Its base has a circumference of ten feet, its height is two feet, all produced by a succession of drops from one single point. Advantage has been taken of this circumstance to measure the rate of its growth. Mr. Farrer collected a pint of drops, and ascertained the fall to be one hundred pints a day, each pint containing one grain of calcareous matter; and from this daily supply of a hundred grains the Jockey Cap was built up to its present dimensions in two hundred and fifty-nine years. In six years, from 1845 to 1851, the diameter increased by two, and the height by three inches. Probably owing to the morning's rain, the drops fell rapidly while I stood looking at the Cap—splash—splash—splash—into a small saucer-like depression in the middle of the crown, from which with ceaseless overflow the water bathes the entire mass. Around it is the most drippy part of the cave.
In places there are sudden breaks in the roof at right angles to the passage—cracks produced by the
cooling of this great limestone bubble in the primeval days—which look as if Nature had begun to form a series of cross aisles, and then held her hand. Some of these are nests of stalactites; one exhibits architectural forms adorned with beads and mouldings as if sculptured in purest marble. The farther you penetrate the loftier do they become; impressing you with the idea that they are but the ante-chambers of some majestic temple farther within. The Abyss appears to be a similar arch reversed in the floor.
Then we came to a bend where the roof rushing down appears to bar all further advance, but the guide puts a thing into your hand which you might take to be a scrubbing-brush, and telling you to stoop, creeps into a low opening between the rising floor and descending roof, and you discover that the scrubbing-brush is a paddle to enable you to walk on three legs while crouching down. It keeps your right hand from the slippery rock; your left has always enough to do in holding the candle. The creeping continues but for a few yards, and you emerge into one of the cross vaults, and again sand and pebbles form the floor. Then comes the Cellar Gallery, a long, tunnel-like passage, the sides perpendicular, the roof arched, which, like all the rest, has been shaped by currents of water, aided in this case by the grinding action of sand and pebbles. Continuing through thousands of years, the result is as we behold it. The tunnel appears the more gloomy from the absence of ornament: no stalactites, no wings, reflect the dim candle-flame; for which reason, as well as to avoid the creeping, many visitors refuse to advance beyond the entrance
of the Long Gallery. But the tunnel leads you into the Giant's Hall, where stalactites and draperies again meet your eye, and where your light is all too feeble to illumine the lofty roof. And here is the end, 2106 feet from the entrance—nearly half a mile. From the time that the gardener broke through the barrier in the old cave, two years were spent in gradual advances till the Giant's Hall was reached. The adventurous explorers endeavoured to get farther, for two small holes were discovered leading downwards from one side of the Hall to a lower cave, through which arose the sound of falling water. They braved the danger, and let themselves down to a level, where they were stopped by a deep pool—the receiver of the fall. It must have looked fearfully dismal. Yet might there not be caverns still more wonderful beyond? Fixing a candle to his cap, and with a rope round his body, Mr. James Farrer swam across the murky lake, but found it closed in by what appeared to be an impassable wall of limestone—the heart of Ingleborough. It was a courageous adventure.
I stretched out my candle and peered down the two holes. One is dry and sandy, the other slimy with a constant drip. I heard the noise of the fall, the voice of the water plunging for ever, night and day, in deep darkness. It seemed awful. A current of air blows forth continually, whereby the cave is ventilated throughout its entire length, and the visitor, safe from stagnant damps and stifling vapours, breathes freely in a pure atmosphere.
I walked once more from end to end of the Hall; and we retraced our steps. In the first cross aisle the
guide made me aware of an echo which came back to the ear as a hollow moan. We crept through into Pillar Hall, and I could not help lingering once more to admire the brilliant and delicate incrustations, and to scramble between or over the great stalagmitic barriers to see what was in the rear. Here and there I saw a mass resembling a font, filled with water of exquisite purity, or raised oval or oblong basins representing alabaster baths, wherein none but vestal virgins might enter.
Except that the path has been levelled and widened, and openings enlarged, and planks laid in one place to facilitate access to a change of level, the cave remains as when first discovered. Mr. Farrer's precautions against mischief have prevented that pillage of the interior so much to be deplored in other caves of this region, where the first comers made prize of all the ornaments within reach, and left little but bare walls for those who follow. Yet even here some of the smaller stalactites, the size of a finger, have been missed after a party has gone through; and once a man struck a group of stalactites and broke more than a foot off the longest, in sheer wantonness, as it seemed, for the fragment was too heavy to carry away. And there the mutilation remains, a lasting reproach to a fool.
My candle burnt out, and the other flickered near its end, but the old man had two halves which he lit, and these more than sufficed for our return. The red light of sunset was streaming into the entrance when we came forth after a sojourn of nearly two hours in the bowels of the mountain. The guide had been
very indulgent with me; for most visitors stay but an hour. Those who merely wish to walk through, content with a hasty glance, will find little to impede their movements. There is nothing, indeed, which need deter a woman, only she must leave her hoop at home, wear thick boots, and make provision for looping-up her skirts. Many an English maiden would then enjoy a visit to Ingleborough Cave.
The beck flows out from under the cliff a few yards above the entrance through a broad, low vault. I crept in for some distance, and it seemed to me that access to the cave might be gained by wading up the stream. Then, as we went down the hill, the old soldier thought that as there were but two of us, we might venture to walk through the grounds, where we saw the lake, the bridge, and the cascade, on our way to the village.
Delicious trout from the neighbouring brook, and most excellent beer, awaited me for supper, and made me well content with the Bull and Cave. Afterwards I joined the party in the little bar-parlour, where, among a variety of topics, the mountain was talked about. The landlord, a hale old fellow of sixty, said that he had never once been on the summit, though he had lived all his life at the base. A rustic, though a two years' resident in Clapham, had not been up, and for a reason: "You see," he said, "if a man gets on a high place, he isn't satisfied then; he wants to get higher. So I thinks best to content myself down here."
Then spoke another of the party, a man well dressed, in praise of rural quiet, and the enjoyment of fresh air,
contrasting the tranquillity of Clapham at that hour with the noise and confusion at Bradford, where the streets would be thronged till after midnight. He was an "operative" from Bradford, come as was his wont to spend Sunday in the country. He grew eloquent on the subject of masters and men, averring that masters, as a body, would never do anything for the benefit of workmen unless compelled thereto by act of Parliament. Well might he say so. Would the mills be ventilated; would dangerous machinery be boxed off; would schools have been interposed between children and slavery, had Parliament not interfered? The number of Yorkshire factory children at school on the last day of October, 1857, was 18,000, from eight to thirteen years of age. On this latter particular our spinner could not say enough in praise of the House of Commons: there was a chance for the bairns now that the law punished the masters who did not allow time for school as well as for work. "It's one of the grandest things," he said, "Parliament ever did for the factory hands."
He had too much reason to speak as he did; but we must not suppose that the great millowners are worse than other masters. Owing to the large numbers they employ, the evils complained of appear in a violent and concentrated form; but we have only to look at the way in which apprentices and domestic servants are treated everywhere, especially in large towns (with comparatively few exceptions), to become aware that a want of fair play is by far too prevalent. No wonder that Dr. Livingstone finds reason to say we are not model Christians.
CHAPTER XXII.
By Rail to Skipton—A Stony Town—Church and Castle—The Cliffords—Wharfedale—Bolton Abbey—Picturesque Ruins—A Foot-Bath—Scraps from Wordsworth—Bolton Park—The Strid—Barden Tower—The Wharfe—The Shepherd Lord—Reading to Grandfather—A Cup of Tea—Cheerful Hospitality—Trout Fishing—Gale Beck—Symon Seat—A Real Entertainer—Burnsall—A Drink of Porter—Immoralities—Threshfield—Kilnsey—The Crag—Kettlewell—A Primitive Village—Great Whernside—Starbottom—Buckden—Last View of Wharfedale—Cray—Bishopdale—A Pleasant Lane—Bolton Castle—Penhill—Aysgarth—Dead Pastimes—Decrease of Quakers—Failure of a Mission—Why and Wherefore—Aysgarth Force—Drunken Barnaby—Inroad of Fashion.
The railway station at Clapham, as well as others along the line, is built in the old timbered style, and harmonizes well with the landscape. A railway hotel stands close by, invitingly open to guests who dislike the walk of a mile to the village; and the landlord, as I was told, multiplies his profits by renting the Cave.
A short flight by the first train took me to breakfast at Skipton, all through the pretty country of Craven, of which the town is the capital. The houses are built of stone taken from the neighbouring hills. The bells were just beginning their chimes as I passed the church, and, seeing the door open, I went in and looked at the stained glass and old monuments, the shields and sculptures which commemorate the Cliffords—Lords of the Honour of Skipton—the Lady Ellinor,
of the house of Brandon; the Earls of Cumberland, one of whom was Queen Elizabeth's champion against the Spaniard, as well as in tilt and tournament.
The castle, which has played a conspicuous part in history, stands beside the church, and there, over the gateway, you may still see the shield bearing two griffins, and the motto Desormais. Within, you view the massive, low round towers from a pleasant garden, where but few signs of antiquity are to be seen; for modern restorations have masked the old grim features. Here dwelt the Cliffords, a proud and mighty family, who made a noise in the world in their day. Among them was Lord John, or Black Clifford, who did butcher-work at the battle of Wakefield, and was repaid the year after at Towton. In the first year of Edward IV. the estates were forfeited because of high treason, and Henry, the tenth Lord of the Honour of Skipton, to escape the ill consequences of his father's disloyalty, was concealed for twenty-five years among the shepherds of Cumberland. Another of the line was that imperial-minded Countess, the Lady Anne Clifford, who, when she repaired her castle of Skipton, made it known by an inscription in the same terms as that set up on her castle at Brough, and with the same passage of Scripture. Now it is a private residence; and the ancient tapestries and pictures, and other curiosities which are still preserved, can only be seen after due pains taken by the inquiring visitor.
The life of the Shepherd Lord, as he was called, is a touching episode in the history of the Cliffords; heightenèd by the marked contrast between the father
and son—the one warlike and revengeful, the other gentle and forgiving. We shall come again on the traces of the pastoral chief ere the day be over.
There is a long stretch of the old castle wall on the left as you go up the road towards Knaresborough. From the top of the hill, looking back about a mile and a half distant, you get a pleasing view of Skipton, lying in its cheerful green valley; and presently, in the other direction, you see the hills of Wharfedale. Everywhere the grass is waving, or, newly-mown, fills all the air with delightful odour. I walked slowly, for the day was hot—one of the hottest of that fervid July—and took till noon to accomplish the seven miles to Bolton Abbey. The number of vehicles drawn up at the Devonshire Arms—a good inn about two furlongs from the ruin—and the numerous visitors, betokened something unusually attractive.
Since Landseer painted his picture, Bolton Abbey has become a household word. It seems familiar to us beforehand. We picture it to our minds; and your imagination must be extravagant indeed if the picture be not realized. It is a charming scene that opens as you turn out of the road and descend the grassy slope: the abbey standing, proud and beautiful in decay, in a green meadow, where stately trees adorn the gentle undulations; the Wharfe rippling cheerfully past, coming forth from wooded hills above, going away between wooded hills below, alike
"With mazy error under pendant shades;"
the bold perpendicular cliff opposite, all purple and gray, crowned and flanked with hanging wood; the
cascade rushing down in a narrow line of foam; the big mossy stones that line the bank, and the stony islets in the bed of the stream; and, looking up the dale, the great sweeps of wood in Bolton Park, terminated by the wild heights of Symon Seat and Barden Fell. All around you see encircling woods, and combinations of rock, and wood, and water, that inspire delightful emotions.
But you will turn again and again to the abbey to gaze on its tall arches, the great empty window, the crumbling walls, over which hang rich masses of ivy, and walking slowly round you will discover the points whence the ruins appear most picturesque. And within, where elder-trees grow, and the carved tombstones of the old abbots lie on the turf, you may still see where the monks sat in the sanctuary, and where they poured the holy water. And whether from within or without, you will survey with reverent admiration. A part of the nave is used as a church for the neighbourhood, and ere I left the country folk came from all the paths around, summoned by the pealing bell. I looked in and saw richly stained windows and old tombs.
On the rise above the abbey stands a castellated lodge, embodying the ancient gatehouse, an occasional resort of the late Duke of Devonshire, to whom the estate belonged. Of all his possessions this perhaps offered him most of beauty and tranquillity.
You may ramble at will; cross the long row of stepping-stones to the opposite bank, and scramble through the wood to the top of the cliff; or roam over the meadows up and down the river, or lounge in idle enjoyment on the seats fixed under some of the trees. After strolling hither and thither, I concealed
myself under the branches overhanging the stream, and sat there as in a bower, with my feet in the shallow water, the lively flashing current broad before me, and read,
"From Bolton's old monastic tower
The bells ring loud with gladsome power;
The sun shines bright; the fields are gay
With people in their best array
Of stole and doublet, hood and scarf,
Along the banks of crystal Wharf,
Through the Vale retired and lowly,
Trooping to that summons holy.
And, up among the moorlands, see
What sprinklings of blithe company!"
And while I read, the bell was ringing, and the people were gathering together, and anon the priest
"all tranquilly
Recites the holy liturgy,"
but no White Doe of Rylstone came gliding down to pace timidly among the tombs, and make her couch on a solitary grave.
And reading there on the scene itself, I found a new charm in the pages—a vivid life in the old events and old names:
"Pass, pass who will, yon chantry door;
And through the chink in the fractured floor
Look down, and see a grisly sight;
A vault where the bodies are buried upright!
There, face by face, and hand by hand,
The Claphams and Mauleverers stand;
And, in his place, among son and sire,
Is John de Clapham, that fierce Esquire,
A valiant man, and a name of dread
In the ruthless wars of the White and Red;
Who dragged Earl Pembroke from Banbury church,
And smote off his head on the stones of the porch!
Look down among them, if you dare;
Oft does the White Doe loiter there."
And here, as at Skipton, we are reminded of the
Cliffords, and of the Shepherd Lord, to whom appeared at times the gracious fairy,
"And taught him signs, and showed him sights,
In Craven's dens, on Cumbrian heights;
When under a cloud of fear he lay,
A shepherd clad in homely gray."
I left my mossy seat and returned to the bank, thoroughly cooled, on coming to the end of the poem, and started for a travel up the dale. The road skirts the edge of Bolton Park; but the pleasantest way is through the park itself, for there you have grand wooded slopes on each side, and there the river rushing along its limestone bed encounters the far-famed Strid. A rustic, however, told me that no one was allowed to cross the park on Sunday; but having come to see a sight, I did not like to be disappointed, and thought it best to test the question for myself. I kept on, therefore, passing from the open grounds to delightful paths under the woods, bending hither and thither, and with many a rise and fall among rocks and trees. Presently, guided by the roar, I struck through the wood for the stony margin of the river. Here all is rock: great hummocks, ledges and tables of rock, wherein are deep basins, gullies, bays, and shallow pools; and the water makes a loud noise as it struggles past. Here and there a rugged cliff appears, its base buried in underwood, its front hung with ivy; and there are marks on the trees, and portentous signs on the drifted boulders, which reveal the swollen height of floods. There are times when all these Yorkshire rivers become impetuous torrents, roaring along in resistless might and majesty.
A little farther and the rocks form a dam, leaving but a narrow opening in the centre, across which a man may stride, for the passage of the stream—and we behold the Strid. Piling itself up against the barrier, the water rushes through, deep, swift, and ungovernable, and boils and eddies below with never-ceasing tumult. The rock on each side of the sluice is worn smooth by the feet of many who have stridden across, caring nothing for the tales that are told of terrible accidents from a slip of the foot or from giddiness. Once a young lady, fascinated by the rapid current, fell in and was drowned in sight of her friends.
And
"_________ mounting high
To days of dim antiquity;
When Lady Aäliza mourned
Her son, and felt in her despair
The pang of unavailing prayer;
Her son in Wharfe's abysses drowned,
The noble Boy of Egremound.
From which affliction—when the grace
Of God had in her heart found place—
A pious structure, fair to see,
Rose up, the stately Priory!"
For about a mile upwards the river-bed is still rocky, and you see many a pretty effect of rushing water, and perhaps half a dozen strids, but not one with only a single sluice, as the first. No one stopped or turned me back; no peremptory shout threatened me from afar; and truly the river is so shut in by woods, that intruders could only be seen by an eye somewhere on its brink. Not a soul did I meet, except three countrymen, who, when I came suddenly upon them on doubling a crag, seemed ready to take to flight, for instead of coming the beaten way to view the romantic,
they had got over the fence and scrambled down through the wood. They soon perceived that I was very harmless.
A little farther and we leave the rocks; the woods recede and give place to broad grassy slopes; high up on the right stands the keeper's house; higher on the left the old square block of Barden Tower peeps above the trees; before us a bridge spans the river, and there we pass into the road which leads through the village of Barden to Pateley Bridge and Nidderdale.
The Wharfe has its source in the bleak moorlands which we saw flanking Cam Fell during our descent from Counterside a few days ago. Rocks and cliffs of various formations beset all its upper course, imparting a different character to the dale every few leagues—savage, romantic, picturesque, and beautiful. No more beautiful scenery is to be found along the river than for some miles above and below Bolton Abbey. Five miles farther down, the stream flows past those two delightful inland watering-places, Ilkley and Ben Rhydding, and onwards between thick woods and broad meadows to Wetherby, below which it is again narrowed by cliffs, until leaving Tadcaster, rich in memories of Rome, it enters the Ouse between Selby and York.
The sight of Barden Tower reminds us once more of the Shepherd Lord, for there he oft did sojourn, enjoying rural scenes and philosophical studies, even after his restoration to rank and estate in his thirty-second year.
"I wish I could have heard thy long-tried lore,
Thou virtuous Lord of Skipton! Thou couldst well
From sage Experience, that best teacher, tell
How far within the Shepherd's humble door
Lives the sure happiness, that on the floor
Of gay Baronial Halls disdains to dwell,
Though decked with many a feast, and many a spell
Of gorgeous rhyme, and echoing with the roar
Of Pleasure, clamorous round the full-crowned bowl!
Thou hadst (and who had doubted thee?) exprest
What empty baubles are the ermined stole,
Proud coronet, rich walls with tapestry drest,
And music lulling the sick frame to rest!
Bliss only haunts the pure contented soul!"
But the blood of his ancestors flowed in his veins,
and on the royal summons to arm and array for Flodden, he, at the age of sixty, led his retainers to the field:
"From Penigent to Pendle Hill,
From Linton to Long Addingham,
And all that Craven coasts did till,
They with the lusty Clifford came."
I crossed the bridge and went up the hill for a view of the ruin. At the top, a broken slope, sprinkled with trees, serves as village green to the few houses which constitute the place known as Barden Tower. Near one of these houses I saw a pretty sight—a youth sitting on a bench under a shady tree reading to his old grandfather from one of those venerable folios written by divines whose head and heart were alike full of their subject—the ways of God towards man, and man's duty. Wishing to make an inquiry concerning the road, I apologized for my interruption, when both graybeard and lad made room for me between them on the bench, and proffered all they knew of information. But it soon appeared that the particulars I wanted could only be furnished by "uncle,
who was up-stairs a-cleaning himself;" so to improve the time until he was ready I passed round the end of the house to the Tower in the rear. The old gateway remains, and some of the ancient timbers; but the upper chambers are now used as lofts for firewood, and the ground-floor is a cow-stall. The external walls are comparatively but little decayed, and appear in places as strong as when they sheltered the Cliffords.
Uncle was there when I returned to the front. He knew the country well, for in his vocation as a butcher he travelled it every week, and enabled me to decide between Kettlewell and Pateley Bridge for my coming route. And more, he said he would like to walk a mile or two with me; he would put on his coat, and soon overtake me. I walked slowly on, and was out of sight of the house, when he came running after me, and cried, "Hey! come back. A cup o' tea 'll do neither of us any harm, so come back and have a cup afore we start."
I went back, for such hospitality as that was not to be slighted; and while we sipped he talked about the pretty scenery; about the trout in the river; about the rooms which he had to let, and the lodgers he had entertained. Sometimes there came a young couple full of poetry and sentiment, too much so, indeed, to be merry; sometimes a student, who liked to prowl about the ruin, explore all its secrets, and wander out to where
"High on a point of rugged ground,
Among the wastes of Rylstone Fell,
Above the loftiest ridge or mound
Where foresters or shepherds dwell,
An edifice of warlike frame
Stands single—Norton tower its name—"
It fronts all quarters, and looks round
O'er path and road, and plain and dell,
Dark moor, and gleam of pool and stream,
Upon a prospect without bound."
And he talked, too, about the trout in the river, and the anglers who came to catch them. But the fishing is not unrestricted; leave must be obtained, and a fee paid. Any one in search of trout or the picturesque, who can content himself with rustic quarters, would find in Mr. Williamson of Barden Tower a willing adviser.
Presently we took the road, which, with the river on the right, runs along the hill-side, sheltered by woods, high above the stream. A few minutes brought us to a gate, where we got over, and went a little way down the slope to look at Gale beck, a pretty cascade tumbling into a little dell, delightfully cool, and green with trees, ferns, and mosses. My companion showed that he used his eyes while driving about in his cart, and picked out all the choice bits of the scenery; and these he now pointed out to me with all the pride of one who had a personal interest in their reputation. Ere long we emerged from the trees, and could overlook all the pleasing features of the dale; fields and meadows on each side of the stream, bounded by steep hills, and crags peeping out from the great dark slopes of firs. The rocky summit of Symon Seat appeared above a brow on the left bank, coming more and more into view as we advanced, till the great hill itself was unveiled. From those rocks, on a clear day, you can see Rosebury Topping, and the towers of York and Ripon.
For four miles did my entertainer accompany me,
which, considering the fierce heat of the evening, I could only regard as an honest manifestation of friendliness—to me very gratifying. We parted in sight of Burnsall, a village situate on the fork of the river, where the Littondale branch joins that of Wharfedale proper.
A man who sat reading at his door near the farther end of the village looked up as I passed, and asked, "Will ye have a drink o' porter?" Hot weather justified acceptance; he invited me to sit while he went to the barrel, and when he came forth with the foaming jug, he, too, must have a talk. But his talk was not what I expected—the simple words of a simple-minded rustic; he craved to know something, and more than was good, concerning a certain class of publications sold in Holywell-street: things long ago condemned by the moral law, and now very properly brought under the lash of the legal law by Lord Campbell. Having no mission to be a scavenger, I advised him not to meddle with pitch; but he already knew too much, and he mentioned things which help to explain the great demand for the immoral books out of the metropolis. One was, that in a small northern, innocent-looking country town, Adam and Eve balls regularly take place, open to all comers who can pay for admission.
From Burnsall onwards we have again the grass country, the landscape loses the softened character of that in our rear; we follow a bad cross-road for some miles, passing wide apart a solitary farm or cottage, and come into a high road a little to the right of Threshfield. Here and there a group of labourers are
lounging on a grassy bank, smoking, talking quietly, and enjoying the sunset coolness; and I had more than one invitation to tarry and take a friendly pipe.
Louder sounds the noise of the river as the evening lengthens; the dark patches of firs on the hill-sides grow darker; the rocks and cliffs look strange and uncertain; the road approaches a foaming rapid, where another strid makes the water roar impatiently; and so I completed the ten miles from Barden Tower, and came in deep twilight to the Angler's Inn at Kilnsey as the good folk were preparing for bed.
As its name denotes, the house is frequented by anglers, who, after paying a fee of half-a-crown a day, find exercise for their skill in the rippling shallows and silent pools of the river which flows past not many yards from the road. I am told that the sport is but indifferent.
A short distance beyond the inn there rises sheer from the road a grand limestone cliff, before which you will be tempted to pause. A low grassy slope, bordered by a narrow brook, forms a natural plinthe; small trees and ivy grow from the fissures high overhead, and large trees and bush on the ledges; the colony of swallows that inhabit the holes flit swiftly about the crest, and what with the contrast of verdure and rock, and the magnitude of the cliff, your eye is alike impressed and gratified. By taking a little trouble you may get to the top, and while looking on the scene beneath, let your thoughts run back to the time when Wharfedale was a loch, such as Loch Long or Loch Fyne, into which the tides of the sea flowed twice a day, beating against the base of the Kilnsey
Crag, where now sheep graze, and men pass to and fro on business or pleasure.
To take my start the next morning from so lofty a headland; to feel new life thrill through every limb from the early sun; to drink of the spring which the cliff overshadows where it gushes forth among mossy stones at the root of an ash; to inhale the glorious breeze that tempered the heat, was a delightful beginning of a day's walk. Soon we cross to the left bank of Wharfe, and follow the road between the river and a clifly range of rocks to Kettlewell, enjoying pleasing views all the way. And the village itself seems a picture of an earlier age—a street of little stone cottages, backed by gardens and orchards; here and there a queer little shop; the shoemaker sitting with doors and windows open looking out on his flowers every time he lifts his eyes; the smith, who has opened all his shutters to admit the breeze, hammering leisurely, as if half inclined for a holiday with such a wealth of sunshine pouring down; and Nancy Hardaker, Grocer and Draper, and dealer in everything besides, busying herself behind her little panes with little preparations for customers. It is a simple picture: one that makes you believe the honest outward aspect is only the expression of honesty within.
For one who had time to explore the neighbourhood, Kettlewell would be good head-quarters. It has two inns, and a shabby tenement inscribed Temperance Hotel. Hence you may penetrate to the wild fells at the head of the dale; or climb to the top of Great Whernside; or ramble over the shoulder of the great mountain into Coverdale, discovering many a rocky
nook, and many a little cascade and flashing rill. Great Whernside, 2263 feet high, commands views into many dales, and affords you a glimpse of far-off hills which we have already climbed. The Great one has a brother named Little Whernside, because he is not so high by nearly three hundred feet. The "limestone pass" between Great Whernside and Buckden Pike is described as a grand bit of mountain scenery.
From Kettlewell the road still ascends the dale, in sight of the river which now narrows to the dimensions of a brook. Crags and cliffs still break out of the hill-slopes, and more than any other that we have visited you see that Wharfedale is characterized by scars and cliffs. The changing aspect of the scenery is manifest; the grass is less luxuriant than lower down, and but few of the fields are mown. Starbottom, a little place of rude stone houses, with porches that resemble an outer stair, reminds us once more of a mountain village; but it has trim flower-gardens, and fruit-trees, and a fringe of sycamores.
I came to Buckden, the next village, just in time to dine with the haymakers. Right good fare was provided—roast mutton, salad, and rice pudding. Who would not be a haymaker! Beyond the village the road turns away from the river, and mounts a steep hill, where, from the top of the bend, we get our last look down Wharfedale, upwards along Langstrothdale, and across the elevated moorlands which enclose Penyghent. Everywhere the gray masses of stone encroach on the waving grass. Still the road mounts, and steeply; on the left, in a field, are a few small enclosures, all standing, which, perhaps, represent the British dwellings at
the foot of Addleborough. Still up, through the hamlet of Cray, with rills, rocks, and waterfalls on the right and left, and then the crown of the pass, and a wide ridgy hollow, flanked by cliffs, the outliers of Buckden Pike, which rears itself aloft on the right. Then two or three miles of this breezy expanse, between Stake Fell on one side and Wasset Fell on the other, and we come to the top of Kidstone bank, and suddenly Bishopdale opens before us, a lovely sylvan landscape melting away into Wensleydale. It will tempt you to lie down for half an hour on the soft turf and enjoy the prospect at leisure.
The descent is alike rough and steep, bringing you rapidly down to the first farm. A cliff on the right gradually merges into the rounded swell of a green hill; we come to a plantation where, in the open places by the beck, grow wild strawberries; then to trees on one side—ash, holly, beech, and larch, the stems embraced by ivy, and thorns and wild roses between; then trees on both sides, and the narrow track is beautiful as a Berkshire lane—and that is saying a great deal—and the brook which accompanies it makes a cheerful sound as if gladdened by the quivering sunbeams that fall upon it. Everywhere the haymakers are at work, and with merry hearts, for the wind blows lustily and makes the whole dale vocal.
By-and-by the lane sends off branches, all alike pretty, one of which brings us down into the lowest meadows, and on the descent we get glimpses of Bolton Castle, and on the right appears Penhill, shouldering forward like a great promontory. A relic of antiquity may yet be seen on its slopes—obscure remains of a
Preceptory of the Knights Templars. The watcher on Penhill was one of those who helped to spread the alarm of invasion in the days of Napoleon the Great, for he mistook a fire on the eastern hills for the beacon on Rosebury Topping, and so set his own a-blaze. We come to Thoralby, a village of comfortable signs within, and pleasant prospects without; and now Wensleydale opens, and another half-hour brings us to Aysgarth, a large village four miles below Bainbridge.
A tall maypole stands on the green, the only one I remember to have seen in Yorkshire. It is a memorial of the sports and pastimes for which Wensleydale was famous. The annual feasts and fairs would attract visitors from twenty miles around. Here, at Aysgarth, not the least popular part of the amusements were the races, run by men stark naked, as people not more than forty years old can well remember. But times are changed; and throughout the dale drunkenness and revelry are giving way to teetotalism, lectures, tea-gatherings, and other moral recreations. And the change is noticeable in another particular: the Quakers, who were once numerous in the dale, have disappeared too.
Some two or three years ago a notion prevailed in a certain quarter that the time was ripe for making proselytes, and establishing a meeting once more at Aysgarth. The old meeting-house, the school-room, and dwelling-house, remained; why should they not be restored to their original uses? Was it not "about Wensleydale" that George Fox saw "a great people in white raiment by a river-side?" Did he not, while on his journey up the dale, go into
the "steeple-house" and "largely and freely declare the word of life, and have not much persecution," and afterwards was locked into a parlour as "a young man that was mad, and had run away from his relations?" From certain indications it seemed that a successful effort might be made; an earnest and active member of the society volunteered to remove with his family from London into Yorkshire to carry out the experiment; and soon the buildings were repaired, the garden was cultivated anew, the doors of the meeting-house were opened; the apostle went about and talked to the people, and gave away tracts freely. The people listened to him, and read his tracts, and were well content to have him among them; but the experiment failed—not one became a Quaker.
At the beginning of the present year an essay was advertised for, on the causes of the decline of Quakerism, simultaneously with a great increase in the population at large. It appears to me that the causes are not far to seek. One of them I have already mentioned: others consist in what Friends call a "guarded education," which seeks rather to ignore vice than to implant abhorrence of it; in training children by a false standard: "Do this; don't do that," not because it is right or wrong, but because such is or is not the practice of Friends, so that when the children grow old enough to see what a very foolish Mrs. Grundy they have had set before them as a model, they naturally suspect imposition, become restive, and kick over the traces. Moreover, to set up fidgetty crotchets as principles of truth, whereby the sense of the ludicrous is excited in others, and not reverence, is not the way to
increase and multiply. Many Quakers now living will remember the earnest controversy that once stirred them as to whether it might be proper to use umbrellas, and to wear hats with a binding round the edge of the brim; and the anxious breeches question, of which a mistress said in her sermon, that it was "matter of concern to see so many of the young men running down into longs, yet the Lord be thanked, there was a precious remnant left in shorts." And again, silent worship tends to diminish numbers, as also the exceeding weakness—with rare exceptions—of the words that occasionally break the silence; and the absence of an external motive to fix the attention encourages roving thoughts. Hence Darlington railway-shares, and the shop-shelves, and plans for arbours and garden-plots, employ the minds of many who might have other thoughts did they hear—"Be not deceived, God is not mocked; for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap."
There is my essay. It is a short one, freely given; for I must confess to a certain liking for the Quakers, after all. Their charities are noble and generous; their views on many points eminently liberal and enlightened; and though themselves enslaved to crotchets, they have shown bravely and practically that they abhor slavery; and their recent mission to Finland demonstrates the bounty and tenderness with which they seek to mitigate the evils of war. There is in Oxfordshire a little Quaker burial-ground, on the brow of a hill looking far away into the west country, where I have asked leave to have my grave dug, when the
time comes: that is, if the sedate folk will admit among them even a dead Philistine.
I saw the Quaker above-mentioned standing at his door: we were total strangers to each other, but my Bainbridge friend had told him there was a chance of my visiting Aysgarth, and he held out his hand. Soon tea was made ready, and after that he called his son, and led me across the hill-slopes to get the best views, and by short cuts down to Aysgarth Force, a mile below the village, where the Ure rushes down three great breaks or steps in the limestone which stretch all across the river. The water is shallow, and falling as a white curtain over the front of each step, shoots swiftly over the broad level to the next plunge, and the next, producing, even in dry weather, a very pleasing effect. But during a flood the steps disappear, and the whole channel is filled by one great rapid, almost terrific in its vehemence. The stony margin of the stream is fretted and worn into many curious forms, and for a mile or more above and below the bed is stone, nothing but stone, while on each side the steep banks are patched and clothed with trees and bush. The broken ground above the Force, interspersed with bush, is a favourite resort of picnic parties, and had been thronged a few days before by a multitude of festive teetotallers.
The bridge which crosses the river between the Force and the village, with its arch of seventy-one feet span springing from two natural piers of limestone, is a remarkably fine object when viewed from below.
Above, the river flows noisily from ledge to ledge down a winding gorge.
Drunken Barnaby, who, by the way, was a Yorkshireman, named Richard Braithwaite, came to Wensleydale in one of his itineraries. "Thence," says the merry fellow—
"Thence to Wenchly, valley-seated,
For antiquity repeated;
Sheep and sheep-herd, as one brother,
Kindly drink to one another;
Till pot-hardy, light as feather,
Sheep and sheep-herd sleep together.
* * *
"Thence to Ayscarthe from a mountaine,
Fruitfull valleys, pleasant fountaine,
Woolly flocks, clifts steep and snewy,
Fields, fens, sedgy rushes, saw I;
Which high mount is called the Temple,
For all prospects an example."
The church stands in a commanding position, whence there is a good prospect down the dale. Besides the landscape, there are times when you may see what daring innovations fashion makes on the old habits. Wait in the churchyard on Sunday when service ends, and you will see many a gay skirt, hung with flounces and outspread by crinoline, come flaunting forth from the church. And in this remote village, Miss Metcalfe and Miss Thistlethwaite must do the bidding of coquettish Parisian milliners, even as their sisters do in May Fair.
CHAPTER XXIII.
A Walk—Carperby—Despotic Hay-time—Bolton Castle—The Village—Queen Mary's Prison—Redmire—Scarthe Nick—Pleasing Landscape—Halfpenny House—Hart Leap Well—View into Swaledale—Richmond—The Castle—Historic Names—The Keep—St. Martin's Cell—Easby Abbey—Beautiful Ruins—King Arthur and Sleeping Warriors—Ripon—View from the Minster Tower—Archbishop Wilfrid—The Crypt—The Nightly Horn—To Studley—Surprising Trick—Robin Hood's Well—Fountains Abbey—Pop goes the Weasel—The Ruins—Robin Hood and the Curtall Friar—To Thirsk—The Ancient Elm—Epitaphs.
My friend had for some time wished to look into Swaledale; he therefore accompanied me the next morning, as far as the route served, through the village of Carperby, where dwells a Quaker who has the best grazing farm in the North Riding. We passed without calling, for he must be a philosopher indeed, here in the dales, who can endure interruptions in hay-time, when all who can work are busy in the fields. Ask no man to lend you a horse or labourer in hay-time. Servants give themselves leave in hay-time, and go toiling in the sunshine till all the crop is led, earning as much out of doors in three or four weeks as in six months in-doors. What is it to them that the mistress has to buckle-to, and be her own servant for a while, and see to the washing, and make the bread? as I saw in my friend's house, knowing that
in case of failure the nearest place where a joint of meat or a loaf of bread can be got is at Hawes, eight miles distant. What is it to them? the hay must be made, whether or not.
A few light showers fell, refreshing the thirsty soil, and making the trees and hedgerows rejoice in a livelier green. It was as if Summer were overjoyed:
"Even when she weeps, as oft she will, though surely not for grief,
Her tears are turned to diamond drops on every shining leaf."
So our walk of four miles to Bolton Castle was the more agreeable. The old square building, with its four square towers rising above a mass of wood, looks well as you approach from the road; and when you come upon the eminence on which it stands, and see the little village of Bolton, little thatched cottages bordering the green, as old in appearance as the castle, it is as if you looked on a scene from the feudal ages—the rude dwellings of the serfs pitched for safety beneath the walls, as in the days of Richard Lord Scrope, who built the castle four hundred years ago. A considerable portion of the edifice is still habitable; some of the rooms look really comfortable; others are let as workshops to a tinker and glazier, and down in the vaults you see the apparatus for casting sheet-lead. We saw the room in which the hapless Mary was confined, and the window by which, as is said, she tried, but failed, to escape. We went to the top, and looked over into the inner court; and got a bird's-eye view of the village and of Bolton Park and Hall, amid the wooded landscape; and then to the bottom, down damp stone stairs, to what seemed the lowest vault, where, however, there was a lower depth—the dungeon—into which we descended by a ladder. What a dismal abode! of gloom too dense for one feeble candle to enliven. The man who showed the way said there was a well in one corner; but I saw nothing except that that spot looked blacker than the rest. To think that such a prison should have been built in the "good old times!"
On leaving the village, an old woman gave me a touch of the broadest dialect I had yet heard: "Eh! is ye boun into Swawldawl?" she exclaimed, in reply to my inquiry. We were going into Swaledale, and, taking a byway above the village of Redmire, soon came to a road leading up the dale to Reeth, into which my friend turned, while I went on to the northern slope of Wensleydale. You ascend by a steep, winding road to Scarthe Nick, the pass on the summit, and there you have a glorious prospect—many a league of hill and hollow, of moor and meadow. From Bolton Castle and its little dependency, which lie well under the eye, you can look down the dale and catch sight of the ruined towers of Middleham; Aysgarth Force reveals itself by a momentary quivering flash; and scattered around, seven churches and eight villages, more or less environed by woods, complete the landscape. The scene, with its wealth of quiet beauty, is one suggestive of peace and well-being, dear to the Englishman's heart. To one coming suddenly upon it from the dreary moorlands, which lie between Wensleydale and Richmond, there would be something of enchantment in the far-spreading view.
I turned my back on it at last, and followed the road across the moors, where the memory of what you
have just left becomes fairer by contrast. The route is solitary, and apparently but little frequented, for in ten miles I met only a man and a boy; and the monotony is only relieved after a while by the falling away of the brown slopes on the right, opening a view of the Hambleton Hills. There is one public-house on the way, the Halfpenny House, down in a hollow, by no means an agreeable resting-place, especially for a hungry man with a liking for cleanliness. Not far from it is Hart Leap Well, sung by Wordsworth:
"There's neither dog nor heifer, horse nor sheep,
Will wet his lips within that cup of stone;
And oftentimes when all are fast asleep,
This water doth send forth a dolorous groan."
By-and-by, perhaps, ere you have done thinking of the poem, you come to the brow of a long declivity, the end of the moors, and are rewarded by a view which rivals that seen from Scarthe Nicke. Swaledale opens before you, overspread with waving fields of grain, with numerous farmsteads scattered up and down, with a long range of cliff breaking the opposite slope, and, about four miles distant, Richmond on its lofty seat, crowned by the square castle-keep, tall and massive. I saw it lit by the afternoon sun, and needed no better invitation for a half-hour's halt on the heathery bank.
You descend to the wheat-fields, and see no more of the town until close upon it. Swale, as you will notice while crossing the bridge, still shows the characteristics of a mountain stream, though broader and deeper than at Thwaite, where we last parted company with it. Very steep is the grass-grown street leading from the
river up to the main part of the town, where, having found a comfortable public-house, I went at once to the castle. It occupies the summit of a bluff, which, rising bold and high from the Swale, commands a noble prospect over what Whitaker calls "the Piedmont of Richmondshire." On the side towards the river, the walls are all broken and ruinous, with here and there a loophole or window opening, through which you may look abroad on the landscape, and ponder on the changes which have befallen since Alan the Red built a fortress here on the lands given to him in reward for prowess by the Conqueror. It was in 1071 that he began to fortify, and portions of his masonry yet remain, fringed with ivy and tufts of grass, and here and there the bugloss growing from the crevices. Perhaps while you saunter to and fro in the castlegarth the keeper will appear, and tell you—though not without leave—his story of the ruins. If it will add to your pleasure, he will show you the spot where George IV. sat when Prince of Wales, and declared the prospect to be the finest he had ever beheld. You will be told which is Robin Hood's Tower, which the Gold Tower—so called because of a tradition that treasure was once discovered therein—and which is Scolland's Hall, where knights, and nobles, and high-born dames held their banquets. And here you will be reminded of Fitzhughs and Marmions, Randolph de Glanville and William the Lion, of Nevilles and Scropes, and of the Lennox—a natural son of Charles II.—to whom the dukedom of Richmond was given by the merry monarch, and to whose descendants it still belongs.
One side of the garth is enclosed by a new building to be used as barracks or a military dépôt, and near this, at the angle towards the town, rises the keep. What a mighty tower it is! ninety-nine feet high, the walls eleven feet thick, strengthened on all sides by straight buttresses, an impressive memorial of the Normans. It was built by Earl Conan, seventy-five years after Red Alan’s bastions. The lowest chamber is dark and vaulted, with the rings still remaining to which the lamps were hung, and a floor of natural rock pierced by the old well. The chief entrance is now on the first floor, to which you mount by an outer stair, and the first things you see on entering are the arms and accoutrements of the Yorkshire militia, all carefully arranged. The view from the top delights your eye by its variety and extent—a great sweep of green hills and woods, the winding dale, and beyond, the brown heights that stretch away to the mountains. You see the town and all its picturesque features: the towers of St. Mary’s and of the old Gray Friars’ monastery, and Trinity Chapel at one side of the market-place, now desecrated by an intrusion of petty merchandise. And, following the course of the river downwards, you can see in the meadows among the woods the ruins of the Abbey of St. Agatha, at Easby. A few miles farther, and the stream flows past Catterick, the Cattaractonium of the Romans; and Bolton-on-Swale, the burial-place of old Jenkins.
On leaving the castle, make your way down to the path which runs round the face of the precipice below the walls, yet high enough above the river for pleasing views: a good place for an evening stroll. Then descend to a lower level, and look back from the new bridge near the railway station; you will be charmed with the singularly picturesque view of the town, clustered all along the hill-top, and terminated by the imposing mass of ruins and the lordly keep. And there is something to be seen near at hand: the station, built in Gothic style, pleasantly situate among trees; St. Martin’s Cell, founded more than seven hundred years ago, now sadly dilapidated, and used as a cow-stall. Beyond, on the slope of the hill, stands the parish church, with a fine lofty tower; and near it are the old grammar school, famous for good scholars; and the Tate Testimonial, a handsome Gothic edifice, with cloisters, where the boys play in rainy weather. It was in that churchyard that Herbert Knowles wrote the poem
"Methinks it is good to be here,"
which has long kept his name in memory.
Turn into the path on the left near the bridge, follow it through the wood which hangs on the slope above the river, then between the meadows and gardens, and past the mill, and you come to Easby Abbey, a charming ruin in a charming spot. You see a gentle eminence, rich in noble trees—the “abbot’s elm” among them—with a mansion on the summit, and in the meadow at the foot the group of ruins, not so far from the river but that you can hear it murmuring briskly along its stony channel. They occupy a considerable space, and the longer you wander from kitchen to refectory, from oratory to chapter-house, under broken arches, from one weedy heap of masonry to another, the more will you become aware of their
picturesque beauties. The effect is heightened by magnificent masses of ivy, and trees growing out from the gaping stones, and about the grounds, screening and softening the ancient walls with quivering verdure. Here, for centuries, was the burial-place of the Scopes, that powerful family who became possessors of Easby not long after the death of Roald, constable of Richmond, founder of the abbey in 1152. Hence the historical associations impart a deeper interest to the loveliness of nature and the beauty of architecture.
The gate-house, also mantled with ivy, stands isolated in the meadow beyond, and Easby church between it and the ruins. And a pretty little church it is—a very jewel. Ivy creeps over it, and apparently through it, for a thick stem grows out of the wall three feet from the ground. Above the porch you may see three carved shields, time-worn memorials of Conyers, Aske, and Scrope.
To linger here while the sun went down, and the shadows darkened behind the walls, and the glory streamed through the blank windows, was a rare enjoyment. It was dusk when I returned to the town, and there I finished with another stroll on the path under the castle, thinking of the ancient legend, and wishing for a peep at the mysterious vault where King Arthur's warriors lie asleep. Long, long ago, a man, while wandering about the hill, was conducted into an underground vault by a mysterious personage, and there he saw to his amazement a great multitude lying in deep slumber. Ere he recovered, his guide placed in his hands a horn and a sword; he drew the blade
half out of the sheath, when lo! every sleeper stirred as if about to awake, and the poor mortal, terror-stricken, loosed his hold, the sword slid back, and the opportunity of release was lost, to recur no more for many a long day. The unlucky wight heard as he crept forth a bitter voice crying:
"Potter, Potter Thompson!
If thou had either drawn
The sword or blown that horn,
Thou'd been the luckiest man
That ever was born."
By nine o'clock the next morning I was in Ripon, having been obliged to content myself with a glimpse of Northallerton from the railway; and to forego a ramble to the Standard Hill. I was soon on the top of the minster tower looking abroad on the course of the Ure, no longer a dale, as where we last saw it, but a broad vale teeming with corn, and adorned with woods, conspicuous among which are the broad forest-like masses of Studley Royal—the site of Fountains Abbey. Norton Conyers, the seat of the Nortons, whose names figure in Wordsworth's poem, lies a few miles up the stream; and a few miles in the other direction are Boroughbridge and Aldborough, once important British and Roman stations. There the base Cartismandua, betrayer of Caractacus, held her court; there the vast rude camp of the legions grew into a sumptuous city; and there was fought one of the battles of the Roses, fatal to Lancaster; and there for years was a stronghold of the boroughmongers. The horizon no longer shows a ring of bleak moorlands, but green swells and wood all round to the east, where the hills of Cleveland terminate the view.
Then, while sauntering on the floor of the stately edifice, we may remember that in 661 the King of Northumbria gave a piece of land here to one of his abbots for the foundation of a religious house—that Wilfrid, the learned bishop, replaced the first modest structure by a magnificent monastery, which the heathen Danes burnt and wasted in 860; but Wilfrid, who was presently created Archbishop of York, soon rebuilt his church, surpassing the former in magnificence, and by his learning and resolute assertion of his rights won for himself great honour, and a festival day in the calendar. The anniversary of his return from Rome, whither he went to claim his privileges, is still celebrated in Ripon, by a procession as little accordant with modern notions as that which perpetuates Peeping Tom’s infamous memory at Coventry. The present edifice was built by Roger of Bishopbridge, Archbishop of York in the twelfth century, and renowned for his munificence; but the variations of style—two characters of Norman, and Perpendicular, and a medley in the window, still show how much of the oldest edifice was incorporated with the new, and the alterations at different times.
The crypt is believed to be a portion of the church built by Wilfrid; to reach it you must pass through narrow, darksome passages, and when there, the guide will not fail to show you the hole known as Wilfrid’s needle—a needle of properties as marvellous as the garment offered to the ladies of King Arthur’s court—for no unchaste maiden can pass through the eye. The bone-house and a vault, walled and paved with human bones, still exists; and the guide, availing himself of a
few extraordinary specimens, still delivers his lecture surrounded by ghastly accompaniments.
Without seeing the minster, you would guess Ripon to be a cathedral town; it has the quiet, respectable air which befits the superiorities of the church. The market cross is a tall obelisk, and if you happen to be near it at nine in the evening you will, perhaps, think of the sonorous custom at Bainbridge, for one of the constables blows three blasts on the horn every night at the mayor's door, and three more by the market cross. And so the days of Victoria witness a custom said to have been begun in the days of Alfred. The horn is an important instrument in Ripon; it was brought out and worn on feasts and ceremonial days by the "wakeman," or a serjeant; certain of the mayors have taken pride in beautifying it, and supplying a new belt, and the town arms show a golden horn and black belt ornamented with silver.
At Beverley there are few signs of visitors; here, many, attracted by Fountains Abbey. Carriage after carriage laden with sight-seers rattled past as I walked to Studley, a distance of nearly three miles. Even at the toll-bar on the way you can buy guide-books as well as ginger-beer. Beyond the gate you may leave the road for a field-path, which crosses the street of Studley, and brings you to a short cut through the park. Soon we come to the magnificent beechen avenue, and standing at the upper end we see a long green walk, with the minster in the distance, and beyond that the dark wolds. Then by another avenue on the left we approach the lake and the lodge, where you enter your name in a book, pay a shilling, and
are handed over, with the party that happens to be waiting, to the care of a guide. He leads you along broad gravelled paths, between slopes of smooth green turf, flower-beds, shrubberies, rock work, and plantations, to vistas terminated by statues, temples, and lakes filled with coffee-coloured water. To me, the trees seemed more beautiful than anything else; and fancy architecture looked poor by the side of tall beeches, larches, and magnificent Norway pines. And I could not help wishing that Earl de Grey, to whom the estate belongs, would abolish the puerile theatrical trick called *The Surprise*. Arrived on the brow of an eminence, which overlooks the valley of the little river Skell, you are required to stand two or three yards in the rear of a wooden screen. Then the guide, with a few words purporting, "Now, you shall see what you shall see," throws open the doors of the screen, and Fountains Abbey appears in the hollow below. As if the view of such a ruin could be improved by artifice.
Then a descent to Robin Hood's Well—a spring of delicious water, which you will hardly pass without quaffing a draught to the memory of the merry outlaw. And now we are near the ruin, and, favoured by the elevation of the path, can overlook at once all the ground plan, the abbot's quarters—under which the Skell flows through an arched channel—the dormitory, the refectory, the lofty arches of the church, and the noble tower rising to a height of one hundred and sixty-six feet.
We were admiring the great extent and picturesque effects of the ruins, when a harsh whistle among the
trees on the left struck up *Pop goes the Weasel*; singularly discordant in such a place. I could not help saying that the whistler deserved banishment, to the edge of the park at least—when the guide answered, "Yes, but he blows the whistle with his nose." If Earl de Grey would abolish that nosing of a vulgar melody, as well as *The Surprise*, many a visitor would feel grateful.
Presently we cross the bridge, and there are the yew-trees, one of which sheltered the pious monks, who, scandalized by the lax discipline of the brethren in the Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary's, at York, separated from them, migrated hither in December, 1132, and lived for some months, enduring great privations, with no other roof but the trees. Skelldale was then a wild and desolate spot; but the Cistercians persevered; Thurstan befriended them, and in course of years one of the grandest monastic piles that England could boast arose in the meadow bordering the narrow stream. Its roll of abbots numbers thirty-nine names, some of high distinction, whose tombs may yet be seen.
After taking you aside to look at Fountains Hall, a Tudor mansion, the guide leads the way to the cloisters, and, unlocking a door, admits you to the interior of the ruins. The view of the nave, with its Norman pillars and arches extending for nearly two hundred feet, is remarkably imposing; and as you pace slowly over the soft green carpet into the transept, thence to the choir and Lady chapel, each more beautiful than the last, you experience unwonted emotions of delight and surprise. Once within the Lady chapel, you will
hardly care to leave it for any other portion of the ruins, until the door is unlocked for departure.
The return route is on the opposite side of the valley to that by which you approach. From a hollow in the cliff, a little way on, you may, on turning to take a last look of the ruins, waken a clearly articulate echo; but, alas! the lurking voice is made to utter over-much nonsense. What would the devout monks say could they hear it? However, if history is to be depended on, even they were not perfect; for towards the close of their career, they fell into evil ways, and became a reproach. As we read:
"In summer time, when leaves grow green,
And flowers are fresh and gay,
Robin Hood and his merry men
Were disposed to play."
And when Robin, overjoyed at Little John's skill, exclaims that he would ride a hundred miles to find one to match him,
"That caused Will Scadlocke to laugh,
He laught full heartily:
There lives a curtall fryer in Fountaines Abbey
Will beate both him and thee."
A right sturdy friar, who with his fifty dogs kept Robin and his fifty men at bay, until Little John's shooting brought him to terms:
"This curtall fryer had kept Fountaines dale
Seven long yeares and more,
There was neither knight, lord, nor earle
Could make him yeeld before."
Of old Jenkins, it is recorded that he was once steward to Lord Conyers, who used to send him at times with a message to the Abbot of Fountains
Abbey; and that the abbot always gave him, "besides wassel, a quarter of a yard of roast beef for his dinner, and a great black jack of strong beer." The Abbot of Fountains was one of three Yorkshire abbots beheaded on Tower-hill for their share in the Pilgrimage of Grace.
Judging from the one to whom we were allotted, the guides are civil, and not uninformed as to the traditions and history of Studley Royal and its neighbourhood. They are instructed not to lose sight of their party, and to conduct them only by the prescribed paths. So there is no opportunity for wandering at will, or a leisurely meditation among the ruins.
I walked back to the railway-station at Ripon, and journeyed thence to Thirsk, where a pleasant stroll finished the evening. Of the castle of the Mowbrays—the rendezvous of the English troops when marching to the Battle of the Standard—the site alone remains on the south-west of the town. The chantry, founded by one of the Mowbrays in Old Thirsk, has also disappeared. And the great tree that stood on the green in the same suburb has gone too. It was under the tree on Thirsk green, and not at Topcliffe, as some say, that the fourth Earl Percy was massacred; certain it is, that the elections of members to serve in Parliament were held under the wide-spreading branches even from the earliest times. It was burnt down in 1818 by a party of boys who lit a fire in the hollow trunk. But the ugly old shambles had not disappeared from the market-place: their destruction, however, so said the bookseller, was imminent.
The church, dating from the fifteenth century, has
recently been restored, and well repays an examination. Among the epitaphs on the tombstones, I noticed a variation of the old familiar strain:
Afflictions sore he long time bore,
Which wore his strength away,
That made him long for heavenly rest
Which never will decay.
And another, a curiosity in its way:
Corruption, Earth, and worms,
Shall but refine this flesh,
Till my triumphant spirit comes,
To put it on A fresh.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Sutton: a pretty Village—The Hambleton Hills—Gormire Lake—Zigzags—A Table-Land—Boy and Bull Pup—Skawton—Ryedale—Rievaulx Abbey—Walter L’Espec—A Charming Ruin—The Terrace—The Pavilion—Helmsley—T’Boos—Kirkby Moorside—Helmsley Castle—A River Swallowed—Howardian Hills—Oswaldkirk—Gilling—Fairfax Hall—Coxwold—Sterne’s Residence—York—The Minster Tower—The Four Bars—The City Walls—The Ouse Legend—Yorkshire Philosophical Society—Ruins and Antiquities—St. Mary’s Lodge.
The morning dawns with promise of a glorious day, and of glad enjoyment for us in our coming walk. Our route will lead us through a rich and fertile region to the Hambleton Hills—the range which within the past two weeks has so often terminated our view with its long blue elevations. We shall see another ruin—Rievaulx Abbey, and another old castle at Helmsley—and if all go well, shall sleep at night within the walls of York.
A few miles on the way and we come to Sutton, a pretty village, where nearly every house has its front garden bright with flowers, with tall proud lilies here and there, and standard roses. And every lintel and door-sill is decorated with yellow ochre, and a border of whitewash enlivens even the humblest window. And the inside of the cottages is as clean as the outside, and some have the front room papered. It is
truly an English village, for no other country can show the like.
Now the hills stand up grandly before us, showing here and there a scar above the thick woods that clothe their base. The road rises across the broken ground: we come to a lane on the left, marked by a limekiln, and following it upwards between ferny banks and tangled hedges, haunted by the thrush, we arrive presently at Gormire Lake, a pretty sheet of water, reposing in a hollow at the foot of Whitstoncliffe. It is best seen from the bold green bank at the upper end, for there you face the cliff and the hill which rises behind it, covered with copse and bracken. The lake is considerably above the base of the hill, and appears to have been formed by a landslip; it is tenanted by fish, and has, as I heard subsequently at York, a subterranean outlet somewhere among the fallen fragments at the foot of the cliff.
Returned to the road, we have now to ascend sharp alpine zigzags, for the western face of Hambleton is precipitous; and within a short distance the road makes a rise of eight hundred feet. The increasing ascent and change of direction opens a series of pleasing views, and as you look now this way, now that, along the diversified flanks of the hills, you will wish for more time to wander through such beautiful scenery. All that comparatively level country below was once covered by a sea, to which the hills we now stand on opposed a magnificent shore-line of cliffs; some of their summits more than a thousand feet in height.
Great is the contrast when you arrive on the brow: greenness and fertility suddenly give place to a bleak
table-land, where the few patches of cultivation appear but meagre amid acres of brown ling. We have taken a great step upwards into a shrewish region. That white patch seen afar is a hunting and training colony, and there go two grooms riding, followed by a pack of hounds. What a chilly-looking place! A back settlement in Michigan could hardly be more lonely. The boys may well betake themselves for amusement to the education of dogs. Was it here, I wonder, that the Yorkshire boy lived who had a bull pup, in the training of which he took great delight? One day, seeing his father come into the yard, the youngster said, "Father, you go down on your hands and knees and blare like a bull, and see what our pup 'll do." The parent complied; but while he was doing his best to roar like a bull, the dog flew at him and seized him by the lip. Now the man roared in earnest, and tried to shake off his tormentor, while the boy, dancing in ecstasy, cried, "Bear it, father! bear it! It 'll be the makin' o' t' pup."
By-and-by comes a descent, and the road drops suddenly into a deep glen, crowded with luxuriant woods. Many a lovely view do we get here, as the windings of the road bring us to wider openings and broader slopes of foliage. We pass the hamlet of Skawton; a brook becomes our companion, and woods still shut us in when we cross the Rye, a shallow, lively stream, and get a view from the bridge up Ryedale.
A short distance up the stream brings us to the little village of Rivas—as the country folk call it—and to Rievaulx Abbey. The civil old woman who shows the way into the ruin, will tell you that Lord Feversham does not like to see visitors get over the fence; and then, stay as long as you will, she leaves you undisturbed. What a pleasure awaits you!—a charm which Bolton and Fountains failed alike to inspire: perhaps because of the narrowness of the dale, and the feeling of deep seclusion imparted by the high thickly wooded hills on each side, the freedom allowed to vegetation in and around the place, and to your own movements. The style is Early English, and while surveying the massive clustered columns that once supported the tower, the double rows of arches, and the graceful windows now draped with ivy of the nave, you will restore the light and beautiful architecture in imagination, and not without a wish that Time would retrace his flight just for one hour, and show you the abbey in all its primitive beauty, when Ryedale was "a place of vast solitude and horror," as the old chronicler says.
Walter L'Espec, Lord of the Honour of Helmsley, a baron of high renown in his day, grieving with his wife, the Lady Adeline, over the death of their only son by a fall from a horse, built a priory at Kirkham, the scene of the accident, and in 1131 founded here an abbey for Cistercian monks. And here after some years, during which he distinguished himself at the Battle of the Standard, he took the monastic vows, and gave himself up to devout study and contemplation until his death in 1153. And then he was buried in the glorious edifice which he had raised to the service of God, little dreaming that in later days, when fortress and church would be alike in ruins, other men would come with different thoughts, though perhaps
not purer aims, and muse within the walls where he had often knelt in prayer, and admire his work, and respect his memory.
Much remains to delight the eye; flying buttresses, clerestory windows, corbels, capitals, and mouldings, some half buried in the rank grass and nettles. And how the clustering masses of ivy heighten the beauty! One of the stems, that seems to lend strength to the great column against which it leans, is more than three feet in circumference, and bears aloft a glorious green drapery. An elder grows within the nave, contributing its fair white blossoms to the fulness of beauty. The refectory, too, is half buried with ivy, and there you walk on what was once the floor of the crypt, and see the remains of the groins that supported the floor above: and there at one side is the recess where one of the monks used to read aloud some holy book while the others sat at dinner. Adjoining the refectory is a paddock enclosed by ash-trees, which appears to have been the cloister court. Now the leaves rustle overhead, and birds chirrup in the branches, and swallows flit in and out, and through the openings once filled by glass that rivalled the rainbow in colour.
For two hours did I wander and muse; now sitting in the most retired nook, now retreating to a little distance to find out the best points of view. And my first impression strengthened; and I still feel that of all the abbeys Rievaulx is the one I should like to see again. But the day wore on, and warned me, though reluctant, to depart.
A small fee to the quiet old woman makes her thankful, and prompts her to go and point out the
path by which you mount zigzagging through the thick wood to the great terrace near the summit of the hill. It will surprise you to see a natural terrace smooth and green as a lawn, of considerable width, and half a mile in length; that is, the visible extent, for it stretches farther round the heights towards Helmsley. At one end stands a pavilion, decorated in the interior with paintings, at the other a domed temple, and from all the level between you get a glorious prospect up Ryedale—up the dale by which we came from Thirsk, and over leagues of finely-wooded hills, to a rim of swarthy moorland. And beneath, as in a nest, the ancient ruin and the little village repose in the sunshine, and the rapid river twinkles with frequent curves through the meadows.
The gardener who lives in the basement of the pavilion will show you the paintings and a small pamphlet, in which the subjects are described; and perhaps tell you that the family used to come over at times from Duncombe Park and dine in the ornamented chamber. He will request you, moreover, to be careful to shut the gate by which you leave the terrace at a break in the shrubbery.
The road is at the edge of the next field, and leads us in about an hour to Helmsley, a quiet rural town very pleasantly situated beneath broad slopes of wood. It has a good church, a few quaint old houses, some still covered with thatch, a brook running along the street, a market cross, and a relic of the castle built by De Roos, when Yorkshire still wept the Conquest.
It had surprised me while on the way from Thirsk to find more difficulty in understanding the rustic
dialect than in the remoter parts of the north and west. The same peculiarities prevail here in the town; and the landlord's daughter, who waited on me at the house where I dined, professed a difficulty in understanding me. My question about the omnibus for Gilling completely puzzled her for a few minutes, until light dawned on her, and she exclaimed joyfully, "Oh! ye mean t' boos!"
A few miles east of Helmsley is Kirkby Moorside, where the proud Duke of Buckingham died, though not "in the worst inn's worst room;" and near it is Kirkdale, with its antiquated church, and the famous cave in which the discovery of the bones of wild animals some thirty years ago established a new epoch for geologists. From Kirkby you can look across to the hilly moors behind Whitby; and if you incline to explore farther, Castle Howard will repay a visit, and you may go and look into the gorge through which the Derwent flows, at Malton, keeping in mind what geologists tell us, that if the gorge should happen to be closed by any convulsion, the Vale of Pickering would again become a sea.
Of Helmsley Castle the remains are but fragmentary; a portion of the lofty keep stands on an eminence, around which you may still trace the hollows once filled by the triple moat. The gateway is comparatively sound, the barbican is sadly dilapidated, and within other parts of the old walls which have been repaired, Lord Feversham's tenants assemble once a year to pay their rents. The ruin is so pleasantly embowered by trees and ivy, so agreeable for a lounge on a July day, that I regretted being summoned away too soon
by "t' boos" driver's horn. There was no time for a look at Feversham house, about half a mile distant, nor for a few miles' walk to Byland Abbey—another Cistercian edifice—founded in 1143 by Roger de Mowbray. I could only glance at the skirts of the park, where preparations were making for a flower-show, and at the shield on the front of the lodge, bearing the motto, *Deo, Regi, Patriæ*.
The Rye here is a smaller stream than at Rievaulx, owing to the loss of water by the "swallows" in Duncombe Park; half a mile lower down it reappears in full current. But the driver is impatient; we shall be too late for the train at Gilling, and the steep Howardian Hills are to be crossed on the way. Fine views open over the woods; then we leave the trees for a while; a vast prospect opens over the Vale of York, and at Oswaldkirk—a picturesque village—the road falling rapidly brings us once more into a wooded region, and in due time we come to Gilling, on the branch railway to Malton.
There was not time, or I would have run up the hill behind the station to look at the noble avenue of beeches that forms a worthy approach to Fairfax Hall—the home of a family venerated by all who love liberty. I felt an emotion of regret when the station-clerk told me that the present Fairfax is an aged man and childless; for ere long the name will disappear, and the estate become a possession of the Cholmleys.
The train arrives; five miles on it stops at Coxwold, where Sterne passed seven years of his life; then two leagues more, and we have to wait ninety minutes for a train down from the north, at Pilmoor junction—a
singularly unattractive spot. Luckily, I had a book in my knapsack, and so beguiled the time till the bell rang that summoned us to York.
In my wanderings I have sometimes had the curiosity to try a Temperance Hotel, and always repented it, because experience showed that temperance meant poor diet, stingy appliances, and slovenly accommodations. So it was not without misgivings that I resolved to make one more experiment, and see what temperance meant in the metropolis of Yorkshire. The Hotel looks into Micklegate, not far from the Bar on which the heads of dukes and nobles were impaled, as mentioned in the Lay of Towton Field.
Considering how many quartos have been filled with the history and description of York, into how many little books the big books have been condensed, every traveller is supposed to know as much as he desires concerning the ancient city, ere he visits it. For one who has but a day to spare, the best way of proceeding is of course to get on the top of the minster tower, and stay there until his memory is refreshed by the sight of what he sees below. At a height of two hundred feet above the pavement you can overlook the great cluster of clean red roofs, and single out the twenty-five churches that yet remain of the fifty once visible from this same elevation. Clifford's Tower, a portion of the old castle, stands now within the precincts of the gaol; the line of the city walls can be seen, and the situation of the four Bars; there, by the river, is the Guildhall where King Charles was purchased from the Scots; there the small river Foss, that rises in the Howardian Hills, and once filled the Roman ditches, joins the Ouse.
Outside the walls, Severus Hill marks the spot where the emperor, who died here in 210, was burnt on his funereal pile with all the honours due to a wearer of the purple; another hill shows where Scrope was beheaded. To the south lies Bishopthorpe, the birthplace of Guy Fawkes, and once the residence of the bishops. Eastward is Stamford Brig, where the red-haired Norwegian king, flushed with victory, lost the battle and his life—where the spoil in gold ornaments was so great, "that twelve young men could hardly carry it upon their shoulders"—whence the victor Harold marched to lose in turn life and crown at Hastings. On the west lies Marston Moor, and farther to the south-west the field of Towton. And then, from wandering afar over the broad vale, your eye returns to the minster itself, and looks down on all its properties, and comfortable residences, snug gardens, and plots of greenest turf, all covering ground on which the Romans built their camp, and where they erected a temple for the worship of heathen deities.
As regards the interior, whatever may have been your emotions of admiration or wonder in other cathedrals, they become fuller and deeper in this of York. After two long visits, I still wished for more time to pace again the lofty aisles, to hear the organ's rolling notes, while marvelling at the glory of architecture.
Give three hours to the minster, if you can, finishing with a leisurely stroll round the outside, and then walk as far as may be along the city walls. You will see the four Bars—Monk, Micklegate, Walmgate, and Bootham; the first-named still retaining the barbican.
In some of the narrow lanes near the water-side you may discover old mansions, the residences of the magnates of York two hundred years ago, now tenanted by numbers of working people, and grand staircases and panelled rooms, looking dingy and squalid. Then go forth and take a turn under the trees of the New Walk on the bank of the Ouse, and see a much frequented resort of the citizens, who certainly cannot boast that their environs are romantic. You would hardly believe that the stream flowing so placidly by embosoms the rapid rivers we crossed so often while in the mountains. If legends deceive not, any one who came and threw five white pebbles into a certain part of the Ouse as the hour of one struck on the first morning of May, would then see everything he desired to see, past, present, and to come, on the surface of the water. Once a knight returning from the wars desired to see how it fared with his lady-love: he threw in the pebbles, and beheld the home of the maiden, a mansion near Scarborough, and a youth wearing a mask and cloak descending from her window, and the hiding of the ladder by the serving-man. Maddened by jealousy, he mounted and rode with speed; his horse dropped dead in sight of the house; he saw the same youth ascending the ladder, rushed forward, and stabbed him to the heart. It was his betrothed. She was not faithless; still loved her knight, and had only been to a masquerade. For many a day thereafter did the knight's anguish and remorse appear as the punishment of unlawful curiosity in the minstrel's lay and gestour's romance.
Return, and take a walk in that pleasant ground,
half park, half garden, which we saw from the tower, and see how enviable a site has fallen to the Yorkshire Philosophical Society for their museum. To have such a scope of smooth green turf, flower-beds, shrubs, and trees in the heart of a city, as the shelter of remarkable antiquities and scientific collections, is a rare privilege. At one side stand the remains of St. Leonard's Hospital—Norman and Early English—sheltering, when I saw it, something far, far more ancient than itself—a huge fossil saurian. The ruins of St. Mary's Abbey appear on the side; and between the two the Doric edifice, containing the museum, library, and offices of the society. In another part of the grounds, the Hospitium of the monks, which in a country village would pass for a mediæval barn, now contains the admirable collection of Roman and British antiquities for which York is celebrated. Seeing the numerous tiles stamped with Latin words and numerals, the tombs and altars, the household utensils, and personal ornaments, your idea of the Roman occupation will, perhaps, become more vivid than before; and again, while you examine the fragment of the wall and tower, supposed to have been built by Hadrian, strong and solid even after the lapse of nineteen centuries. And when you look once more at the Abbey and the Hospital, you will regret the ravages of plunderers. For years the ruins were worked as a quarry by all who wanted stone for building purposes, and, as if to accelerate the waste, great heaps were burnt in a limekiln erected on the spot; and it is said that stone pillaged from St. Mary's at York was used for the repair of Beverley minster.
However, the spirit of preservation has prevented further dilapidation, and old Time himself is constrained to do his wasting imperceptibly. St. Mary's Lodge, adjoining the abbey, long neglected, and degraded into a pothouse, was restored some years ago, and occupied as a residence by Professor Phillips, whose connexion with the society will not soon be forgotten. A charming residence it is; and an evening and a morning spent within it, enable me to affirm that its chambers, though clothed in a modern dress, witness hospitality as generous as that of the monks of the olden time.
CHAPTER XXV.
By Rail to Leeds—Kirkstall Abbey—Valley of the Aire—Flight to Settle—Giggleswick—Drunken Barnaby again—Nymph and Satyr—The Astonished Bagman—What do they Addle?—View from Castleber—George Fox's Vision on Pendle Hill—Walk to Maum—Companions—Horse versus Scenery—Talk by the Way—Little Wit, muckle Work—Malham Tarn—Ale for Recompense—Malham—Hospitality—Gordale Scar—Scenery versus Horse—Trap for Trout—A Brookside Musing—Malham Cove—Source of the Aire—To Keighley.
On the second morning of my stay in York, after a farewell visit to the minster, I travelled by rail to Leeds. I had little time, and, remembering former days, less inclination to tarry in this great, dismal, cloth-weaving town; so after a passing glance at the new town-hall, and some other improvements, I walked through the long, scraggy suburb, such as only a busy manufacturing town can create, to Kirkstall Abbey. This also was an abode of the Cistercians, founded in 1152 by Henry de Lacy; and they who can discourse learnedly on such subjects pronounce it to be, as a ruin, more perfect than some which we have already visited. But it stands only a few yards from a black, much-frequented road, and within sight and hearing of a big forge, and the Aire flows past, not pellucid, but stained with the refuse liquor of dye-works. Still the site is not devoid of natural beauty; and an hour
may be agreeably passed in sauntering about the ruin. It must have been a delightful haunt when Leeds was Loidis in Elmete.
I had expected to see the valley of the Aire sprinkled with the villa residences of the merchants of Leeds; but the busy traders prefer to live in the town, and in all the nine miles on the way to Bradford, you have only a succession of factories, dye-works, and excavations, encroaching on and deforming the beauty of the valley, while the vegetation betrays signs of the harmful effect of smoke.
As the afternoon drew on, I bethought myself that it was the last day of the week, and a desire came over me for one more quiet Sunday among the hills. So I turned aside to Newlay station, and took flight by the first train that came up for Settle, retracing part of my journey through Craven of the week before.
On the way from the station to the town, I made a détour to Giggleswick, a village that claims notice for its grammar school, a fine cliff—part of the Craven fault—and a remarkable spring. Of his visit to this place Drunken Barnaby chants:
"Thence to Giggleswick most steril,
Hem'd with shelves and rocks of peril,
Near to th' way, as a traveller goes,
A fine fresh spring both ebbs and flows;
Neither know the learn'd that travel
What procures it, salt or gravel."
Drayton helps us to a legend which accounts for the origin of the spring. Suppose we pause for a few minutes to read it. Coming to this place, he says:
"At Giggleswick where I a fountain can you show,
That eight times in a day is said to ebb and flow,
Who sometime was a nymph, and in the mountains high
Of Craven, whose blue heads for caps put on the sky,"
Amongst th' Oreads there, and sylvans made abode
(It was ere human foot upon those hills had trod),
Of all the mountain kind and since she was most fair,
It was a satyr's chance to see her silver hair
Flow loosely at her back, as up a cliff she clame,
Her beauties noting well, her features, and her frame,
And after her he goes; which when she did espy,
Before him like the wind the nimble nymph doth fly,
They hurry down the rocks, o'er hill and dale they drive,
To take her he doth strain, t' outstrip him she doth strive,
Like one his kind that knew, and greatly fear'd his rape,
And to the topick gods by praying to escape,
They turn'd her to a spring, which as she then did pant,
When wearied with her course, her breath grew wondrous scant:
Even as the fearful nymph, then thick and short did blow,
Now made by them a spring, so doth she ebb and flow."
It was supper-time when I came to the Lion at Settle. A commercial traveller, who was in the town on his first visit, looked up from his accounts while I sat at table to tell me of a strange word which he had heard during the day, and with as much astonishment as if it had been Esquimaux. Indeed, he had not recovered from his astonishment, and could not help having a good laugh when he thought of the cause. Seeing a factory on the outskirts of the town, he had asked a girl, "What do they make in that factory?"
"What do they addle?" replied the girl, inquiringly. And ever since he had been repeating to himself, "What do they addle?" and always with a fresh burst of laughter.
"Pretty outlandish talk that, isn't it?" he said, as he finished his story.
Settle is a quiet little town, built at the foot of Castleber, another of the grand cliffs of Craven. To the inhabitants the huge rock is a recreative resort: seats are placed at its base; a zigzag path leads to the summit, whence the views over the valley of the Ribble
are very picturesque and pleasing. On the north-west the broad top of Ingleborough is seen peeping over an intervening height; Penyghent appears in the north; and southerly, Pendle Hill rises within the borders of Lancashire. Very beautiful did the dewy landscape seem to me the next morning as I sat on the cliff top, while the sunlight increased upon the green expanse.
"As we travelled," says George Fox in his Journal, "we came near a very great hill, called Pendle Hill, and I was moved of the Lord to go up to the top of it; which I did with difficulty, it was so very steep and high. When I was come to the top, I saw the sea bordering upon Lancashire. From the top of this hill the Lord let me see in what places he had a great people to be gathered. As I went down, I found a spring of water in the side of the hill, with which I refreshed myself, having eaten or drunk but little for several days before." The spring is still there, and known in the neighbourhood as George Fox's Well.
After breakfast I set out to walk to Malham, about seven miles distant, and was mounting the hill at an easy pace behind the town, when two men came up, and presently told me they also were going to Maum—as they pronounced it. So we joined company, all alike strangers to the road, and came soon to the byepath of which the ostler at the Lion had advised me: "It would save a mile or more if I could only find the way." A greater attraction for me was, that it led across the silent pastures on the top of the hills. As I got over the stile, an old man who was passing strongly urged us to keep the road; we should be sure to lose ourselves, and happen never get to Maum at
all. To which I replied, that if a Londoner and two Yorkshiremen could not find their way across six miles of hill country they deserved to lose it; and away we went across the field. Ere long we were on breezy slopes, which, opening here and there on the left, revealed curious rocky summits beyond, and as we trod the springy turf, my companions told me they had come by rail from Bentham, and were going to Malham for no other purpose than to see a horse which one of them had sent there "to grass" a few weeks previously. They were as much amused at my admiration of the scenery as I was at their taking so long a journey to look at a quadruped. They would not go out of their way to see Malham Cove, or Gordale Scar, not they: a horse was worth more than all the scenery. And yet, judging by their dress and general conversation, they were men in respectable circumstances. Presently, as we passed a rocky cone springing all yellow and gray from a bright green eminence, I stopped and tried to make them understand why it was admirable, pointing out its form, the contrasts of colour, and its relation to surrounding objects: "Well!" said one, "I never thought of that. It do make a difference when you look at it that way."
Neither of them had ever been to London, and what pleased them most was to hear something about the great city. They were as full of wonder, and as ready to express it, as children; and not one of us found the way wearisome. We had taken a new departure when in sight of Stockdale, a solitary farm-house down in a hollow, as instructed, and gained a rougher elevation, when the track, which had become faint, disappeared altogether, and at a spot where no landmark was in sight to guide us. "The old man was right," said the Yorkshiremen; "we have lost the way;" and they began a debate as to the course now to be followed. At length one strode off in a direction that would have taken him in time to the top of Penyghent. I looked at the sun, and declared for the east. But no, the other remained resolute in his opinion, and would not be persuaded. "Let him go," I said to his companion, who sided with me; "little wit in the head makes muckle work for the heels;" and we took a course to the east.
After a while the other repented, and came panting after us; and before we had gone half a mile we saw Malham Tarn, broad and blue, at a distance on the left; then the track reappeared; then Malham came in sight, lying far down in a pleasant valley; and then we came into a rough, narrow road, descending steeply, and the Yorkshireman acknowledged his error.
"Eh! that's Maum Cove, is it?" he said, as a turn in the road showed us the head of the valley; "that's what we've heard so much talk about. Well, it's a grand scar." He seemed to repent of even this morsel of admiration, and helped his neighbour with strong resolutions not to turn aside and look up at the cliff from its base.
We each had a glass of ale at the public-house in the village. Before I was aware, one of my companions paid for the three, nor would he on any terms be persuaded otherwise.
"Hoot, lad," he rejoined, "say nought about it.
I'd pay ten times as much for the pleasure of your talk." And with that he silenced me.
Although Gordale Scar is not more than a mile from Malham, they refused to go and see it. However, when we came to the grazier's house, and they heard that the Scar lay in the way to the pasture where the horse was turned out, they thought they wouldn't mind taking a look, just, as they went. The good wife brought out bread, cheese, butter, and a jug of beer, and would have me sit down and partake with the others; regarding my plea that I was a stranger, and had just taken a drink, as worthless. A few minutes sufficed, and then her son accompanied us, for without him the horse would never be found. We followed a road running along the base of the precipitous hills which cross the head of the valley, to a rustic tene-ment, dignified with the name of Gordale House; and there turned towards the cliffs by the side of a brook. At first there is nothing to indicate your approach to anything extraordinary: you enter a great chasm, where the crags rise high and singularly rugged, sprinkled here and there with a small fir or graceful ash, where the bright green turf, sloping up into all the ins and outs of the dark gray cliff, and the little brook babbling out towards the sunshine, between great masses of rock fallen from above, enliven the otherwise gloomy scene. You might fancy yourself in a great roofless cave; but, ascending to the rear, you find an outlet, a sudden bend in the chasm, narrower, and more rocky and gloomy than the entrance. The cliffs rise higher and overhang fearfully above, appearing to meet indeed at the upper end; and there, from that grim crevice, rushes a waterfall. The water makes a bound, strikes the top of a rock, and, rushing down on each side, forms an inverted Λ of splash and foam. And now you feel that Gordale Scar deserves all the admiration lavished upon it.
"Well!" exclaimed one of the Yorkshiremen, "who'd ha' thought to see anything like this? And we living all our life within twenty mile of it! 'Tis a wonderful place."
"So, you do believe at last," I rejoined, "that scenery is worth looking at, as well as a horse?"
"That I do. I don't wonder now that you come all the way from London to see our hills."
We crossed the fall, climbed up the rock, into another bend of the chasm, where the water makes its first plunge, unseen from below, shut in by crags that wear a sterner frown. You look up to the summit and see the water tumbling through a ring of rock, so strangely has the disruptive shock there broken the cliff. The effect both on ear and eye as the torrent breaks into spray and dashes downwards in fantastic channels, is surprisingly impressive.
Only on one side is the pass accessible, and there so steep that your hands must aid in the ascent. We scrambled to the top and found ourselves on the margin of a table-land sloping gently upwards from the edge of the precipice, so bestrewn with upheaved rocks and lumps of stone, that but for the grass which grows rich and sweet between, whereof the sheep bite gladly, the aspect would indeed be savage. Along an irregular furrow, as it may be called, which deepens as
it nears the precipice, flows the beck—coming, as the boy told us, from Malham Tarn. There was another small stream, he said, which disappeared in a "swallow" on his father's pasture; and in that swallow he had many times found large trout, struggling helplessly in their unexpected trap. And, pointing to the highest shoulder of the cliff, he said that a fox, once hard-pressed by the hounds, had leaped over, followed by a dog, and both were killed by the fall.
After a few minutes of admiration, the Yorkshiremen and their guide began to move off across the fell, in search of the horse. One of them hoped we should meet again on the way back. The other said, "Not much hope o' that; for he won't go away from this till he have learnt it all by heart." Then we shook hands, and they promised to set up a pile of stones at a certain gate on their return, as a signal to me that they had passed through.
True enough, I was in no haste to depart, and there was much to admire as well as "to learn." The sight of the innumerable shelves, with their fringe of grass, the diversity of jagged rocks thrusting their gray heads up into the sunlight, of the rugged and broken slopes, set me longing for a scramble. Hither and thither I went; now to a point where I could see miles of the cliffs, and mark how, in many places, owing to the splitting and shivering, the limestone wall resembled a row of organ pipes. Now into a gap all barren and stony with immemorial screes; where, however, you could hear the faint tinkle of hidden water, and, pulling away the stones, discover small ferns and pale blades of grass along the course of the tiny current.
Anon, returning to the Scar, I climbed to the top of the crag that juts midway in the rear of the chasm, surveying the scene below; then selecting a nook by the side of the beck, a little above its leap through the ring, I lay down and watched the water as it ran with innumerable sparkling cascades from the rise of the fell. Here the solitude was complete, and the view limited to a few yards of the hollow water-course patched with green and gray, and the bright blue sky above.
And while I lay, soothed by the murmur of the water, looking up at the great white clouds floating slowly across the blue, certain thoughts that had haunted me for some days shaped themselves in order in my brain; and with your permission, gracious reader, I here produce them:
A cloud of care had come across my mind;
Ill-balanced hung the world: here pleasure all;
There hopeless toil, and cruel pangs that fall
On Poverty, to which but Death seemed kind.
And so, with heart perplexed, I left behind
The crowd of men, the towns with smoky pall,
And sought the hills, and breathed the mountain wind.
Hath God forgotten then the mean and small?
I mused, and gazed o'er purple fells outroll'd;
When, lo! beneath an old thatched roof a gleam
That kindled soon with sunset's gorgeous gold:
Broad panes, nor fretted oriel brighter beam.
If glories thus on lattice rude unfold,
Of life unlit by Heaven we may not deem.
The sun was beginning to drop towards the west before I left the pleasant hollow; and then with reluctance, for my holiday was near its close, and months would elapse before I should again hear the voice of a mountain brook, and slake myself in sunshine. Having returned to the village, I kept along the river bank to
the head of the valley, where copse and enormous boulders, scattered about the narrow grassy level and in the bed of the stream, make a fine foreground to the magnificent limestone cliff of Malham Cove. Rising sheer to a height of nearly three hundred feet, the precipice curving inwards, buttressed on each side by woody slopes, realises Wordsworth's description—"semicirque profound;" and while you look up at its pale marble-like surface, broken only by a narrow shelf—a stripe of green—accessible to goats and adventurous boys, you will be ready to say with the bard,
"Oh, had this vast theatric structure wound
With finished sweep into a perfect round,
No mightier work had gained the plausive smile
Of all-beholding Phœbus!"
From a distance you might well imagine it to be a towering ruin, from which Time has not yet gnawed the traces of fallen chambers and colonnades. And perhaps yet more will you desire to see the cataract which once came rushing down in one tremendous plunge from the summit, as is said, owing to some temporary stoppage of the underground channels. What a glorious fall that must have been! more than twice the height of Niagara.
From a low flat arch at the base of the cliff, about twenty feet in width, the river Aire rushes out, copiously fed by a subterranean source. The water sparkles as it flows forth into the light of day, and begins its course clear and bright as truth, yet fated to receive many a defilement ere it pours into the Ouse. Could the Naiads foresee what is to befall, how piteous would be their lamentations! The stream is at once of
considerable volume, inhabited by trout, and you may fish at the very mouth of the arch.
Here, too, I scrambled up and down, crossed and re-crossed the stream, to find all the points of view; then ascending to the hill-top I traced the line of cliff from the Cove to Gordale. It is a continuation of that great geological phenomenon already mentioned—the Craven fault—which, extending yet farther, terminates near Threshfield, the village by which we passed last Sunday on our way to Kettlewell.
My return walk was quiet enough, and favourable to meditation. The Yorkshiremen had set up the pre-concerted signal by the gate. I hope the horse did not drive the Sear quite out of their memory. Perhaps a lasting impression was made; for "Gordale-chasm" is, as Wordsworth says,
"______ terrific as the lair
Where the young lions couch."
I left Settle by the last evening train," journeying for the third time over the same ground, and came to the Devonshire Arms at Keighley just before the doors were locked for the night.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Keighley—Men in Pinafores—Walk to Haworth—Charlotte Bronte’s Birthplace—The Church—The Pew—The Tombstone—The Marriage Register—Shipley—Saltaire—A Model Town—Household Arrangements—I isn’t the Gaffer—A Model Factory—Acres of Floors—Miles of Shafting—Weaving Shed—Thirty Thousand Yards a Day—Cunning Machinery—First Fleeces—Shipley Feast—Scraps of Dialect—To Bradford—Rival Towns—Yorkshire Sleuth-hounds—Die like a Britoner.
Keighley is not pronounced Kayley, as you might suppose, but Keatley, or Keathley, as some of the natives have it, flinging in a touch of the guttural. Like Skipton, it is a stony town; and, as the tall chimneys indicate, gets its living by converting wool into wearing apparel of sundry kinds. You meet numbers of men clad in long blue pinafores, from throat to instep; wool-sorters, who thus protect themselves from fluff.
The factory people were going to work next morning—the youngsters clattering over the pavement in their wooden clogs—as I left the town by the Halifax Road, for Haworth, a walk of four miles, and all the way up-hill. The road runs along one side of a valley, which, when the houses are left behind, looks pretty with numerous trees and fields of grass and wheat, and a winding brook, and makes a pleasing
foreground to the view of the town. The road itself is neither town nor country; the footpaths, as is not uncommon in Yorkshire, are paved nearly all the way; and houses are frequent tenanted by weavers, with here and there a little shop displaying oaten bread. An hour of ascent and you come to a cross-road, where, turning to the right for about a furlong, you see Haworth, piled from base to summit of a steep hill, the highest point crowned by the church. The road makes a long bend in approaching the acclivity, which, if you choose, may be avoided by a cut-off; but coming as a pilgrim you will perhaps at first desire to see all. You pass a board which notifies Haworth Town, and then begins the ascent painfully steep, bounded on one side by houses, on the other—where you look into the valley—by little gardens and a line of ragged little sheds and hutches. What a wearisome hill; you will half doubt whether horses can draw a load up it. Presently we have houses on both sides, and shops with plate-glass and mahogany mouldings, contrasting strongly with the general rustic aspect, and the primitive shop of the Clogger. Some of the windows denote an expectation of visitors; the apothecary exhibits photographs of the church, the parsonage, and Mr. Bronte; and no one seems surprised at your arrival.
The Black Bull stands invitingly on the hill-top. I was ready for breakfast, and the hostess quite ready to serve; and while I ate she talked of the family who made Haworth famous. She knew them all, brother and sisters: Mr. Nicholls had preached the day before in the morning; Mr. Bronte in the afternoon. It
was mostly in the afternoon that the old gentleman preached, and he delivered his sermon without a book. The people felt sorry for his bereavements; and they all liked Mr. Nicholls. She had had a good many visitors, but expected "a vast" before the summer was over.
From the inn to the churchyard is but a few paces. The church is ugly enough to have had a Puritan for architect; and there, just beyond the crowded graves, stands the parsonage, as unsmiling as the church. After I had looked at it from a distance, and around on the landscape, which, in summer dress, is not dreary, though bounded by dark moors, the sexton came and admitted me to the church. He points to the low roof, and quotes Milton, and leads you to the family pew, and shows you the corner where she—that is, Charlotte—used to sit; and against the wall, but a few feet from this corner, you see the long plain memorial stone, with its melancholy list of names. As they descend, the inscriptions crowd close together; and beneath the lowest, that which records the decease of her who wrote Jane Eyre, there remains but a narrow blank for those which are to follow.*
Then the sexton, turning away to the vestry, showed me in the marriage register the signatures of Charlotte Bronte, her husband, and father; and next, his collection of photographs, with an intimation that they were for sale. When he saw that I had not the slightest inclination to become a purchaser, to have seen the place was quite enough; he said, that if I had a card
* This stone, as stated in the newspapers, has since been replaced by a larger one, with sculptured ornaments.
to send in the old gentleman would see me. It seemed to me, I replied, that the greatest kindness a stranger could show to the venerable pastor, would be, not to intrude upon him.
On some of the pews I noticed small plates affixed, notifying that Mr. Mudbeck of Windytop Farm, or some other parishioner of somewhere else, "hath" three sittings, or four and a quarter, and so forth; and this invasion by "vested rights" of the house of prayer and thanksgiving, appeared to me as the finishing touch of its unattractive features.
The sexton invited me to ascend the tower, but discovered that the key was missing; so, as I could not delay, I made a brief excursion on the moor behind the house, where heather-bloom masked the sombre hue; and then walked back to Keighley, and took the train for Shipley, the nearest station to Saltaire.
It was the day of Shipley feast, and the place was all in a hubbub, and numbers of factory people, leaving for a while their habitual manufacture of woollen goods, out of a mixture of woollen and cotton, had come together to enjoy themselves. But no one seemed happy except the children; the men and women looked as if they did not know what to do with themselves. I took the opportunity to scan faces, and could not fail to be struck by the general ill-favoured expression. Whatever approach towards good looks that there was, clearly lay with the men; the women were positively ugly, and numbers of them remarkable for that protruding lower jaw which so characterizes many of the Irish peasantry.
Saltaire is about a mile from Shipley. It is a new
settlement in an old country; a most noteworthy example of what enterprise can and will accomplish where trade confides in political and social security. Here, in an agreeable district of the valley of the Aire—wooded hills on both sides—a magnificent factory and dependent town have been built, and with so much judgment as to mitigate or overcome the evils to which towns and factories have so long been obnoxious. The factory is built of stone in pure Italian style, and has a truly palatial appearance. What would the Plantagenets say, could they come back to life, and see trade inhabiting palaces far more stately than those of kings? The main building, of six stories, is seventy-two feet in height, and five hundred and fifty feet in length. In front, at some distance, standing quite apart, rises the great chimney, to an elevation of two hundred and fifty feet; a fine ornamental object, built to resemble a campanile.
The site is well chosen on the right bank of the Aire, between the Leeds and Liverpool canal, and the Leeds and Lancaster railway. Hence the readiest means are available for the reception and despatch of merchandise. A little apart, extending up the gentle slope, the young town of Saltaire is built, and in such a way as to realize the aspirations of a sanitary reformer. The houses are ranged in parallelograms, of which I counted sixteen, the fronts looking into a spacious street; the backs into a lane about seven feet in width, which facilitates ventilation, admits the scavenger's cart, and serves as drying-ground. Streets and lanes are completely paved, the footways are excellent; there is a pillar post-office, and no lack of gaslamps. The number of shopkeepers is regulated by Messrs. Salt, the owners of the property; and while one baker and grocer suffices to supply the wants of the place others will not be allowed to come in. A congregational chapel affords place for religious worship, and a concert-hall for musical recreation, or lectures. The men who wish to tipple must go down to Shipley, for Saltaire, as yet, has no public-house. If I mistake not, the owners are unwilling that there shall be one.
My request for leave to look in-doors was readily granted. The ordinary class of houses have a kitchen with oven and boiler, a sink and copper; a parlour, or "house" in the vernacular, two bedrooms, and a small back-yard, with out-offices. The floors, mantelpiece, and stairs, are of stone. The rent is 3s. 1d. a week. Gas is laid on at an extra charge, and the tenant finds burners. The supply of water is ample, but the water is hard, and has a smack of peat-bog in its flavour. A woman whom I saw washing, told me the water lost much of its hardness if left to stand awhile. Each house has a back-door opening into the lane; and every stercorarium voids into the ash-pit, which is cleared out once a week at the landlord's cost. The pits are all accessible by a small trap-door from the lane; hence there is no intrusion on the premises in the work of cleansing. The drainage in other respects is well cared for; and the whole place is so clean and substantial, with handsome fronts to the principal rows, that you feel pleasure in observing it.
The central and corner houses are a story higher than the rest, and what with these and the handsome
rows above referred to, there is accommodation for all classes of the employed—spinners, overlookers, and clerks. After building two or three of the parallelograms, it was discovered that cellars were desirable, and since then every house has its cellar, in which, as the woman said, "we can keep our meat and milk sweet in the hot weather." What a contrast, I thought, to the one closet in a lodging in some large town, where the food is kept side by side with soap and candles, the duster, and scrubbing-brush! And though the stone floors look chilly, coal is only fivepence-halfpenny a hundred-weight.
No one is allowed to live in the town who is not in some way employed by the firm. Most of the tenants to whom I spoke, expressed themselves well satisfied with their quarters, but two or three thought the houses dear; they could get a place down at Shipley, or Shipla, as they pronounced it, for two-and-sixpence a week. I put a question to the baker: "I isn't the gaffer," he answered.
"Never mind," I replied; "if you are not the master, we can talk all the same."
He thought we could; and he too was one of those who did not like the new town. 'Twas too dear. He lived at Shipla, and paid but four pounds a year for a house with a cellar under it, and a garden behind; and there he kept a pig, which was not permitted at Saltaire. There was "a vast" worked in the mill who did not live under Mr. Salt; they came from Bradford, and a train, called the Saltaire train, "brought 'em in the morning, and fetched 'em home at night."
The railway runs between the town and the factory.
You cross by a handsome stone bridge, quite in keeping with the prevalent style of architecture. The hands were returning from dinner as I approached after my survey of the colony, and the prodigious clatter of clogs was well-nigh deafening. My letter of introduction procured me the favour of Mr. George Salt's guidance. First, he showed me a model of the premises, by which I saw that a six-story wing, if such it may be called, comprising the warehouses, projects at right angles from the rear of the main building, with the combing-shed on one side, the weaving-shed on the other. In that combing-shed 3500 persons sat down in perfect comfort to a house-warming dinner. The weaving-shed is twice as large. Then there are the workshops of the smiths, machinists, and other artisans; packing, washing, and drying-rooms, and a gasometer to maintain five thousand lights; so that altogether the buildings cover six acres and a half. Include all the floors, and the space is twelve acres. Rails are laid from the line in front into the ground-floor of the building; hence there is no porterage, no loading and unloading except by machinery; and the canal at the back is equally convenient for water-carriage. In front the ground is laid out as an ornamental shrubbery, terminated at one corner by the graceful campanile.
Then I was conducted to the boilers, a row of ten, sunk underground in the solid rock, below the level of the shrubbery. They devour one hundred and twenty tons of coal in a week, but with economy, for the tall chimney pours out no clouds of dense black smoke. The prevention is accomplished by careful feeding, and
leaving the furnace-door open half an inch, to admit a full stream of air. I was amazed at the sight of such a range of boilers, and yet they were not enough, and an excavation was making to receive others.
Then to the engine-room, where the sight of the tremendous machinery was a fresh surprise. Here are erected two separate pairs of engines, combining 1250-horse power, by Fairbairn, of Manchester. You see how beauty of construction consorts with ponderous strength. Polished iron, glittering brass, and shining mahogany, testify to the excellence of Lancashire handicraft in 1853, the date of the engines. The mahogany is used for casing; and here, as with the boilers, every precaution is used to prevent the escape of heat. As you watch the great cogged fly-wheels spinning round with resistless force, you will hardly be surprised to hear that they impart motion to two miles of "shafting," which weighs altogether six hundred tons, and rotates from sixty to two hundred and fifty times a minute. And this shafting, of which the diameter is from two to fourteen inches, sets twelve hundred power-looms going, besides fulfilling all its other multifarious duties.
Then we went from one noisy floor to another among troops of spinners, finding everywhere proofs of the same presiding judgment. All is fire-proof; the beams and columns are of cast-iron; the floors rest on arches of hollow bricks; and the ventilation, maintained by inlets a few inches above the floor, and outlets near the ceiling, where hot-water pipes keep up a temperature of sixty degrees, is perfect, without draughts. The top room in the main building, running
from end to end for five hundred and fifty feet without a break, said to be the largest room in Europe, is an impressive sight, filled with ranks of busy machines and busy workers.
In the weaving-shed, all the driving gear is placed beneath the floor, so that you have a clear prospect over the whole area at once, uninterrupted by the usual array of rapid wheels and flying straps. Vast as is the appetite of those twelve hundred looms for warp and weft, it is kept satisfied from the mill’s own resources; and in one day they deliver thirty thousand yards of alpaca, or other kinds of woollen cloth. Multiply that quantity, reader, by the number of working days in a year, and you will discover to what an amazing extent the markets of the world are supplied by this one establishment of Titus Salt and Co.
Some portions of the machinery do their work with marvellous precision and dexterity,
“——— as if the iron thought!”
and it seemed to me that I could never have tired of watching the machine that took the wool, one fringe-like instalment after another from assiduous cylinders, and delivered it to another series of movements which placed the fibres all in one direction, and produced the rough outline of the future thread. Another ingenious device weaves two pieces at once all in one width, and with four selvages, of which two are, of course, in the middle of the web, and yet there is no difference in appearance between those two inner ones and those on the outer edges. The piece is afterwards divided along the narrow line left between them. Even in
the noisome washing-room there was something to admire. The wool, after a course of pushing to and fro in a cistern of hot water by two great rakes, is delivered to an endless web by a revolving cylinder. This cylinder is armed with rows of long brass teeth, and as they would be in the way of the web on their descent, they disappear within the body of the cylinder at the critical moment, and come presently forth again to continue their lift.
In the warehouse, I was shown that the wool is sorted into eight qualities, sometimes a ninth; and the care bestowed on this preliminary operation may be judged of from the fact, that every sorting passes in succession through two sets of hands. There, too, I learned that the first fleece of Gimmer hogs is among the best of English wool; and, indeed, it feels quite silky in comparison with other kinds. The quality loses in goodness with every subsequent shearing. The clippings and refuse are purchased by the shoddy makers, those ingenious converters of old clothes into new.
Where alpaca and other fine cloths are so largely manufactured, the question as to a continuous supply of finest wool becomes of serious importance. Mr. Salt has done what he can to provide for a supply by introducing the alpaca sheep into Australia and the Cape of Good Hope.
On my coming, I had thought the counting-house, and offices, and visitors' room too luxurious for a mere place of business; but when I returned thither to take leave, with the impression of the enormous scale of the business, and the means by which it is
accomplished fresh on my mind, these appeared quite in harmony with all the rest. And when I stood, taking a last look around, on the railway bridge, I felt that he whose large foresight had planned so stately a home for industry, and set it down here in a sylvan valley, deserved no mean place among the Worthies of Yorkshire.
I walked back to Shipley, and there spent some time sauntering to and fro in the throng, which had greatly increased during the afternoon. There was no increase of amusement, however, with increase of numbers; and the chief diversion seemed to consist in watching the swings and roundabouts, and eating gingerbread. Now and then little troops of damsels elbowed their way through, bedizened in such finery as would have thrown a negro into ecstasies. "That caps me!" cried a young man, as one of the parties went past, outvying all the rest in staring colours.
"There's a vast of 'em coom t' feast, isn't there?" replied his companion; "and there 'll be more, afore noight."
"Look at Bobby," said an aunt, of her little nephew, who had been disappointed of a cake; "look at Bobby! He's fit to cry."
"What's ta do?" shouted a countryman, as he was pushed rudely aside; "runnin' agean t' foaks! What d'ye cum poakin yer noaze thro' here for?"
"Ah'm puzzeld wi' t' craad" (crowd), answered the offender.
After hearing many more fragments of West Riding dialect, I forced my way to the railway station, and
went to Bradford. Few towns show more striking evidences of change than this; and the bits of old Bradford, little one-story tenements with stone roofs, left standing among tall and handsome warehouses, strengthen the contrast. Bradford and Leeds, only nine miles apart, have been looked upon as rivals; and it was said that no sooner did one town erect a new building than the other built one larger or handsomer; and now Bradford boasts its St. George's Hall, and Leeds its Town Hall, crowned by a lofty tower. But what avails a tower, even two hundred and forty feet high, when a letter was once received, addressed, "Leeds, near Bradford!"
Your Yorkshireman of the West Riding is, so Mrs. Gaskell says, "a sleuth-hound" after money. As there is nothing like testimony, let me end this chapter with a story that was told to me, and you, reader, may draw your own inference.
Not far from Bradford, an old couple lived on their farm. The good man had been ill for some time, when the practitioner who attended him advised that a physician should be summoned from Bradford for a consultation. The doctor came, looked into the case, gave his opinion; and descending from the sick-room to the kitchen, was there accosted by the old woman, with,
"Well, doctor, what's your charge?"
"My fee is a guinea."
"A guinea,—doctor! a guinea! And if ye come again, will it be another guinea?"
"Yes; but I shall hardly have to come again. I
have given my opinion, and leave the patient in very good hands.”
“A guinea, doctor! Hech!”
The old woman rose, went up-stairs to her husband’s bedside, and the doctor, who waited below, heard her say, “He charges a guinea. And if he comes again, it’ll be another guinea. Now, what do ye say?”
“If I were ye, I’d say no, like a Britoner; and I’d die first!”
CHAPTER XXVII.
Bradford's Fame—Visit to Warehouses—A Smoky Prospect—Ways and Means of Trade—What John Bull likes—What Brother Jonathan likes—Vulcan's Head-quarters—Cleckheaton—Heckmondwike—Busy Traffic—Mirfield—Robin Hood's Grave—Batley the Shoddyopolis—All the World's Tatters—Aspects of Batley—A Boy capt—The Devil's Den—Grinding Rags—Mixing and Oiling—Shoddy and Shoddy—Tricks with Rags—The Scribbling Machine—Short Flocks, Long Threads—Spinners and Weavers—Dyeing, Dressing, and Pressing—A Moral in Shoddy—A Surprise of Real Cloth—Iron, Lead, and Coal—To Wakefield—A Disappointment—The Old Chapel—The Battle-field—To Barnsley—Bairnsla Dialect—Sheffield.
"What is Bradford famous for?" was the question put at a school-examination somewhere within the West Riding.
"For its shoddy," answered one of the boys. An answer that greatly scandalized certain of the parents who had come from Bradford; and not without reason, for although shoddy is manufactured within sight of the smoke of the town, Bradford is really the great mart for stuffs and worsted goods, as Leeds is for broadcloth.
I had seen how stuffs were made, and wished now to see in what manner they were sent into the market. A clerk who came to the inn during the evening for a glass of ale and gossip, invited me to visit the warehouse in which he was employed, on the following morning. I went, and as he had not repented of his invitation, I saw all he had to show, and then, at his suggestion, went to the "crack" warehouse of Bradford, where business is carried on with elegant and somewhat luxurious appliances. I handed my card to a gentleman in the office, and was not surprised to hear for answer that strangers could not be admitted for obvious reasons, and was turning away, when he said, musingly, that my name seemed familiar to him, and after a little reflection he added: "Yes, yes—now I have it. It was on the title-page of *A Londoner's Walk to the Land's End*. How that book made me long for a trip to Cornwall! And you are the Londoner! Well, of course you shall see the warehouse."
So I was introduced into the lift, and away we were hoisted up to the fifth or sixth story, when I was first led to the gazebo on the roof, that I might enjoy the prospect of the town and neighbourhood. What a prospect! a great mass of houses, and rounded heights beyond, dimly seen through a rolling canopy of smoke. The sky of London is brilliant in comparison. May it never be my doom to live in Bradford, or Leeds, or Sheffield, or Manchester!
We soon exchanged the dismal outlook for the topmost floor, where I saw heaps of "tabs," stacks of boards, boxes and paper for packing. The tabs, which are the narrow strips that hang out from the ends of the pieces while on show, are kept for a time as references. The number and variety of the boards, on which the pieces are wound, are surprising: some
are thick, to add bulk and weight to the piece of stuff in which it is to be enveloped; some thin, to save cost in transport; some broad, some narrow, so that every market may have its whims and wants gratified. The Germans, who pay heavily for carriage, prefer thin boards: Brother Jonathan, as well as John Bull, likes the sight of a good pennyworth, and gets a thick board. The preparation of these boards alone must be no insignificant branch of trade in Bradford; and remembering how many warehouses in other towns use up stacks of boards every month, we see a large consumption of Norway timber at once accounted for.
I saw the press cutting the slips of white paper in which the pieces are tied, and tickets and fancy bands and labels intended to tickle the eyes of customers, without end. A peculiar kind of embossed paper, somewhat resembling a rough towel, is provided to wrap up the American purchases; and Brother Jonathan requires that his pieces should be folded in a peculiar way, so that he may show the quality without loss of time when selling to his own impatient countrymen. Nimble machines measure the pieces at the rate of a thousand yards an hour, and others wind the lengths promptly on the boards; and, judging from appearances, clerks, salesmen, and porters work as if they too were actuated by the steam. And then, while descending from floor to floor, to see the prodigious piles of pieces on racks and shelves, or awaiting their turn in the hydraulic press which packs them solid as a bastion, was a wonder. There were moreen, bombazine, alpaca, camlet, orleans, barège, Australian cord, cable cord, and many kinds as new to me as
they would have been to a fakir. One heavy black stuff was pointed out as manufactured purposely for the vestments of Romish priests. And running through each room I saw a small lift, in which account-books, orders, patterns, and such like, are passed up and down, and now and then a signal to a clerk to be cautious of pushing sales. And, lastly, on the ground-floor I saw the handsome dining-room, wherein many a customer has enjoyed the hospitality of the firm, and drunk the generous sherry that inspired him to buy up to a thousand when he purposed only five hundred.
This brief sketch includes the two warehouses; one, however—the elegant one—confines itself to the home trade. I made due acknowledgments for the favour shown to me, and hastening to the railway-station, took the train for Mirfield. The line passes the great Lowmoor iron-works, where furnaces, little mountains of ore, coal, limestone, and iron, and cranes and trucks, and overwhelming smoke, and a general blackness, suggest ideas of Vulcan and his tremendous smithy. And besides there is a stir, and a going to and fro, that betoken urgent work; and you will believe a passenger’s remark, that “Lowmoor could of itself keep a railway going.” We pass Cleckheaton and Heckmondwike, places that have something sylvan in the sound of their names; but although the country if left to itself would be pretty enough, it is sadly disfigured by smoke and the remorseless inroads of trade. Yet who can travel here in the West Riding and not be struck by the busy traffic, the sight of chimneys, quarries, canals, and tramways, and trains
heavy laden, coming and going continually! And connected with this traffic there is one particular especially worthy of imitation in other counties: it is, that nearly every train throughout the day has third-class carriages.
Mirfield is in the pleasant valley of the Calder. While waiting for a train to Batley, I walked along the bank of the stream thinking of Robin Hood, who lies buried at Kirklees, a few miles up the valley, where a treacherous hand let out his life:
"Lay me a green sod under my head,
And another at my feet;
And lay my bent bow by my side,
Which was my music sweet;
And make my grave of gravel and green,
Which is most right and meet.
"Let me have length and breadth enough,
With a green sod under my head;
That they may say, when I am dead,
Here lies bold Robin Hood."
The object of my visit to Batley was to see the making of shoddy. To leave Yorkshire ignorant of one of our latest national institutions would be a reproach. We live in an age of shoddy, in more senses than one. You may begin with the hovel, and trace shoddy all through society, even up to the House of Peers. I had not long to wait: there was a bird's-eye view of Dewsbury in passing, and a few minutes brought me to Batley, the head-quarters of shoddy. On alighting at the station, the sight of great pockets or bales piled up in stacks or laden on trucks, every bale branded *Anvers*, and casks of oil from *Sevilla*, gave me at once a proof that I had come to the right place; for here were rags shipped at Antwerp from all
parts of northern Europe. Think of that. Hither were brought tatters from pediculous Poland, from the gipseys of Hungary, from the beggars and scarecrows of Germany, from the frowsy peasants of Muscovy; to say nothing of snips and shreds from monks' gowns and lawyers' robes, from postilions' jackets and soldiers' uniforms, from maidens' boddices and noblemen's cloaks. A vast medley, truly! and all to be manufactured into broadcloth in Yorkshire. No wonder that the *Univers* declares England is to perish by her commerce.
The walk to the town gives you such a view as can only be seen in a manufacturing district: hills, fields, meadows, and rough slopes, all bestrewn with cottages, factories, warehouses, sheds, clouded here and there by smoke; roads and paths wandering apparently anywhere; here and there a quarry, and piles of squared stone; heaps of refuse; wheat-fields in among the houses; potato-plots in little levels, and everything giving you the impression of waiting to be finished. Add to all this, troops of men and women, boys and girls—the girls with a kerchief pinned over the head, the corner hanging behind—going home to dinner, and a mighty noise of clogs, and trucks laden with rags and barrels of oil, and you will have an idea of Batley, as I saw it on my arrival.
Having found the factory of which I was in search, I had to wait a few minutes for the appearance of the principal. A boy, who was amusing himself in the office, remarked, when he heard that I had never yet seen shoddy made: "Well, it'll cap ye when ye get among the machinery; that's all!" He himself had
been capt once in his life: it was in the previous summer, when his uncle took him to Blackpool, and he first beheld the sea. "That capt me, that did," he said, with the gravity of a philosopher.
Seeing that the principal hesitated, even after he had read my letter, I began to imagine that shoddy-making involved important secrets. "Come to see what you can pick up, eh?" he said. However, when he heard that I was in no way connected with manufactures, and had come, not as a spy, but simply out of honest curiosity, to see how old rags were ground into new cloth, he smiled, and led me forthwith into the devil's den. There I saw a cylinder revolving with a velocity too rapid for the eye to follow, whizzing and roaring, as if in agony, and throwing off a cloud of light woolly fibres, that floated in the air, and a stream of flocks that fell in a heap at the end of the room. It took three minutes to stop the monster; and when the motion ceased, I saw that the cylinder was full of blunt steel teeth, which, seizing whatever was presented to them in the shape of rags, tore it thoroughly to pieces; in fact, ground it up into flocks of short, frizzly-looking fibre, resembling negro-hair, yet soft and free from knots. The cylinder is fed by a travelling web, which brings a layer of rags continually up to the teeth. On this occasion, the quality of the grist, as one might call it, was respectable—nothing but fathoms of list which had never been defiled. So rapidly did the greedy devil devour it, that the two attendant imps were kept fully employed in feeding; and fast as the pack of rags diminished, the heap of flocks increased. And so, amid noise and
dust, the work goes on day after day; and the man who superintends, aided by his two boys, earns four pounds a week, grinding the rags as they come, for thirty shillings a pack.
The flocks are carried away to the mixing-house. As we turned aside, the devil began to whirl once more; and before we had entered the other door, I heard the ferocious howl in full vigour. The road between the buildings was encumbered with oil-casks, pieces of cloth, lying in the dust, as if of no value, and packs of rags. "It will all come right by-and-by," said the chief, as I pointed to the littery heaps; and, pausing by one of the packs which contained what he called "mungo," that is, shreds of such cloth as clergymen's coats are made of, he made me aware that there is shoddy and shoddy. That which makes the longest fibre is, of course, the best; and some of the choice sorts are worked up into marketable cloth, without a fresh dyeing.
Great masses of the flocks, with passage-ways between, lay heaped on the stone floor of the mixing-house. Here, according to the quality required, the long fibre is mixed in certain proportions with the short; and to facilitate the subsequent operations, the several heaps are lightly sprinkled with oil. A dingy brown or black was the prevalent colour; but some of the heaps were gray, and would be converted into undyed cloth of the same colour. It seemed to me that the principal ingredient therein was old worsted stockings; and yet, before many days, those heaps would become gray cloth fit for the jackets and mantles of winsome maidens.
I asked my conductor if it were true, as I had heard, that shoddy-makers purchased the waste, begrimed cotton wads with which stokers and "engine-tenters" wipe the machinery, or the dirty refuse of wool sorters, or every kind of ragged rubbish. He did not think such things were done in Batley; for his part, he used none but best rags, and could keep two factories always going. He had heard of the man who spread greasy cotton-waste over his field, and who, when the land had absorbed all the grease, gathered up the cotton, and sold it to the shoddy-makers; but he doubted the truth of the story. True or not, it implies great toleration among a certain class of manufacturers. Rags, not good enough for shoddy, are used as manure for the hops in Kent; so we get shoddy in our beer as well as in our broad-cloth.
In the next process, the flocks are intimately mixed by passing over and under a series of rollers, and come forth from the last looking something like wool. Then the wool, as we may now call it, goes to the "scribbling-machine," which, after torturing it among a dozen rollers of various dimensions, delivers it yard by yard in the form of a loose thick cable, with a run of the fibres in one direction. The carding-machine takes the cable lengths, subjects them to another course of torture, confirms the direction of the fibres, and reduces the cable into a chenille of about the thickness of a lady's finger. This chenille is produced in lengths of about five feet, across the machine, parallel with the rollers, and is immediately transferred to the piecing-machine, by a highly ingenious
process. Each length, as it is finished, drops into a long, narrow, tin tray; the tray moves forward; the next behind it receives a chenille; then the third; then the fourth; and so on, up to ten. By this time, they have advanced over a table on which lies what may be described as a wooden gridiron; there is a momentary pause, and then the ten trays, turning all at once upside down, drop the chenilles severally between the bars of the gridiron. At one side of the table is a row of large spindles, or rollers, on which the chenilles—cardings, is the factory word—are wound, and the dropping is so contrived that the ends of those which fall overlap the ends of the lengths on the spindles by about an inch. Now the gridiron begins to vibrate, and by its movement beats the ends together; joins each chenille, in fact, to the one before it; then the spindles whirl, and draw in the lengths, leaving only enough for the overlap; and no sooner is this accomplished than the ten trays drop another supply, which is treated in the same expeditious manner, until the spindles are filled. No time is lost, for the full ones are immediately replaced by empty ones.
Now comes the spinners' turn. They take these full spindles, submit them to the action of their machinery by dozens at a time, and spin the large, loose chenilles into yarns of different degrees of strength and fineness, or, perhaps one should say, coarseness, ready for the weavers. And in this way, those heaps of short, uncompliant negro hair, in which you could hardly find a fibre three inches long, are transformed into long, continuous threads, able to bear
the rapid jerks of the loom. I could not sufficiently admire its ingenuity. Who would have imagined that among the appliances of shoddy! Moreover, wages are good at Batley, and the spinners can earn from forty to forty-five shillings a week.
The women who attend the looms earn nine or eighteen shillings a week, according as they weave one or two pieces. Next comes the fulling process: the pieces are damped, and thumped for a whole day by a dozen ponderous mallets; then the raising of the pile on one or both sides of the cloth, either by rollers or by hand. In the latter case, two men stretch a piece as high as they can reach on a vertical frame, and scratch the surface downwards with small hand-cards, the teeth of which are fine steel wire. Genuine broadcloth can only be dressed by a teazel of Nature's own growing; but shoddy, far less delicate, submits to the metal. So the men keep on, length after length, till the piece is finished. Then the dyers have their turn, and if you venture to walk through their sloppy, steamy department, you will see men stirring the pieces about in vats, and some pieces hanging to rollers which keep them for a while running through the liquor. From the dye-house the pieces are carried to the tenter-ground and stretched in one length on vertical posts; and after a sufficient course of sun and air, they undergo the finishing process—clipping the surface and hot-pressing.
From what I saw in the tenter-ground, I discovered that pilot cloth is shoddy; that glossy beavers and silky-looking mohairs are shoddy; that the Petershams so largely exported to the United States are shoddy;
that the soft, delicate cloths in which ladies feel so comfortable, and look so graceful, are shoddy; that the "fabric" of Talmas, Raglans, and paletots, and of other garments in which fine gentlemen go to the Derby, or to the Royal Academy Exhibition, or to the evening services in Westminster Abbey, are shoddy. And if Germany sends us abundance of rags, we send to Germany enormous quantities of shoddy in return. The best quality manufactured at Batley is worth ten shillings a yard; the commonest not more than one shilling.
Broadcloth at a shilling a yard almost staggers credibility. After that we may truly say that shoddy is a great leveller.
The workpeople are, with few exceptions, thrifty and persevering. Some of the spinners take advantage of their good wages to build cottages and become landlords. A walk through Batley shows you that thought has been taken for their spiritual and moral culture; and in fine weather they betake themselves for outdoors recreation to an ancient manor-house, which I was told is situate beyond the hill that rears its pleasant woods aloft in sight of the factories.
The folk of the surrounding districts are accustomed to make merry over the shoddy-makers, regarding them as Gibeonites, and many a story do they tell concerning these clever conjurors, and their transformations of old clothes into new. Once, they say, a portly Quaker walked into Batley, just as the "millhands" were going to dinner: he came from the west, and was clad in that excellent broadcloth which is the pride of Gloucestershire. "Hey!" cried the hands, as he
passed among them—"hey! look at that now! There's a bit of real cloth. Lookey, lookee! we never saw the like afore:" and they surrounded the worthy stranger, and kept him prisoner until they had all felt the texture of his coat, and expressed their admiration.
Again, while waiting at Mirfield, was I struck by the frequency of trains, and counted ten in an hour and a half. In 1856, a million and quarter tons of iron ore were dug in the Cleveland and Whitby districts; and the quantity of pig-iron made in Yorkshire was 275,600 tons, of which the West Riding produced 96,000. In the same year 8986 tons of lead, and 302 ounces of silver were made within the county; and Yorkshire furnished 9,000,000 towards the sixty millions tons and a half of coal dug in all the kingdom.
I journeyed on to Wakefield; and, as it proved, to a disappointment. I had hoped for a sight of Walton Hall, and of the well-known naturalist, who there fulfils the rites of hospitality with a generous hand. Through a friend of his Mr. Waterton had assured me of a welcome; but on arriving at Wakefield, I heard that he had started the day before for the Continent. So, instead of a walk to the Hall, I resolved to go on to Sheffield, by the last train. This left me time for a ramble. I went down to the bridge, and revived my recollections of the little chapel which for four hundred years has shown its rich and beautiful front to all who there cross the Calder, and I rejoiced to see that it had been restored and was protected by a railing. It was built—some say renewed—by Edward the Fourth to the memory of those who fell in the battle of Wakefield—a battle fatal to the House of York—and fatal to the victors; for the cruelties there perpetrated by Black Clifford and other knights, were repaid with tenfold vengeance at Towton. The place where Richard, Duke of York, fell, may still be seen; and near it, a little more than a mile from the town, the eminence on which stood Sandal Castle, a fortress singularly picturesque, as shown in old engravings.
After a succession of stony towns and smoky towns, there was something cheerful in the distant view of Wakefield with its clean red brick. It has some handsome streets; and in the old thoroughfares you may see relics of the mediæval times in ancient timbered houses. Leland describes it as "a very quick market town, and meatly large, the whole profit of which standeth by coarse drapery." You will soon learn by a walk through the streets that "very quick" still applies.
Signs of manufactures are repeated as Wakefield, with its green neighbourhood, is left behind, and at Barnsley the air is again darkened by smoke. We had to change trains here, and thought ourselves lucky in finding that the Sheffield train had for once condescended to lay aside its surly impatience, and await the arrival from Wakefield. As we pushed through the throng on the platform, I heard many a specimen of the vernacular peculiar to Bairnsla, as the natives call it. How shall one who has not spent years among them essay to reproduce the sounds? Fortunately there is a Bairnsla Foaks' Almanack in which the work is done ready to our hand; and here is a passage quoted from Tom Treddlehoyle's Peep at T'Manchister
Exhebishan, giving us a notion of the sort of dialect talked by the Queen's subjects in this part of Yorkshire.
Tom is looking about and "moralizin'," when "a strange bussal cum on all ov a sudden daan below stairs, an foaks hurryin e wun dereckshan! 'Wot's ta do?' thowt ah; an daan t' steps ah clattard, runnin full bump agean t' foaks a t' bottom, an before thade time to grumal or get ther faces saard, ah axt, 'Wot ther wor ta do?'—'Lord John Russel's cum in,' sed thay. Hearin this, there diddant need anuther wurd, for after springin up on tame teppytoes ta get t' latte-tude az ta whereabaats he wor, ah duckt me head underneath foaks's airms, an away ah slipt throo t' craad az if ide been soapt all ovver, an gettin az near him az ah durst ta be manardly, ah axt a gentleman at hed a glass button stuck before his ee, in a whisperin soart of a tone, 'Which wor Lord John Russel?' an bein pointed aght ta ma, ah lookt an lookt agean, but cud-dant believe at it wor him, he wor sich an a little bit ov an hofalas-lookin chap,—not much unlike a horse-jocky at wun's seen at t' Donkister races, an wot wor just getherin hiz crums up after a good sweatin daan for t' Ledger,—an away ah went, az sharp az ah cud squeeze aght, thinkin to mesen, 'Bless us, wot an a ta-do there iz abaght nowt! a man's but a man, an a lord's na more!' We that thowt, an hevin gottan nicely aght a t' throng, we t' loss a nobbat wun button, an a few stitches stretcht a bit e t' coit-back, ah thowt hauf-an-haar's quiat woddant be amiss."
We went on a few miles to a little station called Wombwell, where we had again to change trains. But the train from Doncaster had not arrived; so while
the passengers waited they dispersed themselves about the sides of the railway, finding seats on the banks or fences, and sat talking in groups, and wondering at the delay. The stars shone out, twinkling brightly, before the train came up, more than an hour beyond its time, and it was late when we reached Sheffield. I turned at a venture into the first decent-looking public-house in *The Wicker*, and was rewarded by finding good entertainment and thorough cleanliness.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Clouds of Blacks—What Sheffield was and is—A Detestable Town—Razors and Knives—Perfect Work, Imperfect Workmen—Foul Talk—How Files are Made—Good Iron, Good Steel—Breaking-up and Melting—Making the Crucibles—Casting—Ingots—File Forgers—Machinery Baffled—Cutting the Teeth—Hardening—Cleaning and Testing—Elliott's Statue—A Ramble to the Corn-law Rhymers' Haunt—Rivelin—Bilberry-gatherers—Ribbledin—The Poet's Words—A Desecration—To Manchester—A few Words on the Exhibition.
When I woke in the morning and saw what a stratum of "blacks" had come in at the window during the night, I admired still more the persevering virtue which maintains cleanliness under such very adverse circumstances. We commonly think the London atmosphere bad; but it is purity compared with Sheffield. The town, too, is full of strange, uncouth noises, by night as well as by day, that send their echo afar. I had been woken more than once by ponderous thumps and sounding shocks, which made me fancy the Cyclops themselves were taking a turn at the hammers. Sheffield raised a regiment to march against the Sepoys; why not raise a company to put down its own pestiferous blacks?
Who would think that here grew the many-leagued oak forests in which Gurth and Wamba roamed; that in a later day, when the Talbots were lords of the
domain, there were trees in the park under which a hundred horses might find shelter? Here lived that famous Talbot, the terror of the French; here George, the fourth Earl, built a mansion in which Wolsey lodged while on his way to die at Leicester; here the Queen of Scots was kept for a while in durance; here, as appears by a Court Roll, dated 1590, the Right Honourable George Earl of Shrewsbury assented to the trade regulations of "the Fellowship and Company of Cutlers and Makers of Knives," whose handicraft was even then an ancient one, for Chaucer mentions the "Sheffield whittle." Now, what with furnaces and forges, rolling-mills, and the many contrivances used by the men of iron and steel, the landscape is spoiled of its loveliness, and Silence is driven to remoter haunts.
On the other hand, Sheffield is renowned for its knives and files all over the world. It boasts a People's College and a Philosophical Society. With it are associated the names of Chantrey, Montgomery, and Ebenezer Elliott. When you see the place, you will not wonder that Elliott's poetry is what it is; for how could a man be expected to write amiable things in such a detestable town?
Ever since my conversation with the Mechaniker, while on the way to Prague, when he spoke so earnestly in praise of English files, my desire to see how files were made became impatiently strong. Sheffield is famous also for razors; so there was a sight of two interesting manufactures to be hoped for when I set out after breakfast to test my credentials. Fortune
favoured me; and, in the works of Messrs. Rodgers, I saw the men take flat bars of steel and shape them by the aid of fire and hammer into razor-blades with remarkable expedition and accuracy. So expert have they become by long practice, that with the hammer only they form the blade and tang so nicely, as to leave but little for the grinders to waste. I saw also the forging of knife-blades, the making of the handles, the sawing of the buckhorn and ivory by circular saws, and the heap of ivory-dust which is sold to knowing cooks, and by them converted into gelatine. I saw how the knives are fitted together with temporary rivets to ensure perfect action and finish, before the final touches are given. And as we went from room to room, and I thought that each man had been working for years at the same thing, repeating the same movements over and over again, I could not help pitying them; for it seemed to me that they were a sacrifice to the high reputation of English cutlery. Something more than a People’s College and Mechanics’ Institute would be needed to counteract the deadening effect of unvarying mechanical occupation; and where there is no relish for out-door recreation in the woods and on the hills, hurtful excitements are the natural consequence.
I had often heard that Sheffield is the most foul-mouthed town in the kingdom, and my experiences unfortunately add confirmation. While in the train coming from Barnsley, and in my walks about the town, I heard more filthy and obscene talk than could be heard in Wapping in a year. Not to trust to the
impressions of a day, I inquired of a resident banker, and he testified that the foul talk that assailed his ears, was, to him, a continual affliction.
On the wall of the grinding-shop a tablet, set up at the cost of the men, preserves the name of a grinder, who by excellence of workmanship and long and faithful service, achieved merit for himself and the trade. At their work the men sit astride on a low seat in rows of four, one behind the other, leaning over their stones and wheels. For razors, the grindstones are small, so as to produce the hollow surface which favours fineness of edge. From the first a vivid stream of sparks flies off; but the second is a leaden wheel; the third is leather touched with crocus, to give the polish to the steel; and after that comes the whet. To carry off the dust, each man has a fan-box in front of his wheel, through which all the noxious floating particles are drawn by the rapid current of air therein produced. To this fan the grinders of the present generation owe more years of health and life than fell to the lot of their fathers, who inhaled the dust, earned high wages, and died soon of disease of the lungs. I was surprised by the men’s dexterity; by a series of quick movements, they finished every part of the blade on the stone and wheels.
From the razors I went to the files, at Moss and Gamble’s manufactory, in another part of the town. There is scarcely a street from which you cannot see the hills crowned by wood which environ the town—that is, at intervals only, through the thinnest streams of smoke. The town itself is hilly, and the more you see of the neighbourhood, the more will you agree
with those who say, "What a beautiful place Sheffield would be, if Sheffield were not there!"
My first impression of the file-works, combined stacks of Swedish iron in bars; ranges of steel bars of various shape, square, flat, three-cornered, round, and half-round; heaps of broken steel, the fresh edges glittering in the sun; heaps of broken crucibles, and the roar of furnaces, noise of bellows, hammer strokes innumerable, and dust and smoke, and other things, that to a stranger had very much the appearance of rubbish and confusion.
However, there is no confusion; every man is diligent at his task; so if you please, reader, we will try and get a notion of the way in which those bars of Swedish iron are converted into excellent files. Swedish iron is chosen because it is the best; no iron hitherto discovered equals it for purity and strength, and of this the most esteemed is known as "Hoop L," from its brand being an L within a hoop. "If you want good steel to come out of the furnace," say the knowing ones, "you must put good iron in;" and some of them hold that, "when the devil is put into the crucible, nothing but the devil will come out:" hence we may believe their moral code to be sufficient for its purpose. The bars, at a guess, are about eight feet long, three inches broad, and one inch thick. To begin the process, they are piled in a furnace between alternate layers of charcoal, the surfaces kept carefully from contact, and are there subjected to fire for eight or nine days. To enable the workmen to watch the process, small trial pieces are so placed that they can be drawn out for examination through a small hole in
the front of the furnace. In large furnaces, twelve tons of iron are converted at once. The long-continued heat which is kept below the melting-point, drives off the impurities; the bars, from contact with the charcoal, become carbonized and hardened; and when the fiery ordeal is over, they appear thickly bossed with bubbles or blisters, in which condition they are described as "blistered steel."
Now come the operations which convert these blistered bars into the finished bars of steel above mentioned, smooth and uniform of surface, and well-nigh hard as diamond. The blistered bars are taken from the furnace and broken up into small pieces; the fresh edges show innumerable crystals of different dimensions, according to the quality of the iron, and have much the appearance of frosted silver. The pieces are carefully assorted and weighed. The weighers judge of the quality at a glance, and mix the sorts in due proportion in the scales in readiness for the melters, who put each parcel into its proper crucible, and drop the crucibles through holes in a floor into a glowing furnace, where they are left for about half a day.
The making of the crucibles is a much more important part of the operation than would be imagined. They must be of uniform dimensions and quality, or the steel is deteriorated, and they fail in the fire. They are made on the premises, for every melting requires new crucibles. In an underground chamber I saw men at work, treading a large flat heap of fire-clay into proper consistency, weighing it into lumps of a given weight; placing these lumps one after the other in a circular mould, and driving in upon them, with a ponderous mallet, a circular block of the same form and height as the mould, but smaller. As the block sinks under the heavy blows, the clay is forced against the sides of the mould; and when the block can descend no further, there appears all round it a dense ring of clay, and the mould is full. Now, with a dexterous turn, the block is drawn out; the crucible is separated from the mould, and shows itself as a smooth vase, nearly two feet in height. The mouth is carefully finished, and a lid of the same clay fitted, and the crucible is ready for its further treatment. When placed in the furnace, the lids are sealed on with soft clay. The man who treads the clay needs a good stock of patience, for lumps, however small, are fatal to the crucibles.
When the moment arrived, I was summoned to witness the casting. The men had tied round their shins pieces of old sacking, as protection from the heat; they opened the holes in the floor, knocked off the lid of the crucible, and two of them, each with tongs, lifted the crucible from the intensely heated furnace. How it quivered, and glowed, and threw off sparks, and diffused around a scorching temperature! It amazed me that the men could bear it. When two crucibles are lifted out, they are emptied at the same time into the mould; not hap-hazard, but with care that the streams shall unite, and not touch the sides of the mould as they fall. Neglect of this precaution injures the quality. Another precaution is to shut out cold draughts of air during the casting. To judge by the ear, you would fancy the men were pouring out gallons of cream.
The contents of two crucibles form an ingot, short, thick, and heavy. I saw a number of such ingots in the yard. The next process is to heat them, and to pass them while hot between the rollers which convert them into bars of any required form. I was content to forego a visit to the rolling-mill—somewhere in the suburbs—being already familiar with the operation of rolling iron.
We have now the steel in a form ready for the file-makers. Two forgers, one of whom wields a heavy two-handed hammer, cut the bars into lengths, and after a few minutes of fire and anvil, the future file is formed, one end at a time, from tang to point, and stamped. For the half-round files, a suitable depression is made at one side of the anvil. Then comes a softening process to prepare the files for the men who grind or file them to a true form, and for toothing. To cut the teeth, the man or boy lays the file on a proper bed, takes a short, hard chisel between the thumb and finger of his left hand, holds it leaning from him at the required angle, and strikes a blow with the hammer. The blow produces a nick with a slight ridge by its side; against this ridge the chisel is placed for the next stroke, and so on to the next, until, by multiplied blows, the file is fully toothed. The process takes long to describe, but is, in reality, expeditious, as testified by the rapid clatter. Some of the largest files require two men—one to hold the chisel, the other to strike. For the teeth of rasps, a pyramidal punch is used. The different kinds of files are described as roughs, bastard cut, second cut, smooth, and dead smooth; besides an extraordinary heavy
sort, known as rubbers. According to the cut, so is the weight of the hammer employed. Many attempts have been made to cut files by machinery; but they have all failed. There is something in the varying touch of human fingers imparting a keenness to the bite of the file, which the machine with its precise movements cannot produce—even as thistle spines excel all metallic contrivances for the dressing of cloth. And very fortunate it is that machinery can't do everything.
After the toothing, follows the hardening. The hardener lays a few files in a fire of cinders; blows the bellows till a cherry-red heat is produced; then he thrusts the file into a stratum of charcoal, and from that plunges it into a large bath of cold water, the cleaner and colder the better. The plunge is not made anyhow, but in a given direction, and with a varying movement from side to side, according to the shape of the file. The metal, as it enters the water, and for some seconds afterwards, frets and moans piteously; and I expected to see it fly to pieces with the sudden shock. But good steel is true; the man draws the file out, squints along its edge, and if he sees it too much warped, gives it a strain upon a fulcrum, sprinkling it at the same time with cold water. He then lays it aside, takes another from the fire, and treats it in a similar way.
The hardened files are next scrubbed with sand, are dried, the tangs are dipped into molten lead to deprive them of their brittleness; the files are rubbed over with oil, and scratched with a harder piece of metal to test their quality—that is, an attempt is made
to scratch them. If the files be good, it ought to fail. They are then taken between the thumb and finger, and rung to test their soundness; and if no treacherous crack betray its presence, they are tied up in parcels for sale.
I shall not soon forget the obliging kindness with which explanations were given and all my questions answered by a member of the firm, who conducted me over the works. When we came to the end, and I had witnessed the care bestowed on the several operations, I no longer wondered that a Bohemian Mechaniker in the heart of the Continent, or artisans in any part of the world, should find reason to glory in English files. Some people are charitable enough to believe that English files are no unapt examples of English character.
Sheffield is somewhat proud of Chantrey and Montgomery, and honours Elliott by a statue, which, tall of stature and unfaithful in likeness, sits on a pedestal in front of the post-office. I thought that to ramble out to one of the Corn-Law Rhymer’s haunts would be an agreeable way of spending the afternoon and of viewing the scenery in the neighbourhood of the town. I paced up the long ascent of Broome Hill—a not unpleasing suburb—to the Glossop road, and when the town was fairly left behind, was well repaid by the sight of wooded hills and romantic valleys. Amidst scenery such as that you may wander on to Wentworth, to Wharncliff, the lair of the Dragon of Wantley, to Stanedge and Shirecliff, and all the sites of
which Elliott has sung in pictured phrase or words of fire. We look into the valley of the Rivelin, one of the
"Five rivers, like the fingers of a hand,"
that converge upon Sheffield; and were we to explore the tributary brooks, we should discover grinding wheels kept going by the current in romantic nooks and hollows. What a glorious sylvan country this must have been
"—— in times of old
When Locksley o'er the hills of Hallam chas'd
The wide-horn'd stag, or with his bowmen bold
Wag'd war on kinglings."
Troops of women and girls were busy on the slopes gathering bilberries, others were washing the stains from their hands and faces at a roadside spring, others—who told me they had been out six miles—were returning with full baskets to the town. How they chattered! About an hour's walking brings you to a descent; on one side the ground falls away precipitously from the road, on the other rises a rocky cliff, and at the foot you come to a bridge bestriding a lively brook that comes out of a wooded glen and runs swiftly down to the Rivelin. This is the "lone streamlet" so much loved by the poet, to which he addresses one of his poems:
"Here, if a bard may christen thee,
I'll call the Ribbledin."
I turned from the road, and explored the little glen to its upper extremity; scrambling now up one bank, now up the other, wading through rank grass and
ferns, striding from one big stone to another, as compelled by the frequent windings, rejoiced to find that, except in one particular, it still answered to the poet's description:
"Wildest and loneliest streamlet!
Gray oaks, all lichen'd o'er!
Rush-bristled isles, ye ivied trunks
That marry shore to shore!
And thou, gnarl'd dwarf of centuries,
Whose snak'd roots twist above me!
Oh, for the tongue or pen of Burns,
To tell ye how I love ye!"
The overhanging trees multiply, and the green shade deepens, as you ascend. At last I came to the waterfall—the loneliest nook of all, in which the Rhymer had mused and listened to the brook, as he says:
"Here, where first murmuring from thine urn,
Thy voice deep joy expresses;
And down the rock, like music, flows
The wildness of thy tresses."
It was just the place for a day-dream. I sat for nearly an hour, nothing disturbing my enjoyment but now and then the intrusive thought that my holiday was soon to end. However, there is good promise of summers yet to come. I climbed the hill in the rear of the fall, where, knee-deep in heath and fern, I looked down on the top of the oaken canopy and a broad reach of the valley; and intended to return to the town by another road. But the attractions of the glen drew me back; so I scrambled down it by the way I came, and retraced my outward route.
The one particular in which the glen differs from Elliott's description is, that an opening has been made
for, as it appeared to me, a quarry or gravel-pit, from which a loose slope of refuse extends down to the brook, and encroaches on its bed, creating a deformity that shocks the feelings by what seems a desecration. I thought that Ribbledin, at least, might have been saved from spade and mattock; and the more so as Sheffield, poisoned by smoke, can ill afford to lose any place of recreative resort in the neighbourhood. It may be that I felt vexed; for after my return to London, I addressed a letter on the subject to the editor of the *Sheffield Independent*, in the hope that by calling public attention thereto, the hand of the spoiler might be stayed.
As I walked down to the railway-station the next morning in time for the first train, many of the chimneys had just begun to vent their murky clouds, and the smoke falling into the streets darkened the early sunlight; and Labour, preparing to "bend o'er thousand anvils," went with unsmiling face to his daily task.
Away sped the train for Manchester; and just as the Art Treasures Exhibition was opening for the day, I alighted at the door.
Less than half an hour spent in the building sufficed to show that it was a work of the north, not of the south. There was a manifest want of attention to the fitness of things, naturally to be looked for in a county where the bulk of the population have yet so much to learn; where manufacturers, with a yearly income numbered by thousands, can find no better evening resort than the public-house; where so much of the thinking is done by machinery, and where steamengines are built with an excellence of workmanship and splendour of finish well-nigh incredible.
For seven hours did I saunter up and down and linger here and there, as my heart inclined—longest before the old engravings. And while my eye roved from one beautiful object to another, I wondered more and more that the *Times* and some other newspapers had often expressed surprise that so few comparatively of the working-classes visited the Manchester Exhibition. Those best acquainted with the working-classes, as a mass, know full well how little such an exhibition as that appeals to their taste and feelings. To appreciate even slightly such paintings and curiosities of art as were there displayed, requires an amount of previous cultivation rare in any class, and especially so in the working-classes. For the cream of Manchester society, the Exhibition was a fashionable exchange, where they came to parade from three to five in the afternoon—the ladies exhibiting a circumference of crinoline far more ample than I have ever seen elsewhere; and of them and their compeers it would be safe to argue that those attracted by real love of art were but tens among the thousands who went for pastime and fashion.
To me it seems, that of late, we have had rather too much talk about art; by far too much flattery of the artist and artificer, whereby the one with genius and the one with handicraft feel themselves alike ill-used if they are not always before the eyes of the world held up to admiration. And so, instead of a heart working inspired by love, we have a hand working inspired by hopes of praise. The masons who carved those quaint
carvings at Patrington worked out the thought that was in them lovingly, because they had the thought, and not the mere ambitious shadow of a thought. And their work remains admirable for all time, for their hearts were engaged therein as well as heads and hands. But now education and division of labour are to do everything; that is, if flattery fail not; and in wood-engraving we have come to the pass that one man cuts the clouds, another the trees, another the buildings, and another the animal figures; while on steel plates the clouds are "executed" by machinery. For my part, I would be willing to barter a good deal of modern art for the conscience and common honesty which it has helped to obscure.
We are too apt to forget certain conclusions which ought to be remembered; and these are, according to Mr. Penrose, that, "No government, however imperial, can create true taste, or combine excellence with precipitation; that money is lavished in vain where good sense guides neither the design nor the execution; and that art with freedom, of which she is one manifestation, will not condescend to visit the land where she is not invited by the spontaneous instincts, and sustained by the unfettered efforts of the people."
CHAPTER XXIX.
A SHORT CHAPTER TO END WITH.
Here, reader, we part company. The last day of July has come, and whatever may be my inclinations or yours, I must return to London, and report myself to-morrow morning at head-quarters. There will be time while on the way for a few parting words.
If the reading of my book stir you up to go and see Yorkshire with your own eyes and on your own legs, you will, I hope, be able to choose a centre of exploration. For the coast, Flamborough and Whitby would be convenient; for Teesdale, Barnard Castle; for Craven, with its mountains, caves, and scars, Settle; and for the dales, Kettlewell and Aysgarth. Ripon is a good starting-point for Wensleydale; and York, situate where the three Ridings meet, offers railway routes in all directions. My own route, as you have seen, was somewhat erratic, more so than you will perhaps approve; but it pleased me, and if a man cannot please himself while enjoying a holiday, when shall he?
A glance at the map will show you how large a portion of the county is here unnoticed; a portion
large enough for another volume. The omissions are more obvious to you than to me, because I can fill them up mentally by recollections of what I saw during my first sojourn in Yorkshire. A month might be well spent in rambles and explorations in the northwest alone, along the border of Westmoreland; Knaresborough and the valley of the Nidd will generously repay a travel; Hallamshire, though soiled by Sheffield smoke, is full of delightful scenery; and if it will gratify you to see one of the prettiest country towns in England, go to Doncaster. And should you desire further information, as doubtless you will, read Professor Phillips's *Rivers, Mountains, and Sea Coast of Yorkshire*—a book that takes you all through the length and breadth of the county. It tells you where to look for rare plants, where for fossils; reveals the geological history; glances lovingly at all the antiquities; and imparts all the information you are likely to want concerning the inhabitants, from the earliest times, the climate, and even the terrestrial magnetism. I am under great obligations to it, not only for its science and scholarship, but for the means it afforded me, combined with previous knowledge, of choosing a route.
As regards distances, my longest walk, as mentioned at the outset, was twenty-six miles; the next longest, from Brough to Hawes, twenty-two; and all the rest, from fourteen to eighteen miles. Hence, in all the rambles, there is no risk of over-fatigue. I would insert a table of distances, were it not best that you should inquire for yourself when on the spot, and have a motive for talking to the folk on the way. As for
the railways, buy your time-table in Yorkshire; it will enlighten you on some of the local peculiarities, and prove far more useful than the lumbering, much-perplexed Bradshaw.
Of course the Ordnance maps are the best and most complete; but considering that the sheets on the large scale, for Yorkshire alone, would far outweigh your knapsack, they are out of the question for a pedestrian. Failing these, you will find Walker's maps—one for each Riding—sufficiently trustworthy, with the distances from town to town laid down along the lines of road, and convenient for the pocket withal.
Much has been said and written concerning the high cost of travelling in England as compared with the Continent, but is it really so? Experience has taught me that the reverse is the fact, and for an obvious reason—the much shorter distance to be travelled to the scene of your wanderings. In going to Switzerland, for example, there are seven hundred and fifty miles to Basel, before you begin to walk, and the outlay required for such a journey as that is not compensated by any trifling subsequent advantage, if such there be. Some folk travel as if they were always familiar with turtle and champagne at home, and therefore should not complain if they are made to pay for the distinction. But if you are content to go simply on your own merits, wishing nothing better than to enjoy a holiday, it is perfectly possible, while on foot, to travel for four-and-sixpence a day, sometimes even less. And
think not that because you choose the public-house instead of the hotel you will suffer in regard to diet, or find any lack of comfort and cleanliness. The advantage in all these respects, as I know full well, is not unfrequently with the house of least pretension. Moreover, you are not looked on as a mere biped, come in to eat, drink, and sleep, by a waiter who claims his fee as a right; but a show of kindly feeling awaits you, and the lassie who ministers to your wants accepts your gift of a coin with demonstrations of thankfulness. And, again, the public-house shows you far more variety of unsophisticated life and character than you could ever hope to witness in an hotel. Certain friends of mine, newly-wedded, passed a portion of their honeymoon at the Jolly Herring at Penmaenmawr, with much more contentment to themselves than at the large hotels they afterwards visited in the Principality, and at one-half the cost.
Among the inns at which I slept while on my ramble, there are three of which you will do well to beware—that is, if you dislike excessive charges: namely, the Minerva at Hull, the White Hart at Hawes, the Fleece at Thirsk.
The sum total of my walking amounts to three hundred and seventy-five miles. If you go down to Yorkshire, trusting, as I hope, to your own legs for most of your pleasure, you will perhaps outstrip me. At any rate, you will discover that travelling in England is not less enjoyable than on the Continent; may be you will think it more so, especially if, instead of merely visiting one place after another,
you really do travel. You require no ticket-of-leave in the shape of a passport from cowardly emperor or priest-ridden king, and may journey at will from county to county and parish to parish, finding something fresh and characteristic in each, and all the while with the consciousness that it is your own country:
"Our Birth-land this! around her shores roll ocean's sounding waves;
Within her breast our fathers sleep in old heroic graves;
Our Heritage! with all her fame, her honour, heart, and pow'rs,
God's gift to us—we love her well—she shall be ever ours."
INDEX.
Addleborough, 240, 245
Aire, river, 321, 337
—— source of, 331
Aldborough, 68
Alum, manufacture of, 139; hewing, 140; roasting, 141; soaking, 143; crystallising, 144
Alumshale Cliffs, 140
Arncilffe, 136
Askrigg, 241
Atwick, 74
Austin’s Stone, 49
Aysgarth, 287
—— Force, 242, 290
Bain, river, 247
Bainbridge, 234, 238
Balder, river, 194, 208
Barden Fell, 274
—— Tower, 278
Barmston, 58, 76
Barnard Castle, 193
Barnsley, 360
Batley, 351
Bay Town, 117
Beverley, 40, 48, 56
Birkdale, 213
Bishopdale, 286
Bishopthorpe, 317
Blackamoor, 121
Bolton Abbey, 273
—— Castle, 241 286, 293
—— village, 293
Boroughbridge, 201
Boulby, 163
Bowes, 198
Bradford, 345
Bridlington, 77
Brignall Banks, 200
Brough, 220
Brunanburgh, 51
Buckden, 285
—— Pike, 285
Burnsall, 282
Burstall Garth, 28
Burstwick, 21
Buttertubs Pass, 230
Byland Abbey, 315
Calder, river, 351, 359
Caldron Snout, 211
Cam Fell, 249
Carnelian Bay, 100
Carperby, 292
Carrs, the, 58
Cayton Bay, 100
Chapel-le-Dale, 252, 257
Clapdale, 261
Clapham, 261
Cleathorpes, 10, 37
Cleckheaton, 350
Cleveland, 137, 179
Cloughton, 109
Coatham, 172, 175
Cotherstone, 202
Cottingham, 40
Counterside, 247
Coverdale, 242
Coverham Abbey, 242
Coxwold, 315
Craven, 260, 332
Cray, 286
Cronkley Scar, 210
Cross Fell, 217
Dane’s Dike, 82, 93
Darlington, 191
Deira, 49
Derwent, river, 314
Dewsbury, 351
Dimlington, 34
Dinsdale Spa, 191
Drewton, 49
Driffield, 50
Dunsley, 148
Easby heights, 185
— Abbey, 298
East-row, 137
— Witton, 243
Eden, river, 224
Egliston Abbey, 197
Egton, 134
Egton Bridge, 136
Esk, Vale of, 121, 124, 134
Eston Nab, 177, 188
Filey, 94, 99
— Brig, 94, 96
Flamborough, 85
— South Landing, 83
— North Landing, 92
— Lighthouse, 87
— Head, 69, 77, 87, 88
Fountains Abbey, 302
Freeburgh Hill, 167
Gatekirk Cave, 258
Gearstones, 252
George Fox’s Well, 324
Giggleswick, 322
Gilling, 315
Godmanham, 50
Goldsborough, 149
Gordale Scar, 327
Gormire Lake, 309
Great Ayton, 185
Greta Bridge, 199, 201
Grimsby, 10
Grinton, 226, 229
Gristhorp Bay, 99
Grosmont, 138
Guisborough, 177
— Priory, 178
— Moors, 182
Haiburn Wyke, 113
Hambleton Hills, 217, 241, 309
Handale, 167
Hardraw Scar, 232
Hornby, 244
Harpham, 50
Hart Leap Well, 295
Hawes, 229, 231, 249
Haworth, 334
Hawsker, 121
Heckmondwike, 350
Hedon, 21
Helbeck, the, 220
Helmsley, 313
High Cope Nick, 215
High Force, 205
High Seat, 222
Hinderwell, 154
Holderness, 15, 20, 34, 49, 59, 70
Holwick Fell, 209
Hornsea, 67
— Mere, 65
Howardian Hills, 315
Hull, 13
— river, 14, 17, 59
Humber, the, 8, 11, 12, 26
Huntcliff Nab, 168
Hurtle Pot, 256
Hutton Lowcross, 181
Hutton Rudby, 182
Ingleborough, 217, 250, 259, 324
— Cave, 262
— Giant’s Hole, 267
Ingleton, 260
— Fell, 251
Ironstone, 134
Jervaux Abbey, 243
Jet, 130; manufacture of, 131
— diggers, 152
Jingle Pot, 252
Keighley, 333
Kettleleness, 148, 150
Kettlewell, 284
Keyingham, 21
Kildale, 188
Kilnsea, 27
Kilnsey, 283
Kilton, 169
Kirkby Moorside, 314
Kirkdale, 314
Kirkleatham, 175
Kirklees, 351
Kirkstall Abbey, 321
Langstrothdale, 285
| Location | Page Numbers |
|--------------------------|--------------|
| Lartington | 202 |
| Leeds | 321 |
| Leyburn | 242 |
| Lofthouse | 164 |
| Lowths, the | 48 |
| Lowmoor | 350 |
| Lythe | 149 |
| Maiden Way, the | 221 |
| Maize Beck | 214 |
| Malham | 326 |
| —— Cove | 331 |
| —— Tarn | 329 |
| Mallerstang | 224 |
| Malton | 314 |
| Marske | 170 |
| Marston Moor | 317 |
| Marton | 191 |
| Marwood Chase | 194 |
| Meaux | 55 |
| Mickle Fell | 210, 213, 217|
| Middleham | 242, 294 |
| Middlesbrough | 184, 189 |
| Middleton-in-Teesdale | 204 |
| Millgill Force | 235 |
| Mirfield | 351, 359 |
| Mortham | 200 |
| Muker | 229, 230 |
| Mulgrave | 137, 147 |
| —— Cement | 140 |
| Nappa | 244 |
| Newby Head | 250 |
| Newlay | 322 |
| Newton | 190 |
| Nine Standards | 222 |
| Northallerton | 300 |
| Nunthorp | 190 |
| Oswaldkirk | 315 |
| Ouse, river | 318 |
| Ovington | 201 |
| Owthorne | 34 |
| Patrington | 22 |
| Paul | 10 |
| Peak, the | 116 |
| Pendle Hill | 324 |
| Pendragon Castle | 203 |
| Penyghent | 217, 285, 324|
| Penhill | 242, 286 |
| Pickering, Vale of | 121, 314 |
| Pilmoor | 315 |
| Plowland | 26 |
| Raby | 194 |
| Raven Hall | 116 |
| Ravenhill | 148 |
| Ravenser Odd | 31 |
| Ravensworth | 200 |
| Raydale | 247 |
| Redcar | 170 |
| Red Cliff | 100 |
| Redshaw | 250 |
| Reeth | 230, 294 |
| Ribble, river | 252, 260, 323|
| Ribbledin, the | 373 |
| Richmond | 200, 295 |
| Rievaulx Abbey | 311 |
| Ripon | 300 |
| Rivelin, the | 373 |
| Robin Hood | 107, 121 |
| —— Hood's Bay | 116 |
| Rokeby | 194, 197 |
| Rolleston Hall | 75 |
| Romaldkirk | 203 |
| Rosebury Topping | 168, 182 |
| Routh | 59 |
| Runswick | 150 |
| Rye, river | 310, 315 |
| Ryedale | 313 |
| Sandsend | 137 |
| —— Alum-works | 138 |
| Saltaire | 336 |
| Saltburn | 168 |
| Scarborough | 88, 99; Spa, 101; Castle, 105 |
| Scarth Nick | 294 |
| Seamer Moor | 109 |
| Selwick's Bay | 88, 91 |
| Settle | 323 |
| Shaw | 231 |
| Sheffield | 362 |
| Shipley | 336, 344 |
| Shirecliff | 372 |
| Shunner Fell | 224 |
| Sigglesthorne | 66 |
| Simmer Water | 247 |
| Simonstone | 231 |
| Skawton | 310 |
| Skeffling | 25 |
INDEX.
Skelton, 186
Skinningrave, 165
Skipsea, 76
Skipton, 271
Skirlington, 74
Speeton, 93
Spennithorne, 243
Spurn, the, 30, 33
—— lighthouse, 7, 36
Stainmoor, 198, 219
Staintondale Cliffs, 114
Staithes, 154
Stake Fell, 246, 286
Stalling Busk, 249
Stamford Brig, 317
Standard Hill, 54
Stanedge, 372
Starbottom, 285
Stonesdale, 228
Stockdale, 325
Stockton, 191
Street Houses, 164
Strid, the, 276
Sutton, 308
Sunk Island, 8, 24
Swaledale, 227, 230, 295
Swale, river, 226
Symon Seat, 274, 281
Tan Hill, 225
Tees, river, 171, 193, 197, 211
Thirsk, 306
Thoralby, 287
Thornton Force, 258
Thorsgill, 198
Threshfield, 282, 332
Thwaite, 228
Tickton, 59
Topcliffe, 43
Towton, 317
Ulshaw, 242
Upgang, 137
Upleatham, 177
Ure, river, 233, 290, 300
Wakefield, 359
Wassand, 66
Watton, 55
Weathercote Cave, 252
Welwick, 26
Wentworth, 372
Wensleydale, 230, 231, 235, 241, 286
Wharfe, river, 278
Wharfedale, 273, 283
Wharncliff, 372
Whernside, Great and Little, 217, 285
Whitby, 127
—— Abbey, 121
Whitfell, 235
Whitfell Force, 236
Widdale, 249
Wild Boar Fell, 224
Winch Bridge, 205
Winestead, 22
Winston, 201
Withernsea, 34
Witton Fell, 242
Wombwell, 361
Wycliffe, 200
Yarborough House, 81
Yarm, 191
Yearby bank, 177
Yordas Cave, 258
York, Vale of, 315
York, 316
THE END.
C. WHITING, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper.
1. **Demographic Data**: This includes information such as age, gender, race/ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and marital status. Demographic data can be used to identify trends and patterns in consumer behavior, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their marketing strategies.
2. **Behavioral Data**: This includes information such as website visits, search queries, social media interactions, and purchase history. Behavioral data can be used to understand how consumers interact with a brand and what factors influence their purchasing decisions.
3. **Geospatial Data**: This includes information such as location, time, and weather conditions. Geospatial data can be used to analyze consumer behavior in different regions and to predict future trends based on current data.
4. **Sentiment Analysis**: This involves analyzing the emotions expressed in text data, such as social media posts or customer reviews. Sentiment analysis can be used to gauge public opinion and to identify areas where a brand may need to improve its products or services.
5. **Predictive Analytics**: This involves using statistical models to forecast future trends based on historical data. Predictive analytics can be used to identify potential risks and opportunities for a business, and to develop strategies to mitigate or capitalize on these factors.
6. **Big Data**: This refers to the large volumes of data generated by modern technology, such as social media platforms, online shopping websites, and mobile apps. Big data can be used to gain insights into consumer behavior and to develop targeted marketing campaigns.
7. **Internet of Things (IoT)**: This involves collecting data from connected devices, such as smart home appliances and wearables. IoT data can be used to monitor consumer behavior and to develop personalized recommendations based on individual preferences.
8. **Natural Language Processing (NLP)**: This involves analyzing and understanding human language, such as speech and text. NLP can be used to extract meaning from unstructured data, such as social media posts and customer reviews, and to develop more accurate predictive models.
9. **Machine Learning**: This involves using algorithms to automatically learn from data and make predictions or recommendations. Machine learning can be used to identify patterns in consumer behavior and to develop more sophisticated marketing strategies.
10. **Data Visualization**: This involves creating visual representations of data, such as charts and graphs. Data visualization can be used to communicate complex information in an easy-to-understand format, and to identify trends and patterns in consumer behavior.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science. It is intended to provide a quick reference for those who need to understand these concepts.
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data in a computer so that it can be accessed efficiently.
3. Database: A collection of data organized in a structured manner.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software system that manages databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that it cannot be read by unauthorized users.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters.
7. Interface: A way of communicating between two systems or programs.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that uses objects to represent real-world entities.
9. Protocol: A set of rules that govern how data is transmitted between two systems.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The protection of data from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that allows users to interact with the program.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
18. API: Application Programming Interface, a set of rules and protocols for building software applications.
19. Cloud Computing: The delivery of computing resources over the internet.
20. Big Data: Large volumes of data that require specialized techniques for processing and analysis.
21. Machine Learning: A subset of artificial intelligence that focuses on developing algorithms that can learn from data and make predictions or decisions without being explicitly programmed.
22. Natural Language Processing (NLP): A subfield of artificial intelligence that focuses on enabling computers to understand, interpret, and generate human language.
23. Neural Networks: A type of machine learning algorithm inspired by the structure and function of the human brain.
24. Quantum Computing: A type of computing that uses quantum-mechanical phenomena, such as superposition and entanglement, to perform operations on data.
25. Blockchain: A decentralized digital ledger that records transactions across many computers in such a way that the registered transactions cannot be altered retroactively.
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Improving Skill in Applying Mathematical Ideas: A Preliminary Report on the Instructional Gaming Program at Pelham Middle School in Detroit
Layman E. Allen
*University of Michigan Law School*, email@example.com
Joan Ross
*University of Michigan*
Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/other/99
Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/other
Part of the Curriculum and Instruction Commons, and the Educational Methods Commons
**Recommended Citation**
Allen, Layman E., co-author. "Improving Skill in Applying Mathematical Ideas: A Preliminary Report on the Instructional Gaming Program at Pelham Middle School in Detroit." J. Ross, co-author. In ERIC (Originally published in: *Proceedings of the National Gaming Council 13th Annual Symposium*, 127-36. 1974.
This Conference Proceeding is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Other Publications by an authorized administrator of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact firstname.lastname@example.org.
IMPROVING SKILL IN APPLYING MATHEMATICAL IDEAS:
A Preliminary Report on the
Instructional Gaming Program at Pelham Middle School in Detroit
Layman E. Allen and Joan Ross
University of Michigan
Presented at the 13th Annual Symposium of the NATIONAL GAMING COUNCIL, October 8-10, 1974, Pittsburgh, Pa. Co-sponsored by Carnegie-Mellon University, Duquesne University, and the University of Pittsburgh
Abstract
IMPROVING SKILL IN APPLYING MATHEMATICAL IDEAS:
A Preliminary Report on the Instructional Gaming Program at Pelham Middle School in Detroit
Layman E. Allen and Joan Ross
University of Michigan
Performance of 237 students in ten 8th-grade mathematics classes was assessed to measure their ability to solve problems which involve only computation and problems which involve both computation and recognition of the relevance of a particular mathematical idea which is indispensable to the solution of the problem. Pretests and post-tests focused upon 21 mathematical ideas which are presented in the present series of IMP (Instructional Math Play) Kits, 16-page pamphlet simulations of a computer programmed to play EQUATIONS like a good teacher rather than like a good player.
Results show that the combination of playing EQUATIONS over a two-year period and then working intensively with the IMP Kits for two weeks enables students to apply mathematical ideas (in the sense studied in this experiment) better than any of the other four sets of conditions do: better than just playing EQUATIONS alone, better than playing EQUATIONS and being taught explicitly by the teacher the 21 ideas presented in the IMP Kits, better than being taught the 21 ideas in an ordinary traditional mathematics class, and better than being in an ordinary traditional class without any special teaching of the ideas — and, furthermore, better in each case by a highly conservative test at an extreme level of significance (.0001).
At the beginning of the experiment the IMP Kit group was clearly performing at a higher level of achievement than were the other groups. This superior performance seems linked to their two-year experience in playing EQUATIONS. Available evidence indicates that the EQUATIONS and nonEQUATIONS groups were not different upon their entry to 7th grade, but that after two years of different experience with respect to whether or not they played EQUATIONS, the EQUATIONS group was significantly better in both computing with and applying mathematical ideas. The emphasis of the IMP Kit experience is clearly in the direction of improving skills in applying mathematical ideas, although it does improve both computation and application. In terms of reducing the difference between understanding a mathematical idea in the sense of computing correctly with it and understanding it in the sense of being able to apply it in a context where it must be recognized to be relevant, playing through the IMP Kits clearly is more effective than any of the other methods tried in this experiment (except possibly playing EQUATIONS alone, where the effect is in the right direction but not significantly so).
IMPROVING SKILL IN APPLYING MATHEMATICAL IDEAS:
A Preliminary Report on the Instructional Gaming Program at Pelham Middle School in Detroit*
Layman E. Allen and Joan Ross
University of Michigan
INTRODUCTION
Educators working with the EQUATIONS game and associated materials quickly become aware that applying mathematical ideas is much more difficult than merely computing with those ideas. Of course, "applying" an idea is a somewhat vague notion; this preliminary report will be addressed to one aspect of application -- namely, recognition that an idea is indispensably relevant to the solution of a problem. Consider the following pair of problems: the first is the C-type (computation), and the second is the R-type (relevance).
1. \(6 - (1-3) = ?\)
| A | B | C | Yes | No |
|---|---|---|-----|----|
| | 8 | | | |
2. \(-136\)
By writing an X in the Yes or No column, indicate whether or not all of the numbers and operations in Column A can be appropriately ordered and grouped (inserting parentheses wherever necessary) to form an expression equal to the number in Column B. If your answer is Yes, write that expression in Column C.
The indispensably relevant idea for solving each of the problems is the subtraction of negative numbers. In the C-type problem, the very statement of the problem clearly and explicitly indicates that subtracting a negative number is involved. That is neither so clearly nor so explicitly cued in the statement of the R-type problem. Those who understand how to subtract negative numbers can easily do the first problem correctly. But many of those who can solve a C-type problem involving subtraction of negative numbers fail to solve a corresponding R-type problem involving negative numbers. In general (in the groups we have studied), about two-thirds of those who solve C-type problems fail to solve a corresponding R-type problem that involves the same idea.
*We gratefully acknowledge the indispensable relevance of the cooperation of four dedicated educators at Pelham Middle School whose enthusiastic support made this study possible: Lewis Jeffries, Principal; Gloria Jackson, Mathematics Department Chairperson; and William Beeman and Harold Hauer, Mathematics Teachers.
R-type problem is considerably harder than the C-type in this example because the student must recognize from less clear and less explicit cues that subtracting negative numbers is an indispensably relevant idea for solving the problem. "Understanding" an idea in the R-sense (being able to solve R-type problems) includes understanding it in the C-sense, but it also involves something more. R-sense understanding includes the capability of selecting from among a storehouse of ideas understood in the C-sense, those that are indispensably relevant for solving a particular problem. The question to which this study is addressed is whether skills in applying mathematical ideas can be improved by learning procedures that emphasize exposure to situations that are rich in opportunities for such application at levels of complexity that are appropriate for each learner.
The EQUATIONS Game and the IMP (Instructional Math Play) Kits
The rules that define the EQUATIONS game establish a problem-generating and problem-solving interaction between small groups of students, an interaction that can easily be controlled to provide a highly individualized learning experience for each of the participants. It is a RAG (Resource Allocation Game) where the resources involved are mathematical ideas. (For details, see Allen, 1972.) The IMP Kits are 16-page pamphlet-simulations of a computer playing EQUATIONS where the computer is programmed to play like a good teacher, rather than like a good player. Each kit presents a lesson on one mathematical idea. There are at present five versions of each of 21 ideas, or a total of 105 kits. (For details, see Allen & Ross, 1974.)
METHODS
Subjects
All of the students in each of ten of the fourteen eighth-grade classes in mathematics at Pelham Middle School participated in the study. The ten classes were chosen to include all four of the classes in which the EQUATIONS game had been used during the prior two years as part of the regular instructional program in mathematics and two other classes of each of the three participating teachers. Pretest and/or posttest data were collected on 237 of the students enrolled in these ten classes.
Experimental Treatments
The following five different sets of experimental conditions were represented in the ten classes:
I an EQUATIONS class in which the IMP Kits were used in five class periods during the two-week experiment and the regular once-a-week EQUATIONS tournament was continued;
E an EQUATIONS class in which the game was played for the five class periods without any explicit teaching of the 21 IMP Kit ideas;
TE two EQUATIONS classes in which the game was played for five class periods and the teachers explicitly taught
the 21 ideas presented in the IMP Kits;
O three non-EQUATIONS classes in which the ordinary classroom procedure was continued without change with no special attention given to the 21 IMP Kit ideas; and
T three non-EQUATIONS classes in which the teachers explicitly taught the 21 IMP Kit ideas for five class periods.
The set of conditions of greatest interest to the researchers was that of the I group in which students individually played through the IMP Kits, completing as many of the set of 105 as they could in the five periods. Before this group started on the IMP Kits, one class period was devoted to teaching members of the class how to use the kits.
**Dependent Variables**
The effects of the various sets of experimental conditions were measured by two different forms of a pair of specially-constructed tests targeted at the 21 mathematical ideas presented in the IMP Kits. The first of the pair of tests is called a C test; it contains only C-type items. The second test is called an R test; it contains only R-type items. Two different forms of the C test were used (Form C and Form D), as well as two different forms of the R test (Form E and Form F). In each of the ten classes in which these tests were administered, the students were divided into eight groups — G1, G2, ..., G8. Each student received a C test and an R test as pretests, and each received alternative forms of the two tests as posttests as follows:
| Order of Administration | Groups |
|-------------------------|--------|
| Pretest | |
| 1 | C |
| 2 | E |
| Posttest | |
| 1 | -F |
| 2 | D |
Using Ca (after) to denote the score on the C posttest and Cb (before) to denote the C pretest score (and similarly for the R pretests and posttests), outcome measures of three dependent variables can be specified as follows:
1. Ca - Cb Increase in performance on C test
2. Ra - Rb Increase in performance on R test
3. (Ca-Ra) - (Cb-Rb) Decrease in difference in performance on C test and R test
**RESULTS**
The scores for each of the five experimental groups, summarized in Figure 1, were significantly higher (at the .0001 level) on the C test than on the R test both on pretests and on posttests. The mean pretest score for all students on the C test was 5.10, while for the R test it was 1.40 (maximum score = 21); a ratio of about 3.6 to 1. On the postests the ratio decreased to 2.6 to 1 with
mean scores of 6.32 and 2.43, respectively.
Three of the experimental groups had significant differences between pretest and posttest scores on the C test (measured by Ca-Cb). The IMP Kit group (I) had a mean pretest of 7.70 and 9.26 on the posttest, significantly higher at the .001 level, and the groups that were explicitly taught the 21 ideas (TE and T) went from 5.33 to 7.48 and from 4.02 to 5.32, respectively, significantly higher on the posttest at the .0001 level.
The same three experimental groups had significant differences between pretest and posttest scores on the R test (measured by Ra-Rb). The IMP Kit group and the T group were significantly higher on the posttest (.0001) with mean pretest-to-posttest scores of 3.39 to 6.78 and 0.59 to 1.41, respectively, whereas the TE group was significantly higher at the .0005 level with scores of 1.65 to 2.84.
Only two of the experimental groups showed significant changes in the gap between C-sense understanding and R-sense understanding from the pretests to the posttests (as measured by (Ca-Ra) - (Cb-Rb)). The IMP Kit group achieved a 1.83 reduction in its CR Gap, significant at the .005 level, in moving from a pretest gap of 4.30 to a posttest gap of 2.48. On the other hand, the T group increased its CR Gap by 0.95; significant at the .05 level, with a pretest gap of 3.67 and a posttest gap of 4.64.
In comparing the test scores of the experimental groups with each other, only those pairs in the total collection that qualify by the highly conservative Scheffe procedure (see Winer, 1971) at the .05 level of significance are reported as being significantly different. The results of the between-group comparisons are summarized in Figure 2.
On the pretest scores seven of the pairs of groups were significantly different on the C tests, six pairs were different on the R tests, but none were significantly different on the amount of the CR Gap. The significance lines written over the names of each of the experimental groups in Figure 2 should be interpreted as follows:
1. Groups whose names do not appear under a common line do differ significantly from each other;
2. those whose names do appear under a common line do not differ significantly from each other.
Hence, on C pretest scores the IMP Kit group was significantly higher than the TE, O, and T groups (at the .0001 level); the E group was higher (.001) than the TE group and higher (.0001) than the O and T groups; and the TE group was higher (.0005) than the T group. On the R pretest scores the IMP Kit group was again significantly higher than the TE, O, and T groups (.0001); the E group, higher than the O and T groups (.0001); and the TE group, higher than the T group (.0005). The lack of any significant difference on the pretest scores between any of the pairs of experimental groups with respect to the amount of CR Gap is indicated by the appearance of all of the names of the groups under a common line.
On the posttest scores one less pair of groups was different on the C test; one more pair, different on the R test; and there emerged at this time a pair different with respect to the CR Gap.
| | ALL | L | E | TE | O | T |
|---|-----|----|----|----|----|----|
| C | | | | | | |
| H | 206 | 202| 188| 23 | 23 | 23 |
| X | 5.10| 6.32| 1.26| 7.70| 9.26| 1.57|
| Sx| 2.50| 3.23| 2.36| 2.29| 2.75| 2.39|
| Signif.| .0001| ns| ns| ns| ns| ns|
| R | | | | | | |
| N | 207 | 202| 181| 23 | 23 | 23 |
| X | 1.40| 2.43| 1.03| 3.39| 6.78| 3.40|
| Sx| 1.70| 2.79| 1.81| 1.56| 3.16| 2.27|
| Signif.| .0001| ns| ns| ns| ns| ns|
| C-R| | | | | | |
| N | 202 | 198| 181| 23 | 23 | 23 |
| X | 3.73| 3.93| 0.20| 4.30| 2.48| 1.83|
| Sx| 1.88| 2.22| 2.60| 1.99| 1.86| 2.17|
| Signif.| ns| .005| ns| ns| ns| ns|
| KEY |
| Treatments: |
| --- --- --- |
| C test | I | IHP Kits |
| R test | E | EQUATIONS |
| a (after) posttest | TE | Taught 21 Ideas, EQUATIONS |
| b (before) pretest | O | Ordinary Classroom activities |
| C C test | T | Taught 21 Ideas |
| R R test | | |
Mathematics Pretest and Posttest Scores on C Tests and R Tests of Five Experimental Groups of Eighth-Grade Classes Pelham Middle School, Detroit, 1974
On the C posttest scores both the IMP Kit group and the E group were significantly higher (.0001) than the T and O groups, and the TE group was higher (.0005) than the T group as well as higher (.0001) than the O group. On the R posttest scores the IMP Kit group was significantly higher (.0001) than every one of the other groups; the E group, higher (.0001) than the T and O groups; and the TE group, higher (.001) than the T group and higher (.0001) than the O group. With respect to the amount of CR Gap on posttest scores, the one pair significantly different resulted primarily from the large pretest-posttest improvement in the R test score of the IMP Kit group; thus the CR Gap of the IMP Kit group turned out to be significantly smaller (.0001) than that of the TE group.
On the improvement indicated by the difference between posttest and pretest scores, the IMP Kit group clearly emerges as the group that achieved the greatest improvement. The only other group that was significantly higher than any of the other groups on any of the three improvement measures was the TE group. In improvement on C test scores only one pair of groups was significantly different: the improvement of the TE group was greater (.005) than that of the O group. In improvement on R test scores the IMP Kit group was significantly greater (.0001) than every one of the other groups, and the TE group was greater (.001) than the O group. With respect to what is probably the most important measure of all — the extent of the improvement in reducing the CR Gap — the IMP Kit group is the only group significantly better than any of the other groups. It deserves emphasis that the IMP Kit group turned out significantly better on this measure than every other group except the E group — and better than the E group, although not significantly so. The improvement of the IMP Kit group in reducing the CR Gap was greater (.0005) than that of the O and T groups and greater (.0001) than that of the TE group.
The significant differences on the C pretest and R pretest scores among the experimental groups deserve close scrutiny. Most (10 of the 13) of the differences are differences between EQUATIONS groups and nonEQUATIONS groups, and nearly half (6 of 13) are differences between the IMP Kit group and other groups. This raises the question as to whether the EQUATIONS groups generally and the IMP Kit group in particular were not simply more capable students at the beginning of the experiment. If so, perhaps it is not surprising that they improved more in learning to apply mathematical ideas during the two-week experiment. The next question is: Given that the students in the EQUATIONS groups were more capable at the end of their eighth-grade year when the experiment was conducted, were they also more capable two years earlier when they entered seventh grade?
School records indicate that the Stanford Arithmetic Test - Advanced (computation) was administered to all entering seventh-grade classes two years earlier and that 112 of the students in this study participated. From the scores recorded for this sample of the 237 students in the study for whom there is this indication of mathematical capability at the time of entry to the seventh grade, it appears that there was no significant difference between any of the pairs of the experimental groups at that time. In particular, there was no significant difference between the IMP Kit group and any of the other groups. Also, when data for the three EQUATIONS groups
Figure 2
| Tests | Pratetest | Posttest | Pratetest - Posttest |
|-------|-----------|----------|----------------------|
| | Significance Lines and Levels | Significance Lines and Levels | Significance Lines and Levels |
| C | T O TE E I | O* T TE E I | O ns ns ns .005 |
| T | ns .0005 .0001 .0001 | ns .0001 .0001 | ns ns ns |
| O | ns .0001 .0001 | ns ns | ns ns ns |
| TE | .001 .0001 | ns ns | ns ns |
| E | ns | ns | ns |
| | Significance Lines and Levels | Significance Lines and Levels | Significance Lines and Levels |
|-------|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| R | T O TE E I | O T TE E I | O ns ns .0001 .0001 |
| T | ns .0005 .0001 .0001 | ns .0001 .0001 | ns ns ns |
| O | ns .0001 .0001 | ns ns | ns ns ns |
| TE | ns .0001 | ns ns | ns ns |
| E | ns | ns | ns |
| | Significance Lines and Levels | Significance Lines and Levels | Significance Lines and Levels |
|-------|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| C-R | T I TE T O | TE E L O I | TE ns ns ns .0001 |
| E | ns ns ns ns | ns ns ns | ns ns ns |
| I | ns ns ns ns | ns ns ns | ns ns ns |
| TE | ns ns ns ns | ns ns ns | ns ns ns |
| T | ns | ns | ns |
KEY
Treatments:
I IMP Kite
E EQUATIONS
TE Taught 21 Ideas, EQUATIONS
O Ordinary classroom activities
T Taught 21 Ideas
Significance Levels of Pairs of Sets of Conditions that Significantly Differ from Each Other on Test Scores*
* The only pairs of sets of conditions shown in this table as significantly different from each other are those in the collection of pairs that satisfy the highly conservative Scheffe procedure at the .05 level.
are combined and those for the two nonEQUATIONS groups are also combined, there is no significant difference in mean scores between the EQUATIONS groups and the nonEQUATIONS groups. The data are summarized in Table 1.
Table 1
| Group | All | I | E | TE | O | T | EQ | nEQ |
|-------|-----|-----|-----|-----|-----|-----|-----|-----|
| N | 112 | 22 | 14 | 25 | 23 | 28 | 61 | 51 |
| X | 46.54 | 48.95 | 52.07 | 44.36 | 44.96 | 43.50 | 47.79 | 45.06 |
| Sx | 11.48 | 9.59 | 11.06 | 10.93 | 10.05 | 13.70 | 10.78 | 12.20 |
Mathematical Capabilities Two Years Earlier:
Scores on Stanford Arithmetic Test - Advanced (computation)
Administered in September 1972, for 112 of the 237 Students in This Study Enrolled in Pelham Middle School Eighth Grade Classes May 1974
The EQUATIONS and nonEQUATIONS groups were quite different two school years later when this experiment was undertaken, as was the IMP Kit group compared to all other groups except the E group. On the C pretest the EQUATIONS groups had a mean score of 6.38, significantly higher at the .0001 level than the 4.16 mean score of the nonEQUATIONS groups. On the R pretest the EQUATIONS groups were also significantly higher (.0001); the mean scores were 2.36 to 0.71. With respect to the CR Gap the 0.50 difference between the means of the two groups was not significant. The data for the EQUATIONS groups compared to the nonEQUATIONS groups are summarized in Table 2. The data for the other comparisons are in Figure 2.
Table 2
| Test | Pretest | Posttest | Posttest - Pretest |
|------|---------|----------|--------------------|
| | EQ | nonEQ | EQ | nonEQ | EQ | nonEQ |
| C | | | | | | |
| N | 87 | 119 | 84 | 118 | 84 | 104 |
| X | 6.38 | 4.16 | 8.14 | 5.02 | 1.68 | 0.91 |
| Sx | 2.62 | 1.94 | 3.35 | 2.41 | 2.44 | 2.24 |
| Signif. | .0001 | .0001 | .05 | | | |
| R | | | | | | |
| N | 86 | 121 | 84 | 118 | 83 | 107 |
| X | 2.36 | 0.71 | 4.18 | 1.18 | 1.72 | 0.50 |
| Sx | 1.94 | 1.08 | 3.17 | 1.55 | 2.20 | 1.19 |
| Signif. | .0001 | .0001 | .0001 | | | |
| C-R | | | | | | |
| N | 86 | 116 | 84 | 114 | 83 | 98 |
| X | 4.02 | 3.52 | 3.96 | 3.91 | -0.04 | 0.41 |
| Sx | 2.06 | 1.72 | 2.44 | 2.06 | 2.99 | 2.22 |
| Signif. | ns | ns | ns | | | |
Comparison of EQUATIONS and nonEQUATIONS Groups.
DISCUSSION
This study provides strong support for the proposition that skills in applying mathematical ideas can be improved by learning procedures that are rich in opportunities for such application at appropriate levels of complexity for each student. Interpreted most favorably, the results show that the combination of playing EQUATIONS over a two-year period and then working intensively with the IMP Kits for two weeks enables students to apply mathematical ideas (in the sense studied in this experiment) better than any of the other four sets of conditions do: better than just playing EQUATIONS alone; better than playing EQUATIONS and being taught explicitly by the teacher the 21 ideas presented in the IMP Kits; better than being taught the 21 ideas in an ordinary traditional mathematics class; and better than being in an ordinary traditional class without any special teaching of the ideas -- and, furthermore, better in each case by a highly conservative test at an extreme level of significance (.0001). It should be acknowledged immediately that there are some questions with respect to this most favorable interpretation that require further investigation. At the start of the experiment the IMP Kit group was clearly performing at a higher level of achievement than were the other groups. This superior performance seems linked to their two-year experience in playing EQUATIONS. The available evidence indicates that the EQUATIONS and nonEQUATIONS groups were not different upon their entry to the seventh grade, but that after two years of different experience with respect to whether or not they played EQUATIONS, the EQUATIONS group was significantly better in both computing with and applying these 21 mathematical ideas. The emphasis of the IMP Kit experience is clearly in the direction of improving skills in applying mathematical ideas, although it does improve both computing and applying. In terms of reducing the difference between understanding a mathematical idea in the sense of computing correctly with it and understanding it in the sense of being able to apply it in a context where it must be recognized to be relevant (the CR Gap), playing through the IMP Kits clearly is more effective than any of the other methods tried in this experiment (except possibly playing EQUATIONS alone, where the effect is in the right direction but is not significant).
For classrooms in which learning to apply mathematical ideas is still a problem, the implications of the findings of this study are obvious: learning environments so structured are effective -- and should be used.
In an earlier study (Allen & Main, 1973), the objectives of designing structured learning environments of the type studied here were described as the enhancement of both the affective and cognitive dimensions. It was shown there that attitude as measured by absenteeism was profoundly affected through the use of such structured learning environments, and the prediction was ventured that in intelligent hands the achievement of knowledge should be, too. In this inner-city school in Detroit the learning structure we are designing has been in such hands. We still need to learn more, but the efforts there have advanced our understanding one solid step along the way.
REFERENCES
Allen, Layman E.
[1972] EQUATIONS: The Game of Creative Mathematics, Autotelic Instructional Materials Publishers, New Haven (1964, 1972 Edition).
[1972] RAG-PELT: Resource Allocation Games -- Planned Environments for Learning and Thinking. SIMULATION & GAMES, Vol. III, No. 4, pp. 407-438 (December 1972).
[1973] Allen, Layman E., and Main, Dana. The Effect of Instructional Gaming upon Absenteeism: The First Step, SIMULATION AND GAMING, Edited by John E. Moriarty. Proceedings of the 12th Annual Symposium of the National Gaming Council and the 4th Annual Conference of the International Simulation And Gaming Association. Held at the National Bureau of Standards, Gaithersburg, Md., September 17-19, 1973. NBS Special Publication 395.
[1974] Allen, Layman E., and Ross, Joan. Instructional Gaming as a Means to Achieve Skill in Selecting Ideas Relevant for Solving a Problem, Proceedings of the 5th Annual Conference of ISAGA (International Simulation and Gaming Association), Technical University, Berlin, Germany, May 25-27, 1974.
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THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
MUSIC
LIBRARY
Gift of
Francis L. Peycke
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation
http://www.archive.org/details/americanhistorye08hubbia
THE AMERICAN HISTORY AND ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MUSIC
W. L. HUBBARD
EDITOR IN CHIEF
ARTHUR FOOTE
GEO. W. ANDREWS EDWARD DICKINSON
Associate Editors
Special Contributors
G. W. CHADWICK FREDERICK STARR
FRANK DAMROSCH H. E. KREHBIEL
FREDERICK STOCK EMIL LIEBLING
W. J. HENDERSON
IRVING SQUIRE
Toledo
New York Chicago
The Leaning Tower of Pisa
THE METROPOLITAN, NEW YORK
New York possesses in the Metropolitan an opera house which ranks with the most important in the world. It faces on Broadway and extends from Thirty-ninth Street to Fortieth Street. It is severely plain and practical in design but none the less spacious and imposing. Including the seventy-three boxes it has a seating capacity of 3500, the auditorium being unsurpassed in convenience of arrangement. The stage is one hundred feet in length, ninety feet in depth and one hundred and fifty feet in height. The cost of the Metropolitan was $1,500,000. The two tiers of boxes and three balconies make in all five galleries. The Metropolitan was opened Oct. 22, 1883, with Henry F. Abbey as manager. "Faust" was sung with Campanini and Nilsson as principals in the cast. The Metropolitan was built and managed by a corporation composed largely of men who were unable to secure boxes at the Academy of Music, then the only opera house in the city.
THE AMERICAN HISTORY AND ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MUSIC
HISTORY OF
AMERICAN MUSIC
WITH
INTRODUCTIONS
BY
GEORGE W. CHADWICK
AND
FRANK DAMROSCH
W. L. HUBBARD
EDITOR
IRVING SQUIRE
New York Toledo Chicago
Copyright 1908 by
IRVING SQUIRE
Entered Stationers' Hall
LONDON
## CONTENTS
| Topic | Page |
|--------------------------------------------|------|
| American Composers | 1 |
| Music in the Public Schools | 17 |
| Music of North American Indians | 39 |
| Negro Music and Negro Minstrelsy | 49 |
| Popular Music | 71 |
| Patriotic and National Music | 101 |
| Psalmody and Church Music | 137 |
| Musical Education | 173 |
| Concerts and Oratorios | 205 |
| Opera in America | 231 |
| Instrumental Music, Bands and Orchestras | 255 |
| American Musicians | 289 |
| The Music Trades | 313 |
| Summary and Outlook | 345 |
| Selected Bibliography | 351 |
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
| Illustration | Page |
|------------------------------|------|
| The Metropolitan, New York | Frontispiece |
| Edward Alexander MacDowell | 8 |
| Indian Plate | 43 |
| Fiske Jubilee Singers | 65 |
| Lowell Mason | 138 |
| Stephinus Collins Foster | 176 |
| Franz Kneisel | 220 |
| Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore | 256 |
| Theodore Thomas | 272 |
| Mrs. H. H. A. Beach | 293 |
AMERICAN COMPOSERS
G. W. CHADWICK.
Theodore Thomas once remarked that he thought the prestige of Boston as a musical city during the last twenty-five years was largely due to the influence of Harvard University. It is not probable that he meant the direct educational influence, since Harvard has at no time encouraged the study of "applied" music or influenced her students to become professional musicians by offering technical training in singing or the playing of musical instruments. Rather is it to be inferred that he had in mind the refining influence of the fine arts, and that broad, general culture which Harvard offers in such large measure, and of which it is so easy for the citizens of Boston to take advantage.
Nevertheless, Harvard was the first University in America to add music to its curriculum as a serious study. For many years an orchestral society of undergraduates, known as the Pierian Sodality, had flourished in the college, and out of this grew later, in Boston, the Harvard Musical Association. This society, originally organized largely of Harvard graduates, kept orchestral music alive in Boston for more than fifteen years; in fact, from 1865 until 1881,
when the Boston Symphony Orchestra was founded. From this time its activity as a concert-giving organization practically ceased, but it still exists and flourishes as a social organization, numbering among its members most of the musical Harvard alumni as well as the principal professional musicians who live in Boston, and its fine library is a power for good.
It was largely through the influence of this Association that John K. Paine was appointed instructor in music at Harvard in 1862. Later, in 1875, the department was organized with him at its head as full professor. He had acquired a good education in Germany under Haupt and Wieprecht, and his Mass for chorus and orchestra had been performed with success in Berlin. His duties at Harvard allowed him time to give some organ concerts and historical lectures outside of the University. His oratorio, "St. Peter," was performed in Portland, his native town, in 1873, and extracts from it had been given at the Peace Jubilee of 1869; but it was with his first symphony in C minor that he first gained recognition as a romantic composer of high ideals and genuine imagination.
This melodious and fluent work was performed by Theodore Thomas at one of his Boston concerts in 1876 and at once attracted attention by its interesting melodic material, its masterly use of the symphonic form and its sonorous orchestration. The simple and benighted music lovers of those days had not been taught by blasé critics that the sonata form was a worn-out fetish, that noble and simple melody was a relic of the dark ages, and that unresolved dissonance was the chief merit of a musical composition. It was therefore no wonder that this work, warmly endorsed by Theodore Thomas, and performed in a manner to reveal and enhance all its beauties, should have been a stimulus and an inspiration to more than one ambitious musician of that time.
Professor Paine’s second ("Spring") symphony in A major, performed in 1880, is a much more elaborate and
ambitious work than that in C minor, but is hardly superior to the earlier work in genuine inspiration or spontaneous flow of ideas.
Sophocle’s tragedy, “Œdipus Tyrannus,” with Professor Paine’s music was given at Harvard University in 1881, and afterwards in New York and Boston by a professional company. The classic dignity of the tragedy is well reflected in Professor Paine’s music, which also contains much of deeply tragic significance.
His opera, “Azara,” on which he spent the last fifteen years of his life, still awaits a production. A concert performance of it by the Cecilia Society of Boston revealed many beauties of thought and much interesting instrumentation.
The first representative Harvard man to adopt music was James C. D. Parker. Shortly after his graduation in 1848 he went to Leipsic, where he studied with Moscheles and Hauptmann, and became an excellent pianist and organist. Returning to Boston he was appointed organist of Trinity Church, which position he held for more than twenty-six years. He frequently appeared as soloist at the concerts of the Harvard Musical Association and at chamber concerts. He founded an excellent club, which included most of the good singers of Boston, and for this society he translated many of the shorter choral works of Mendelssohn, Gade, and others, and performed them for the first time in America. In composition his efforts were mostly confined to choral works and church music, although an overture by him (“Hiawatha”) was performed by Theodore Thomas in New York and at the Peace Jubilee of 1872. At the Triennial Festival of the Handel and Haydn Society in 1877 Parker’s “Redemption Hymn” was performed and received with much enthusiasm. Though not a pretentious work, it combined a scholarly harmonic and contrapuntal structure with profoundly touching religious expression, and its production may be regarded as one of the landmarks in the history of the Handel and Haydn Society. This hymn has
since found its way into the repertory of nearly all the choral societies of the United States.
The most important event in the modern musical history of Boston was the founding in 1881 of the Boston Symphony Orchestra by Henry L. Higginson. Its influence, at first only local, has now become national and its reputation world-wide. The first conductor of the orchestra, Georg Henschel, himself an excellent composer, took much interest in the efforts of the Boston composers, and during the three years of his incumbency several of their orchestral works were performed. His good example was followed by his successor, Wilhelm Gericke, who from the beginning showed himself friendly to the growing coterie of young American composers, and most of them owe him gratitude to this day not only for making their works known to the public but for the invaluable counsel and advice in matters of orchestral technique, which his vast experience enabled him to give them.
In 1887 he performed the overture, "In the Mountains," by Arthur Foote, and with such success that it was repeated the following year. Previous to this Foote had produced some chamber music and a serenade for string orchestra, which contained many charming and effective passages. He had taken the musical courses under Paine at Harvard after his graduation and made an admirable translation of Richter's treatise on Fugue. He was one of the first to earn the degree of Master of Arts, it having been the custom to bestow it on Bachelors of Art a certain number of years after graduation.
It is perhaps by his chamber music and songs that Foote is at present best known. Some of the latter have achieved a wide popularity not only in this country but in England. His local influence and popularity as a teacher have been great, and his interest in all useful musical enterprises have made him a force in the community.
In 1884-1885 two other Boston boys, Horatio Parker and Arthur Whiting, were studying in the Munich Music
School under Rheinberger. Parker, who had made a pretty good start under Boston teachers, showed from the first the same interesting harmonic ideas, facility in expression and fluent lyric style which have since distinguished his compositions. These qualities, as well as a refined sense of orchestral coloring, were shown in his first work for choral and orchestra, "King Trojan," which was performed in the music school at his graduation in 1885. On his return to America he assumed the direction of the department of music of the Garden City School, at the same time filling various positions in New York City as organist and choirmaster.
In 1893 he composed his "Hora Novissima," a work which has become a permanent addition to the repertories of the best choral societies of America and England, and has gained a wider popularity than any other American choral work. It is an interesting fact that this work was unsuccessfully proposed for the prize offered by the National Conservatory, and which was won by the same composer with a smaller work called "The Dream King and His Love." "Hora Novissima" was first performed in New York at a concert of the Church Choral Society, and soon after at the Springfield Festival of 1894. Thence it rapidly made its way to performances by the principal choral societies of the country, crossed to England, where it made an unequivocal success at the Festival of The Three Choirs in Worcester.
In 1893 Parker removed to Boston, whither he had been called as organist of Trinity Church. Many of his smaller works date from this period. The two most important, "Cahal Mor" and "A Northern Ballad" (the former a very picturesque ballad for barytone solo and orchestration), were performed by the Symphony Orchestra in 1895. In the "Cahal Mor" he evinces a command of modern orchestral resources which he has seldom surpassed in his later works. In 1894 Parker was appointed to his present position, professor of music, at Yale, receiving at the same time the honorary degree of Master of Arts from the University. He removed to New Haven, but still continued as organist in Boston. In 1901 he resigned this position and went to Europe for a Sabbatical year. While there he received the honorary degree of Doctor of Music from Cambridge (England) University, probably the first instance in which it has been bestowed on an American musician.
His friend and comrade, Arthur Whiting, had also received good training under Boston teachers, and even at that time had given indication of possessing an interesting individuality of style in his compositions. The somewhat pedantic methods of the Munich School were hardly calculated to encourage this, but he persevered and, working much by himself, produced an overture which was played at a concert of the Music School in Munich in 1885.
Returning to America he settled in Boston as pianist and teacher, and made frequent public appearances at the Symphony Concerts, and at the chamber concerts of the Kneisel Quartet, and others. Several of his compositions were performed by this organization and by the Symphony Orchestra, the most important of which perhaps is Fantasie in B flat minor for piano and orchestra, a very poetic and effective work, showing much individuality of style and a mastery of modern piano writing not equaled by many.
Whiting is not a voluminous writer. To him the piano seems to be the most sympathetic medium of expression, but all his compositions show a refined poetic sense, often with a touch of sardonic humor, combined with a singular knowledge of the technical possibilities of the instrument, especially in the matter of tone tints.
Edward MacDowell resided in Boston from 1888 to 1897. His first piano concerto and some of his earlier piano music had already been played there and his reputation in Europe had already begun to grow. He was warmly welcomed by the Boston musicians, and at once took his place among them as a leading virtuoso and teacher. In the latter capacity his influence is felt to this day, and though his sojourn was not long, it will always be a grateful
memory to those who came to know him intimately and enjoyed the privilege of his friendship. From this period date some of his finest and most characteristic works. The poetic "Sonata Tragica," the "Indian Suite," and some of his most beautiful songs were composed at this time. The second concerto, and that bijou masterpiece, the Suite in A minor Opus 42, belong to a somewhat earlier period.
The latter composition was first performed at the Worcester Festival of 1891, under the direction of Carl Zerrahn, and the writer still remembers the delight of the musicians and the audience which was created by its striking rhythmical vitality and unique instrumentation. The "Indian Suite" was first performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra, under the direction of Emil Paur, to whom it was dedicated. Many repeated hearings have only confirmed the impression then made of its power, beauty and originality. For this is no mere piece of shopworn ballet music, torturing the noble red man's simple melodies into a sophisticated contrapuntal fabric and decorated with orchestral spangles and tinsel; rather, it is organic, elemental, sane, pervaded by a large dignity and eloquence, by a noble melancholy—the melancholy of the woods and mountains at twilight—and yet in places is suggests with striking vividness the fury of the tempest and the ferocity of war. Many other performances of MacDowell's compositions took place during his residence in Boston, among which were his "Hamlet and Ophelia," "Launcelot and Elaine," and a memorable performance of the second concerto by Teresa Carreño.
MacDowell enjoyed one great advantage which was denied to most of the other American composers: He had acquired his technical education early in life. At the age of sixteen or seventeen he was in Paris, delving at counterpoint and fugues, and that, too, at six o'clock in the morning. His long residence in Europe, at that susceptible period of his life, tended to develop his individuality and he thus became a master of his own style while still a very young man. Unpatriotic as it may appear, America did not offer
at that time a favorable environment for the student of musical composition, although it has since greatly improved in that respect. There were excellent teachers here, but none of the schools could then give students the opportunities we now have in some places in our own country to experiment with an orchestra, either as composer or conductor. Little wonder then that many of the young Americans went to Munich, Leipsic or Berlin, where they could at least have occasional opportunities for hearing their own works.
Fortunate, too, was MacDowell in his association with Raff. Although a strict disciplinarian (he adhered to the stronger Satz in his teaching) Raff was no pedant. His inclination toward the Romantic School, and his own consummate technique as a modern orchestral colorist, made him quick to recognize and encourage the poetic and imaginative side of his young pupil, and their relation to one another soon grew into a close and lasting friendship, which lasted until Raff’s death. MacDowell always spoke of Raff with great enthusiasm, and it was evident that he loved him as a man as much as he respected him as a musician. MacDowell’s removal to New York in 1896, when he was appointed to the Chair of Music at Columbia University, left a void which is still felt in Boston.
Although Charles Martin Loeffler was not born in America, his intimate connection with Boston’s musical life, as well as his long and useful career as a virtuoso, composer and teacher, give America the right to claim him as her own. He joined the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1883, the third year of its existence, and from then until 1903 occupied the chair of the second concertmaster, frequently appearing as soloist, when his remarkable abilities as a virtuoso were demonstrated. Trained in the best French School (he was a pupil of Leonard and Massart) his style combined a beautiful tone and immaculate intonation with brilliant technical ability. Some of the modern concertos, like Godard’s “Concerto Romantique” and Lalo’s “Sinfonie espagnole,” he performed for the first time in Boston. His
The man in the photograph is wearing a suit and tie, with his hair styled in a way that was fashionable during the late 19th or early 20th century. The photograph appears to be a formal portrait, possibly taken for professional or personal reasons. The man's expression is serious, and he is looking directly at the camera. The photograph is framed and has a sepia tone, which suggests it is an older image.
as an orchestral composer was in 1891, when he wrote his "Les Veilles de l'Ukraine" for solo violin and orchestra. This was followed in 1894 by his concerto for violoncello, which was played by Alwin Schroeder.
These early works show many traces of the harmonic individuality which is such a striking characteristic of his later compositions. They are, however, more conservative, in form and color and much less daring in treatment than his later works.
The first piece to give full expression to Loeffler's musical personality was his Divertimento in A major for violin and orchestra, which was first performed by him at a concert of the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1897. It was greeted with such approval that a "round robin" request was made to the other composers for its creation, which MacDowell was not consulted with. In this Divertimento Loeffler gives very positive evidence of his consummate skill in the use of orchestral color, especially with simple means, of his felicitous rhythmical invention, and most of all his unique harmonic talent.
His symphonic poem "The Death of Tintagile," which was first performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra in its original version in 1890, shows much dramatic power as well as a singular sympathy with the inner significance of the theme. Its atmosphere of tragedy is suggested with great power and vividness by the orchestra.
He has a large number of his own works, most of them having been revised many times, and the "Mort de Tintagile," which was originally scored with two separate parts for solo violin and piano, was afterwards rewritten with one of them omitted, and with many other changes. His two ballet pieces, "La Bonne chanson" and "Villanelle du Diable," after Beethoven, Vivaldi and Rollinat, performed under Mr. Gatti-Casazza in 1902, present the strongest possible contrast of style. The one placid, lyric; the other an orgy of diabolism beside which the "Witches' Sabbath" of Berlioz seems tame.
first appearance as an orchestral composer was in 1891, when he performed his "Les Veilles de l'Uraine" for solo violin and orchestra. This was followed in 1894 by his concerto for the violoncello, which was played by Alwin Schroeder.
These early works show many traces of the harmonic individuality which is such a striking characteristic of his later compositions. They are, however, more conservative, in form and color and much less daring in treatment than his later works.
The first piece to give full expression to Loeffler's matured style was his Divertimento in A minor for violin and orchestra, which was first performed by him at a concert of the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1897. It was received with such approval that a "round robin" request was made to the other composers for its repetition, which however was not complied with. In this Divertimento Loeffler gave very positive evidence of his consummate mastery of orchestral color, especially with simple means, and of his skilful rhythmical invention, and most of all his unique harmonic talent.
His symphonic poem, "The Death of Tintagile," which was performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra in its original version in 1899, shows much dramatic power as well as a singular sympathy with the inner significance of the poem. Its atmosphere of evil augury is suggested with both power and subtlety by the strange harmonies and weird orchestration of Loeffler's music.
He has always been a relentless critic of his own works, most of them having been revised many times, and the "Mort de Tintagiles" which was originally scored with two obbligato parts for solo violi d'amore, was afterwards rewritten with one of them omitted, and with many other changes. His two short pieces, "La Bonne chanson" and "Villanelle du Diable," after poems by Varlaine and Rollinat, performed under Mr. Gericke in 1902, present the strongest possible contrast of style. The one placid, idyllic; the other an orgy of diabolism beside which the "Witches' Sabbath" of Berliz seems like tawdry theatre music. In this latter work he has made use of some of the French revolutionary tunes, like "Ca Ira" and "La Carmagnole," and the sardonic humor of some of his contrapuntal devices is at times startling.
Loeffler has always shown a fondness for unusual combinations, and to this some of his characteristic tone coloring is due. Thus his psalm for female voices is accompanied by a harp, organ, two flutes, and a solo violoncello. Several pieces are for oboe, viola and piano, while his latest work is for piano, orchestra and trumpets behind the scenes. Apart from this it is not easy to sum up the elements of Loeffler's style. Showing a certain consanguinity with the Modern French School, in harmonic treatment his variety of resource saves him from mannerisms with which works of the latter sort are sometimes blemished. Although most of his works are conceived from the poetic point of view, they contain much skilful contrapuntal treatment in the modern sense, and show a respect for legitimate polyphony not much affected by some of the ultra modern writers.
As a colorist, Loeffler has few rivals. His long experience in playing in an orchestra where works of every school were continually being rehearsed, and that, too, with the most minute attention given to detail, has given him an advantage that has been enjoyed by few composers. This, combined with his own artistic discrimination, his fastidious avoidance of the commonplace and his rigorous self-criticism, have made him a composer of whom Boston and all America are justly proud. His music is his own, and although his works are comparatively few in number, their quality is of the rarest.
Frederick Shepard Converse belongs to an old family of Boston. While at Harvard he took all the courses under Professor Paine, and in 1892 graduated with "Honors in Music" and was elected an honorary member of the Phi Beta Kappa. A sonata for violin and piano, dating from his
college days, shows graceful melodic invention and interesting thematic development. He continued to work for some time after graduation with Boston teachers, and in 1896 he went to Munich to study with Rheinberger. The result of his work in the Munich School was a symphony in D minor, which was performed at a school concert, and was favorably criticized by the German press.
On his return to Boston in 1898 this symphony was performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra and also, in part, at the Worcester Festival in 1898, when the composer himself conducted the work. This symphony shows excellent academic training, a thorough command of form, and a facility in contrapuntal invention, but of tone-painting in the modern sense there is but little. It would have been hardly possible for any work which showed a radical departure from recognized forms and methods to be considered for performance in the Munich School, and this symphony is not the only American work which has been affected by such conservatism.
In the case of Converse, it was not long before a reaction took place. Endowed with an imaginative and poetic nature, a well trained and vigorous mind, and with great capacity for work, he became an art student of modern scores, with the result that his next work, "The Festival of Pan," showed a radical departure from the maxims and methods of his early training, for in this work he shows an imaginative power, a wealth of harmonic resource, and an opulence of orchestral color of which his early work gives few hints. The form is frankly suggested by the action of the poem, while the contents reflect its joyous idyllic spirit in a most picturesque way. These qualities were still further shown in his next orchestral work, "Endymion's Narrative," performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1903, and afterwards by several other organizations. Another and more recent orchestral work of great power and beauty is founded on Walt Whitman's poem, "The Mystic Trumpeter." This work has been performed by the principal orchestras of
this country, and by several in Europe. It remained, however, for Converse's opera, "The Pipe of Desire," to establish his reputation on a firm and permanent basis. Though hampered by a rather ineffective libretto (by George Barton) he shows in this piece true dramatic fire, power of characterization and constructive skill, remarkably varied and interesting harmonic and rhythmic ideas, to which is added a flood of brilliant orchestral color. This opera was performed in Boston in 1906 by a company of singers specially organized for the purpose.
It would be an interesting experiment for some of the managers, who are bewailing the dearth of dramatic novelties, to give this opera a professional production.
Another work for the stage (from which has been arranged a Suite in concert form) is the incidental music to Percy MacKaye's "Jeanne d'Arc" which was played by Julia Marlowe and Sothern during the season of 1906 and 1907. Converse has succeeded in giving to this piece a romantic, old world atmosphere, quite unusual in incidental music for the stage. His latest work is a short oratorio, "Job," which he composed for the Worcester Festival of 1907, and to be first performed at that time. It is his first effort in the wielding of large choral masses, but the score shows that he can use this material with a firm hand.
It is fortunate, not only for Converse but for American Musical Art, that he is able to devote himself almost exclusively to composition, unhampered by more material considerations. He has, however, since 1901 held the position of assistant professor of music at Harvard, and during a part of that time also, has been an instructor in Harmony and Composition at the New England Conservatory of Music.
Converse is above all a worker, as is shown by the list of large works completed during his comparatively short musical career. Admirable as this is, it is of less importance than the promise of his future, for with such talent, such an
equipment, and such tireless energy, it is safe to predict for Converse an eventual recognition as one of the leaders of Musical Art.
This group of men, most of whom belonged to the same generation, were all living in Boston between 1890 and 1897. They knew each other well, for most of them belonged to the same club, and many a night after a Symphony concert they might have been seen gathered about the same table in convivial intercourse, whetting each other's wits with thrust and parry—rejoicing in each other's successes, and working for them too, but ever ready with the cooling compress of gentle humor or sarcasm if perchance a head showed an undue tendency to enlarge. And in that invigorating atmosphere of mutual respect and honest criticism, they worked with joy and enthusiasm, knowing that if only their work was good enough it would be pretty sure of a hearing sooner or later.
And so, one by one they found their way to the programs of the Symphony concerts, of the Kneisel Quartet, of the Handel and Haydn Society, and thence to the other cities of America, as well as to those of Europe.
It was to this group of "boys," as he called them, that Theodore Thomas was introduced in 1892 while on his way to his summer home. After that he was often with them in the spring and autumn, to their great delight and edification. On one memorable occasion he sat with them until two in the morning, with the score of Beethoven's ninth symphony in front of him, pointing out with reverent care the details of orchestral nuance as he had worked them out, his eyes flashing with enthusiasm as he lived the music over in his mind. Beethoven was his god and it was easy to see that he loved him "with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his mind."
In October, 1904, he was with them for the last time. Yet once more he came, but it was to his last sleep in Mt. Auburn.
Of this circle of men, only a few now remain in Boston. Great institutions have claimed some of them, where they are wielding a powerful influence for the good of music in this country. Some are leading active musical lives as conductors and virtuosos, but Boston can no longer claim them for her own. One has passed on, and another, perhaps the most gifted of all, passed into the shadow where we mourned him as lost even while he was still with us.
But there are promising signs that the vacancies will soon be filled. Boston, with its splendid orchestra, its remarkable libraries, and its unrivaled advantages for musical education, is fertile soil for the young musician. She has produced poets, painters and philosophers. Why not a great composer also?
[Editor’s Note.—Mr. Chadwick, with a modesty which is understandable and doubtless admirable but which, nevertheless, causes a distinct shortcoming in his interesting and authoritative article on the Boston group of American composers, has omitted mention of himself, and the prominent part he and his works have played in the development of our native school of creative music. He writes of the performing in the seventies of the first symphony of John K. Paine, and of the “Hiawatha” Overture and the “Redemption Hymn” of James C. D. Parker, and points to these as the significant beginnings of our present day development along creative musical lines, but he neglects to mention that his own “Rip Van Winkle” Overture which he had composed in Leipsic and which in 1879 received highly praised performance there, also had presentation by the Harvard Musical Association in Boston and proved such a decided success that a repetition at a subsequent concert was unavoidable. The following year it was accorded a third hearing, this time under his own direction at the festival of the Handel and Haydn Society. Surely if the works of Paine and Parker meant much for native music at this time — and they did —
the Chadwick overture was "not a whit less significant." That it was with Mr. Chadwick, that Horatio Parker, Arthur Whiting, Wallace Goodrich, F. S. Converse and Henry Hadley studied in the formative days of their creative activity, makes the influence he has exerted upon the music of the United States greater perhaps than has been that of any of his colleagues he has mentioned in his essay. He has produced not only music of worth but also musicians who stand for the best and ablest that the country can boast. His compositions include notable works in almost every department of music save possibly those of opera and oratorio, and his activities as conductor and as pedagogue have been both important and highly successful. He stands easily among the foremost musical talent the country has produced, and no essay on our native composers, no matter how brief, would be in anywise complete without mention of him and what he has achieved.—W. L. Hubbard.]
MUSIC IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS
FRANK DAMROSCH.
In the march of progress which has carried American civilization to its present position of equality among the nations of the earth, there is no factor more interesting, more valuable or significant than the advance in the general culture of music through the medium of the public schools.
To appreciate properly the conditions under which this development has taken place, it will be desirable to compare them with those of Europe, or at least with those in two or three European countries holding the foremost position in musical culture.
We find in Germany, France and Italy the results of a gradual growth, beginning in the misty period of medieval minstrelsy, of bard and troubadour, of Meistersinger and Minnesinger, but above all in the natural effort of the people to find expression of their feelings in a more satisfactory medium than was afforded by their limited vocabulary—namely, in the Folk-song. Such songs can only be created under conditions which exist no longer in these modern days of railroads, telegraphs and other means of rapid intercommunication.
A people, homogeneous in race, language and custom, living for centuries without admixture of foreign elements,
enjoying the same pleasures, suffering the same griefs, praying to the same God and loving the same measure of soil upon which they dwell and where have dwelt their fathers for generations, their fatherland,—such a people could and did create folk-songs.
These songs were transmitted from generation to generation, and became, so to speak, the soul language of the people. Upon these folk-songs was built the structure of musical art for which these nations are famous, but more than that, they are the cornerstones, nay, the very foundations for the musical life of these people today.
In America conditions are different. True, our population has sprung from the same roots as did these European nations, but it came here in small bodies, in isolated families, as individuals, not in the nature of a "Voelkerwanderung" or simultaneous migration of a whole people. While at times certain races predominated in certain portions of this continent, such as the French in the North, the Spaniards in the South, the Dutch on the Hudson and the English on Massachusetts Bay, there various elements became commingled and the heterogeneous mass which resulted not only could not create its own songs but could not even retain the old songs of the countries whence its component members had sprung. For there were different skies, different trees, different soil and altogether new conditions. This was no land of legend—of a golden past, but the land of the stern, exacting present with its problems and anxieties and, perhaps, its golden future. But, alas, the golden past was one of golden dreams, while the golden future which beckoned here was the hard, metallic one of real gold, and its chink drowned out the sweeter, fainter sounds of human sentiment all too quickly.
So it came that the American people, as a people, became practically songless. The few localities in which the people, being homogeneous, could and did sing their own songs, such as the Creoles and the Canadian French, could not affect the general condition. How then could music enter the life of the people and exert its benign, ameliorating and uplifting
influence? Sporadic appearances of musical virtuosos, of Italian, French or German operatic performances, of symphonic productions before a limited contingent of music lovers, while delightful, interesting and instructive, cannot affect the people in general. That can be accomplished only by causing the people themselves to be musically active and, that once accomplished, music will become here, as it was in the old countries across the sea, part of the people’s life and its best and truest means of expression.
The recognition of this fact by Lowell Mason led to the first efforts to popularize music by teaching large numbers of people, men, women and children, to sing from notes.
At the age of 20, Lowell Mason began to teach singing classes in his leisure hours. He was at that time, 1812, clerk in a bank in Savannah, Ga. After his return to Boston, in 1827, he became the most active influence in the musical development of that city. Together with some of the prominent musicians and music lovers he organized the Boston Academy of Music.
The plan of operation of this organization is stated in its first annual report as follows:
1. To establish schools of vocal music for juvenile classes.
2. To establish similar schools for adult classes.
3. To form a class for instruction in the methods of teaching music, which may be composed of teachers, parents, and all other persons desirous to qualify themselves for teaching vocal music.
4. To form an association of choristers, and leading members of choirs, for the purpose of improvement in conducting and performing sacred music in churches.
5. To establish a course of popular lectures on the nature and objects of church music and style of composition and execution appropriate to it, with experimental illustrations by the performance of a select choir. These lectures might be extended to a great variety of subjects, such as the style
of sacred poetry, the adaptation of music, the prevailing defects on this subject, and the means of remedying them.
6. To establish a course of scientific lectures, as soon as circumstances shall permit, for teachers, choristers, and others desirous of understanding the science of music.
7. To establish exhibitions or concerts.
(1) Of juvenile and adult classes, to show the results of instruction.
(2) Of select performers, as specimens of the best style in the performance of ordinary church music.
(3) Of large numbers collected semi-annually or annually, for the performance of social, moral, and sacred music of a simple kind.
8. To introduce vocal music into schools, by the aid of such teachers as the Academy may be able to employ, each of whom shall instruct classes alternately in a number of schools.
9. To publish circulars and essays, either in newspapers and periodicals, or in the form of tracts and books for instruction, adapted to the purposes of the Academy.
It will be seen from this, that a broad, thorough and comprehensive plan of musical education was undertaken by the Academy, a work which was destined to produce most beneficial results not only in Boston but throughout the length and breadth of this continent.
The moving spirit in these efforts was Lowell Mason. He wrote and compiled collections of sacred music and other choral works required as material for his classes. He organized singing schools for adults, for children, for choristers and for teachers and taught them to sing from notes according to a newly developed system, based on Pestalozzian ideas. He convinced people that music could become their common property by giving them the key which opened their minds to the understanding of its simple theory and their eyes, ears and throat to its practical manifestations.
In his day, in Europe as well as in America, it was the common belief that only those specially gifted by nature could ever learn to sing from notes at sight. It required not a little confidence and courage to combat this idea and to prove its fallacy.
The most important service rendered by the Boston Academy of Music was its effort to influence the school authorities to introduce the systematic instruction in singing in the public schools. After much discussion and strong opposition, the following resolution was adopted by the school committee of Boston on January 17, 1832:
"Resolved, That one school from each district be selected for the introduction of systematic instruction in vocal music, under the direction of a committee to consist of one from each district and two from the standing committee."
Although the recommendations of the Academy were not fully carried out, the results were sufficiently encouraging, and a second and stronger effort was made in 1836 in a memorial to the school committee.
In an interesting paper by A. W. Braxley in The Musician, entitled "The Inception of Public School Music in America," he refers to this memorial and to the report of the committee which took it under consideration, and this is such an excellent exposition of the subject that the excerpts quoted therein are herewith reproduced:
"After mature deliberation and a careful scrutiny of arguments and evidence, the committee are unanimously of opinion that it is expedient to comply with the request of the petitioners. They are well aware the cause which they support can find no favor from a board like this, except so far as it reaches the convictions through the doors, not of the fancy, but of the understanding.
"And in regarding the effect of vocal music, as a branch of popular instruction, in our public schools, there are some practical considerations, which in the opinion of your committee are deserving of particular attention."
"Good reading, we all know, is an important object in the present system of instruction in our schools. And on what does it depend? Apart from emphasis, on two things mainly; modulation and articulation. Now modulation comes from the vowel sounds, and articulation from the consonant sounds of the language chiefly. Dynamics, therefore, or that part of vocal music which is concerned with the force and delivery of sounds, has a direct rhetorical connection. In fact, the daily sounding of the consonant and vowel sounds, deliberately, distinctly, and by themselves, as the committee has heard them sounded in the music lessons given according to the Pestalozzian system of instruction, would, in their opinion, be as good an exercise in the elements of harmonious and correct speech as could be imagined. Roger Ascham, the famous schoolmaster and scholar of the Elizabethan age, and surely no mean judge, holds this language: 'All voices, great and small, base and shrill, weak and soft, may be helped and brought to a good point by learning to sing.' The committee, after attentive observation, confess themselves of this opinion.
"There is another consideration not unworthy of remark. 'Recreation,' says Locke, 'is not being idle, as any one may observe, but easing the weary part by change of business.' This reflection, in its application to the purposes of instruction, contains deep wisdom. An alternation is needed in our schools, which without being idleness shall yet give rest. Vocal music seems exactly fitted to afford that alternation. A recreation, yet not a dissipation of the mind — a respite, yet not a relaxation — its office would thus be to restore the jaded energies, and send back the scholars with invigorated powers to other more laborious duties.
"There is one other consideration to which the committee ask the serious attention of the board. It is this: By the regulations of the school committee it is provided that in all the public schools the day shall open with becoming exercises of devotion. How naturally and how beautifully vocal music would mingle with these exercises; and what
unity, harmony and meaning might thus be given to that which, at present, it is feared, is too often found to be a lifeless or an unfruitful service, need only be suggested to be understood. The committee asks the board to pause, and consider whether the importance has been sufficiently looked to, of letting in a predominant religious sentiment, independently of all forms of faith, to preside over the destinies of our schools.
"And now, before proceeding further, let us consider briefly the objections which have been urged against the adoption of vocal music into our system of public education. It is then objected that we aim at that which is impracticable, that singing depends upon a natural ear for music, without which all instruction will be useless. If musical writers and teachers are to be believed, the fact is not so. Undoubtedly in this as in other branches, Nature bestows an aptitude to excel, on different individuals, in very different degrees. Still, what is called a musical ear is mainly the result of cultivation. The ear discriminates sounds as the eye colors. They may both be educated. Early impressions can create an ear for music. It is with learning to sing as with acquiring the pronunciation of a foreign language. Instruction, to be available, must be given while the organs have the flexibility of youth. To learn late in life is generally to learn not at all. There may be cases, it is true, of some who from their earliest years defy efforts of instruction, like those who come into the world maimed in other senses; they are, however, rare. They are the unfortunate exceptions to a general rule.
"But it is said, the time spent would be quite inadequate to the end proposed; that the labor of a life is needed to form the musician. The answer to this objection is, that it mistakes the end proposed, which is not to form the musician. Let vocal music, in this respect, be treated like the other regular branches of instruction. As many probably would be found to excel in music as in arithmetic, writing, or any of the required studies, and no more. All cannot be orators,
nor all poets, but shall we not, therefore, teach the elements of grammar, which orators and poets in common with all others use? It should never be forgotten that the power of understanding and appreciating music may be acquired, where the power of excelling in it is found wanting.
"Again it is objected, if one accomplishment is introduced into the schools, why not another? If instruction is given in vocal music why should it not be given in dancing also? The answer simply is, because music is not dancing; because music has an intellectual character which dancing has not, and above all, because music has its moral purposes which dancing has not. Drawing stands upon a very different footing. Drawing, like music, is not an accomplishment merely; it has important uses, and if music be successfully introduced into our public schools, your committee express the hope and conviction that drawing sooner or later will follow."
The committee subjoined the following resolutions:
"Resolved, That in the opinion of the school committee it is expedient to try the experiment of introducing vocal music, by public authority, as part of the system of public instruction, into the public schools of this city.
"Resolved, That the experiment be tried in the four following schools: The Hancock School for girls, in Hanover Street; the Eliot School for boys, in North Bennet Street; the Johnson School for girls, in Washington Street, and the Hawes School for boys and girls, at South Boston.
"Resolved, That this experiment be given in charge to the Boston Academy of Music, under the direction of this board; and that a committee of five be appointed from this board to confer with the Academy, arrange all necessary details of the plan, oversee its operation, and make quarterly report thereof to this board.
"Resolved, That the experiment be commenced as soon as practicable after the passing of these resolutions, and be continued and extended as the board may thereafter determine."
"Resolved, That these resolutions be transmitted to the City Council, and that it be respectfully requested to make such appropriation as may be necessary to carry this plan into effect."
On the following 19th of September (1837) this report was considered and accepted by the school board, and the resolutions, as they came from the committee, passed. But failing to obtain from the City Council the appropriations necessary to enable them to carry their plans into effect, on the scale contemplated in the resolutions, the measure was for the time defeated. In the meantime, one of the professors, Mr. Lowell Mason of the Academy, offered to give instruction gratuitously in one of the schools, to test the experiment, and at the quarterly meeting of the board, held in November of the same year, 1837, resolutions upon this subject were passed as follows:
"Resolved, That in the opinion of the school committee, it is expedient that the experiment be tried of introducing instruction in vocal music, by public authority, as part of the system of public instruction, into the public schools of this city.
"Resolved, That the experiment be tried in the Hawes School in South Boston, under the direction of the subcommittee of that school and the committee on music, already appointed by this board."
The Musical Magazine, an excellent publication of that period, in its issue of July 6, 1839, p. 220, expresses its appreciation as follows:
"The introduction of vocal music in public schools when well conducted exerts a powerful influence towards rendering both the taste for and knowledge of music more general and more popular. It will teach people that it is not absolutely necessary to have a fine voice in order to be able to take part in a chorus or other concerted vocal piece. They will learn that almost every one, by being properly taught in early life, can acquire enough of skill and flexibility, to enable him not only to derive pleasure himself from engaging in a musical
performance but to give pleasure to others. They will also find that something besides a voice is necessary to make a successful performance; that a fine voice is only a beautiful but dead instrument which must be vivified by soul and feeling, and cultivated and brought under command, in order that one may sing with feeling and expression. This will have the general tendency to introduce a more correct judgment in regard to music, and a purer delight in the enjoyment of it. In this way, it will not be long before instruments will be brought in requisition and amateurs will be more and more taking their attention to the study and practise of them. To the exertions of the Academy of Music, undoubtedly, we are chiefly indebted for the introduction of music in the schools. They have thus taken upon themselves the heavy responsibility of a most important experiment, the good or ill success of which must exert the strongest influence on the future destinies of the art among us."
Lowell Mason became Superintendent of Music of the Boston schools and not only systematized the instruction so that every child was taught to sing and read music suited to his comprehension, but also organized classes for the preparation of teachers.
The following extract from the advertisement of the Boston Academy of Music will show the scope and tendency towards general musical culture of these classes:
**Teachers' Class for 1839.**
A Course of Instruction to Teachers of Vocal Music will commence on Tuesday, August 20th, at 10 o'clock a. m., and will continue daily for ten days, as follows, viz.:
1. Lectures on the Elementary Principles of Music.
2. Exercises in Singing, designed to improve the taste and promote a correct manner of performance in sacred and secular music.
3. Rudiments of Harmony and Thoroughbass.
4. Meetings of the class for the discussion of musical subjects.
5. It is expected, also, that there will be public performances of music by the class.
The whole course will be adapted to the wants of teachers of Singing Schools, consisting of either adult or juvenile singing classes; or for such teachers of Common Schools, male or female, as are desirous of introducing music as a regular branch of instruction, etc.
Having now reviewed the early history of the introduction of the systematic study of vocal music in the schools of Boston, and noted the praiseworthy efforts of Lowell Mason and his collaborators of the Boston Academy of Music it will be proper to investigate the development of the methods which produced such remarkable results in the schools of Boston, Cincinnati and such other cities as patterned their instruction in music after similar models.
Mason announced that, by pursuing the Pestalozzian method, every child, not physically incapacitated, could learn to sing and to read from notes. This claim was received with general incredulity. The majority of persons, including professional musicians, believed that the musical ear, i.e., the appreciation of pitch relations, rhythm and harmony—was innate and could not be developed except when it was already strongly in evidence. The only way to combat this attitude was to demonstrate its falsity, and Mason lost no time in doing so in the Boston schools.
Appreciating that the most direct way to reach the comprehension of children was through the senses and faculties, rather than through their reasoning powers, he taught them by a series of concrete musical phenomena.
Taking the major scale as a whole, it presented to the child a tune easily sung and easily remembered. This tune or scale afforded a standard of measurement of the relations of the tones of the scale with each other. By means of daily exercise these relations or, as they are technically called, intervals, became thoroughly familiar. In other words, in place of the more or less correct guessing of the so-called "musical" person in singing intervals, there appeared a
definite, concrete conception, based upon the never varying tone relationships of the scale. As an aid to the learner the Guidonian syllables do, re, mi, fa, sol, la, si were employed to facilitate the fixing of the position of each tone in the scale, do always representing the first tone, the key note or tonic.
Every elementary musical fact or phenomenon was first sung and listened to before it was discussed or expressed in symbols. The child learned by doing.
Since Mason’s time innumerable “methods” of instruction in music for public schools have sprung up, but all, with scarcely an exception, are based on these same simple pedagogic principles, varying among themselves only in the diversity of their application, and in the musical and artistic value of the exercises and songs provided in the text-books.
They were prepared for the most part by collaborators and pupils of the great master spirit—Lowell Mason, prominent among them being such men as Luther W. Mason, who distinguished himself by his work in Japan as well as in Boston, where he directed for many years the music in the common schools; Julius Eichberg, a musician of German birth and training, who, in charge of the music in the high schools did much to elevate the taste and to cultivate the music of the great German composers; H. E. Holt, one of the most remarkable and inspiring teachers; Charles Aiken, a pioneer in school music teaching in Cincinnati, and many others, too numerous to mention.
These men, gifted with magnetic personality, great ability in teaching, enthusiastic and at the same time convincing in their logic, were able to vitalize the most inert bodies of adults or children into performances truly remarkable.
Not only did they organize and systematize the regular work of instruction, but they arranged great festivals in which as many as 1200 children would sing in chorus. The music at these occasions was usually of excellent quality and tended not a little to raise the standards not only of the
children performing it but also of the parents and friends who were impressed and inspired by its stirring performance.
Without entering into the characteristics of the various "methods" employed at the present time, it may prove of interest to outline briefly the successive steps or course of study adopted by the majority of schools and the manner of presenting the subject generally used.
As a foundation for all musical study it is necessary to create the appreciation of the beautiful in sound and at the same time to make the child realize that music is intended as a vehicle for self-expression. The child learns these things by means of the rote song. This is a song learned by imitation. It is carefully selected with a view to melodic beauty and simple but well marked rhythm, a text which interests and stimulates the imagination and a tone compass which lies easily within the child's voice range. This was formerly placed too low in pitch, but now, in order to develop the softer, more flute-like tone registers and to avoid the harsher and throaty "chest tones," as they are often called, the range of pitch generally comprises the octave from E flat in the fourth space of the treble clef to E flat on the first line.
The child thus learns to sing songs with a soft, musical quality of tone and with animation and interest. He learns to discriminate between musical and harsh tones and, by becoming interested in the subject, tune and rhythm of the song, to express his own mood in it as though it were a spontaneous effort.
The song as such should be the beginning and end of all musical instruction in the school. All musical conceptions should be based on it, and all technical drill should directly apply to it, and songs should be the ever present manifestation of music in the school.
After six months or a year of this singing of rote songs the child is ready to begin the study of the elementary facts of music. The scale, introduced as a song, furnishes the
materials as described above. Each tone of the scale is brought into relation with every other tone and thus grouped in intervals, as, for instance, the child will sing at the dictation of the teacher do, re, mi, fa, then do, fa, and, by frequent repetition, will soon be able to sing do, fa without first going up the steps of the scale.
When sufficient facility in singing these tone combinations at the teacher's dictation has been attained, the next step is to name and to represent them by their symbols, the notes. In the application of the absolute pitch names, namely the letter names, c, d, e, f, g, a, b and their modifications with sharp and flat which are applied to tones of definite pitch regardless of their position in a scale, as opposed to the singing syllables do, re, mi, etc., which are always applied to the successive steps of the scale, do always representing the key note, the child proceeds always from the sound itself—which by this time is a familiar object—to its attendant theoretic adjuncts. In this manner every technical term and every symbol is directly associated with a concrete musical conception.
The position of the notes on the staff, the clef, the character of the note in its representation of relative duration in time, such as whole, half, quarter and eighth notes, the meter signatures, etc., are now gradually introduced, synchronic with the pupil's apprehension of the facts of musical ideas which they represent.
Every new conception is exemplified by its practical application in exercises and songs and the pupil is stimulated to give his own effort and individuality to the greatest possible extent.
Taught in this manner, music becomes one of the most valuable physical, mental and spiritual exercises in the curriculum of the school.
Singing, when properly conducted, promotes deep and regular breathing, conducive to the better circulation and aeration of the blood. The singing from notes requires great concentration of mind, quickness of vision and activity of
brain. The voice is attuned to musical vocalization; the enunciation of consonants is made clear and distinct, and thus is gained a refining influence on speech.
Finally, the child's imagination is kindled and developed. His aesthetic sense is quickened, and his power of self-expression is greatly increased. In addition to these advantages, class or choral singing inculcates subordination, discretion and the recognition of the value of co-operation for a good or beautiful purpose.
It will not be necessary to pursue the method of instruction in its more advanced forms, as it would lead too far for the present purpose. Suffice it to say that the same pedagogic principles are applied throughout and, whenever logically, systematically and faithfully carried out, the result is a school whose upper grade pupils are able to sing any song, duet or part-song of moderate difficulty at sight.
A very important item in the musical training of a child at school is the material used in instruction, for this must be provided in ample quantity, of good quality and should be thoroughly well adapted to the method pursued.
Since the day of Lowell Mason many text-books and series of text-books have been published, generally compiled, written and edited by supervisors of music to harmonize with their individual ideas and introduced into their own schools and those of their pupils or adherents. These publications show, on the whole, a high average of merit considering the fact that only a small percentage of their authors were really thoroughly trained musicians, but rather pedagogues with musical proclivities. Certain it is, that there has been constant improvement in musical contents and pedagogic value and in this respect America stands in the foremost rank today among the nations of the world.
The material usually employed in the schools consists of charts for use in the primary grades in order to insure better concentration than would be possible with individual text-books; primers or first readers, and successive volumes appropriate to the higher grades. Then there are collections
of songs for the Kindergarten, for use as rote songs, for assembly, for use of the school glee clubs for high schools, etc.
This material is usually of excellent typography, substantially bound and often artistically illustrated. The strong competition among publishers, while it may have some objectionable features, has tended to a truly remarkable improvement in every detail of the musical text-book.
Having now reviewed cursorily the musical training of the child in the public schools it may not be amiss to glance at the immediate practical manifestations.
The first valuable result is that the child gains a large repertory of good songs which he can sing not only in school but at home or at play. His taste is improved, and his aesthetic sense generally placed on a higher plane.
His most enjoyable musical exercise, however, is the singing in chorus, both because of the stimulation which comes with the participation of large numbers, and because of the element of harmony which is thereby introduced.
This exercise usually forms a part of the morning assembly and to the visitor who knows its possibilities it will be as a barometer to the degree of discipline, thoroughness and refinement of the school, its principal, teachers and pupils.
When these qualities are present to a proper degree, the school assembly is one of the most beautiful and impressive manifestations of our educational system.
The orderly, symmetric marching into place, the soft and pure singing of the opening hymn, the short reading from the Scriptures, the musical response. Then the salute to the flag, spoken or sung, the patriotic song, not shouted, but sung with spirit and enthusiasm, a chorus or part-song for two or three part chorus, a brief address by the principal or a distinguished visitor, a closing song and the march back to the class rooms. This is an opening of the day which cannot but react favorably on the pupil and teacher.
Special programs are prepared for the national holidays and for special school events, such as closing or graduation
exercises. In addition to these larger choral exercises, many schools organize glee clubs from the upper grades of the school, selecting the best voices and readers for this purpose. These clubs contribute greatly to the pleasure and entertainment of the school, its guests and themselves. But the most beautiful and effective employment of large numbers of children are the choruses used to celebrate great civic events or festivals. When Admiral Dewey was welcomed by New York a chorus of 3000 school children sang "See the Conquering Hero Comes" and other songs so beautifully that the Admiral was moved to tears by their sweet, pure, childish voices and their enthusiastic greeting.
Such participation of children in great civic functions should be encouraged, as it engenders that pride in citizenship which is so essential to the performance of its duties later on.
In schools where a sufficient number of pupils are able to play violin or other stringed or wind instruments, small orchestras are frequently organized which contribute not a little to the pleasure of the school. Such orchestras are more common in the high schools than in the elementary schools, and they often reach a high degree of proficiency.
It is of the utmost benefit to the children to hear as much good music, whether sung or played on the piano or any other instrument, as possible; and some principals, recognizing this, arrange recitals by good artists or amateurs who volunteer to perform for the children. Often, too, a short biographical sketch of a composer with a simple explanation of the contents of the composition to be performed precedes the recital. All such influences are of the greatest value and will go far towards making music part of the people's life.
Having now examined the methods employed and the results sought in the introduction of music in public education, it will be interesting to note by what agencies and what kind of organization this is carried into effect and how it is made to co-ordinate and articulate with the general school system.
These are two ways in which the instruction in music may be carried on in the schools: by a special music teacher, employed solely for this purpose, or by the regular class teacher. The former would, under favorable conditions, be preferable, as not every class teacher has that natural gift, taste and training which is desirable in the teaching of art subjects. But in actual practise the latter plan has proved itself to be not only more economical—a weighty consideration with those entrusted with the management of public schools—but the superior discipline and consequent concentration obtaining as a rule under the regular teacher to whose ways the pupils are accustomed, outweighs, or at least balances, the lack of thorough musical training.
The class teacher is usually trained to a more or less limited extent in the elementary science of music in the normal or teachers' training schools instituted by the different States of the Union. This is, however, rarely sufficient to fit the graduate of these schools for teaching the subject and it becomes necessary, therefore, to provide adequate special instruction and supervision. This is secured by most cities of 8000 inhabitants and over by the employment of one or more so-called "special teachers of music," or "supervisors or directors of music," whose duty it is to teach the class teachers in conferences, class lessons, model lessons, by lectures, etc.; to supervise their work by regular visits; to select the proper material for instruction and explain its proper use and to aid, advise, encourage and stimulate the teachers.
Under such guidance, the regular teacher often produces excellent results and indeed it may be said that generally those teachers who excel in ability in the other branches of the curriculum, also prove to be the best teachers in music.
It will easily be seen that this system of supervision can be made very effective and is, of course, most economical, as it would entail a heavy expense to provide a special teacher for each school.
As it is, cities of from 8000 to 200,000 inhabitants usually employ only one special teacher of music, the salary ranging from $300 to $2500 per annum. Cities of 200,000 to 1,000,000 employ from two to seventeen special teachers averaging from $600 to $2500 in salary and cities of over a million in population usually have one or more supervisors or directors of music with salaries of from $3000 to $5000, who direct and supervise the work of numerous assistant special teachers. New York, for example, has three such directors of music with a salary of $4000 each and 52 special teachers whose salaries range from $1000 to $2160. Inasmuch as these 52 teachers have to supervise the instruction in music given by over 11,000 regular teachers, it will be seen that over 200 teachers and about 10,000 children fall to the share of each, and consequently it is of the utmost importance that the work should be done with the greatest possible system and regularity. To insure this the directors of music are employed to unify, organize and systematize the work of their assistants.
The task of these directors and special teachers would be a comparatively easy one were it merely a question of teaching the children, for these are not merely willing but anxious to learn to sing and are quick to grasp and well able to do everything comprised in the course of study in music. The training of the class teachers — especially in a very large school system like that of New York, in which the systematic study of music was introduced only ten years ago — is a far more difficult matter. The graduates of the modern normal or training schools are fairly well prepared to teach music, but the majority of those who began to teach ten, twenty or thirty years ago generally know little or nothing of music and are often adverse to undertake to teach a subject with which they have been unfamiliar all their lives.
In spite of these conditions, the beneficent culture of music in the schools has made wonderful progress and there are few educators today who do not look upon it as one of the most valuable factors in the training of the child.
It is needless to say that the personality and equipment of the music teacher governs to a large extent the success of the work. The more magnetic the personality, the more courteous the manner and the more interesting and inspiring the instruction, the more willing and responsive will be those who are to be instructed. Probably no other class of teachers is so well qualified in these respects as the music teachers, for the reason, perhaps, that music itself tends to refine and inspire those who practise it. But in one respect there is still much to be desired. The majority of the special teachers of music spring from the ranks of the regular teachers; those who have more or less musical talent and therefore find this work congenial. Their training as musicians, however, is often very fragmentary and inadequate and, while their pedagogic training and knowledge are good and serve to make their work technically satisfactory, their influence in the direction of art culture is not what it might be. The welding of the thorough musician with the pedagogue and psychologist makes the ideal teacher of music in schools, and this ideal is as yet rare in this country.
But no matter how excellent the music teacher, how willing the class teacher or how apt the children, the best results cannot be obtained without the hearty support and co-operation of the principal, superintendent and school board.
If one or all of these authorities look upon music as a "special" subject, a fad, a luxury, the plant nurtured in such stony ground will not flourish. It can only grow to full maturity and beauty when it receives the same consideration and care as do the other elementary subjects with which it should rank as coequal. It should be an indispensable part of the life of the school, correlated to the other subjects of study and so planned as to aid and not retard them. The clever principal can make music the vitalizing agent of the school by whose aid all tasks are accomplished willingly.
The duty of the school board should be to encourage the work in music by appropriations sufficient to secure the best teachers and to provide the best text-books in ample
quantities. This will be found to be true economy, for the community will be enriched by a higher type of citizens as a result of the influence which music directly and indirectly exerts upon the children.
America is in need of music in the daily life of its people. The hard worker needs relaxation by doing something which turns his brain into a different channel and which gently stimulates while it does not excite. Music supplies this need better than any other agent, and there is no reason why it should not enter every home. Especially should vocal music be cultivated, and, if the children learn to sing from notes in school, it would be easy for members of the family and their friends to unite in duets, trios or part songs to the delight of all who participate and listen.
And blessed the community in which exists a chorus capable of singing the great choral works of the great masters of music. The cheap and vulgar vaudeville shows and stupid plays would soon lose their attraction.
The American people have every resource required for artistic development. They have a large and beautiful country, rich in all natural products; free institutions tending towards the higher mental, moral and social development of the citizens; pride in their homes and their country; strong family affection and patriotism; keen appreciation of the beautiful when awakened to its realization and comprehension and ample natural gifts for its production.
It is the general belief that America will soon furnish the greatest number of singers of the highest order.
But in order to bring these resources into operation, in order to awaken the latent, dormant musical powers of this nation, the children must be taught to sing and this must, of necessity, be the province of the public school and will prove to be one of its most notable and beneficent achievements.
MUSIC OF NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS
In treating of the subject of the history and evolution of music in America it is but natural to turn first to the music of the aborigine. Strictly speaking, the music of the American Indian has played little or no part in the development of our art music, and is introduced here only because of its interest as belonging to the aboriginal inhabitants of the country. Crude and primitive it was and crude and primitive it remains. Where the Indian has taken up the arts and civilization of the white man he has left behind him the peculiar features of his own arts and ceremonies. Thus it is that the music of the aborigine still remains as it was before the people of Europe had dreamed of the existence of this continent.
Research on the subject of Indian music has been made during the past few years by several American ethnologists and musicians. From the results of their study much has been learned of its derivation and characteristics. Much has been lost beyond recovery, but, as time goes on, that which has been saved will become of great historical value as touching the life and musical efforts of the American Indian. Civilization is fast driving him either to accept the ways of the white man or to complete extinction. As he
disappears his music goes with him, and what is left remains but as an echo of the days when he roamed unmolested over the continent which has been wrested from him.
From what has been saved of the Indian music it is to be seen that much use was made of it by the people who gave it birth. Such as it was, it accompanied them from cradle to grave and played a vital part in their life. To the Indian, music acted as a means of communication between himself and the unseen but all-powerful spirits. Superstition is always rife among primitive peoples, and in invoking the aid of the spirits inhabiting the earth — air, fire and water — speech was not sacred enough for the purpose, so untutored man broke into song. This universal use made of music in all religious rites and ceremonies has been noted among all peoples from the earliest times. Making practically no advancement over the customs and usages of his forefathers of centuries ago, the Indian has continued to adhere to his primitive songs and musical utterances and, as far as may be learned, the Indian music of today remains just what it was before it ever greeted the ears of the white man.
For purposes of comparison, this music may be likened to that heard in Europe in the early centuries of the Christian era, when all the arts were subservient to that of war. Rude cradle songs were sung, as were also love songs of a kind, but the main use made of music was as an adjunct to the religious ceremonies and to those dealing with fighting and battle. Where the emotions are crude the expression of them will necessarily be so, and any individual coming of a civilized race would, on hearing the musical efforts of the Indian, instantly recognize them as the product of an uncultured people.
With the Indian, music never assumed an objective plane; it was cultivated simply as a means of expressing his subjective mood. There never was any effort at producing music for its own sake, but did he wish to make more impressive his religious songs and war songs he gave them a musical utterance, his naturally guttural voice but adding
a touch of barbarism to them. On account of the Indian custom of strapping the pappoose or infant to a cradle-board and leaving him to swing from a bough or pole, cradle songs are comparatively rare. Where at all in use, they exhibit the same characteristics found in such songs the world over—a low croon, often sung impromptu, and with the idea of lulling the child to rest. When able to run about and play their childish games, simple songs and rhymes came into common use. Following the custom of children everywhere, they invent such songs as are fitting for the game then taking their attention, and at night the children are often entertained by some old myth or tale sung in a monotonous chant by one of the older members of the tribe.
In his early youth music again is closely associated with the life of the Indian. When the time comes for him to be initiated into the religious rites and mysteries of his tribe, the ceremonies connected therewith are performed with the aid of music, both vocal and instrumental. The love song is another musical product of his early manhood, for when the Indian youth decides that it is time for him to set up his own wigwam his love song, addressed to the maiden of his choice, may be heard in the early dawn when the women go to the spring for water. Or, if the youth feels incapable of a vocal declaration of his passion, he has recourse to the mystery whistle or flageolet and plays thereon his love calls.
Such customs, though still in use to some extent, are, with the Indian himself, rapidly dying out and may be spoken of in the past tense. Where the Indian has accepted the ways of the white man he has largely dropped his own individuality. Where he had his own particular and individual songs they have been lost with his other heritages. Indian songs were not, however, drifting bits of music that could be picked up anywhere and everywhere among the tribes indiscriminately. On the contrary, each and every song had its particular owner, who could, if he so chose, sell
it to the member of another tribe, the sale involving on the part of the original owner some instruction as to its rendition.
As a rule, however, these songs belonged to societies, secular or religious; the Indian having a most complicated and highly developed ritual. Many of these songs are found to be peculiar to particular tribes or political organizations, or to some rite or ceremony, the medicine men having a monopoly of the religious songs. Songs of mourning frequently were rendered by women alone, such ceremonials among the Indian women being reminiscent of the "mourning women" of the Scriptures, while the historic songs hold within their themes elements and facts which link the Indian to American prehistoric times. The antiquity of many of these songs is shown by their occasionally containing words the meaning of which is entirely lost.
War is not conducive to the development of the gentler arts of any nation, and research discloses that the Indian has been no exception to this rule, for the more warlike tribes had few if any songs. It has been found that the Ojibways, the Zuni, the Moquis and the Omahas had a fairly large number, but the more aggressive Iroquois, Apaches and Comanches possessed little of song except that of a more primitive character and of the kind dedicated to war.
In addition to the religious songs, war songs, love songs, and songs of mourning, there were the mystery songs, which belonged exclusively to the medicine men, and the convivial or social songs which accompanied the games and which were used as exorcisms to secure good luck. Festive and solemn events were marked by their individual, standard song, which consisted of a few short words or a phrase or two, repeated many times, the one theme of the composition being insistently emphasized with much force. The rendition was characterized by sincerity, and in particular songs with a marked degree of pathos. Many of these songs, devoid of measure and rhyme as they were, have come down to posterity in the form of picture-writing, while the music is simplicity itself.
Fig. I
1 2 3 4
5 6 7
Fig. II
1 2 3 4
INDIAN SONG.
Figure I represents a love song, the free translation of which is:
1. It is my form and person that makes me great.
2. Hear the voice of my song—it is my voice.
3. I shield myself in secret coverings.
4. All your thoughts are known to me—blush!
5. I could draw you hence, were you on a distant island;
6. Though you were on the other hemisphere, is one of the
7. I speak to your naked heart.
No. 1 represents one whose magic power charms the weaker sex. Hence this character instructs the singer to chant—It is my painting that makes me a god. No. 2, the charmer beating a magic drum, indicates—Hear the sounds of my voice, of my song; it is my voice. No. 3, showing him surrounded with a secret lodge—I cover myself in sitting down by her; No. 4, depicting the union of their affections, the two bodies being joined by one arm, represents the words—I can make her blush, because I hear all she says of me; No. 5, the girl upon an island—Were she on a distant island I could make her swim over; No. 6, his magic powers reaching her heart while she sleeps, is rudely translated—Though she was far off, even on the other hemisphere; No. 7, a naked heart—I speak to your heart.
Figure II represents a war song. Roughly translated the symbols mean—
1. I am rising.
2. I take the sky, I take the earth.
3. I walk through the sky.
4. The Eastern Woman calls.
More freely it might read—
1. I am rising to seek the war-path.
2. The earth and the sky are before me.
3. I walk by day and by night.
4. And the evening star is my guide.
No. 1 represents the sun, the source of light and knowledge and a symbol of vigilance. No. 2 represents the warrior with one hand pointing to the heavens, the other to the earth, signifying his mighty power and dauntless prowess. No. 3 shows him stalking under the moon, during the hours best fit for secrecy and warlike achievements. No. 4, the warrior is personifying Venus, which is called the Eastern Woman or Evening Star, who is his guide and the witness of his heroic deeds.
Taken from Henry R. Schoolcraft's Information Respecting the History Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Vol. 1, pages 401-404.
The same chart is in Drake's Indian Tribes of the U. S. (a condensation of Schoolcraft's work), but without an explanation.
question of Schoop's last work) put without an explanation.
The same chart is in Drake's Indian Tribes of the U.S. (a country's "A" pages 401-404.
History Conquered and Lobedez of the Indian Tribes of the United States from Henry R. Schoolcraft's Indianation Respecting the Indian deeds.
Woman or Eavanib Star' who is his bride and the mistress of his moon' A' the warrior is becoming Venus' which is called the Eastern bowel and language 'tongue' No. 3 shows' pure alchemy under the benison of the heaven' the matter to the sun' signifying his upright samson of vigilance' No. 2' he becomes the warrior with one hand No. 1 because' the sun' the source of light and knowledge and a A' And the evening star is his bride'
3' I mark the day and the night'
5' The earth and the sky are before me'
I' I am rising to seek the war-birth'
Mean:
Hence II tabessants a war song' Roughly translated the shumps to Koon jest'
or' even on the other hemisphere; No.' 3' a naked breast— I speak past simple the steps' is indeed traversed— Though she was first could make her swim over; No.' 9' the warlike bowers encircling her me; No.' 2' the girl upon the rising— Were she on a distant island I the words— I can make her plant' because I beat all the ears of their augacious' the two poised being joined by one star' because coat which in sitting down he per; No.' 6' depicting the union of is my voice' No.' 3' spurned him surrounded with a secret hope— I a music drum' indicates— Hear the sounds of my voice' or my sound; if was burning that makes me a dog' No.' 3' the chivalrous passing sex' Hence this chastest instincts the infant to court— It is No.' 1 because our' those magic bowels charms the weeked
I speak to Koon urged heart'
6' Though Jon wrote on the other hemisphere'
2' I could draw you hence' were you on a distant island?
4' All Koon thought as' known to me— principal
3' I think myself in secret covetous'
2' Hear the voice of my soul— it is my voice'
1' It is my form and bearing that makes me great'
Hence I tabessants a love pour' the true translation of which is:
There is a certain consistency as well as import in these picture-songs. They inspire the singer to love, to adore the object of his affection or to perform deeds of combat and daring. These symbolic writings form the true key to the songs of the North American Indian, and show to what extent the neumic symbols were applied. It is one of the most primitive modes of annotation. The picture-writing was used only to recall to the reader ideas which already existed in his mind, and were well fitted for the Indian because of his disposition, which was pensive and reminiscent.
The Indian never devised any system of notation for expressing the melodies to his songs, these being carried in the memory and passed from one generation to the next by the medicine men or priests of the tribe, who frequently were chosen on account of their retentive memories and good voices. It is marvelous how so many songs could be retained through the passing years by this crude process of preservation.
Having little or nothing in the way of a fixed scale, the musical efforts of the Indian were rhythmical rather than melodic. In the rendition of his songs accompanied by the drum, voice and instrument were seldom in the same rhythm, this serving to create a peculiar effect. Although the difference is most pronounced, it does not impair the sense of symmetry. Where the melodies can be applied to our tonal system it is found that the majority are formed in the so-called pentatonic scale, a scale of five notes in which the fourth and seventh tones of our octave are missing. But in general the musical system of the Indian, if such it may be called, differs entirely from our own owing to the use of intervals less than the half tone, which is the smallest interval of which we take cognizance.
Some interesting experiments were conducted by Doctor Fewkes, who had Indians sing to piano accompaniment. It was found that very noticeable deflections in pitch were intentionally produced by the singers. In the rendition of
his songs the Indian is guided entirely by his emotions, the effect of sentiment being to flatten the pitch, as seen in the love songs, while the emphasis used in the war songs called for a sharpening of the tone. The use of the falsetto voice also tended toward irregularities in this relation.
No harmonic efforts ever have been made by the Indian. Though it has been stated that he has an inherent feeling for harmony, it never has developed in any of his musical productions, for these are crudely melodious throughout, and though they may suggest harmonies to the cultured ear, there is no doubt that if the Indian had received the same suggestion he would have at least made some efforts in this direction. His songs are always rendered in unison and lose rather than gain by the process of harmonization.
With the Indian the dance was almost inseparable from his song. Religious songs and war songs invariably were accompanied by dancing, or the statement might be inverted and be equally correct, so close was the connection. Where the words of the song were improvised, interjections such as he, ha, heh, frequently were introduced, to better punctuate the rhythm. In fact some of the songs were sung throughout without words, or to words having no sense or meaning. In these wordless songs, the gentler emotions were sung to flowing vocables, while in the war songs they were aspirate and explosive.
Very crude were the instruments used by the Indians. The earliest explorers speak of the drum, and it is known that certain tribes used drums of two kinds. The mah-dwah-ke-quon, which was about two feet in length and made from a hollowed tree-trunk, had one end covered by a board, while over the other end was stretched an undressed deerskin on which to strike. This kind of drum, invariably met with among the Ojibways, was heard at sacred feasts only. The second kind, designated by the same tribe as ta-wae-gun, was made on the order of the common snare drum used by our military bands, and was the principal instrument at all festivals and on all amusement occasions.
Mr. Catlin, one of the first Americans to go to the far West for the purpose of studying the Indian in his native environment, gives a description of an instrument known as the mystery whistle. He speaks of it as being very ingeniously made, and says that the sound is produced on a principle entirely different from that employed in any wind instrument known among civilized inventions. He dwells particularly upon its peculiar sweetness of tone. He heard an Indian boy play it, and though making repeated efforts, he himself never succeeded in making a sound upon it. Miss Alice Fletcher, who spent some years studying the Indian in his native environment, probably had this instrument in mind when she wrote that "the native flageolet has proved a trusty friend to many a youth to whom nature had denied the power of expressing in vocal melody his fealty to the maiden of his choice."
The Indian also used another flute-like instrument, which was constructed of two pieces of cedar, each half round and then hollowed out until quite thin, and with four holes bored in it. The two parts were fastened together so as to form a tube, and sound being produced by blowing at the end. It is not known whether the design of this instrument was borrowed from that of the first white flute player who happened among the Indians, or whether it originated with the red man himself. Many of the tribes assert, however, that this instrument was "improved" after examples of like instruments used by the pale face. Another wind instrument is the war whistle, which was constructed of two clay pipes or tubes bound together side by side. It emitted two distinct sounds, one for battle and the other for retreat.
The rattle was also an instrument common among the Indians. By it they produced noise, if not music, to add to the enjoyment of their festivals. These rattles were of various kinds. The Algonquins used a gourd-shell in which a few dried beans were placed, while the turtle-shell was a favorite rattle among the Iroquois and other eastern tribes. This shell, with the skin attached was dried first, then a
handful of flint corn was sewn up in the skin, and the skin of the neck stretched over a stick which served the purpose of a handle. The hoofs of animals, notably those of the deer, also were utilized by boring a hole in the narrow end of the hoofs and tying them to short sticks, which, being jerked up and down, produced a rattling sound.
For a long period, except from an ethnological point of view, research into the music of the North American Indian remained in abeyance. In the middle of the Seventeenth Century, the Jesuit missionaries, in their letters to the order in France, spoke of the native Indian music. They all speak of it as being somewhat heavy and grave in character, whether used in recreation or in devotion, yet they themselves made use of the Indian's song as a means of interesting him in their particular religious exercises.
These missionaries early discovered that the Indian was incapable of prolonged mental application, therefore they set all prayers to music, and succeeded most admirably by these means in interesting him in their form of worship. One of these missionaries, Father Mau, in writing to the Franciscan order in France, in 1735, says: "I often wish that the Rev. Father Landreau, who is so fond of well executed church music, could be present at our high mass; it would be a greater treat to him than anything to which he has yet listened. The men who lead off with the first verses he might take for a choir of cordeliers — Franciscan Friars — and the women for some great community of nuns. But what am I saying? Neither cordeliers nor nuns ever sang as do our Iroquois men and women. Their voices are both mellow and sonorous, and their ear is so correct that they do not miss a half tone in all their church hymns, which they know by heart."
Professor J. C. Fillmore and Mr. Edwin S. Tracy in later years have assisted Miss Alice C. Fletcher in her research in the domain of Indian song by harmonizing the melodies which she herself received from native sources. Mr. James R. Murie, an educated Pawnee, became her collaborator
in recording the music of the rituals among the Omahas, the Dakotas, the Pawnees and other tribes. The songs belonging to the most important ceremonies were recorded by means of the graphophone, and then transcribed from the cylinders by Mr. Tracy, each transcription being verified by him from the singing of the Ku’rahus or medicine men.
During the past decade a few American composers have bestowed attention on the music of the aborigines with gratifying results. Among these the name of Edward MacDowell stands pre-eminent for his adaptation of the melodies of the American Indian to orchestral purposes. In the preface to his “Indian Suite” (Op. 48), Mr. MacDowell says:
“The thematic material of this work has been suggested for the most part by melodies of the North American Indians. Their occasional similarity to northern European themes seems to the author a direct testimony in corroboration of Thorfinnkarlsefin’s saga. If separate titles for the different movements are desired, they should be arranged as follows: I, Legend; II, Love Song; III, In War-time; IV, Dirge; V, Village Festival.”
In a quarterly published at Newton, Mass., in the interests of American compositions based on the folk-lore of the Indian, may be found a long list of more or less well-known writers who have made use of such material. Among the number may be mentioned Lawrence Gilman, Arthur Farwell, Campbell Tipton, Harvey W. Loomis and Edgar Stillman Kelley. None of these men, however, has won sufficient recognition as composers to attract unusual attention to their work in this field.
The most important work along lines suggestive of Indian music is Coleridge-Taylor’s setting of Longfellow’s “Hiawatha.” In it the composer has made use of themes which, if not taken direct from Indian sources, are at least suggestive of such music. The text itself naturally would call for musical treatment after the manner of the music of the Indian.
NEGRO MUSIC AND NEGRO MINSTRELSY
While the songs of the American Indian are of questionable value musically, those of the negro, another peculiarly American song product, are of undoubted worth. The coming of the negro to America has served to introduce into our musical life features which are unique in the annals of history. From his advent may be traced influences which have had a marked effect in the production of music both of a popular and of a more pretentious character in this country.
America received its first importation of negro slaves in 1619 and these unfortunate people brought with them their own crude songs. Of all the undeveloped races the African negro seems to have been the most gifted musically, for his primitive melodies resemble those of the whites more closely than do those of any similar people. In his native home the negro made use of music in his incantations and religious observances much after the same manner as did the Indian in America. When first brought to this country it was but natural that he should cling to his Voodooism—the species of idolatry and superstition which constituted his religion. Connected with its rites were many weird chants which served to form the foundation of the music which developed under his new environment.
In spite of the continued contact with the whites, the negro melodies as we have them today still retain their exotic traits. In the older ones there is more of the barbaric character, while those of a later date show the influence of the music of the white masters. Again, in the dances of the negro are to be seen traces of their barbaric origin. The pantomime so generally associated with many songs points to derivation from the same sources. In common with those of all uncultured peoples, the negro melodies frequently are formed on the pentatonic scale, in which the fourth and seventh tones are omitted.
The first instruments used in this country by the negro slaves were patterned after those of the land from which they had come. Two kinds, or rather two sizes of drums were used, which were fashioned of hollowed logs, over one end of which was stretched a sheep or goat skin. These drums were not played in upright position but were laid on the ground and the player bestrode them, beating them with fists and feet, slowly on the large instrument and more rapidly on the smaller one. The small drum was often made from a section of the bamboo tree, hence the name bamboula, given to the dance which commonly was performed to the accompaniment of this drum.
Rattles similar to those of the Indian also were used. Another instrument, if such it may be called, was formed of the jawbone of some animal, such as the horse or mule, over the teeth of which a piece of metal was rattled. The morimbabrett was an instrument capable of producing something approaching melody. It was formed of a shallow box of thin wood about eight inches long by four or five wide, across which, under a single strand of wire, were placed several sections of reed of graduated lengths. The performer plucked the ends of the reeds with his thumb nails and so produced the music.
In Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia (1784) he speaks of the negro as being naturally musical, and adds: “the instrument proper to them is the banjar, which they
brought hither from Africa." This "banjar" or banjo was of four strings or possibly fewer in the earlier specimens; the head was covered with rattlesnake skin, the instrument in general being very similar to one in use by the Chinese. Late writers on the subject scout the idea of the banjo being the negroes' instrument, but there is no doubt that an instrument such as that described above was used by the slaves. Being of African origin it may naturally be supposed that it was tuned differently from our modern banjo and was played in the style of a melodic rather than of a harmonic instrument. The violin may be cited as a type of melodic instrument, as it is used principally to produce melody, while the banjo is commonly employed as a harmonic instrument, or one used in producing harmonies or chords. The musical efforts of the negro being essentially melodic, this may explain the stand taken by those who insist that the banjo was not devised by them.
Another instrument of the negro was a sort of Pan's pipe formed from two joints of the brake cane and designated quills. When he had become thoroughly familiar with the music of the whites, however, the negro seems to have found in the violin the instrument best suited to his needs. At the same time the triangle, bones, tambourine, jew's-harp, tin whistle, in fact all the "toy" instruments were brought into use.
It was not until about the middle of the Nineteenth Century that any effort was put forth in the direction of research regarding the music of the American negro. His songs had already become incorporated into the music of the whites and had been accepted as a part of our musical heritage. While not of strictly American origin they have undoubtedly gone to form the foundation of such folk-song literature as this country possesses.
The negro naturally is a care-free, happy, cheerful individual, but mirth and laughter find little expression in the song of a people long depressed with thoughts of exile, and unhappy under oppression with no promise of alleviation.
Songs born under such conditions naturally express, both in words and music, a spirit of resignation touched with yearnings to reach eventually the land of Canaan, which promised not so much a reward of virtue as freedom from bondage. That is why the great majority of slave songs are semi-religious in character. Where the negro did voice a happy mood his expression took the form of words conjured up by his ludicrous imagination and were humorous rather than witty.
In order to form a true conception of negro songs it is necessary to hear them sung by their creators, for the negro possesses a peculiar quality of voice which is next to impossible to imitate. He has, too, a manner of singing which is equally characteristic. Peculiar sounds are interjected, slurring from one note to another and swelling on emphatic words are common effects. When singing in chorus the leader starts the verse, the others joining in where fancy leads them, sometimes following the principal melody and again improvising parts, the general ensemble serving to produce unique harmony. It is strange how these untrained singers, in spite of their apparently haphazard manner of "joining in," will always keep the most perfect time and will rarely produce discords. In the matter of rhythm the negro seems to be more universally gifted than any other race.
The prevalent use of the minor mode is another characteristic of his music. It undoubtedly comes from two sources: first, from the fact that many of his melodies are formed in the pentatonic scale common to all uncultured peoples; second, on account of the sorrows and tribulations resultant from his particular environment, the minor key best expressing the feelings produced by such conditions. Triple time is rarely used, the large majority of songs having either two or four beats to the measure. Another feature of the rhythm is the common use of syncopations such as are found in the so-called "rag-time" music of today, which feature found its source in the negro melodies,
Song was to the negro the sole means of expressing his emotions and feelings, and from these songs may be formed the truest judgment of his character and disposition. In them is voiced the childlike simplicity and faith of a people as yet on the borderland of enlightenment. It is song which is intimately connected with the singer's work and his play, his joy and his sorrow, his expression of things temporal and things spiritual.
The Slave Songs edited by William Francis Allen, Charles Pickard Ware, and Lucy McKim Garrison, and published about 1867, represent, with a few exceptions, melodies taken from negro sources, although the direct connecting link between native African music and that of the American slave song itself is missing. The earlier songs seem to have preserved a kind of individuality, for while there was intercourse between the various plantations—slaves being sold from one to the other—the melodies seem to have been little affected by it, many of them retaining distinctly local features.
The "Sorrow Songs" of the negro, the oldest of the slave songs to survive, are permeated with a strain of suggestive sadness, and although few allusions are made to slavery itself, yet it requires no great mental acuteness to discover the yearning for relief from his surroundings, as well as the heart-throb when ties of home and family, no matter how simple nor how rude these may have been, were ruthlessly severed. Even the reading of the words of many of these songs, devoid of poetical treatment as they may appear, conveys to the mind a pathos, which regardless of the source from which they emanated, makes it appeal to humanity at large.
In many of these songs there may easily be detected the doctrine of the fatalist giving place to the yearning after things spiritual and the hope and faith of the life to come. At moments, even in the most despairing of the "Sorrow Songs," there floats out a triumphant note, as if the veil of darkness suddenly had been rent, and some fair world beyond had revealed itself to view. One of these inspirational moments is readily to be perceived in the following song, the first line of which is sung in slow recitative style, while the other lines, serving as a refrain and repeated several times, convey the mood characteristic of the plantation negro—the momentary drifting from sadness to joy:
Nobody knows who I am, who I will be till de comin' day,
O de heav'n-bells ringin'!
De sing-sol-singin'!
Heav'n-bells a-ringin' in mah soul.
Beside the "Slave Songs" there were "Sper'chels," which were sung under great religious excitement—death, the resurrection, and Satan, being the favorite themes. The negro utilized his satanic majesty in song much in the same way that he was introduced in the "miracle plays" of medieval Europe, as a source of amusement as well as of terror:
O, Satan comes, like a busy ole man,
Hal-ly, O hal-ly, O Hal-lelu!
He gets you down at the foot o' de hill,
Hal-ly, O hal-ly, O Hal-lelu!
Many of the early negro songs were extemporaneous outbursts of emotion while laboring under excitement, usually of a religious nature. One of their best known "Sper'chels" is said to have originated with an old negro slave, whose favorite subject was the final judgment. While at one of the cabin meetings he composed the following words, setting them to a tune of his own extemporizing:
I'm gwine to tell you 'bout de comin' ob de Savior,
Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
Dar's a better day a-comin', Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
Says Fader, I'm tired o' bearin', Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
Tired o' bearin' fo' po' sinners, Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
Oh, preachers fold your Bibles, Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
Prayer-makers pray no more, Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
For de last soul's converted, Fare-you-well, Fare-you-well!
In addition to the "Sper'chels" proper, which were sung sitting down, there were the "Running Sper'chels" or "Shout Songs" which were accompanied by all kinds of fantastic motions. Something of the primitive African dance is suggested by these "Shout Songs." They were only sung under stress of the greatest religious excitement and served as aids to the mourners who had not yet "got through." The "mourners" of these songs were not mourners in the general acceptation of the word, but were those who occupied the "mourners' bench" in the gospel meetings. Both words and music of these negro hymns are poetic, quaint, and plaintive and are often full of dramatic power, with marked contrasts of fear and bliss.
While religious emotions called into being the larger part of the songs, there are others which picture conditions in slave life. There were those sung at dusk when returning from work, and these plaintive songs show the dark side of slavery. There are again others which show the brighter side, when dancing was allowed in the evening, and unrestrained laughter resounded around the cabin fire. An interesting song of descriptive character is "Noble Skewball," which tells of a famous horse-race. This song more nearly approaches the epic character than does any other of the negro's efforts.
The love-songs of the negro with few exceptions, are trifling and perhaps frivolous. The negro sang not of the grande passion, his peculiar environment precluding even a thought of it. Yet in the following song there is a note of deep emotion and genuine feeling:
Poor Rosy, poor gal! Poor Rosy, poor gal!
Rosy break my poor heart! Heav'n shall-a-be my home.
One should read between the lines, perhaps, in order to realize the fate of "Poor Rosy" as bewailed by a lover, helpless to avert an impending catastrophe. A writer states: "There is a depth of history and meaning to the song," while an old negress avers that "it cannot be sung without a full heart and a troubled spirit."
Work on the plantations was often done to the accompaniment of songs whose rhythmic swing acted as an incentive to steadier and better labor; especially was this true with the mowers at harvest. Charles Peabody tells of a leader in a band of slaves who was besought by his companions not to sing a certain song because it made them work too hard. Again, on the boats plying between the West Indies and Baltimore and the southern ports, which were manned by the blacks, song was used for the same purpose. Later, on the southern river-boats the same method was utilized. These boat songs usually were constructed of a single line followed by an unmeaning chorus, the solo being sung by one of the leaders, and the rhythmical refrain repeated over and over by the workers.
During the war period negroes assisted in the construction of fortifications and earthworks. These bodies of laborers invariably kept pick and shovel going to the rhythmic, protracted chanting of words, original in thought and construction, and which were fashioned by one of their number who was looked upon as a leader. These songs became known generally throughout the South as "Railroad Songs," from the fact that tracks often were laid to the same long-drawn-out melody, and because the railroad itself made a profound impression upon the negro. They are of interest in the consideration of negro melodies since they were the last spontaneous outburst of the negro amid a rapidly changing environment.
The railroad idea was also utilized by the negro in his religious songs. He likened the Christian to a traveler on a train; the Lord was the conductor and the servants of the church were the brakemen. Stops were made at the gospel stations either to take up waiting converts or to replenish the engine with the water of life. This figure was carried out to its full extent and shows the tendency of the negro to fantastic imagery. Many of the "Railroad Songs" originated in the vigils of those who "sat up" with the dead, singing meanwhile to comfort the afflicted and mourning
family. Such songs were sung in a low, monotonous croon and are irregular in everything except rhythm.
In Louisiana the music of the negro took on a special color owing to the influence of his Creole masters. This is noticeable not only in the French patois of his songs but in the character of the music of both his songs and his dances. The majority of songs were almost invariably accompanied by dancing, the singer being chosen not only for the quality of his voice but for his skill in improvisation, his words taking suggestion from the grace or pose of some danseuse or being in praise of some plantation hero. The dancers themselves did not sing, the musical accompaniment consisting of singing and rude instrumental efforts furnished by the onlookers. Such combination songs and dances were termed counjaille, name and dance being of African origin.
A distinctive feature of the early song of the Creole negro is its story of animal life. Many of these songs, which are of considerable length and invariably accompanied with a particular dance, refer to the elephant, the lion and the tiger. One of the most amusing tells of the entrance of a frog into a hornet’s nest and of the unhappy results of his visit. Such a dancing song was designated a ronde. There is also found among these African Creole songs a few that are distinctively historical, and which seem to have been spontaneous effusions connected with some important episode relating to the community. Events such as the invasion of Louisiana by the British in 1814 and the capture and occupation of New Orleans by Commodore Farragut and General Butler in 1862 were chronicled in these songs.
The love songs of the negro of Louisiana, of which “Layotte” is a good example, are more distinctive than are those of the negro in general. Louis Moreau Gottschalk, a Creole of French and English parentage, born in New Orleans in 1829, and who won fame for himself as a pianist and composer, made use of “Layotte” and other Creole negro melodies in his piano pieces. His first important composition “Bananier,” is founded on the melody
"En Avant Grenadier." It was Gottschalk who first made known to the world at large the peculiar charm of the Creole airs. One may judge of the interest attracted by both the music and its transcriber from an article appearing some sixty years ago in La France Musicale, relative to the appearance of Gottschalk in the Paris salons. A part of the article reads:
"Who does not know the 'Bamboula'? Who is there who has not read the description of that picturesque, exciting dance, which gives expression to the feelings of the negroes? Joyful or sad, plaintive, amorous, jealous, forsaken, solitary, fatigued, ennuied, or the heart filled with grief, the negro forgets all in dancing the 'Bamboula.' Look down there at those two black tinted women with short petticoats, their necks and ears ornamented with coral, le regard brulant, dancing under the banana tree; the whole of their bodies in the movement; further on are groups who excite and stimulate them to every excess of fancy; two negroes roll their active fingers over a noisy tambourine, accompanying it with a languishing chant, lively or impassioned, according to the pose of the dancers. Little negroes, like those on the canvas of Decamps, are jumping around the fiddlers; it is full of folly and delusion. The 'Bamboula' is at its height. This attractive dance has frequently furnished a theme for instrumental compositions which, however, have not obtained all the success that we expected from them. The Creole airs transported into our salons lose their character, at once wild, languishing, indescribable, and bear no resemblance to any other European music; some have thought that it was sufficient to have the chant written down, and to reproduce them with variations in order to obtain new effects. Not so; the effects have failed. One must have lived under the burning sky from whence the Creole draws his melodies; one must be impregnated with those eccentric chants, which are little dramas in action; in one word, one must be Creole, as composer and executant, in order to feel and make others understand the whole originality of the 'Bamboula.'"
The slave song is a music of the past, for these songs peculiar to plantation life in the South have faded away with the conditions that fostered them. Under the altered conditions the negro has undergone a marked change which has resulted in a dearth of song production. What he eventually will achieve musically remains for the years to tell. Orators, writers, thinkers and poets have come from the ranks of the American negro, but the composer is yet to arise who will take these bits of melody, typical of his race, and on them construct compositions of true artistic worth.
Though not of American birth, the name of Coleridge-Taylor may here be mentioned in this connection. Of African descent, Coleridge-Taylor has taken negro melodies as themes from which he has evolved many charming compositions. He is the first negro to win renown in the field of art music. His piano transcriptions of such songs as "Didn't my Lord deliver Daniel," "Steal Away," "Sometimes I feel like a Motherless Child," are really gems of their class.
Among the composers who have used negro themes as material in composition Antonin Dvořák ranks highest. His "New World" symphony is founded chiefly on such themes, and America owes much to him for showing the possibilities in the use of this material. Following his illustrious example other composers have come forward and scored successes in this line of endeavor. Among them may be mentioned G. W. Chadwick, who made use of such themes in his second symphony; Henry Schoenefeld with his "Sunny South" overture, "Rural" symphony, and sonata for piano and violin; and E. R. Kroeger in his "Ten American Sketches." From the efforts of these men it is to be seen that the negro melodies offer material capable of being developed with artistic results. Doubtless as America comes to produce something approaching nationalism in music more and more use will be made of this valuable thematic material.
At the close of the Civil War there were more than four million freed slaves reaching out for the promise of better conditions. An active, energetic endeavor was made therefore, toward the founding of schools for the negro, and from one of these institutions there developed a project which became of unique interest in the history of music in America. In 1865 measures were taken to found a university in the South for the benefit of the freed slaves, and against many discouraging odds, Fisk University was established at Nashville, Tennessee, in 1866.
Recalling the negro’s innate love for song, the trustees resolved to make music a special feature of the instruction in the University. They therefore engaged George L. White, to give instruction in singing. His work with the pupils was productive of good results, for in the spring of 1867 he had them give a concert, and the following year they presented a program which included the cantata “Esther.”
Mr. White now took part of his choir class to Memphis and again to Chattanooga, meeting in both cities with considerable success. About this time the National Teachers’ Association of the United States held its annual convention at Nashville, and arrangements were made for the Fisk choir to sing at the opening exercises. This proved, in spite of prejudice on the part of certain people, to be so popular a feature that a demand was made on the singers for their services in every session until the close of the convention. It now was suggested that this choir might be made a means to an end and earn with its singing the funds needed to further the work of the University. With this object in view Mr. White started out with his choir of thirteen members, on Oct. 6, 1871.
The director had much to discourage him, but faith in the project lent courage to both singers and leader, and the first three months’ work brought a considerable sum of money into the University treasury. An invitation to take part in the World’s Peace Jubilee in Boston gave renewed encouragement. It was not altogether smooth sailing for the Fisk
singers in Boston, however, for in the first concert there was abroad a spirit of antagonism which at one moment went beyond the bounds of civility and decorum. But the patient singers evinced neither disturbance nor resentment, and perhaps this forbearance on their part swung the balance of public opinion decidedly in their favor.
The supreme test came, however, when the singers were to take part in one of the Jubilee concerts. The "Battle Hymn of the Republic" was to be sung to the air of "John Brown," by some colored singers of Boston. Unfortunately, the key was pitched too high, and the first lines were voiced under obvious difficulties. The Fisk singers, owing to the good training they had received, found no difficulty with the high notes on which the others had failed, and when were reached the words "He hath sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat," their cue for falling in, they took up the song as if swept by a wave of inspiration. At the chorus "Glory, glory, Hallelujah," the audience of twenty thousand people arose en masse, the women waving their handkerchiefs and the men throwing their hats high in the air, cheering and shouting "The Jubilees! The Jubilees forever!" And P. S. Gilmore, the originator and director of the Jubilee Concerts, motioned down to the dusky singers below, and massing them upon his own platform, from this position had them finish the remaining verses of the "Battle Hymn of the Republic."
The fame of the "Jubilee Singers"—for henceforth this was to be the designation of these vocalists from the South—having gone abroad, London expressed a desire to hear them. They therefore crossed the ocean, and with their simple and pathetic music won their way into the hearts of the British public. England, Scotland and Ireland received them graciously and bestowed upon them encouraging appreciation, for, from Queen Victoria to the humblest subject within her realm, the "peculiar minor" cadence in the simple song of an exiled people touched the heart as no other primitive music had done. A second tour was made
later and concerts were given in Holland, Switzerland and Germany as well as in Great Britain.
Those who did not understand the language were moved to tears by the charm of the music. The older countries of Europe were quick to recognize the fact that in these negro songs America had a folk-music peculiarly and entirely its own—music which had sprung into being under specific historical conditions—and for two centuries had mellowed on the borders of civilization and culture and yet had no part in it. Strange enough too, a few English musicians as well as those from other European countries began to think that the negro had plagiarized the church music of the whites, so they set themselves the task of research into the old hymnology in order to prove that the "Slave Songs" were not as original as had been claimed. Their labors were of course in vain, for they found that such was not the case. On the contrary, England later borrowed one of her most popular Sunday School hymns from African music, the simple little melody to "There is a happy land, far, far away," belonging to the primitive music of the negro.
In Holland, there being no halls of suitable dimensions to accommodate the people desirous of hearing this unique band of singers, the Cathedrals were opened for concert purposes, and at The Hague the singers were received by the Queen and the nobility. After a sojourn of some two months in Holland, the Jubilee Singers passed on to Germany, where in Berlin, after being received by the Emperor, the Domkirche, in which the Imperial family worships, was placed at the disposal of the visitors for their concerts.
One of the most critical journals of the time, the Berliner Musik-Zeitung, in a lengthy article considered the program in detail and then summed up with the following: "What wealth of shading! What accuracy of declamation! Every musician felt that the performances of these singers are the result of high artistic talent, finely trained taste, and extraordinary diligence. Such a pianissimo, such
a crescendo, such a decrescendo as those at the close of 'Steal Away' might raise envy in the soul of any choirmaster!" The critique closes with: "Thus the balance turns decidedly in favor of the Jubilee Singers and we confess ourselves their debtors. Not only have we had a rare musical treat but our musical ideas have also received enlargement and we feel that something may be learned of these negro singers, if only we consent to break through the fetters of custom and of long usage."
Franz Abt, the composer and conductor, received the singers most cordially, bestowing upon them many attentions and in Brunswick placing at their disposal the hall in which he gave his own choral concerts. "We could not take even our German peasantry," he remarked, "and reach in generations of culture such results in art, conduct and character as appear in these freed slaves."
The career of the Jubilee Singers is unique in the music annals of the world. That these uncultured singers could bring all Europe to their feet by the inherent beauty of their song and by their characteristic rendition of the same, demands for the negro a distinct place in the musical world. Funds to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars were earned by this band of singers and applied for the educational uplift of the race. It is a message of song that finds no parallel.
The negro has exerted an influence in the history of music in America not only by means of his own song but indirectly through the efforts of the negro minstrel, whose inspirations were derived from negro sources. Nationalities have each in turn had their minstrels, all closely allied by ties of resemblance in style and manner of performance; but America has had its own individual type. Unlike that of other nations, it made a specialty of framing the "mind to mirth and merriment" and developing among the people the desire for a humorous entertainment, simple and clean of character. This peculiar style of entertainment naturally
called for music of a distinct type, and as a result of this demand there evolved a class of melodies which, together with the negro melodies themselves, eventually will be looked upon as our folk-song.
It is not a difficult matter to find the cause for the long continued popularity of negro minstrelsy, for it gave to the public an entertainment which was new and original and which at the same time made its appeal from many sides. In himself the negro was an interesting character, and when travestied, with all his peculiarities exaggerated, he became even more so. It was the droll humor of the southern darkey that first was fastened on as a feature suitable for stage presentation. The ludicrous side of the negro character, which showed itself in the performing of his songs by accompanying them with facial grimaces and contortions, made its appeal as did also the pathetic side which drew involuntary tears.
In all the efforts of the negro minstrel, it was song which served as the vehicle of expression, and the secret of his long continued success lay in the inherent appeal made by such songs. It was the song rather than the singer which first drew out and held the attention of the public. In addition to these songs the negro minstrel had a manner of performing instrumental music that was peculiarly his own. Trick music it might be termed, for the banjo and fiddle were played in all sorts of positions, under the leg, behind the back, and over the head. The fiddle was made to imitate almost all the sounds of nature, and even the tin whistle served to produce strange and peculiar imitations and inventions. And from such materials, with the song and dance, the ring of the tambourine and the clack of the bones—all given with the performers in black-face make-up—was the minstrel show fashioned.
There are many claimants to the origin of American minstrelsy, but it generally is conceded that W. D. Rice (born in New York in 1808, died in 1860) was really the father of this form of entertainment, if not its veritable
The first group of students to graduate from the University of Oklahoma in 1890.
Certain it is that Rice after, and became associated with the dandy darkey of the stage and that he had followers, all more or less ingenious in their methods of imitation of this most exaggerated and grotesquely stupid character.
Rice's first negro impersonation was patterned after a song with its accompanying dance which he had heard sung by a negro in a stable in Cincinnati but it was in Pittsburg that the song at first was given from the stage. While singing in the latter city, Rice met a negro porter named White to aid in negro concerts in Cincinnati. White at the time came therefore to accompany Rice to the theatre and to loan him the song which he had heard sung in Cincinnati:
O, Jim Crow's come to town,
An' he won't be quiet, he won't be quiet,
An' every time he whistles, he do jis so,
An' everybody jump Jim Crow.
Suiting the actions to the song by the movements of his body, Rice emphasized the song by the movements of his body. He was greeted by tremendous applause and when Rice concluded to improvise, incorporating into the song the various musical incidents, the song became universally popular.
Cuff, in the meantime, had secured funds for the Fisk University, and after the action of the actors, and of appearance, they sought at first the immediate part of the funds for the concert tours in Europe, meeting everywhere with the most enthusiastic receptions, and attracting the attention of many European composers that America had a folk-song of her own.
A band of negro singers organized in 1869 by George White, and were known thereafter as the "Jubilee Singers," made several concert tours in Europe, meeting everywhere with the most enthusiastic receptions, and attracting the attention of many European composers that America had a folk-song of her own.
originator. Certain it is that Rice afterward became associated with the dandy darkey of the stage and that he had many followers, all more or less ingenious in their methods of presentation of this most exaggerated and grotesquely made-up character.
Rice’s first negro impersonation was patterned after a song, with its accompanying dance, which he had heard sung by a negro in a stable in Cincinnati; but it was in Pittsburg in 1830 that the song first was given from the stage. While playing in the latter city, Rice induced a negro porter named Cuff to accompany him to the theatre and to loan him the clothes he was then wearing. When the time came therefore for Rice’s specialty, he made his appearance arrayed in Cuff’s garments, with face made up with burnt cork and with a black wig of matted moss on his head. Then followed the song which he had heard in Cincinnati:
O, Jim Crow’s come to town, as you all must know,
An’ he wheel’ about, he turn about, he do jis so,
An’ ebery time he wheel about, he jump Jim Crow.
Suiting the actions to the words, Mr. Rice emphasized his song by the movements of his body. He was greeted by tremendous applause, and when he proceeded to improvise, incorporating into the verses familiar local incidents, the house became uproarious.
Cuff, in the meantime, had received a call for his services, and after repeated though unsuccessful efforts to attract the actor’s attention, he rushed on the stage regardless of appearances and demanded his clothes. The audience thought at first that his entrance and excited talk were a legitimate part of the show, but when it came to a realization of the true state of affairs the effect may be imagined. Thus the germ of the art of burnt cork minstrelsy was born, an art which afterward became a feature in the evolution of America’s popular music.
“Jim Crow” in his grotesque make-up became a feature of the regular performances at the Fifth Street Theatre, and at the season’s close, quarters known for a long time
as "Beal's," were secured for entertainments exclusively Ethiopian in character. Song after song was added until there existed a good repertory from which to select an evening's entertainment. For two years Rice confined his Ethiopian specialties to Pittsburg, but afterward he went to Philadelphia, Boston and New York, and ultimately crossed to England. He opened at the Surrey Theatre, London, and after a prolonged engagement in the British metropolis made a tour of the other large cities of Great Britain, being most favorably received everywhere, and in the four years of his tour making a fortune. Rice died in 1860 after having given to the stage the first and best type of negro minstrelsy.
It is interesting to note that many actors who later became famous, in their early careers appeared first as negro minstrels, among the number being Forrest, Booth and Joe Jefferson. Forrest's appearance in such roles really antedates that of "Jim Crow" Rice by seven years, but as he did not long continue to play negro parts his influence was not felt in the development of negro minstrelsy. Jefferson made his stage debut in 1833, when only four years of age, being carried in a bag on the shoulders of W. D. Rice and turned out of it with the introduction:
Ladies and gentlemen,
I'd have you to know
I's got a little darkey here
To jump Jim Crow.
Other names connected with early American minstrelsy might be given more than passing mention. For three years Ralph Keeler was one of the most popular of the black-face brotherhood and made a tremendous hit with his negro impersonations. George Washington Dixon, who made his debut in 1830, accompanying his singing with a banjo, was one of the pioneers of this art. His "Zip Coon" was the original of what later were designated "Coon songs." Charles White and Daniel Emmett were general favorites in their day, Emmett being better known as the composer
of the popular songs "Old Dan Tucker," "Early in the Morning" and "Dixie." There were many others who played their part well in the earlier as well as in the declining period of this phase of entertainment and whose names will always be associated with America's particular form of minstrelsy, that of the blackened face.
The name of Christy was for some years synonymous with negro minstrel specialties. Edwin P. Christy was the founder of the famous troupe which was organized in 1842, and its performances were given with uninterrupted regularity in New York for eight years. Under the management of E. P. Christy, George Harrington, his nephew (better known to the world as George W. Christy), made his debut at Buffalo, N. Y., and was really for some years the star of the troupe, being, it is said, the original "Lucy Long."
E. P. Christy had two sons, R. Byron and William A., who were also members of what was known as the "Christy's Minstrels." This troupe went to England and occupied St. James' Hall, London, night after night for many years, becoming one of the most popular forms of entertainment in the British metropolis.
To Christy is due the credit for so arranging the performance as to have it comprise the whole evening's entertainment rather than being an accessory to other features. The minstrel performance, under his management, was divided into three divisions, namely "first part," "olio," and "afterpiece."
In the "first part" the performers were seen seated in a single row, the number varying from four to twenty, the "Interlocutor" in the center, with "Bones" and "Tambo," the boneplayers and tambourine performers, respectively, as end men. The second part, "olio," was a variety entertainment made up of banjo-playing, clog-dancing and other specialties. It in no way partook of the representative features of plantation life as in the performances of the earlier Ethiopian minstrels, and the third part or "afterpiece" very rarely touched upon anything in connection with negro
life. These innovations, in spite of the clever rendition of individual parts, were the beginning of the end of American minstrelsy. Edwin P. Christy and William A. Christy died in 1862; E. Byron Christy in 1866, and George W. Christy in 1868.
Many songs, mere echoes of the Southland, were given in these performances, and from the fervor with which they were received both in America and in England and their influence upon the people, they must, perforce, be classed with the popular music. The sentimental strain in these songs or ballads made its quick appeal to the heart. Thackeray, who had witnessed one of the performances, writes in one of his "Roundabout" sketches: "I heard a humorous balladist not long since, a minstrel with wool on his head, and an ultra-Ethiopian complexion, who performed a negro ballad that I confess moistened these spectacles in a most unexpected manner. I have gazed at thousands of tragedy queens dying on the stage and expiring in appropriate blank verse, and I never wanted to wipe them. They have looked up, be it said, at many scores of clergymen without being dimmed, and behold! a vagabond with a corked face and a banjo sings a little song, strikes a wild note which sets the heart thrilling with happy pity."
Among many minstrel organizations contemporary with the Christies were Buckley's "New Orleans Serenaders," which was organized in 1843, White's "Serenaders," Bryant's Minstrels, Wood's Minstrels, and Sharpley's Minstrels. Kelly and Leon introduced "Africanized opéra bouffe" to New York in 1867. At a somewhat later period came Cotton and Reed, Haverley, Thatcher, Pelham, Primrose and West, Billy Van, Dockstader and others. Haverley's "Mastodon Minstrels" first appeared before the public about the year 1882.
In the earlier minstrel shows and indeed for many years following, the stage negro was patterned after the plantation "darkey," but in the organizations of a later date he assumed a distinct character of his own. The Haverley troupe was among the first to make a lavish display. They created somewhat of a sensation at the time, both in America and in England, by the dazzling stage spectacle they presented. From this time on there was little in the minstrel show to suggest the plantation "nigger" other than the ultra-blackened faces. The "darkey" song became the "coon" song and assumed a new and different character. There was very little suggestion left of the music of the negro himself on which the early minstrel songs were founded.
It is impossible to class the coon songs of the last twenty years apart from popular music in general, for they have been given to the public much more frequently without the accompaniment of the burnt cork make-up than with it. From the time the negro minstrel ceased to travesty the real article the minstrel show has steadily dropped in public favor until at the present time there are but few troupes in existence. Lew Dockstader still holds the board, but his only by ceaseless endeavor. The black-face comedian seems doomed to extinction, but he will leave behind him the characteristic type of popular music developed through his efforts. He served his purpose, and the legacy he left behind him in the "darkey" and "coon" songs has done much in adding variety to the literature of popular music.
America owes much to the negro in the creation and development of its popular music, for a large part of such music is due either directly or indirectly to negro sources. He gave to us, first of all, of his own peculiarly characteristic melodies which, as time goes on, are tending more and more to form the foundation of our folk-song literature. Had it not been for the negro there would never have come into existence the early minstrel songs which were patterned after those of the negro himself. From the demand of the minstrels for songs of a suitable style there developed the ever popular compositions of Stephen C. Foster and others of like character.
At a later date there have followed the multitudinous "coon songs" as the natural outcome of the "darkey songs," and in all of them, both in words and music, may be traced the influence of the negro. The words are still in the quasi-negro dialect, and the music abounds in the peculiar syncopations found in the true negro melodies. From all of these facts the conclusion that the negro has played a most pronounced part in the development of our popular music is naturally and easily reached. There is no doubt that America has proved to be the gainer musically from the unconscious influence of the unfortunate people first brought to the country as slaves.
POPULAR MUSIC
The considering of popular music naturally follows a review of negro minstrelsy because the minstrel show so long served as the medium by which such music was given to the public. Popular music always has had and always will have its place in the lives of the people. Interest in it therefore is general.
In early times among the nations of Europe the folksongs and dance tunes were the music of the people. These old melodies, handed down from generation to generation, still form the nucleus of the popular music of the various European countries. To them have been added from time to time songs written in a simple style and dance music, marches, and airs from the operas. Here in America, where, on account of our youth as a nation we can have no true folksongs, we must of necessity begin to build on a different foundation.
In a broad sense, popular music may be defined, as its name implies, as that of the populace—that is, of people who have made no special study of the art of music. It must be of a kind that can be easily learned and readily recalled. This music need not be trifling or trivial, but it must be simple. If it be a song the words must contain some sentiment common in appeal to all, sentiment touching the home, love, joy or sorrow; or the theme may be some subject which
at the time is agitating the public mind. The melody must be singable and the rhythm infectious. If the composition be purely instrumental, such as a march or waltz, the same musical characteristics must be in evidence.
In order to attain popularity this music need not be trashy, but may be and in fact often is of true musical worth. Witness for instance the "Largo" of Handel, Rubinstein's "Melody in F," the "Toreador's Song" from Carmen or the "Soldiers' Chorus" from Faust, all of which belong to art music but which nevertheless are distinctly and undeniably popular. Popular music becomes such because it requires for its enjoyment neither special musical training nor serious mental effort on the part of the listener. The difference between popular and so-called classical music really rests with the hearer rather than with the music itself. For, speaking in general, classical music calls for those very elements of musical culture and mental effort for its appreciation which popular music does not require.
After a hard day in shop or factory, after strenuous hours in the commercial world or at the desk, physical and mental relaxation are absolutely necessary to the enjoyment of any entertainment, not excepting music—even by one who thoroughly appreciates the art. No pleasure, either of a physical or mental nature, can be enjoyed where weary body and mind have to make effort for the occasion. Therefore the music of the people must be such that the hearer catches it almost unconsciously.
In treating of the subject of popular music the words as well as the music of the songs necessarily must be discussed, for very often it is the words rather than the music which win success for a popular song. Either the subject must make its appeal, or the words must have a jingle which carries them along. It is very doubtful whether the melody of "Home, Sweet Home" would have obtained such lasting popularity were it not for the words. On the other hand the tune of "Dixie" simply goes of itself, irrespective of the words used.
The earliest type of purely American popular song was called into existence by political excitement. In every particular the "Liberty Song" was our first possession of this kind, although adapted to a foreign air. This song found its origin in the refusal of the Massachusetts Legislature to rescind the "Circular Letter" of Feb. 11, 1768, relating to the imposition of duties and taxes upon the American colonies. A short time after this incident, John Dickinson of Delaware forwarded to James Otis of Massachusetts, with permission to publish it, a song appealing to Americans to unite for liberty. The words were first published in the Boston Gazette of July 18, 1768, and in September of the same year it appeared in printed form on a single sheet, along with its musical setting. This song was sung with enthusiasm throughout the colonies and retained its popularity for many years. The text of the poem runs:
Come join hand in hand, brave Americans all,
And rouse your bold hearts at fair Liberty's call;
No tyrannous acts shall suppress your just claim,
Or stain with dishonor America's name.
In freedom we're born, and in freedom we'll live;
Our purses are ready,
Steady, Friends, steady,
Not as slaves but as freemen our money we'll give.
All ages shall speak with amaze and applause,
Of the courage we'll show in support of our laws;
To die we can bear, but to serve we disdain,
For shame is to freemen more dreadful than pain.
In freedom we're born, etc.
The tune to which it was adapted was composed for David Garrick's celebrated "Hearts of Oak," by Dr. Boyce of England, and was first sung at Drury Lane Theatre, London, at Christmastide, 1759. It is a spirited air, and as the colonists were familiar with it, the song, consisting of nine stanzas, became exceedingly popular. It was America's first popular song in the fullest sense of that which constitutes
such music, that which "arrests people's attention, and when heard again, compels recognition."
It is but natural that tea, the subject of much animated political discussion at this time, should form the subject matter of many similar songs. One of them, written between the battles of Lexington and Concord and that of Bunker Hill, was sung to the tune of "Derry Down" and became a great favorite at all political gatherings as well as on the street, ultimately finding its way into camp with the Revolutionary army:
What a court hath Old England of folly and sin,
Spite of Chatham, and Camden, Barre, Burke, Wilkes and Glynne.
Not content with the game act, they tax fish and sea,
And Americans drench with hot water and tea,
Derry down, down, hey derry down.
Then freedom's the word, both at home and abroad,
And for every scabbard that hides a good sword!
Our forefathers gave us this freedom in hand,
And we'll die in defense of the rights of our land.
Derry down, down, hey derry down.
Another song on the same subject was sung to a sacred air. The verses first appeared in print, July 22, 1774, afterwards being published in single sheet form or broadside. It is attributed to Meshech Weare, who became president of the State of New Hampshire, in 1776.
Rouse every generous thoughtful mind,
The rising danger flee,
If you would lasting freedom find,
Now then abandon tea!
Since we so great a plenty have
Of all that's for our health;
Shall we that blasted herb receive
Impoverishing our wealth?
Adieu! away, oh tea! begone!
Salute our taste no more!
Though thou are coveted by some
Who're destined to be poor!
The first popular sentimental song printed in America appeared in the Philadelphia Ledger in 1775, and was known as the "Banks of the Dee." It is a tender little love song, adapted to the old Irish air of "Langolee" and tells of a young Scotchman who left his native land for the purpose of joining the British forces in America, having bade his fiancée adieu on the banks of the Dee. The song-writer, John Tait, pictures the girl's sadness and despair, as well as her admiration for her brave lover.
But now he's gone from me, and left me thus mourning,
To quell the proud rebels, for valiant is he.
But ah! there's no hope for his speedy returning,
To wander again on the banks of the Dee.
He's gone, hapless youth, o'er the rude, roaring billows,
The kindest, the sweetest of all his brave fellows;
And left me to stray 'mongst these once loved willows,
The loneliest lass on the banks of the Dee.
Its great popularity rested, perhaps, in the fact that it resolved itself into a direct appeal to many a colonial maiden's heart, for lovers marched to the field in the Revolutionary forces and bravely and valiantly performed their part, while the girls they loved, like the Scottish maiden, remained at home to wait, and, perchance, to weep.
With few exceptions, the popular music of the colonial and Revolutionary period, whether vocal or instrumental, was adapted from other countries, chiefly from Great Britain. It has been customary to date the evolution of America's popular music from the period of the Civil War and the decades that followed, but song-music by this time already had become familiar to the people by way of the minstrels, while banjo, flute, violin, melodion and piano had come into common use in the home.
Few popular songs survive, however, beyond the particular period for which they are written. Many of them are as evanescent as thistle-down, wafted hither and yon by a gentle zephyr of sentiment, and then banished by the stronger under-current of popular opinion. As a rule, songs
involving home sentiments, domestic affections, emotions that play on the heartstrings of the people, these are they which neither time nor constant repetition consign quickly to oblivion. In periods of great political disturbance this feeling resolves itself into a fervor of patriotism, and the war song is the result. This is the music of the people, for it becomes the popular music of the period and invariably is in the form of song. Then follows an aftermath, in which longings and yearnings for the home life are more deeply expressed, when the word "mother" becomes the dominant note, and her joy or her sorrow, her sense of loss or bereavement, forms the chord around which the song is built.
And yet certain of these songs of sentiment outlive those of more artistic composition simply because they touch the hearts of the people. Each and every word is understood because it has been written for them, and the music usually is simple enough to be readily grasped. America has produced much music of this kind, songs that will never die because they essentially vibrate in the home-life of the nation. Such a song is "Home, Sweet Home," which for three-quarters of a century has held its popularity and promises to continue to do so indefinitely. From minstrel performance to opera this charming song has held its own on the stage; from street singer to prima donna the public has received it with applause; from farmhouse to palace it has ingratiated its universal sentiment until it belongs to the whole world. Yet it is a rather ironical fact that the writer of the words, all his life was a wanderer, and died in a foreign land.
A few miles from Tunis, in Northern Africa, is a monument bearing the following inscription:
"In memory of Honorable John Howard Payne, twice Consul of the United States of America for the city and kingdom of Tunis, this stone is here placed by a grateful country. He died at the American Consulate in this city, after a tedious illness, April 1, 1852. He was born at the city of Boston, state of Massachusetts. His fame as a Poet and Dramatist is well known wherever the English language
is understood through his celebrated ballad of 'Home, Sweet Home,' and his popular tragedy of 'Brutus' and other similar productions." Around the tomb are engraved the following lines:
Sure, when thy gentle spirit fled
To realms beyond the azure dome,
With arms outstretched, God's angel said;
Welcome to Heaven's Home, Sweet Home!
Here the remains of the poet rested until, in 1883, W. W. Corcoran, who cherished some remembrances of Payne as a youth, transferred them to Washington, where the Corcoran Art Gallery received the casket until its reinterment in Oak Hill Cemetery. The President of the United States with his Cabinet and a military escort, together with many sympathizers in the movement, formed a distinguished cortège to the cemetery, and Payne, in body and in spirit, was no longer "an exile from home."
Payne was not a Bostonian, however. He was born in New York, the greater part of his childhood being spent in East Hampton, where his father was principal of the Clinton Academy. After spending some years in business and at college, Payne eventually turned to the stage. His career was full of ups and downs until finally he landed in the debtors' prison in London. While in confinement he made an adaptation of a French play which he sent to the management of Drury Lane Theatre, London. It was accepted and staged within a fortnight, and the remuneration for his work freed its adapter of debt.
Drury Lane's rival, Covent Garden Theatre, now sent him to Paris to look out for successful plays and to make adaptations of the same. One of these plays, from which Payne used little other than the plot, was advertised at Covent Garden as an "opera." It was for this "opera" of "Clari" that Payne wrote the now world-famous song, "Home, Sweet Home." The heroine, Clari, elopes with a nobleman, but is brought to see the error of her ways by hearing a band of strolling players sing the verses which Payne had introduced.
The words were adapted to a tune by Henry Rowley Bishop, which he had designated "Sicilian Air," and which had been familiar in London to words by Thomas Haynes Bayly, beginning "To the home of my childhood in sorrow I came." This was essentially a home song, yet when Payne's verses were set to the same tune London soon forgot that it ever had sung this air to anything but "Home, Sweet Home!"
Another song that became exceedingly popular, and after having been almost forgotten received a revived popularity through its introduction into the plot of a popular novel, is "Ben Bolt." The author of the words was Thomas Dunn English, a physician of New Jersey who also was a writer of distinction. The words of "Ben Bolt" first appeared in the New York Mirror of Sept. 2, 1843. They received several musical settings, but the air by which they gained popularity was adapted to them by an actor named Nelson Kneass.
While Kneass was playing in Pittsburg, the manager of a theatre was preparing to stage a new play and was anxious to have an original song introduced in it. A friend gave Kneass the words of "Ben Bolt;" a German air was adapted to them, and being sung in the play, the song won an immediate favor which it held for many a day.
The name of George F. Root for many years was prominent in the field of popular song. Mr. Root was born in Sheffield, Massachusetts, on Aug. 13, 1820. While a child he was extremely fond of music and attempted to play every musical instrument that came within his reach. He went to Boston while still young and began the study of music in real earnest. Instruction was received in singing, piano and organ, with a flute as a recreation. After some years spent in study, Mr. Root became organist and choirmaster and for five years was one of Lowell Mason's assistants in teaching music in the Boston public schools. In 1844 a position was offered him in New York, and here for many years he lived and worked. It was while in New York that he first gained
fame as a writer of popular music. "Hazel Dell" was his first successful popular song. Others were "Rosalie, the Prairie Flower" and "The Vacant Chair."
George F. Root was one of the first musicians in America to realize the opening in the field of popular music. In writing for the people he would invariably consider the difficulty of the intervals and the intricacy of the accompaniments. That is why there is always found such simplicity in all his harmonies. He was a born composer in this field and he reaped a well deserved success. The degree of Doctor of Music was conferred upon him by Chicago University. He died in 1895.
Among the many names associated with popular song in America that of Stephen C. Foster stands pre-eminent. Stephen Foster was born at Lawrenceville, Pennsylvania, on July 4, 1826. Shortly after his birth the family moved to Allegheny, where Stephen attended school and continued his studies until, at the age of thirteen, he was sent to Athens Academy at Towanda, Pennsylvania. After a year spent at Towanda he returned to his home in Allegheny, later attending Jefferson College at Canonsburg. As a boy he had shown remarkable precocity in music and at seventeen he was the leader of a small club which met at his home for the purpose of learning to sing in parts. When the club had exhausted the repertory of such songs as were in favor at the time, Stephen Foster resolved to try the writing of songs himself. "Louisiana Belle" was the result of his first effort, and in a week "Old Uncle Ned" followed. The style and text of these songs evidently was patterned after those used in the minstrel shows which were so popular at the time.
Mr. Foster's brother Dunning was then in business in Cincinnati, and thither Stephen now went to act as bookkeeper for him. It was while interested in mercantile pursuits that his leisure moments developed "Oh, Susanna." Little dreaming that his compositions were worth anything from a financial point of view, he made a present of "Uncle Ned" and "Oh, Susanna" to W. C. Peters, who was then in the
music publishing business in Cincinnati. The publisher made ten thousand dollars out of these two songs, each of which gained world-wide popularity.
When in his twenty-second year Stephen Foster concluded that he was not adapted to a commercial life, and he now turned to music in earnest. He seemed unable to abandon altogether the negro dialect in the words of his songs, but they are characterized by a certain refinement in marked contrast to the grotesque and clownish effects produced by previous writers in the same field, and there is an expression of tender sentiment pervading each song. Foster laid bare the heart-life of the negro, and ridicule found no place in his song-texts. When his "Nelly Was a Lady" was published and grew into popularity Foster received commissions for future songs. This song has a certain rhythmic charm; the tune is easily learned, and the note of pathos incorporated in the chorus, "Toll de bell for lubbly Nell" lays hold of the feelings.
Down on de Mississippi floating,
Long time I trabble on de way,
All night de cottonwood a toting,
Sing for my true lub all de day.
Nelly was a lady,
Last night she died,
Toll de bell for lubbly Nell,
My dark Virginny bride.
Other songs beside those designated as plantation melodies, but all more or less impregnated with sentiment, now came rapidly from his pen and obtained a wide popularity not only in America but in Europe as well. Such songs as "Old Folks at Home," "Come Where My Love Lies Dreaming," "Gentle Annie," "Hard Times Come Again No More," "Massa's in the Cold, Cold Ground," "My Old Kentucky Home," "Nelly Bly," "Old Dog Tray" and "Old Black Joe," have become familiar to many nationalities.
When Christy, the famous minstrel, with his company was making a decided hit in New York City, he wrote to
Stephen Foster asking for a song, with permission to sing it before publication, desiring also to have at least one edition with his own name appended thereto as author and composer, agreeing to pay five hundred dollars for the privilege. This accounts for Christy’s name, instead of Foster’s, appearing on the title-page of the first edition of “Old Folks at Home,” as well as for the mistaken idea that Christy, and not Foster, was the author and composer. This is essentially a home song, a song in which the yearnings for associations of home and kindred are strongly defined. In spite of the fact that Foster wrote it in the negro dialect, it is more often sung in language with no suggestion of dialect whatever. Memories rise unbidden at the words:
All the world is sad and dreary,
Everywhere I roam,
Oh! darkies, how my heart grows weary,
Far from the old folks at home.
Stephen Foster with his sister visited a relative, John Rowan, who was a judge as well as a United States Senator, at the latter’s plantation home at Bardstown, Kentucky. Seated one morning in the garden, Foster and his sister heard the notes of a mocking-bird in a tree overhead, and the song of the thrush in a nearby bush, while the slaves were at work and their children at play. Inspiration was upon the poet-composer, and he jotted down what had come to him. Then, when sufficient of it was written from which to obtain an idea of song, he handed the manuscript to his sister, who sang:
The sun shines bright in the old Kentucky home;
’Tis summer; the darkies are gay;
The corn top’s ripe and the meadow’s in bloom,
While the birds make music all the day.
A simple song of Foster’s that always will retain a large degree of popularity is “Old Black Joe.” It has, with its harmonious chorus, been more frequently sung and has had a greater variety of instrumental settings than has any other
song by the same composer. The reminiscent mood of this song gives it a peculiar attraction. All the world loves memories, be they sweet or sad, and Foster understood the sentimental side of human nature and how he might appeal to its tenderest emotions. We not only picture the old negro bereft of home ties and looking forward to a reunion in the mystic Beyond, but the heart-yearnings of "Old Black Joe" become more general and touch a responsive chord in each of us.
Stephen Foster was the most successful popular songwriter which America has yet produced. His success, however, was not a financial one, for he died in extreme poverty in New York in 1864; but he is judged successful in that his songs have obtained a wider and more lasting popularity than have those of any other native writer in the same field. In their general appeal his songs most nearly approach the requirements of what popular song should be, and he justly has been termed the American people's composer par excellence.
Henry Clay Work (1832-1884) won considerable fame as a writer of popular songs. "We are coming, Sister Mary" first brought him into prominence, and E. P. Christy sang it at all his concerts. In 1865, Mr. Work went to Europe and on his return wrote several popular songs relating to the temperance question, the one known as "Come Home, Father" having a wide popularity on both sides of the Atlantic. He wrote about eighty compositions in all, among them being the well-known "Grandfather's Clock."
Will S. Hayes was another writer who had remarkable success with his songs for the people. His "Write me a Letter from Home" had a sale of three hundred and fifty thousand copies, while "Parted by the River" and some others reached the three hundred thousand mark. Mr. Hayes wrote altogether some three hundred songs, in all of which there is charming sentiment, flowing melody, and very effective accompaniments.
There were at this period many other popular song writers who had wide success. T. F. Seward’s “Rally Round the Flag, Boys” and “The Shining Shore” became great favorites. “Listen to the Mocking Bird,” a song by Alice Hawthorne, who wrote under the nom de plume of Sep. Winner, is still much admired by the amateur whistlers. H. P. Danks wrote many songs which had a large sale, among them being “Anna Lee,” “Don’t be angry with me darling” and “Silver Threads Among the Gold.” Among other successful writers in the same field were J. R. Thomas, William B. Bradbury, Chas. Carrol Sawyer, Henry Tucker, Daniel Emmett and C. A. White.
Popular music in America has obtained an ever-increasing vogue during the last quarter century owing to the growth of what was first termed the variety, and later, the vaudeville show. Previous to this time the negro minstrel troupe had served as the leading factor in introducing this class of music to the public at large. Now it is in the vaudeville houses that popular songs first are heard. If a hit is made the song almost immediately has a large sale. Another mode of introduction is by way of the light opera or musical comedy; in fact many of these musical plays are made up almost entirely of songs and instrumental pieces of a popular style. Whether such music finds wide favor depends to a certain extent on the manner of its first introduction, and it is for this reason that writers of popular music make strenuous effort to become associated with successful players.
And yet, with a few notable exceptions, America’s popular song writers are unknown, for we as a public give little heed as to who writes the song so long as words and music are pleasing. Such songs are almost impersonal. They do not bear the stamp of the composer’s individuality so much as they reflect the taste of the day. When a song attains genuine and wide popularity it usually contains a sentiment which appeals to the heart of a whole people. Among the song hits of the present era “Comrades” was
one of the first. While the melody was pretty and catchy it was the spirit of fellowship suggested in the words which won for it its popularity. "Annie Rooney" was another song of the same period which gained success through its appeal to the remembrance of sweetheart days.
In all of the popular songs of the early part of the present era there is to be noted a very general similarity of construction and treatment; the melodies, harmonies and rhythms are simple, though not to the same extent as those of an earlier time. But our typical popular songs of the present day are far more complicated harmonically and rhythmically, if not in melody, than those of a decade ago. It is pleasing to note that the most popular songs of the closing years of the Nineteenth Century were songs of home, honor and pure love. Among them may be cited "Sweet Marie," "Sweetest Story Every Told," "Sunshine of Paradise Alley," "On the Banks of the Wabash," "She was bred in Old Kentucky." There also were many coon songs of the period which exhibited a refinement not seen in those of the present day. Such songs were "Little Alabama Coon," "Kentucky Babe," "My Gal's a High Born Lady," "Stay in your own back yard."
Just why one song will make a hit, while another of equal merit will not, is a problem which writers and publishers never have been able to solve. In some cases a catch phrase will do the trick; witness for instance "Ta-ra-ra boom de ay," "There'll be a Hot Time," and the rather vulgar "Lemon" song. It is rather pleasing to learn that such hits are growing shorter lived from year to year. The test of time is the surest proof of the real worth of any song. "After the Ball," "Daisy Bell," "Mr. Dooley," "Hiawatha" and "Bedelia" each in turn have had enormous sales, but they are now completely forgotten, while "Oh, Promise Me," "The Holy City" and "The Rosary," all songs of comparative intrinsic merit, still are heard.
Among the popular song writers of recent years the name of Chas. K. Harris of Milwaukee has become best
known, owing perhaps first of all, to the fact that he has more surely gauged the public taste than has any contemporary writer in the same field, and also because he is his own publisher. Mr. Harris was born in Poughkeepsie, New York, in 1865. He early began his career as a popular song writer, composing songs to order for professional people. "After the Ball" was the song which first brought him into prominence. Indeed it may be said that it was this song which really started the popular song craze as we know it today. Over $100,000 was realized by the composer from the sale of this one song alone. As will be remembered, "After the Ball" is a song of the ballad character and tells a complete story. It was first presented to the public by May Irwin in New York City, afterward being introduced in Hoyt's "A Trip to Chinatown."
Mr. Harris has stated that he received many suggestions from the stage for the subjects of popular songs. He writes: "For example, about twelve years ago such plays as 'The Second Mrs. Tanqueray' and 'The Crust of Society' were in vogue. I then wrote 'Cast Aside,' 'Fallen by the Wayside' and 'There'll Come a Time Someday.' Over 300,000 copies were sold of each. Then came the era of society dramas such as Belasco's 'Charity Ball' and 'The Wife.' I wrote and published 'While the Dance Goes On,' 'Hearts,' 'You'll Never Know' and 'Can Hearts So Soon Forget;' which had enormous sales." Military dramas such as "Held by the Enemy" and "Secret Service" called out such songs as "Just Break the News to Mother" and "Tell Her that I Loved Her, Too."
Among the many successful popular song-writers of today are William B. Gray, who made a small fortune by his "Volunteer Organist;" H. W. Petrie, whose name is associated with the child song "I Don't Want to Play in Your Yard;" Charles Graham, who wrote "Two Little Girls in Blue." Other familiar names are those of Raymon Moore, Paul Dresser, Felix McGlennon, Mabel McKinley, Edward B. Marks, Gus Edwards, Egbert Van Alstyne, Harry Von Tilzer and Neil Moret.
Modern popular songs have been classified as follows: Coon Songs (rough, comic, refined, love or serenade); Comic Songs (topical, character or dialect); March Songs (patriotic, war, girl or character); Waltz Songs; Home or Mother Songs; Descriptive or Story Ballads; Child Songs; Love Ballads; Ballads of a Higher Class; Sacred Songs; Production Songs (for interpolation in big musical productions, entailing use of chorus, costumes, and stage business).
In the popular song of today the chorus is of most importance, for upon this part of the song usually rests its ultimate success or failure. The words of the chorus usually are applicable to every verse. In the descriptive song, the writer aims to tell a complete story in as few words and as graphically as possible. The success of the comic or topical song rests on the "gag" introduced into each verse and made apparent by the first or last line of the chorus. In the several classes or divisions of popular songs those of more serious character strive to make their appeal equally through both words and music; in the march song the music is of most account, while the comic song depends largely on the words.
Many reasons may be given for the ever-increasing vogue of popular music. Not the least of these is to be found in the presence of a piano or some musical instrument in nearly every home. Such was not the case a quarter century ago. The advent of the pianola and other mechanical players, together with the phonograph and gramophone also have tended to create a demand for popular music. Again, the teaching of the rudiments of music in the public schools has served to bring the art more closely before the public, with the result that nearly every girl in the country, whose parents can afford it, is receiving music lessons as a part of her general education. In homes where very little music of any kind previously had been heard it is but natural that music of a popular style at first would be most acceptable, this serving to satisfy until the taste be elevated so as to desire something of a better nature.
The appearance of singers of the first rank in musical comedy and in vaudeville undoubtedly has become a factor in forwarding the cause of popular music. While the presence of such singers in the vaudeville ranks has been deplored, the fact that they have made their appearance there has to some extent raised the standard of popular music in this country; for the class of music which they have sung has been in advance of that generally produced. There is no question but what the purveyors of popular music have shown more enterprise in the production of music that will please their patrons than have those who cater to a class with higher artistic perceptions.
Of the quantities of popular songs published in the last thirty years but few have attained any lasting popularity. Songs of which hundreds of thousands of copies have been sold now are completely forgotten. The reason for this is hard to ascertain. It is not because the later songs are of inferior merit, for a steady advance has been made in all popular music. The public now readily accepts harmonies which but a few years ago would have been looked upon as too difficult and complicated.
In the matter of the text of our present day popular songs, however, the same advancement has not been made. There rarely is shown the same simplicity and wholesome sentiment seen in our earlier songs, such as "Home, Sweet Home" and "Old Black Joe." Popular taste now looks for words touching on the events of the moment rather than those dealing with emotions and feeling which are common to all and which always are in evidence.
For short periods the majority of compositions written in popular style will be very similar. Take, for instance, the introduction of ragtime melodies. At first the words of such songs dealt almost exclusively with negro characterizations. Later came songs in a quasi-Indian manner. Mexico, Japan, China were all used as ragtime suggestions. Ragtime has been much abused and its incessant use decried by many people, yet it has done much in educating the public to
an appreciation of the more complicated rhythms used in music of a higher grade. The tendencies all are favorable for the production of popular music of an even better character. What would have been listened to with delight by the public a generation ago now would be looked upon as decidedly flat and uninteresting. In the light operas and musical comedies of such composers as Victor Herbert and Reginald De Koven many numbers will be found which are of real musical worth. And yet they rarely last beyond two or three years at the most. As before suggested, the inanition of the text probably is responsible for the short life of the songs, while the nervous desire of the public for something new gives to the best of the popular instrumental music of today but an ephemeral existence. Doubtless as time goes on we shall revert to the ever passing stream of popular songs and the best will be saved, until finally they become incorporated into our folk-song literature. It is only in rare cases that a tune has any lengthy existence when separated from words of universal context.
Two special classes of songs, which, in a way, may be termed popular, are college songs and gospel hymns. Of the two, the hymns more properly may be classified as popular music, insomuch as they are sung by all sorts and conditions of people, while the college songs are somewhat limited in their employment, although some of them have come into general use. Many of the latter did not originate as student songs but have been appropriated from various sources until now they are conceded to be the especial property of the undergraduate.
The college glee club, for which many of these songs originally were indited, is patterned after the German Männerchor, though the singing and the selections hardly attain to the dignity of those of the Teutonic choruses. Nevertheless excellent musical and dramatic effects, though often of an exaggerated order, are obtained by the college men. The songs themselves, with which most of us are familiar, contain as their most salient feature a sharply marked rhythm, thus
making them especially effective when given in chorus. The melodies and harmonies are pleasing and catchy, while the words usually are sentimental or humorous, certain of them being elaborations of Mother Goose rhymes. All of the larger and older institutions have their own individual songs which are looked upon as the special property of the student body, both graduate and undergraduate.
Among the songs most popular with all the colleges are "Gaudeamus," "Integer Vitæ," "Vive l'Amour," "Bingo," "Mary had a little Lamb," "Tarpaulin Jacket," "The Dutch Company," "Spanish Cavalier," "Good-night, Ladies," "Soldier's Farewell," "Nelly was a Lady," "Old Cabin Home" and scores of others. It will be seen that many of these have been appropriated from the repertory of popular music in general, until they have become recognized by the public as essentially "college" songs. A special feature of student life which has given rise to many songs has been the amateur theatricals conducted by the various societies and fraternities; for in many of these productions, which often are written by the students themselves, and given elaborate presentations, songs and instrumental numbers figure prominently.
The growth of the gospel and Sunday-school hymn is the outcome of the revival and Sunday-school movements, added to the trend of popular music in general. In the early days of these two religious factors use was made of the ordinary hymns and chorals of the church, but as popular secular music assumed a new form the demand for sacred music of a similar nature had to be met. Consequently a number of writers came forward with simple melodies, arranged with fundamental harmonies, which they set to suitable words. Here then was the counterpart of the popular secular song. There has been much outcry among church musicians against the continued use of this too often trashy music and there is no question that its spirit is far from religious; but it is music which satisfies the uncultured taste and as such is necessary in the less formal services of
the church. The idea of adapting secular airs and those of a secular character to church uses is not new, for in the time of Luther, and even earlier, similar practises were common. In the matter of the words of the gospel hymns the same spirit is seen, for literary culture is as necessary for the appreciation of verse of a high character as is musical culture for true enjoyment of music of the better class. There is as great a chance for improvement in the text of both sacred and secular popular songs as there is in the musical settings.
Many of the gospel hymns have become extremely popular and are known the world over. Such a hymn as "Sweet Bye and Bye," by J. P. Webster, is sung wherever the English language is heard. There are many Americans, writers of gospel hymns, whose names have been associated almost exclusively with this branch of popular music. Among them are Lowell Mason, P. P. Bliss, Ira D. Sankey, Phillipp Phillipps, L. O. Emerson and Horatio R. Palmer. George F. Root wrote many popular hymns such as "Hold the Fort," "Pull for the Shore" and "Rescue the Perishing." "What a Friend we have in Jesus" was written by Charles C. Converse, while Lowell Mason's best known hymn is "Blest be the tie that binds."
Popular instrumental music in America dates practically from the period following the Civil War. True, the dance tunes of England, Ireland and Scotland previously had been used to display the musical attainments of the maiden of the period, but it was not until recent years that any effort was made to satisfy the growing demand for instrumental music of a popular style. As piano playing became more general (for the piano is the true "home" instrument, following the cabinet organ, which was not adapted to music of a showy character) several writers came forward with compositions gauged to appeal to the average musical intelligence. This music usually is formed of a simple and pleasing melody set to elemental harmony and brightened with arpeggios and similar stock passages, the whole capable of being performed, or executed, by players of small attainment.
The variation pieces by A. P. Wyman, T. P. Ryder, and Chas. L. Blake, together with the operatic arrangements of James Bellak and others, are representative of this class of music. Well-known melodies such as "Old Oaken Bucket," "Nearer My God to Thee," "Old Black Joe," "Suwanee River," "Sweet Bye and Bye" and others of like character were arranged with variations. There were again other pieces, of which "Silvery Waves" and "Maiden's Prayer" are typical of the class, which had an immense sale and which went to form the repertory of many an amateur pianist. At a later date came the various waltzes and marches and still later the two-step and pieces of the intermezzo character.
Foremost among the successful American writers of popular instrumental music stands the name of John Philip Sousa, the "March King." It has been said that Sousa writes with the metronome at his elbow running at one hundred and twenty clicks to the minute. Sousa's marches never have been surpassed and rarely equaled. They are without doubt the most typical music which this country has yet produced, for they are indeed deeply imbued with the American spirit. Sousa above all others has caught the true martial swing; his music also has the stamp of his own distinct individuality and he practically has revolutionized march music. No other composer, not even Johann Strauss, has attained such world-wide popularity as has Sousa. His music has been sold to thousands of bands in the United States alone and has been heard in all parts of the civilized world. It has been very aptly stated that Sousa's marches contain all the nuances of military psychology, the long unisonal stride, the grip on the musket, the pride in the regiment and the esprit de corps. They also have served as dance music, and the two-step was directly borne into vogue by them.
John Philip Sousa was born in Washington, D. C., on Nov. 6, 1859, his mother being a German and his father a Spanish political exile. At eight years of age Sousa was playing the fiddle in a dancing school and at sixteen led an
orchestra in a variety theatre. Two years later he became director of a traveling theatrical troupe, composing music for the members and also appearing in negro minstrel roles. At nineteen he toured the country as a member of Offenbach’s Orchestra, and shortly after he became director of the Pinafore Opera Company. For some years after this he directed the United States Marine Band and in 1892 formed his own Concert Band. His career from this time on is familiar to the American public. Sousa’s chief claim to fame lies in his marches, from which he has derived a princely income. The most popular of these are “Washington Post,” “Liberty Bell,” “High School Cadets,” “King Cotton,” “Manhattan Beach,” “El Capitan” and “Stars and Stripes Forever.” As will be seen, the titles are derived either from patriotic subjects or from some subject-matter of national import or interest. Sousa’s efforts in the comic opera field receive mention elsewhere in this chapter.
Marked advancement in the public taste for instrumental music has been shown in recent years and many compositions of an artistic nature have been adopted into the repertory of popular music. Pieces such as Handel’s “Largo,” Rubinstein’s “Melody in F,” Nevin’s “Narcissus” and even Schumann’s “Träumerei” may now be classed as popular music. The concert bands have done much in familiarizing the public with music of this character, and it is no uncommon thing to find the public making special requests for the works of Wagner and Liszt. Another feature which has tended to elevate the popular taste for instrumental rather than for vocal music is the general study of the piano by the young. The teaching material of necessity is of higher grade than the songs commonly sung and America has gained much from the general introduction of the piano into the home.
In light opera and musical comedy is seen the most elaborate phase which popular music has assumed. Of late years the country has been deluged with musical plays until their effect has been felt on the legitimate drama. These productions are the natural sequence of the decadent minstrel
show, and while they lack the dignity, if such a word may here be used, of the comic operas of the European peoples, the American public has wafted them into favor until they have become the most popular form of entertainment presented on the stage.
The better class of American light operas is built somewhat after the style of those of Gilbert and Sullivan, while the "near" operas or musical comedies are simply a series of solos, concerted pieces and choruses held together by a mere thread of a plot. Several of the better sort have become standards and bid fair to remain for some years to come; but the vogue of the vast majority is fleeting, lasting at the best but for a few years.
Light opera first sprang into favor with the American public in 1878, in which year James C. Duff, a brother-in-law of Augustin Daly, brought from England Gilbert and Sullivan's "H. M. S. Pinafore" and produced it at the Standard Theatre (now the Manhattan) in New York. The success of the charming opera was remarkable, and as there was no copyright on the work different managers at once took it up and within a short time five theatres in New York alone were playing it to full houses. Such was the furore which "Pinafore" created that soon it was being produced in all parts of the country and by all sorts of companies — children's, church-choir, and even negro.
When the "Pinafore" craze struck Boston a Miss Ober decided to form a company composed of the best church and concert singers of the city in order to produce the popular operetta in the most adequate manner possible. She was successful in bringing together an excellent organization which took the name of the Boston Ideal Pinafore Company. The outcome of this was the famous Bostonians, which survived the "Pinafore" craze and which for so many years maintained undiminished popularity. From this company came many of the best light opera singers which this country has produced, among them being Jessie Bartlett Davis, Adelaide Phillips, Marie Stone, H. C. Barnabee, Myron W,
Whitney, Eugene Cowles and Tom Karl. No other company of American singers ever has achieved such lasting success as did the Bostonians. For twelve years they toured the country, season after season, until they became a national institution. Their repertory included all the popular light operas of their day, but DeKoven’s “Robin Hood” became the especial favorite, this opera receiving over a thousand performances at their hands.
The name of John A. McCaull for many years was associated with the production of light opera in New York. When, in 1880, “Pirates of Penzance” was brought out by Gilbert and Sullivan, precautionary measures were taken to prevent American pirates from appropriating the score and an alliance with Mr. McCaull was formed to produce the new work at the Fifth Avenue Theatre. About this time Rudolph Aronson instituted the Casino, and for several seasons McCaull supplied the company in which Francis Wilson was the principal comedian. Mr. McCaull then took charge of Wallack’s Theatre, and it was in this house that he made his best productions. The stock company which he formed was of unusual excellence and included De Wolfe Hopper, Jefferson de Angelis, Digby Bell, Laura Joyce, Marion Manola and Eugene Ondine. So successful did the company become that its very success led to its downfall, for the best talent too soon followed Francis Wilson into the world of star productions, and as a result the organization suffered a decline.
The “star” system largely was responsible for the decadence of light opera of the better class, for good general ensemble was allowed to suffer in order to exploit the “star” or “stars.” Instead of the opera being written as an exposition of suitable music and libretto, such as contained in the Gilbert and Sullivan and earlier DeKoven operas, it became merely a vehicle to bring forward this or that “star” with his or her peculiar limitations, vocally or histrionically skillfully concealed. Thus it was that light opera degenerated into musical comedy, for undoubtedly it is a degeneration,
and the productions of recent years are no longer properly to be classed with light opera.
The musical comedy of today partakes of the character of the old German singspiel or song-play, in which the spoken dialogue was interspersed with musical numbers. As before stated, it is a decadent form of comic or light opera and its forte is dramatic rather than musical, for the music is brought in rather as incidental than as an integral part of the performance. Many of the popular musical comedies were first brought out by organizations or clubs connected with well-known societies and colleges prominent among which are the "Cadets of Boston," the "Hasty Pudding Club" at Harvard, "Monk and Wig" at University of Pennsylvania, and "The Strollers" at Columbia. The Boston "Cadets" particularly have placed many hits to their credit, "1492" and "Jack and the Beanstock" being especially successful.
Among all the American light operas those of DeKoven and Herbert are intrinsically the best, for they are cleverly put together and show the evidence of musicianly treatment. America, however, has never produced a writer of librettos to at all compare with W. S. Gilbert of Gilbert and Sullivan fame, and without the requisite of a good libretto no opera, no matter what its musical value, can attain to lasting popularity. The operas of Reginald DeKoven, of which he has written fifteen, have achieved wide popularity. "Robin Hood" alone has been enacted more than three thousand times, while "The Fencing Master," "The Highwayman" (which is considered his best work), "Foxy Quiller," "Red Feather," "Maid Marion," "The Little Duchess," "Rob Roy," and others have all had successful runs. Mr. DeKoven also has written two ballets "The Man in the Moon" and "The Man in the Moon, Jr.," as well as many songs which have had a large sale. More than a million copies of "Oh, Promise Me" alone have been sold. DeKoven now stands at the head of our writers of popular music of the better class. He was born in Middletown, Connecticut, in 1859, and now is a resident of New York.
Victor Herbert, an American by adoption, is another writer who has made a reputation for himself in the light opera field. Although he has composed more serious works and has been associated with musical matters of a higher order he is best known by his lighter creations. Mr. Herbert is a native of Ireland and first came to this country in 1886, when he joined the Metropolitan Opera Company in New York. He for several seasons was first cellist of the Theodore Thomas Orchestra, later became the conductor of the Symphony Orchestra in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, which position he held for a number of years, and then formed an orchestra of his own in New York. His operas and musical comedies, while possibly not of quite as high an order as those of DeKoven, are extremely tuneful and pleasing and always show the touch of the musician. Among the most popular are "The Wizard of the Nile," "Serenade," "The Idol's Eye," "The Fortune Teller," "Babes in Toyland," "Babette," "It Happened in Nordland," "The Red Mill," "Mdlle. Modiste," which latter has served to perfect the establishing of Fritzi Scheff as a light opera singer.
Three American teams of light opera and musical comedy writers, Smith & DeKoven, Barnet & Stone, and Pixley & Luders, have become well known; for the joint works which they have produced have been among the best of their class. With the work of the librettists we are not especially concerned, notwithstanding the fact that on the libretto depends to a large extent the success of an opera. The music of DeKoven as well as that of Victor Herbert, who perhaps is his nearest competitor, already has been noted. R. A. Barnet's best works undoubtedly are "1492" and "Jack and the Beanstock," which latter work developed into one of the best extravaganzas ever produced on the American stage. Gustave Luders has many successes placed to his credit, such as "Prince of Pilsen," "King Dodo" and Grand Mogul."
Edgar Stillman Kelley wrote a comic opera "Puritania," which was excellent musically, but which suffered through the libretto. Sousa has brought out several operas, "El
Capitan," "The Charlatan," "The Bride Elect" and "The Free Lance," as well as an extravaganza, "Chris and the Wonderful Lamp," each of which had some success. The youngest and one of the most typical of musical comedy writers is Geo. M. Cohan. Mr. Cohan was born at Providence, Rhode Island, on July 4, 1878, and it is most fitting that his contributions to popular music should catch the American spirit. The "Yankee Doodle Boy," as he has been called, very aptly describes both him and his music. "Little Johnny Jones," "Forty-five Minutes from Broadway," "George Washington, Jr." and "Fifty Miles from Boston" have won fame and fortune for him while he is still under thirty.
It is almost impossible to judge of the composer of our current musical comedies, for so many songs by writers other than the originator are interpolated that the name of the initiatory writer becomes lost in the hodge-podge finally produced. The musical comedies of today recall the "Ballad Operas" of more than a century ago, and it is seen that we thus have reverted to the tastes of our forefathers. Truly, there is nothing new under the sun. The only difference to be seen is in the character and make-up of the music itself, for the structure of musical comedy is very similar to that of the "Beggar's Opera."
In the true comic or light opera the librettist aims to form either a consistent farcical story or a clever satire, but in musical comedy this unfortunately is hardly considered necessary. So long as there are two or three acts of more or less amusing dialogue, striking stage pictures and taking music, nothing more is regarded as of importance. Although not an American production Franz Lehar's "Merry Widow," which has taken the world by storm, may be cited as a typical light opera of today, while Victor Herbert's "Red Mill" is characteristic of musical comedy. The difference in general make-up easily may be noted and compared.
The enumeration of the musical comedies, writers of such works, and singers and players appearing in the same
within recent years, is out of the question, for new writers and performers are continually coming forward and the existence of the works themselves at the best is but a matter of a few years. As representative writers of musical comedy, beside those already spoken of may be cited Richard Carle, Gus Edwards, Raymond Hubbell, Joe Howard, A. B. Sloane, Jean Schwartz, Alfred Robyn and M. Klein. Numbers of adaptations of English, French and German musical comedies and extravaganzas as well as our own products have been successfully exploited in this country within the last few years. From the time when Francis Wilson first was brought forward as a star there has been a steady stream of singers of the lighter musical works who have won fame for themselves in this field. Some, such as Alice Nielsen, have used the light opera roles as stepping stones to more ambitious achievements, while there are again others who have reversed the process. There are many names beside those already enumerated which have become closely associated with the more popular musical productions of the American stage. It will suffice to mention the following as representative of their class: Lillian Russell, Virginia Earle, Fay Templeton, Madge Lessing, Marie Cahill, Camille D'Arville, Marie Tempest, Edna Wallace Hopper, Lulu Glaser, Edna May, Jeff De Angelis, De Wolfe Hopper, Richard Carle and Frank Daniels. It will be seen that the laurels in its field rest with the fair sex. Williams and Walker occupy a unique place through their excellent presentation of musical plays by a company composed wholly of negroes.
What will be the next phase to be assumed by popular music in this country is impossible to state. However, it appears highly probable that within a few years there will come a revulsion of feeling against the inanities of musical comedy, and the more legitimate forms of light opera again will assume their place in public favor. Despite the outcry heard in some quarters against the popular music of the day, it is serving its purpose in educating the public to desire something better. Popular music in its various forms always
will have a place, for it is music which the musically uncultured can enjoy. Just as art music continually is changing its character and structure, so is popular music undergoing the same evolution, and the last word has not been said in either field. From the fact that musical culture ever is becoming more general, it is but natural to assume that the increased familiarity of the public with music of the better class must have its effect on the popular productions. An unbiased investigator will find marked improvement in the general trend of popular music produced in the last twenty-five years, and we still are advancing.
PATRIOTIC AND NATIONAL MUSIC
While all patriotic and national music is to a greater or less extent popular music, it may be classed apart in that its growth largely is due to the circumstance of war and is the specific outcome of such conditions. America’s war songs and sea songs have played their part as incentives to patriotism, to enlistment in the ranks, to valor in the field and on the sea, and have served to inspire and cheer the fighting forces of the Republic. They thus have become national both in scope and in character.
People of every nationality are moved to speech or to song by that which permeates the thoughts or appeals to the emotions in times of political excitement. Love of country, together with a pride in its institutions, be the latter of a primitive or more cultured form, smolders in the breast of all mankind. This latent spark when fanned into a blaze of fervor finds vent in speech and in song, which in turn inspires to action.
Such is the birth of patriotic music. No country, as history proves, can afford to ignore the patriotic force capable of being brought into play through the power of music, either in song or in instrumental form, both of which performed their part in inciting to action. It is said that the songs written by Charles Dibdin had so potent an influence in war, that, in 1803, the British government engaged him
to write a series of them "to keep alive the national feelings against the French," and his biographer relates the pertinent fact that "his engagement ceased with the war he thus assisted in bringing to a glorious close."
The repertory of popular music in America is especially rich in patriotic and national songs, in fact so much so that it is hard to fix on any one and term it our national anthem. These songs have been called into existence chiefly at the various times that the country has been at war, either international or civil. The first incentive to patriotic vocal utterance was the Revolution, later followed by the War of 1812 and still later by the Civil War. The songs brought out at these three periods were typical of the individual times at which they were written and many of them were colored by particular incidents. Thus in them there is a graphic history of the American Republic.
The colonists of America, who had been schooled to hardship and privation, finding little time for the cultivation of the arts, were not found wanting when the critical moment presented itself. True, there was little of secular music at the period immediately preceding the Revolution. Psalm-singing was at this time the only music tolerated by the Puritan element. Thus it happens that the early musical efforts of a patriotic nature were semi-religious in character.
The first war song in America originated with William Billings, of whom further mention is made in a later chapter of this volume. In his Singing Master's Assistant, one of the most important musical publications of its time, are found, among other of his original compositions, two that became exceedingly popular with the Revolutionary troops. The significance of the political agitation at this time presented opportunity for Billings to display his aptitude in verse. He possessed a keen intuition of the temper of the times, and his compositions are an outburst of the patriotic fervor that had been awaiting just such opportunity for development. So to his favorite tune of Chester he set the following text:
Let tyrants shake their iron rod,
And slavery clank her galling chains,
We'll fear them not, we'll trust in God;
New England's God forever reigns.
The foe comes on with haughty stride,
Our troops advance with martial noise;
Their veterans flee before our arms.
And generals yield to beardless boys.
Naturally enough, these words, set to a familiar tune and so thoroughly characteristic of the spirit of the hour, caught the taste of the people. Indeed, these half sacred, half secular ebullitions may be classed as our pioneer patriotic and popular music. The enthusiasm with which Billings sang and taught these songs communicated itself to the people, even to those who in the prejudice of their time had strenuously opposed singing in the churches, for no one could doubt the composer's sincere patriotism.
Billings' songs, anthems, hymns, or whatever we may please to call them, their nature almost defying accuracy of definition though the use to which they were put, went with the soldiers into camp and on the field; they were sung with enthusiasm, and served to cheer the drooping spirit and nerve the arm to strike. These songs cannot be separated from the annals of our country, as they proved an incentive to that which made history. There is an impressive simplicity in the two following stanzas forming part of the text which has been quoted above:
When God inspir'd us for the fight,
Their ranks were broken, their lines were forc'd,
Their ships were shattered in our sight,
Or swiftly driven from the coast.
What grateful offering shall we bring?
What shall we render to the Lord?
Loud hallelujahs let us sing,
And praise his name on every cord.
The following stanza is taken from a song, set to an old Scotch tune, which was sung by the Pennsylvania regiments. It was first heard in 1775, but there is no record of its author:
We are the troops that ne'er will stoop
To wretched slavery,
Nor shall our seed by our base deed
Despised vassals be!
Freedom we will bequeath to them,
Or we will bravely die;
Our greatest foe ere long shall know
How much did Sandwich lie.
And all the world shall know
Americans are free;
Nor slaves nor cowards will we prove
Great Britain soon shall see.
In 1778, an Englishman, Henry Archer, who had been educated at a military school in his native land, renounced a handsome inheritance, left England, and became through his sympathy in the cause a volunteer in the American army. Archer composed a song which was sung with much enthusiasm by the soldiers. It is rather in the nature of a convivial than of a war song, although it was a particular favorite in camp, and is as follows:
THE VOLUNTEER BOYS.
Hence with the lover who sighs o'er his wine,
Chloes and Phillises toasting,
Hence with the slave who will whimper and whine,
Of ardor and constancy boasting.
Hence with love's joys,
Follies and noise,
The toast that I give is the Volunteer Boys.
Here's to the squire who goes to parade,
Here's to the citizen soldier;
Here's to the merchant who fights for his trade,
Whom danger increasing makes bolder.
Let mirth appear
Union is here,
The toast that I give is the brave Volunteer.
Then follows the health of the "law" volunteer; the "veteran chiefs who become volunteers," referring to those who have served before and are ready to serve again; and to the farmer or ploughman, who is toasted as the "stout volunteer." One can readily understand with what vim this song would be sung in a day when there was so little music of a martial nature.
It was a period when writers of verse were more active than composers of music. This resulted in the former adapting their songs to music already written and with which the people were familiar. Such was the origin of "Rise Columbia," which, in 1794, was set to the tune of "Rule Britannia" by Robert Treat Paine, the sentiment of the words being somewhat plagiarized in doing duty as an American song of patriotism. In order that the reader may better comprehend this, a reprint of the original first stanza of the American and the British song is here given:
RISE COLUMBIA.
When first the sun o'er ocean glow'd,
And earth unveiled her virgin breast,
Supreme mid Nature's, mid Nature's vast abode,
Was heard th' Almighty's dread behest:
Rise Columbia, Columbia brave and free,
Poise the globe and bound the sea.
RULE BRITANNIA.
When Britain first at Heav'n's command,
Arose from out the azure main,
This was the charter, the charter of the land,
And guardian angels sang this strain:
"Rule Britannia! Britannia rules the waves;
Britons never shall be slaves."
Among other names distinguished for their contributions to the military songs of this period may be mentioned Benjamin Young Prime, and James McClurg, both of whom were physicians; Rednap Howell, who was a schoolmaster at Deep River, North Carolina; David Humphreys, who
became a captain on the staff of General Putnam; Joel Barlow, and Timothy Dwight; all of whom wrote songs for the soldiers.
Barlow, on entering the army as chaplain, is recorded as expressing himself as "not knowing whether he could do more for the cause in the capacity of chaplain or in that of poet," adding, "I have great faith in the influence of songs—one good song is worth a dozen addresses or proclamations."
One of the best contributions to the song lore of the Revolutionary period is "Columbia," by Timothy Dwight, afterward president of Yale College. In 1777 the classes of Yale were scattered on account of the war, and in the month of May of that year Mr. Dwight with a number of students repaired to Wethersfield, Connecticut, remaining until the autumn, when he received his license as a minister of the Congregational Church. He now joined the army as chaplain, and while serving he wrote several patriotic songs as inspiration to the troops composing his brigade, which was made up principally of farmers who were more or less serious-minded men. These songs were also sung with zest throughout the New England communities. "Columbia," which must be considered in the light of the period in which it was written, is permeated by a strong, hopeful, prophetic spirit.
Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise,
The queen of the world and the child of the skies;
Thy genius commands thee; with rapture behold,
While ages on ages thy splendors unfold,
Thy reign is the last and the noblest of time,
Most fruitful thy soil, most inviting thy clime;
Let the crimes of the east ne'er encrimson thy name;
Be freedom and science, and virtue and fame.
Thus, as down a lone valley, with cedars o'erspread,
From war's dread confusion I pensively strayed—
The gloom from the face of fair heaven retired,
The winds ceased to murmur, the thunders expired;
Perfumes as of Eden, flowed sweetly along,
And a voice, as of angels, enchantingly sang—
Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise,
The queen of the world and the child of the skies.
Not a song of boast, nor of warlike trend, yet one momentarily to lift the heart, and to impart a clear insight into the issue at stake, when from the struggle and strife of combat with all its attendant sufferings, there would arise a nation purified by its trials, and upon whose altar should be laid, not alone the laurels of conquest, but the gifts of liberty and fraternity, justice, science, art and genius.
There were many songs written in which the war-spirit prevailed. There were also the semi-religious songs, sung both at the hearthstone and around the camp-fire. The more spirited songs were used in the weary marches or on the field of combat, while in the churches were found those in which serenity of thought, peace of mind, patience and fortitude were incorporated, with an appeal to a Higher Power for help and sustenance. Perhaps the most notable lyric of this kind came from the pen of Nathaniel Niles.
Mr. Niles was graduated from Princeton in 1766. He was a man of remarkable versatility, having studied both medicine and law, taught school for a time in New York City, was a member of the Vermont legislature and a judge of the supreme court, as well as a representative to Congress. When the news of the battle of Bunker Hill reached him he was at his home in Norwich, Connecticut, and being deeply moved he wrote "The American Hero," which was immediately set to music and sung in all the churches during the troubled years that followed. Space cannot here be given to the whole of this ode of some fifteen stanzas, but a few verses will illustrate its depth of feeling as well as its incentive to strike for the cause of freedom:
Infinite wisdom teacheth us submission;
Bids us be quiet under all His dealings;
Never repining, but forever praising
God our Creator.
Then to the goodness of my Lord and Master,
I will commit all that I have or wish for;
Sweetly as babes sleep, will I give my life up
When called to yield it.
Fame and dear Freedom, lure me on to battle;
While a fell despot, grimmer than a death’s head
Stings me with serpents fiercer than Medusa’s,
To the encounter.
Life for my country and the cause of freedom,
Is but a cheap price for a worm to part with;
And if preserved in so great a contest,
Life is redoubled.
Such songs are typical of those of the Revolutionary period and serve to give an idea of the patriotic songs of that day. They are all more or less touched with the religious spirit and in their musical settings show the same tendencies. It was a time when piety and seriousness were more in evidence than they have been during the later wars waged by the American Republic, and such characteristics are faithfully portrayed in these martial songs.
It also was during the Revolutionary period that “Yankee Doodle” was bestowed upon us. It has clung to us with unshaken tenacity ever since and is ours by right of adoption. The tune has been pronounced frivolous and lacking in dignity, yet England, Holland, Turkey, Persia and Spain have laid claim to its origin. The more one tries to ascertain from whence it came the more one finds himself floundering amid an overwhelming mass of incident and anecdote connecting the original with the version first heard in our Revolutionary period. The Englishman will tell you that “Yankee Doodle” originated in a derisive song directed against Cromwell, while the Dutchman persists that the same melody has been a favorite song of the harvesters of the Netherlands for centuries.
“Yankee Doodle” began its career in America as a song of exasperation. It was an ever ready weapon by which the British troops sought to ridicule the American
soldiery; but when the keen-witted "Yankee" turned its edge by adopting the air and using it as a means of retort upon the British royalists its popularity became unbounded. It was played at the battle of Lexington when repelling the foe; at the surrender of Burgoyne, and finally at the surrender of Yorktown, where Lafayette in a spirit of pleasantry ordered the tune played. It thus became our first triumphant melody.
That "Yankee Doodle" was an English song at the beginning of the Revolution and an American song at its close, later becoming incorporated in our national song, there is no reason to doubt. Most authorities on the subject have now conceded that Richard Shuckburgh, a surgeon with the English troops, was the writer of the satirical verses which he adapted to a familiar air—an old English dance tune dating back to the reign of Charles I. From the New York Journal bearing date Oct. 13, 1768, is taken the following paragraph which connects the song with the British troops:
"The British fleet was bro't to anchor near Castle William, in Boston Harbor, and the opinion of the visitors to the ships was that the 'Yankee Doodle Song' was the capital piece in the band of their musicians."
The treaty of peace between Great Britain and America was signed on Dec. 24, 1814, at Ghent, where Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams met the British ambassador. Here it was that the burghers, to show their satisfaction at the treaty being signed within their domain, resolved upon serenading the two embassies. The national song of England was familiar enough to them, but they were not sure as to the national hymn of America. They sought the band-master for enlightenment and he referred the matter to Mr. Clay.
"Yankee Doodle," responded the American commissioner. The band-master, not being familiar with the melody requested Mr. Clay to hum it so that he might note it down. Mr. Clay tried but failed. Then the secretary of the legation made a futile attempt to voice the melody.
Finally Mr. Clay called in his servant, saying: "Bob, whistle 'Yankee Doodle' for this gentleman." Thus Europe received its transcription of our first truly national song from the puckered lips of an American negro. It was harmonized and copied, and became known in Europe as the "National Anthem of America." While "Yankee Doodle" has been looked upon as a national song, it is the tune rather than the words which makes its appeal, for the melody is everything and the words are nothing; and although forming a stirring instrumental piece it is not adapted to vocal harmonization.
Of all the songs of national import which America claims, "Hail Columbia!" is particularly her own—words and music both emanating from a deep spirit of patriotism and both finding birth at a critical moment in our national life. There has been a difference of opinion among our music historians as to its author, and although all agree as to its claim of American origin, they disagree as to who was its composer. The music, in the first place, was not written for the words. The former had become familiar in the nature of a march, while the words were written afterward to fit the tune. During the Revolutionary War much march music sprang into existence. It was one of these marches that was selected to do duty to words composed expressly to meet a certain need. Joseph Hopkinson, its author, states that the words of "Hail Columbia!" were written in the summer of 1798 when war with France was thought to be inevitable. The contest between England and France was raging and the people of the United States were divided as to the cause of which nation it was better to espouse.
At this time Gilbert Fox, a young actor, was to be given a benefit performance at a theatre in Philadelphia. Fox requested Mr. Hopkinson to write some patriotic words for use as a closing number, and "Hail Columbia!" was the result of his endeavor. Mr. Hopkinson had been careful to make no allusion to either England or France, particularly
as to the quarrel between them; on the contrary he had struck the happy suggestion to American patriotism, love of country, especially emphasizing the idea of independence, which was uppermost in the minds of all. This was the touch of the diplomat, for the song was taken into the favor of both parties, for all were Americans.
The words were adapted without loss of time to the music of the "President's March," and on the morning of April 25, 1798, the morning papers of Philadelphia announced Gilbert Fox's benefit, in which an "entire new song (written by a citizen of Philadelphia), to the tune of 'The President's March' will be sung, accompanied by a full band and a grand chorus."
Hail Columbia, happy land!
Hail ye heroes! heaven-born band,
Who fought and bled in freedom's cause,
Who fought and bled in freedom's cause!
And when the storm of war had gone,
Enjoy'd the peace your valor won;
Let Independence be your boast,
Ever mindful what it cost!
Ever grateful for the prize,
Let its altar reach the skies.
Firm united let us be,
Rallying round our liberty;
As a band of brothers joined,
Peace and safety we shall find.
The audience being in a condition both politically and emotionally to receive such a song, and the tune being already familiar, it caught the words of the refrain without difficulty. By the time the last verse was sung the people stood up, and joining the chorus heartily voiced this plea for unity and their thankfulness for independence.
The "President's March," the music to which the words were set, is said to have been composed by a German named Fyles, who, being leader of the orchestra in the John Street Theatre, New York, in 1789, and desiring to compliment the President, composed this march in his honor, playing it on the occasion of General Washington’s attendance at the theatre. The son of Fyles claimed later, however, that his father first played this march on Trenton bridge as Washington rode over on his way to the New York inauguration. Claims have also been made for a musician by the name of Roth, at that time resident in Philadelphia, in which city “Feyles” or “Fyles” is said to have lived.
It is also stated by more modern commentators that Francis Hopkinson, father of Joseph Hopkinson, the author of the song, wrote a march—the original “Washington’s March” it is claimed—which later became known as “Washington’s March at the Battle of Trenton,” and ultimately as “The President’s March.” Whether this is the “President’s March” to which the words of “Hail Columbia” were adapted is uncertain.
On June 1, 1798, the Massachusetts Charitable Fire Society of Boston was about to celebrate its anniversary with a meeting and a banquet, and commissioned Robert Paine to write the text of a song for the occasion. “Adams and Liberty,” or what was later known as “The Sons of Columbia,” was the poem in question. Paine received seven hundred and fifty dollars from its sale, and after its publication, forwarded a copy to General Washington, who replied by letter:
“You will be sure that I am never more gratified than when I see the effusion of genius from some of the rising generation, which promises to secure our national rank in the literary world: as I trust their firm, manly, patriotic conduct will ever maintain it with dignity in the political.”
There seems to have been no composer at hand to endow the words with an original musical setting, and Paine, who had been successful in adapting various texts to familiar tunes, now turned again to English melodies for a selection, finally fixing on the air “To Anacreon in Heaven.” This air had been used by the Anacreontic Society, a famous London organization of the latter half of the Eighteenth Century, as their club song.
It was in the atmosphere of this society that the music set first to the words of "Adams and Liberty" and now doing duty as the tune to the "Star-Spangled Banner" was born. It has been said that this music did not originate with the Anacreontic Society; that it was adapted from an old French air. But it is now generally conceded that the music and words known as the song "To Anacreon in Heaven" sprang into being at one and the same moment, as the Anacreontic club song—the words being written by Ralph Tomlinson while presiding officer of the society, and the music by Dr. Samuel Arnold, composer and organist of the Chapel Royal.
This tune for nearly a century has been associated with the words of the "Star-Spangled Banner," and the fact that it originated with the London organization is almost forgotten. The poem itself is a beautiful one, full of incentive to patriotism, and is one of the finest tributes to a national flag that has emanated from any nation. The story of the author's inspiration also serves to endear the words, for they were not born of a flight of imagination but from actual incident.
Francis Scott Key, whose fame is associated with this poem, was a lawyer by profession, a graduate of St. John's College, Annapolis, and practised law both in Frederick City, Maryland, and in Washington, D. C. The second war between England and the United States was being waged on land and sea, when Dr. Beanes, an old resident of Maryland and a warm personal friend of the young lawyer, was being held a prisoner on the British frigate "Surprise." Key determined to seek his release, and providing himself with the necessary credentials, as well as proofs of the non-combatant status of the physician, set out on his errand of kindness.
With John S. Skinner, who had been appointed by President Madison to conduct negotiations with the British forces relative to the exchange of prisoners, he was subsequently taken on board the "Surprise." From this point,
on the thirteenth of September, 1814, he witnessed the bombardment of Fort McHenry, and under the inspiration of the moment he penned the words of the "Star-Spangled Banner." Eight days after the bombardment the song appeared in the Baltimore American under the title "Defence of Fort McHenry, Tune—Anacreon in Heaven," and with the following notice:
"The annexed song was composed under the following circumstances: A gentleman had left Baltimore with a flag of truce, for the purpose of getting released from the British fleet a friend of his who had been captured at Marlborough. He went as far as the mouth of the Patuxent, and was not permitted to return lest the intended attack on Baltimore should be disclosed. He was therefore brought up the Bay to the mouth of the Patapsco, where the flag vessel was kept under the guns of a frigate, and he was compelled to witness the bombardment of Ft. McHenry, which the Admiral had boasted that he would carry in a few hours, and that the city must fall. He watched the flag at the fort through the whole day with an anxiety that can better be felt than described, until the night prevented him from seeing it. In the night he watched the bomb shells, and at early dawn his eye was again greeted by the proudly waving flag of his country."
Being born under such auspicious circumstances it is very fitting that the "Star-Spangled Banner" should have become the authorized music at the salute of the colors both in the army and navy. At the time in which the words of this song were written there was located in the vicinity of the Holliday Street Theatre, Baltimore, a small one-story frame house which was occupied as a tavern. It was here that Captain Benjamin Edes of the Twenty-seventh Regiment first introduced the song to a group of volunteers who had assembled for drill. The patriotic words, read by the captain, were received with shouts and cheers, and when the singing of the words was suggested, Ferdinand Durang, an actor, who was one of the group, rendered it to the tune of
"Anacreon in Heaven" as adapted by Key himself. It is said that Durang "mounted an old rush-bottomed chair, singing the song with admirable effect" and that "the chorus of each verse was re-echoed by those present with infinite harmony of voices."
Honor has been shown to the memory of Francis Scott Key by the erection of several monuments to his memory, notably one in California by James Lick, who in 1874 gave one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the erection and maintenance of such a monument in San Francisco; and that at Frederick, Maryland, which was unveiled in August, 1898.
A patriotic song which has long retained its popularity is "Columbia, the Gem of the Ocean." The history of this song begins in 1843, in which year Thomas à Becket, an English actor, was playing an engagement at the Chestnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia. David T. Shaw, who was at this time singing at the Museum, called on Mr. à Becket with some patriotic verses he had written. Mr. à Becket, not finding them satisfactory, rewrote them and composed a musical setting for them.
A few weeks afterward, while playing in New Orleans, he was somewhat astonished to find a published copy of "Columbia, the Pride of the Ocean," in which David T. Shaw was credited with the authorship of both words and music, and Thos. à Becket with the arrangement of the same. Upon his return to Philadelphia he called upon the publisher and convinced him of his claim to the copyright. Negotiations with another publisher were at once begun and the song appeared a short time afterward under its proper title, with T. à Becket as author and composer, and with the additional information "Sung by D. T. Shaw." Mr. à Becket stated that when he visited London in 1847 he found this song claimed as an English composition, it being known there as "Britannia, the Pride of the Ocean." Though of undoubted American origin this song became so well liked in England that, by a slight alteration of the words, the "Red, White and Blue" became a favorite army and navy song.
So profound its import, historians declare that the shot at Fort Sumter reverberated around the world, and it may be added that the songs it inspired also have re-echoed around the globe. When the Civil War really became a fact our soldiers felt the need of martial music. This need first was met by an ineffectual attempt to revive the old Revolutionary songs and naval tunes of England, and also by adapting verses to any tune so long as its strains were inspiriting and one to which the troops could readily and easily march. Every officer bears testimony to the fact that songs and march music are essential to the campaign and field equipment of the general soldier. They inspire him with the necessary courage; danger is forgotten, and until shot and shell create a pandemonium of wild and harsh strains amid which men fight to kill, music is necessary to cheer the soldier, be he of the regular troops or of the volunteer forces made up from all ranks of the people.
"If we had had your war songs you would never have beaten us," said a Confederate officer to his brother of the Federal army. There is more in this statement than one may at first suppose. But the war songs, the kind that penetrate the heart of the soldier and that are caught up by the people in a frenzy of patriotism, are never coolly and deliberately made, but are born of circumstance. Such are the songs that were the outgrowth of our four years of strife, and numbers of them live and will live so long as there remains a flag to be protected and a country to be cherished.
One of the earlier, and perhaps the earliest of our Civil War songs, and one which seems never to lose its popularity, had its origin as a negro camp-meeting song. That is, the tune itself was originally sung to the words:
Say, brothers, will you meet us,
Say, brothers, will you meet us,
Say, brothers, will you meet us,
On Canaan's happy shore?
By the grace of God we'll meet you,
By the grace of God we'll meet you,
By the grace of God we'll meet you,
Where parting is no more.
The song in question is "Glory Hallelujah!" or "John Brown's Body." Lieutenant Chandler, in writing of Sherman's March to the Sea, tells that when the troops were halted at Shady Dale, Georgia, the regimental band played "John Brown's Body," whereupon a number of negro girls coming from houses supposed to have been deserted, formed a circle around the band, and in a solemn and dignified manner danced to the tune. The negro girls, with faces grave and demeanor characteristic of having performed a ceremony of religious tenor, retired to their cabins. It was learned from the older negroes that this air, without any particular words to it, had long been known among them as the "wedding tune." They considered it a sort of voodoo air, which held within its strains a mysterious hold upon the young colored women, who had been taught that unless they danced when they heard it played they would be doomed to a life of spinsterhood. This air, with the words quoted above, had been familiar in many church hymnals, notably the "Plymouth Collection," compiled by Henry Ward Beecher, and published about 1852.
Let there be conceded then to the war song of the Rebellion known as "John Brown's Body" a mysterious origin and admit its mystic spell. Its swing is such that any one, even a child, can grasp its subtle suggestion to the foot-beats and heart-throbs of moving and excited masses of humanity. As a war song or as a folk-lore song, if you will, it has scarcely an equal.
As a war song it was born in a locality where our heroes of the Revolution made famous that equally trifling melody "Yankee Doodle." At the outbreak of the war, the Second Battalion of Massachusetts Infantry was stationed at Fort Warren in Boston Harbor. The men forming this battalion were a jolly set of fellows and were familiarly designated "The Tigers." They had a glee club among the members, and the old camp-meeting tune was familiar to them. Among the singers in the glee club was a Scotchman by the name of John Brown, and the analogy in the
name to that of the hero of Harper’s Ferry made him the butt of many good-natured jokes among the soldiers. Thus it was that his name became the original suggestion to the “John Brown” song.
Some time later the Second was merged into the Twelfth Massachusetts Regiment under command of Colonel Fletcher Webster, and it was Webster’s men who sung the song into general popularity. On July 18, 1861, in Boston, the Hon. Edward Everett presented a flag to the Twelfth Massachusetts a few days previous to its onward movement to the front. Over a thousand voices now took up the chorus of this song that had already taken its place as a favorite not only with the soldiers themselves but with the public. Reaching New York City, the regiment there sang the song and here also it was appropriated without delay. Three days later it electrified Baltimore, and on the first of March, 1862, the “Websters,” as the soldiers of the Twelfth Massachusetts were designated, sang it in Charlestown, Virginia, when they were assembled in hollow square around the site on which the execution of John Brown had taken place three years previously.
When, in 1864, Sherman began his famous March to the Sea, with an army of over fifty-five thousand, at the moment when the Fourteenth Corps swung into column, one of the bands struck up the never-to-be-forgotten tune, and under the inspiration of the movement the men caught up the refrain—“Glory, Glory, Hallelujah!” It was a sea of sound, a great wave of melody by which a daring resolve was formed, and officers and men alike were affected by its significance.
Many attempts have been made to dignify the words. An effort was made by the officers to substitute the name of Ellsworth for that of John Brown—Ellsworth being the first Federal officer to yield his life in battle—but the men still persisted in keeping to their old favorite.
In December, 1861, Julia Ward Howe visited the Army of the Potomac. Mrs. Howe here conceived the idea of writing words that might be sung to the favorite tune of
"John Brown." The thought remained with her, and in the night she arose from her bed and wrote this poem, one of the gems of the Nineteenth Century American verse. When she returned to Boston she submitted it to James T. Fields, then editor of the Atlantic Monthly. It was he who suggested the title, "Battle Hymn of the Republic," and it was published in the February number of the magazine, the name of the author not being mentioned.
BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC.
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord;
He is tramping out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored;
He hath loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword;
His truth is marching on.
I have read a fiery gospel, writ in burnished rows of steel;
"As ye deal with my contemners, so with you my grace shall deal;
Let the Hero, born of woman, crush the serpent with his heel,
Since God is marching on."
He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat;
He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment-seat;
O, be swift, my soul, to answer him! be jubilant, my feet!
Our God is marching on.
In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea,
With a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me;
As he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free,
While God is marching on.
Grander words never were incorporated in any battle hymn. The call came for the poet; it was answered by a gentle woman. And though soldiers and the people will continue to sing the simpler words to the tune of "John Brown's Body," the two being amalgamated, so to speak, the composer has yet to hearken to the call of the Muse ere America shall receive for her most famous battle lyric a musical setting worthy of the theme.
In the summer of 1861, President Lincoln issued his second call for troops. There was living in Chicago at this
time, George F. Root, who had come to the city the previous year, and had entered the music publishing business with his brother, E. T. Root. Deeply interested in church music and popular song, he bent all his energies in this direction. His whole sympathies were aroused by the President's proclamation, and he felt that there was a pressing need for a rallying song, one which would quicken the patriotism of the hour. The result of his endeavor was the "Battle Cry of Freedom." This song was first given to the public by the well-known Lumbard brothers, Jules and Frank, in the Chicago Court House Square. Over the heads of the crowd rang the voices of the brothers: "The Union forever! Hurrah, boys, hurrah!" The crowd soon caught the refrain, and like a mighty ocean wave whose power no man can arrest, the music welled upward and onward until the whole of the North caught the inspiration, and the "boys" responding, and "springing to the call," carried their rallying song to camp and field, many of them yielding their lives while still "Shouting the battle cry of Freedom."
George F. Root, more than any other song-writer during the period of the Civil War, possessed a keen understanding of the variety of songs needed, and his compositions became famous incentives to enlistment, messengers of cheer and hope in camp, as well as bracing the men to withstand the shock of battle. Such a song was the "Battle Cry of Freedom." But there is another phase of war which often is dreaded by the fighter: that of being taken prisoner by the enemy. So, early in the war, Dr. Root brought out the song of hope and encouragement, "Tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching." It has been designated by a distinguished officer as the "song of hope." For this was its mission, and well did it accomplish its errand as one particular incident will prove.
In the autumn of 1864, several hundred of the northern soldiers were herded in a prison in Charleston. One afternoon they were marched out of the pen, for release as they had hoped. But it was only for making an exchange of
one prisoner for another. The exchange being made, the remainder, who still hoped for release, burst forth in chorus:
Tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching,
Cheer up, comrades, they will come,
And beneath the starry flag, we shall breathe the air again
Of the freeland in our own beloved home.
The song became one of assurance and uplift, and in a few months they realized that the boys had at length come marching, and were now throwing wide the prison doors for their release.
Another war song of extraordinary power and lasting popularity is Work’s “Marching Through Georgia.” It also is a war song of intrinsic merit and forms an appropriate commemoration of one of the most striking episodes in the Civil War. Henry Clay Work, encouraged by Dr. Root, had written many songs which had become popular during the war, but “Marching Through Georgia” is his best effort. It is a song of triumph, and its retrospective character will endear it to the army for all time.
The humorous aspect of the following stanza certainly places this song as peculiarly individual to the nation from which it originated:
How the darkies shouted
When they heard the joyful sound,
How the turkeys gobbled
Which our commissary found,
How the sweet potatoes
Even started from the ground,
While we were marching through Georgia.
It is during the period of strife and combat, when feeling runs high, and when the fighting spirit needs either encouragement or an outlet, that martial songs are born rather than made. Each combatant force had unbounded faith in its own strength, and each believes its own cause a just one. Such were the conditions of North and South during the Civil War, and war songs were heard on both
sides. A few of these songs will never die, for the Blue and the Gray have since fought shoulder to shoulder, under one flag and for one cause, and the war songs of each have become common property.
But in the dark days of the Civil War, when the South fought under its newly adopted banner, its brave sons were singing a new song — singing it with the same hopeful outlook as the northern boys their "Star-Spangled Banner," and, rallying round their "Bonnie Blue Flag," ardently they voiced their sentiments as follows:
We are a band of brothers, and native to the soil,
Fighting for our liberty, with treasure, blood, and toil;
And when our rights were threatened, the cry rose near and far
Hurrah for the Bonnie Blue Flag that bears a single star.
Hurrah! Hurrah! For Southern Rights Hurrah!
Hurrah for the Bonnie Blue Flag, that bears a single star.
These words of Henry McCarthy, an actor, were adapted to an old Irish air reminiscent of that known as the "Irish Jaunting Car." The public heard it for the first time in the Variety Theatre, New Orleans, in the latter part of 1861, when it was taken up with wild enthusiasm.
One of the most beautiful lyrical poems of the war emanated from the South, but, unfortunately, there was no native composer to give it a musical setting, and an old German student tune, "O Tannenbaum," was appropriated. This song is a passionate appeal to defend, to uphold — a true war song. Its author, James Ryder Randall, was born in Baltimore in 1839. About two years before the war broke out he went to New Orleans to serve on the staff of the Daily Delta. Soon afterward he was appointed professor of English literature at Pointe Coupée College, situate about one hundred miles from New Orleans.
It was while engaged in his professional duties, in April, 1861, that he read of the attack on the Sixth Massachusetts Infantry while marching through Baltimore on their way south. Mr. Randall became greatly excited over the news and at night, after retiring, found it impossible to sleep. So
at midnight he left his bed, and under the excitement wrote the words of "My Maryland." In the morning he read the poem to the college boys and they suggested that it be published in the Delta. From here it was copied into every southern journal, and in less than two months it really became what Alexander H. Stephens designated it, "the Marseillaise of the Confederacy."
The words were adapted to the music of which mention has been made, by Miss Jennie Cary of Baltimore, and the song was sung for the first time in the Cary home, when a meeting was held for the purpose of considering ways and means of assisting the Confederacy. The sisters, Jenny and Hetty Cary, then carried the words and the tune to which they had wedded it to the army when they went to visit the headquarters of General Beauregard at Manassas. The artillery band from New Orleans played a serenade in their honor, and on request of one of the officers Miss Jenny Cary sang "My Maryland!" There could be but one result. The refrain was taken up by the southern soldiers, the chorus growing in power as it was wafted onward and onward, until it became the fervent battle-song of the Southrons.
The air of "John Brown," as has been seen, originated in the South long before the war and, to other words, grew to be the most popular war song of the North. The North returned the compliment by giving to the South not only the music but the title also of the famous song known as "Dixie."
The author of "Dixie" was Daniel D. Emmett, of Mount Vernon, Ohio. In 1859 Emmett was a member of the Bryant Minstrel troupe, then having its headquarters in New York City. He already had won fame as a writer of minstrel songs, and when he engaged with the Bryant troupe it was with the understanding that he should hold himself in readiness to compose a "walk-around" whenever desirable. On a certain Saturday Mr. Emmett was on his way homeward when Bryant overtook him and asked him for a new song for Monday rehearsal. On the morning of that day
words and music were both ready, and the new "walk-around" which had been named "Dixie's Land," won its way into immediate popularity. The original first stanza was as follows:
I wish I was in the land of cotton, old times dar are not forgotten;
Look away, look away, look away, Dixie land!
In Dixie land whar I was born in, early on one frosty mornin',
Look away, look away, look away, Dixie land!
Chorus:
Den I wish I was in Dixie, hooray! hooray!
In Dixie land I'll took my stand, to lib and die in Dixie.
Away, away, away down south in Dixie!
Away, away, away down south in Dixie!
It will be seen that this was essentially a stage negro song and it soon became a favorite with all the minstrel troupes throughout the United States. In the autumn of 1860, in the city of New Orleans, "Dixie" was first used as a march. The tune was infectious, and from that moment became popular on the street, in the home, and in all the concert halls. From here it was taken to the battlefields and became the most popular war song of the Confederate army.
It is said that the name and words of "Dixie" were suggested to Mr. Emmett by a saying common among the minstrels. On a cold day in the North it would be remarked, "I wish I were in Dixie's land," meaning that they would rather be in the more congenial climate of the South. Bryant, in his "Songs from Dixie's Land," claims that Dixie was the "negro's paradise on earth," in times when slavery and the slave trade were flourishing, and that the word "Dixie" to the negro "became synonymous with an ideal locality combining ineffable happiness and every imaginable requisite of earthly beatitude."
Many attempts were made during the war to dignify the tune by other words. The most successful of these were the verses by General Albert Pike, first published in the Natchez Courier, on May 30, 1861, and which became popular with the southern army:
Southrons, hear your country call you!
Up, lest worse than death befall you!
To arms! To arms! To arms! in Dixie!
Lo! all the beacon fires are lighted—
Let all your hearts be now united!
To arms! To arms! To arms! in Dixie!
Advance the flag of Dixie!
Hurrah! Hurrah!
For Dixie's land we take our stand
And live or die for Dixie!
To arms! To arms!
And conquer peace for Dixie!
The next song to claim our attention is the one known as "America," and which as a national expression, breathing deep love and devotion to country as well as a religious spirit of hope and faith, is far superior in every way to any of our other national songs. Its writer, Rev. Samuel Smith, showed his keen understanding of the simple chant-like grandeur of an air which should constitute a setting for a national song, when he selected that used by the British people as their national anthem. Of all our national songs "America" is the most satisfactory in that it is suitable for all times and occasions.
Rev. Samuel Smith was born in Boston, October 21, 1808, and was graduated at Harvard in the class of '29. In 1831 Lowell Mason placed in his hands some books of music which he had received from Europe, asking him to select anything which he considered of value. In looking them over Dr. Smith came upon the anthem known as "God Save the King." The dignity of both words and music appealed to him and he subsequently wrote the words of "My Country 'Tis of Thee," setting them to the above named hymn. This hymn which afterward was to become the most popular national song of America, was given in public for the first time at a children's celebration of Independence Day, July 4, 1832, at the Park Street Theatre, Boston. Until the commencement of the Civil War "My Country 'Tis of Thee" had not acquired any particular popularity, but from the moment
of the assault on the flag at Fort Sumter it was sung and played with devotional earnestness in church, in public halls, in the home and on the street, and has ever since received recognition as America’s national anthem. Its author, Dr. Smith, died in 1895.
The history of the origin of the air, known in this country as “America” and in England as “God Save the King,” had been the subject of much controversy, but it is now generally understood to be the work of the English composer, Henry Carey, both words and music being ascribed to him and claimed for him by his son. The song is said to have been sung first by Carey at a meeting held at a tavern in London to celebrate the capture of Porto Bello, at which time Carey acknowledged it as his own composition. Others again insist that it was heard in the time of James I. It may be that there was at that time an air which may have borne a resemblance to the present national anthem of England, but in spite of the claims made to place it earlier than the Eighteenth Century, the tune now known to the Twentieth Century undoubtedly had its origin with Carey.
At the close of the Eighteenth Century no less than five nations, Prussia, Russia, Switzerland, England and America, were using the same air to express their individual patriotic sentiments in verse. What greater proof can one have of its peculiar and wonderful adaptability as a national air? It has existed for more than a century, and it is likely to live in the affections of the nations which have adopted it for centuries to come. Its simplicity is a guarantee of its lasting popularity, as it is easily learned and readily recalled. Haydn, on a visit to England, was so favorably impressed by the simplicity of both music and words, that he considered it an ideal national anthem, and on returning to his own country composed after the same style the song known as the “Austrian Hymn.”
The next song is so well known that it really has rank among our popular music, but as it was a product of war-times it is included in this chapter. The infectious rhythm
of the music, together with the unusual accentuation on certain words, give it a unique charm and make it of lasting value:
When Johnnie comes marching home again,
Hurrah! Hurrah!
We'll give them hearty welcome then,
Hurrah! Hurrah!
The men will cheer, the boys will shout,
The ladies they will all turn out,
And we'll feel gay
When Johnnie comes marching home.
This very characteristic song which strangely enough is in a minor key, is the work of "Louis Lambert," better known as Patrick S. Gilmore, one of America's notable band-masters and the projector of the Peace Jubilee Concerts given at Boston in 1869 and 1872. Mr. Gilmore wrote the song in 1863 and published it under a nom de plume. It became a popular marching tune for the troops, and many a heart has been cheered by the thought of the happy home-coming even while marching to the front.
In the Spanish-American War these battle songs of the Civil War were in favor, and frequently words were improvised to the old tunes, to fit the need. The war was too short, however, to develop anything new in the way of war songs.
America's war songs were heard on the battlefields of the Franco-Prussian War, and they were carried by the British troops to the Soudan and to Africa, "Dixie" and "When Johnnie comes Marching Home" being the favorites.
No matter how adversely some of this music may be criticized, it has had its influence; it has proven itself a power while that of a more artistic nature has failed of recognition. America has reason to be proud of its war songs, for they have served, as have perhaps no other means, as incentives to a fighting spirit in time of war and in instilling a love of the country and its institutions in time of peace.
In the preceding part of this chapter reference has been made almost entirely to the songs of the soldier. It is these
songs which have gone to form our patriotic and national music, for the songs of the sailor never have left their naval environment. He had, nevertheless, a class of songs peculiarly his own. As a rule such songs embody a bit of history or delineate some emotion. Again, the song may be but a collection of words strung together in some rhythmic fashion that adds zest to his labor. These latter generally are called chants, or chanties and, originating with the sailing vessels, are becoming more and more scarce since steam has superseded wind as a motive power.
During the period of the Revolution and the War of 1812, England had a fine repertory of sea songs. Her sailor poets had given to the British some good, stirring verses. The themes were characteristic of undaunted courage, bravery and heroism on the part of the seamen, and were familiar not only on the men-of-war but on the merchant vessels. At this time the American sailor poet found himself in much the same predicament as his brother "lubber" on land. He could string together verses and possibly give them poetical finish, but he lacked ability in giving them a musical setting; so he simply followed the example of the soldier-poets and adapted his words to the tunes sung by the enemy.
One of the earliest of these sea songs is that designated "The Yankee Man-of-War." It is not known who was the author of the words. The tune to which it was sung has appeared in English editions of naval songs and is also of unknown origin. It commemorates John Paul Jones' cruise in "The Ranger" in 1778. A typical verse is here quoted:
'Tis of a gallant ship that flew the stripes and stars,
And the whistling wind from the west-nor'-west blew through the pitch-pine spars,
With her starboard backs aboard, my boys, she hung above the gale;
On an autumn night we raised the light on the Head of old Kinsale.
Another of the exploits of John Paul Jones is immortalized in the sea song known as "Paul Jones' Victory." He was then in command of the "Bonhomme Richard," with a fleet of sailing vessels. While off Flamborough Head on Sept. 23, 1799, he fell in with the English ship "Serapis" and a desperate fight ensued, the latter ship being compelled to strike its colors. This song is a capital illustration of the manner in which sea songs were made to serve the exploitation of deeds of daring, coupled with a pardonable boast of victory over the enemy. It was sung to an English air, but the authorship of the words is lost in oblivion.
In the War of 1812 America had not a single line of battleships, and her petty fleet of cruisers had inveigled the enemy into the belief that the latter was invincible to any attack from that quarter. But this same small fleet of cruisers rendered the more powerful ships of the foe inactive by a clever blockade, while the single ship fights have become historical in song. Of these songs that known as "The Constitution and Guerriere," and also as "Hull's Victory," became the most famous. This song, of which a verse is given below, was sung to the tune of an old English song known as "The Landlady's Daughter of France":
It ofttimes has been told
That the British sailors bold
Could flog the tars of France so neat and handy, O.
And they never found their match
Till the Yankees did them catch.
Oh, the Yankee boys for fighting are the dandy, O.
Another song of the period tells of the fight between the American sloop-of-war "Wasp," and the English sloop "Frolic," in which the "Wasp" came off victorious. Still another tells of the victory of the frigate "United States" over the "Macedonian."
Other victories during this period of warfare were celebrated in song which of necessity had ships and sailors and the sea for inspiration. But as has been seen, while the
verses were original, most of the music to which they were sung was borrowed. One of these songs, known as "The Hornet, or Victory No. 5," and which was sung by our sailors to the tune of an old British naval song, not only tells of the victory won by the "Hornet" on Feb. 24, 1813, when she sunk the British sloop-of-war "Peacock" at the mouth of the Demarara River, but enumerates previous victories by other vessels and gives due meed of praise to their individual commanders. There is a ring of triumph in the opening words of each verse, the first of which runs:
Rejoice, Rejoice! Fredonia's sons rejoice,
And swell the loud trumpet in patriotic strain;
Your choice, your choice, fair freedom is your choice,
Then celebrate her triumphs on the main.
The Civil War, while it added somewhat to the repertory of American sea songs, did not bring forth many original tunes. This war's specialty in music was the songs composed especially for the army, and which incidentally became the songs of the people. There was heroism enough displayed in naval warfare by both North and South to have originated sea songs which, like the army songs, would have survived, but unfortunately no composer came forward at the time to do them justice. All the sea songs of this period naturally center around the names of Farragut and Winslow on one side and Semmes on the other. "The Cumberland's Crew" commemorates in plaintive words and music the sinking of the frigate "Cumberland" by the "Merrimac," on March 8, 1862:
She struck us amidship, our planks did they sever,
Her sharp iron-prow pierced our noble ship through;
And they cried, as they sank in that dark rolling river
We'll die at our guns! cried the Cumberland's crew.
It will be recalled that the Merrimac was an iron-clad, and here we have the first naval song born of this circumstance.
The history of the "Alabama" is familiar to all, for an important international question was involved in her origin.
and in her depredations upon the seas for a period of nearly two years. This particular song was written by E. King, author of Naval Songs of the South, and was dedicated to "gallant Captain Semmes, his officers and crew, and to the officers and seamen of the C. S. Navy." The air, by F. W. Rosier, is simple in character and readily learned and became a favorite with the southern seamen.
The wind blows off yon rocky shore,
Boys, set your sails all free;
And soon the booming cannon's roar
Shall ring out merrily.
Run up your bunting taut a peak,
And swear, lads, to defend her
'Gainst every foe, where-e'er we go,
Our motto "No Surrender."
On June 19, 1864, the "Kearsarge," commanded by Captain J. A. Winslow, U. S. Navy, fought and sunk the "Alabama" off the coast of Cherbourg, France. This naval duel fought in the presence, one might almost say, of two powerful and non-combatant nations, has been commemorated in one or two songs. The best perhaps, is the following, which has a certain sailor-like freedom of theme and music:
It was early Sunday morning in the year of sixty-four,
The Alabama she steamed out along the Frenchman's shore,
Long time she cruised about, long time she held her sway;
But now beneath the Frenchman's shore, she lies off Cherbourg Bay.
There are six stanzas to this song, reminding one of the style of sea songs during the time of Hull, but the first will suffice to show how well the story of the engagement is incorporated in the words:
A challenge unto Captain Semmes bold Winslow he did send;
"Bring on your 'Alabama' and to her we will attend,
For we think your boasting privateer is not so hard to whip,
And we'll show you that the 'Kearsarge' is not a merchant ship."
The Spanish-American war developed little in original sea songs. The movement of our forces as an invading
power was swift, and the conflict too short for the development of song akin to that which had followed earlier naval victories. Newspapers and magazines were rich in poems and lyrics, but the composer was not at hand to give them a setting worthy of the theme. Yet our fleet was not without its incidents of courage, heroism, and level-headedness at critical moments — virtues that might have called forth inspiration from our song-writers and composers. But our sailors made good use of all of the songs, patriotic, national and popular, even to "rag-time," with which they were familiar.
The following description, from the pen of Richard Harding Davis, will give a general idea of the trend of musical thought on the part of our navy in the Spanish-American war. In speaking of the landing of the troops at Baiquiri, Cuba, this gifted war correspondent says: "While our troops were landing, the big warships were thundering away and playing havoc along the shore. The men still on the transports were cheering, and every band on troop-ship and man-of-war was playing 'Yankee Doodle' as hard as they could, while way back on the hills above the barred red and yellow of the Spanish flag fluttered against the sky. Up the San Juan steeps went the men of Wheeler, singing the 'Star-Spangled Banner' as they rushed forward with swinging steps."
The writer, in telling of the exchange of Hobson and his seven "immortals," says: "The trail up which they came was a broad one between the high banks with the great trees above meeting in an arch overhead. For hours before they came, officers and men who were not on duty in the rifle-pits, had been awaiting on these banks, sprawling in the sun and crowded together as close as men on the bleaching-boards of a baseball field. Hobson's coming was one dramatic picture of the war. The sun was setting behind the trail, and as he came up over the crest he was outlined against it. Under the triumphal arch of palms the soldiers saw a young man in the uniform of the navy, his face white with the prison pallor as his white duck and strangely in contrast with the
fierce mien of their own, with serious eyes looking down on them with a steady gaze. For a moment he seemed to stand motionless and then the waiting band struck up 'Star-Spangled Banner.' No one cheered, no one shouted." So in the Spanish-American War army and navy alike recognized the value of these two time-tried melodies, "Yankee Doodle" and "Star-Spangled Banner," as an inspiration towards deeds of valor and glory for the honor of the flag for which they were first indited and sung.
Though not properly coming under the heading of patriotic and national music, a word relative to American sea songs in general may here be appended. These songs are an essential feature toward the performance of good concerted work, and they are common to the sailors of all maritime nations. Although they may vary with individual characteristics of nationality, the theme is much the same and they are all sung to the accompaniment of the "thrilling shrouds, the booming doublebass of the hollow topsails, and the multitudinous chorus of ocean."
Most of the songs or chanties — the name being derived from a corruption of the French chansons or chantees — of the American sailor of today are of negro origin, and were undoubtedly heard first in southern ports while the negroes were in engaged in stowing the holds of the vessels with bales of cotton, while some few of them may be traced back to old English tunes. They were of two kinds — pulling songs and windlass songs. The pulling songs were used as an incentive to the men to pull together. One can better understand this from the rhythmic flow of the following stanza, which has its counterpart in the sailor songs of varied nationalities:
Haul on the bowlin', the fore and maintop bowlin',
Haul on the bowlin', the bowlin', Haul!
At the close of each stanza the word "Haul" is given with marked emphasis, and the tug on the rope necessarily becomes stronger. The song imparts a unity of spirit and purpose to the work at hand.
The windlass songs beguile the men into temporary forgetfulness while working the pumps or weighing the anchor. One man, from his power of voice and ingenuity at improvisation, is looked upon as the leader. He begins by singing the chorus, as an intimation to the men of the manner in which it is to be sung; then he sings his solo, very seldom more than one line, and the men, from his musical intonation of the last word, catch the words and pitch with the inspiration intended. One of the best of windlass songs, in which the melody rises and falls in a manner suggestive of the swell of the ocean, runs:
I'm bound away this very day,
(Chorus) Oh, you Rio!
I'm bound away this very day,
(Chorus) I'm bound for the Rio Grande!
And away, you Rio, oh, you Rio!
I'm bound away this very day,
(Chorus) I'm bound for the Rio Grande!
A favorite windlass song is that known as "Shanandore," the title being a corruption of Shenandoah, upon which river the song undoubtedly originated with the negroes:
You, Shanandore, I long to hear you;
(Chorus) Hurrah, hurrah you rollin' river!
You Shanandore, I long to hear you,
(Chorus) Ah, ha, you Shanandore.
In the West and South the chanties still may be heard. You may catch their strains upon the sweeping Mississippi, whose forest environment first caught the chansons of the French voyageurs. Even now the boat songs and working songs of the sailors in the neighborhood of St. Louis and New Orleans are suggestive of French influence. Along the Ohio, too, and other water-ways, these melodies in form of a low, hoarse chant, are still reminiscent of the old chanties.
On the Atlantic coast the fisher fleets are perhaps the only vessels which still make use of these almost forgotten melodies, for the steam-worked windlass, the pumps, the clatter of the cog-wheels, the shrieking whistles and hissing steam are not conducive to song, and the sailor of the Twentieth Century, like the landsman, has caught the spirit of rush and speed, and no one dare attempt to revive the old chanty songs on board the steamships of today. But our fighting ships and our merchantmen of yore each had their repertory of sea songs—the music that was an incentive to do and to dare. This music made easier the coarsest and hardest kind of labor, and the work was performed in an atmosphere of pleasurable emotion. The complete change wrought in seafaring life by modern conditions has made of the chanties a music of the past. They served their purpose, and they will be of value in future years as being descriptive of their time.
PSALMODY AND CHURCH MUSIC
The preceding chapters have dealt with music native to the soil, with negro music, and with popular music in general. These several phases assumed by music in America are something quite apart from our progress in the production and appreciation of art music.
It will be remembered that at the period when America received its first settlers England was undergoing a fierce struggle between the Royalists and the Puritans. The point of contention largely was religious, the Royalists upholding the Established Church and "Merrie" England, while the Puritans battled for the simplest form of worship and the most austere piety. Macaulay sums up the Puritanical views in the following paragraph:
"The dress, the deportment, the language, the studies, the amusements of this rigid sect were regulated on principles resembling those of the Pharisees, who, proud of their washed hands and broad phylacteries, taunted the Redeemer as a Sabbath-breaker and a wine-bibber. It was a sin to hang garlands on the May-pole, to drink a friend's health, to fly a hawk, to hunt a stag, to play at chess, to wear lovelocks, to put starch into a ruff, to touch the virginals, to read the Faerie Queene."
As a result of their success in the struggle the Puritans were enabled to place the ban on all matters appertaining to
the arts and amusements of their time. Consequently it is seen that, as music was in ill repute in the mother country, conditions were not favorable for its growth in the colonies. True, the Virginian settlers were of Royalist stock, but the colonists in the northern part of the country were deeply imbued with the Puritan spirit. On account of the different views held in the two colonies, secular music came to have its place in the South while the North frowned on music of any description excepting the few psalm-tunes allowed by the sect. Indeed many in the North even held that it was sinful to sing at all, while instrumental music was looked upon as an invention of the devil. Art music in America, as in other countries, owes its development to the church; and although the religious element for a long period was detrimental to the growth of art, the triumph which eventually was brought about came through the same medium.
It now is the purpose to discuss the various stages through which we have passed such as touch on our musical development from the artistic and aesthetic side. Each branch of the art—church music, oratorio, opera, orchestral music, etc.—will be taken up separately and its growth traced from its beginning to the present time.
It is a matter of interest to note that, so far as may be learned, the southern colonies played little or no part in our early struggle for music. This may be accounted for, however, by the more liberal views held in the South, which precluded any cause for strife in reference to the matter. It was because of the seriousness of just such a struggle that the outcome meant more to the New Englanders than to their southern brethren. So, in tracing our musical development one must turn first to the Pilgrim and Puritan settlements of New England.
It was to a church reared in the wilderness that the Puritans, some eight years after the landing of the Pilgrims, carried their psalmody. The Puritans were not willing exiles from their native land, but left only under stress of circumstances. They were not influenced by commercial
The Honorable John W. Stevenson
not for fame or ambition, but from the desire to make a home in a new country in which they would be free to worship after their own manner. Milton designates these Puritans as "faithful and freeborn Englishmen and good Christian constrained to forsake their dearest home, their nearest and kindred, whom nothing but the wide ocean and the savage deserts of America could hide and shelter from the fury of the bishops."
The music of the Puritans was entirely religious in character, and it is their psalmody which marks the commencement of our music development. There has been much controversy among music historians as to which psalm-books first were used by the early Puritans. From the data available it appears probable that both Husworth's and Sternhold and Hopkins' versions of the psalms were used. The tunes sung were taken from a collection published in England by Thomas Ravenscroft in 1621. It was the best book of many years collecting church music, teaching and directing the music in different churches, but he believed that the knowledge of music could best be given to the American people through the public schools and with labored unceasingly to that end.
Although Lowell Mason does not stand in the front rank of American composers, his ability as a teacher and his energy in advancing the cause of music has won him the highest regard of his countrymen.
In the preface to his "New Psalmist" the author formulates:
(I) They shall be sung with a low voice and a long tone.
(II) That they may not be sung with an indifferent voice, neither too loud nor too slow:
has now from the highest teaching of his contemporaries
received and pieced in advancing the cause of music
from that of American composers, his spirit as a
Although Lowell Mason does not stand in the
isoped unsuccessful to that end
to the American people through the public schools and
ieved that the knowledge of music could best be given
quirening the music in different churches; put the pe-
manly keeps collecting church music teaching and
"Leaper of American Church Music". He ispoed for
Born at Medfield" years" he has been called the
enterprise or ambition, but from the desire to make a home in a new country in which they would be free to worship God after their own manner. Milton designates these Puritan fathers "faithful and freeborn Englishmen and good Christians constrained to forsake their dearest home, their friends and kindred, whom nothing but the wide ocean and the savage deserts of America could hide and shelter from the fury of the bishops."
The music of the Puritans was entirely religious in character, and it is their psalmody which marks the commencement of our music development. There has been much controversy among music historians as to which psalm-books first were used by the early Puritans. From the data available it appears probable that both Ainsworth's and Sternhold and Hopkins' versions of the psalms were used. The tunes sung were taken from a collection published in England by Thos. Ravenscroft in 1621. It was the best book of its kind at that period and held its popularity for more than a hundred and fifty years. The notation in this book was arranged in four parts, each part written by itself and with the words beneath so that the same words actually were printed four times. There were twenty-three English, six Northern, seven Scottish, and five Welsh tunes. Most of the names, such as York, Durham, and Chester; Duke Street, Dundee, Glasgow and Martyrs; Landoff, Bangor, St. David's, St. Asaph, Wrixham and Ludlow, were familiar tunes in church choirs for many years, and are still found, although in somewhat altered form, in the hymn-books used in our churches today. The excellent harmonizations in the Ravenscroft Psalter however were of little consequence to the early Puritans, for they made use only of the melodies.
In the preface to the Ravenscroft Psalter the author formulates the following instructions:
(I) That psalms of tribulation be sung with a low voice and in long measure:
(II) That psalms of Thanksgiving be sung with an indifferent voice, neither too loud nor too slow:
(III) That psalms of rejoicing be sung with a loud voice, and in a swift and jocund measure.
It is interesting to note that in this edition the tune familiarly known as "Old Hundred," and set to the One Hundredth Psalm, was designated "French Tune" and credited to J. Dowland, Doctor of Music. In most hymn-books this tune is ascribed to Martin Luther. While the latter may have originated the melody others, among them Dr. Dowland, harmonized it. Most authorities agree that "Old Hundred" was originally composed for the One Hundred and Thirty-fourth Psalm in the Geneva Psalter and adapted by English Protestants to the One Hundredth Psalm about the year 1562. This tune was ascribed by Handel to Luther and by others to Claude Goudimel, a composer who met his death by assassination during the massacre of St. Bartholomew. Others attribute it to La Franc, a musician of Rouen, who is said to have compiled it from the Roman chants, while still others as persistently hark back to an old French love song for its origin. We probably shall never learn its true origin: it is sufficient here to know that it was sung in England, and that the Puritans brought it with them to America.
The few psalm-tunes used by the Puritans were of the simplest character, for they had been stripped of everything that might suggest the design of the devil in entrapping the godly Puritan into worldly thoughts—otherwise, a love of music for its own sake. So he naturally shrank from any attempt to render the psalm-tune after any scientific fashion, preferring to sing the same according to his individual idea of propriety. It must have been a strange conglomeration of sound, this Puritan psalmody that first came to our shores. As Puritan influence had proven itself a stumbling-block to musical culture in England, so for many years it threatened the same disastrous effect upon the evolution of musical art in New England. From the older country there was the inherited mandate: "We allow the people to join in one voice in a psalm-tune, but not in tossing the psalm
from one side to the other, with intermingling of organs." In other words there was to be no attempt at polyphonic or harmonic psalmody, nor any use of instruments.
The same prejudices inculcated under Puritan influence in England were cherished with deeper bitterness in the colonies, with the result that many sincere and worthy Christians maintained that it was wrong to sing at all, declaring that a Christian should make melody only in his heart. There were not a few who, while raising no objection to singing itself, really suffered from qualms of conscience regarding the setting of the psalms to music, and what is more, were brave enough to give expression to their convictions. How deeply rooted was this prejudice against the singing of psalms is shown in the following incident:
In 1656 the First Baptist Church of Newport, R. I., suffered a division: twenty-one members seceded and organized an anti-singing church. They gave as a reason for their secession that they "disapproved of psalmody." For more than one hundred years no singing was permitted in this church. It was not until 1765, after a long struggle, that by the vote of a small majority permission was obtained to sing one psalm at the commencement of each service, and even then many of the members remained outside until the offensive exercise was ended.
It is not clear just what brought about the first changes made in the versions of the psalms used in the New England colonies. The alterations probably were due to the strong desire to be rid of everything in any way appertaining to the Established Church in England. The New England Puritans wished to pattern their church and religious observances after the simplest and purest forms. With this end in view a committee of clergymen was appointed to prepare a version of the psalms suitable for public and private worship. This attempted reform was almost entirely literary in its aspect and barely touched on the musical side of the matter. It must not be supposed, however, that it was accomplished without opposition, for there were many who were opposed to any "meddling" with the psalms whatever.
The Bay Psalm Book—so named from its origin in the colony of Massachusetts Bay—afterward known as the New England Psalm Book and later as the New England Version of the Psalms, was the outcome of the work of the Rev. Thomas Welde, the Rev. John Eliot and the Rev. Richard Mather, the latter setting forth in the preface: "If therefore the verses are not always so smooth and elegant as some may desire or expect; let them consider that Gods Altar needs no pollifshings: (Ex. 20.) for wee have respected rather a plaine translation, than to smooth our verses with the sweetnes of any paraphrase, and soe have attended Conscience rather than Elegance, fidelity rather than poetry, in translating the Hebrew words into english language, and Davids poetry into english metre; that soe wee may sing in Sion the Lords songs of prayse ascending to his owne will; until hee take us from hence, and wipe away all our teares, and bid us enter into our masters joye to sing eternall Halleluiahs."
The Bay Psalm Book is on record as the first book of importance published in the colonies, and in spite of its many typographical errors its publication meant much in the early days. Nevertheless, this psalter did not receive the spontaneous welcome it merited. Prejudice always is difficult to overcome, and the Psalms of David, according to the metrical version prepared by the New England clergy in 1640, set the churches in a state of dissension. This without doubt was the first of the congregational turmoils which since have beset the churches of all denominations in America when innovations arising from a spirit of progression have been suggested in regard to religious matters. The churches in Salem and its vicinity still clung to the Ainsworth Psalter, while the Plymouth Church, in which it first had been used, gave it preference for over fifty years after its competitor appeared.
In the Bay Psalm Book there were appended the few psalm-tunes then in use, but little employment was made of the music itself, for all singing at that time was done by
rote. So great was the reverence in which the psalms were held that hats were doffed during the rendition as they would be during prayer. The early Puritans considered their few psalm-tunes to be as sacred as the words themselves, and they were as little disposed in any way to alter or add to them as they were to make any change in the text. Singing in parts scarcely was known, and their ability to sing the eight or ten known tunes constituted their entire knowledge of music. The psalms were sung in rotation, and with the limited number of tunes in use (most of these being in common meter) the same ones often were heard several times during the day or even in the same service. It was similarly the case in family worship, at which it also was customary to sing the psalms.
In 1648 a new edition of the Bay Psalm Book was printed, and a few hymns or spiritual songs, as they were designated, were added. Many of the typographical errors appearing in the first edition were corrected, but the revised edition had to pass through the same wave of dissension as did its predecessor. In order to prepare the people for this edition the Reverend John Cotton, a man of progressive spirit, issued a treatise on the singing of the psalms, discussing the subject most ably and with considerable earnestness under the following significant headings:
I. Touching the duty itself.
II. Touching the matter to be sung.
III. Touching the singers.
IV. Touching the manner of singing.
The doubts and fears which pressed upon the Puritan conscience at this time regarding the propriety of particular methods of singing in church were of no small consideration. How the psalms should be sung became a vital question, and Mr. Cotton now endeavored to elucidate many points touching on the matter which had led the churches to question:
(1) Whether it was proper for one to sing while others joined in spirit only, uniting in an audible Amen at the close of the tune; (2) whether women as well as
men, or men alone should sing: (3) whether the unconverted — (pagans they designated them) — should join in the psalm tune: (4) whether it was lawful to sing psalms at all in tunes devised by man: (5) whether it was proper to learn new tunes which were uninspired.
In the treatise, published in tract form, which was distributed throughout the churches, Mr. Cotton set forth that the singing of psalms with a "lively voyce" is a "holy duty of God's worship now in the days of the New Testament;" that the Psalms of David having been "penned for Temple worship during the Pedagogy of the Old Testament" now in the days of the "New Testament, when God had promised to powre out his spirit upon all flesh, be carried on by personall spirituall gifts, whereby some one or other of the members of the church having received a Psalm by the enditement of the spirit," should sing the same "openly in the publique assembly of the church, and the rest of the bretheren say Amen to it at the close." Mr. Cotton also argued that "all should sing; with liberty for one to sing a psalm written by himself, while the church should respond Amen." In the latter part of the foregoing argument is found the first suggestion of a church solo in American religious assemblies.
The average Puritan felt that all melodies made by man were uninspired, in fact that they were a vain show of skill, therefore God could not take pleasure in praises offered in the melody made by sinful man. Mr. Cotton argued that, "Since God commandeth all men in distress to call upon him, and all men in their mirth to sing his praise, what is mortal, sinful man (Dust and Ashes) that he should forbid what God had commanded?" Mr. Cotton qualified his remarks by saying: "I can but marveile why you should put in the man of sinne, as having any hand at all in making the Melody." The arguments set forth carried such weight that the more progressive spirits sided with Mr. Cotton and those already supporting him, and efforts at improvement of congregational singing at once took shape.
The Bay Psalm Book passed into its third edition under the revision of Henry Dunster, President of Harvard College, and Richard Lyon of Cambridge University, England. Lyon added some additional hymns, which at the time was considered a most daring innovation. The third edition of this psalter, which was published in 1651, also was known as the first edition of the New England Psalm Book. This volume again and again was revised, until in 1744 it had reached its thirtieth edition, and not only was the favorite psalter in America but the churches of England and Scotland also gave it preference.
In 1698 the "Bay" or New England Psalm Book again underwent revision, this being the ninth time it had been subjected to such process, and was issued with the tunes of the psalms appended. This important edition was published for Michael Perry by A. Green and J. Allen of Boston, and without doubt was the first music published in America.
A reprint of a work bearing the title Psalms of David, fitted to the tunes used in Churches, which had been published in London in 1704, under the joint editorship of N. Brady, D.D., Chaplain in Ordinary, and N. Tate, Esq., poet-laureate to Her Majesty, appeared from the press of J. Allen of Boston in 1713, being the first American edition of this work. Its production no doubt proved an incentive to the New England clergy, who had ability in music, to compile similar works, for in 1715 the Rev. John Tufts published a work containing an introduction to the psalm-tunes, together with a collection of tunes in three parts. This is notable as the first collection of harmonized tunes issued in America.
Some five years later, Mr. Tufts put forward a more pretentious work which he designated in a preface "a very plain and easy introduction to the art of singing psalm-tunes, contrived in such a manner that the learner may attain the skill of singing them with the greatest ease and speed imaginable." In 1723 he brought out a collection of thirty-eight psalm-tunes in three parts—"treble, medias,
and bass"—in which letters were used to indicate notes, this giving to the staff a clumsy and complicated appearance.
Five years before there had appeared a work which, with a little more forethought in its method of compilation, might have won for it a general and lasting popularity, for it was the most pretentious rendition of the psalms that yet had been made in America. Cotton Mather's "Psalterium Americana" is the work in question. While in this work each psalm was printed like prose and could be read or sung as such, a certain division of the words had the effect of changing them into something akin to lyrical verse. Sixteen pages of hymns or Scriptural subjects were added to the psalms, but there was not a note of music in the whole work. One scarcely can understand the reason for this omission as Dr. Mather, its compiler, was one of the strong advocates of singing, and he, as well as his contemporaries, felt the need of a variety of tunes and persistently endeavored to arouse in the people a spirit of enterprise in music. It was an excellent work so far as the arrangement of the text was concerned but it lacked the vital breath—tunes.
Contemporary with Tufts and Mather was Thomas Walter, a clergyman of Roxbury, Mass., who issued, in 1721, a work with the following title: The Grounds of Music Explained. Or an Introduction to the Art of Singing by Note; Fitted to the meanest Capacities. This was our first American musical work in which the notes were grouped by bars. Previous to this time the tunes had been rendered by each individual according to his own idea, and one can readily imagine the confusion of sounds heard in the rendering of the psalm-tunes when scarcely two of the congregation sang the same tune to the same stanza, and when no one made any effort to keep either in time or in tune with his neighbor. Mr. Walter likened this singing to "five hundred tunes roared out at the same time with often one or two words apart," and he admitted that he himself often was guilty of "pausing twice in one note to take breath."
If a new tune were introduced in fifty years it became a great event, for the whole church had to pass upon it to render a decision, and frequently it was necessary to put it to a parish vote. It was no easy matter to reconcile the congregation to such an innovation as learning to sing the psalms and hymns in time and in tune, and above all by note. All kinds of excuses were framed to oppose the introduction of new tunes in the churches and many of them prove how bitter was the sentiment against any innovation. But the ministers were firm, yet tolerant, and they met all objections either by persuasion from the pulpit or by issuing tracts on the subject.
The Rev. Thomas Symmes, a graduate of Harvard, was one of the active participators in the struggle to improve the music in the churches. He diplomatically met the advocates of the "old method" by urging that "what is now called the usual way, in opposition to singing by note, is but a defective imitation of the regular way," adding: "Your usual way of singing is but of yesterday, an upstart novelty, a deviation from the regular, which is the only Scriptural good old way of singing; much older than our fathers' grandfathers. The beauty and harmony of singing consists very much in a just timing and tuning of the notes; every singer keeping the exact pitch the tune is set in, according to the part he sings. Now you may remember that in our congregation we used frequently to have some people singing a note or two after the rest had done, and you commonly strike the notes, not together, but one after another, one being half way through the second note before his neighbor is done with the first."
An idea of the general prejudice prevailing at the time against learning to sing by note may be gained from a perusal of the files of the New England Courant. In its issue of Sept. 16, 1725, the following notice appears: "Last week a Council of Churches was held at the south part of Braintree, to regulate the disorders occasioned by regular singing in that place, Mr. Niles, the minister, having
suspended seven or eight members of the church for persisting in their singing by rule." The following statement also appears: "If we once begin to sing by note, the next thing will be to pray by rule, and preach by rule."
As a general thing, however, the clergy took a decided stand for better music in their respective churches. They did their utmost to further singing by note by exhorting and pleading from the pulpit and by means of tracts which they circulated among the people. In order to conciliate both parties many congregations adopted the plan of singing by note, that is with an attempt at keeping together, and in the usual way, on alternate Sabbaths.
From the diary of Samuel Sewall may be gained a good idea as to the manner in which the singing in the churches was conducted about the time that the Tufts, the Tate and Brady, the Mather, the Walter, and other psalters came into existence. It was customary at this time for the deacon or minister to read each line of the psalm or hymn before it was sung by the congregation. The first settlers had not practised this manner of singing, but it had become generally adopted owing either to the scarcity of books or to the inability of some to read. One readily can understand the difficulty of retaining the pitch under such circumstances. It also must be remembered that there were no instruments in use in the churches at that time. Mr. Sewall was precentor of his church for over twenty years, and under date of Feb. 2, 1718, he writes: "In the morning I set York tune, and in the 2d going over the gallery carried it irresistably to St. David's, which discouraged me very much. I spake earnestly to Mr. White to set it in the Afternoon, but he declines it. p.m. The tune went well." Again, on "Lord's Day" Feb. 23, 1718, he writes: "Mr. Foxcroft preaches. I set York tune and the congregation went out of it into St. David's in the very 2d going over. They did the same three weeks before. This is the second sign. This seems to me an intimation and call for me to resign the Praecentor's place to a better Voice. I have through the
divine Longsuffering and favour done it for twenty-four years, and now God by his Providence seems to call me off; my voice being enfeebled. I spake to Mr. White earnestly to set it in the Afternoon, but he declined it. After the Exercises . . . I laid this matter before them, told them how long I had set the Tune; Mr. Prince said, Do it six years longer. I persisted and said that Mr. White or Mr. Franklin might do it very well. The return of the gallery where Mr. Franklin sat was a place very Convenient for it.”
On February 27 of the same year Mr. Sewall again notes: “I told Mr. White, Next Sabbath was in a Spring Month, he must then set the Tune. I set now Litchfield to a good key.” On March 2 he again tells in the following quaint language of his anxiety in regard to the leadership of the singing: “I told Mr. White the elders desired him, he must set the Tune, he disabled himself, as if he had a cold. But when the Psalm was appointed, I forebore to do it, and rose up and turn’d to him, and he set York Tune to a very good key. I thank’d him for restoring York Tune to its Station with so much Authority and Honor: I saw ’twas Convenient that I had resigned, being for the benefit of the Congregation.”
By the middle of the Eighteenth Century interest in church music was thoroughly aroused, as evidenced by the ever increasing number of musical publications. In 1737 Benjamin Franklin issued an edition of Dr. Watts’ Psalms and Hymns, which passed into its second edition twenty years later. Dr. Watts’ Songs and Hymns for Children also was published in America and became very popular with the youth of the country. In 1725 Rev. John Bernard of Marblehead edited a book of psalms and hymns which contained some fifty tunes in three-part harmony.
There was published in England, by William Tansur in 1754, a collection of music entitled the Royal Harmony. It contained hymns, anthems, and canons, arranged in from two to seven parts, and it became exceedingly popular. A
copy of Tansur’s book was brought to America and republished at Newburyport, Mass., two years after its publication in England. Following this collection by Tansur came a similar work by T. Williams, entitled *New Harmony of Zion*, also published in London and republished at Newburyport in 1769. These two works ultimately were combined in one and was generally liked by the New England singers, who now began to meet together to try this new and fascinating music. The publication of the combined work created an interest in music never before felt in this country. On account of its containing music written in a fugal style Tansur & Williams’ volume is of special interest, for this style of music played an important part in our early musical development. The fugal setting of the Thirty-fourth Psalm was the forerunner of all subsequent music of that character.
From Philadelphia, in 1761, came the most pretentious of musical publications of its time, when James Lyon issued his *Urania*. This book contained not only a collection of psalms, hymns and anthems but had twelve pages devoted to instructions. The success of *Urania* undoubtedly was instrumental in encouraging others to produce works of a similar nature. One may form a fair judgment of the status of music at different periods of our musical life by scanning the pages of the various publications appearing from year to year. The fact that twelve pages of instructions was included in Lyon’s work points to a desire on the part of the public for something of this character.
Josiah Flagg published in 1764, at Boston, a collection of one hundred and sixteen tunes and two anthems. This was a decided innovation upon all preceding works as it contained a variety of music from “Old Hundred,” to a popular march entitled “March of Richard the Third.” Most of the vocal selections were written in four parts, the melody being given to the tenor voice. Flagg had borrowed largely from Tansur and Williams and others, giving credit in his preface as follows: “We are obliged to the other
side of the Atlantic chiefly for our tunes.” Then the author feels impelled to apologize to the public for setting before them a “new collection at a time when there were already so many among us, there having been two or three within the past fifty years.”
Flagg’s work is of import apart from its musical significance, and the author is found congratulating himself upon the fact that he is under no obligation to “the other side of the Atlantic” for his paper even if he is for the music, since the former was the first manufactured in America for this purpose. The plates were engraved by Paul Revere—later the hero of the midnight ride—who also published and issued the work.
In 1764, Daniel Bayley of Newburyport, Mass., edited two volumes which were designated “A new and complete Introduction to the grounds and rules of music, in two books.” The first volume really was little more than an elaborated edition of Walter’s work, and the second volume was borrowed largely from Tansur’s Royal Harmony. Three editions of this work were published within a year, which would intimate that there was more interest in music than formerly. The introductory page to this volume states that there were “tunes from the most approved masters.” It is rather unfortunate that Bayley did not place on record the names of the individual composers; had he done so the chances are that something of American origin might be found among these early compositions.
It was in New England in the early days that the real struggle for the very existence of music itself was fought. Owing to the religious views of the Puritan settlers, conditions in New England were different from those in the other American colonies. On account of the absence of any great controversy over music elsewhere in the country there is little or no record of musical conditions in the early days outside of the New England settlements. In New York and Charleston the singing of psalms and hymns in the churches was generally accepted without controversy, and by the
time Philadelphia, Annapolis, Baltimore and other pioneer American cities had come into being the crisis of the struggle had passed. The influx of Dutch, German, Swedish and Moravian immigrants, who brought with them their own music, did not affect appreciably the status of music in this country; for these colonists usually kept to themselves and, owing to the distance between settlements, for some years had little intercourse with each other.
Such further struggle as there was took place in New England and was occasioned by the opposition to the more progressive element who wished again to advance the cause of church music by abolishing the custom of "lining out" the psalms. Still later another controversy arose relative to the introduction of organs in the churches. The prejudice against instrumental music of any kind continued for many years, in the most remote districts lasting beyond the middle of the Nineteenth Century. The opposite stands taken by those in favor of doing away with the reading of the lines and their opponents long were detrimental to the cause of church music and caused Boston and its vicinity to lag somewhat behind Charleston, Philadelphia and New York. As the incoming English settlers belonging to the Episcopal Church became more numerous throughout the country the churches which they established were among the first to accept the more liberal views regarding church music. It was in the churches of this denomination that the first organs also were installed.
The leading factor in the betterment of psalmody was the advent of the singing master and the singing school. Through the influence of the singing school choirs came into existence, and with the choirs the abolition of the "lining out" process naturally followed. An instance of the tenacity with which the older members of the congregations held their views in the matter of reading the lines of the psalms is culled from the History of Worcester. On Aug. 5, 1779, it was voted: "That the singers sit in the front of the gallery, and that those gentlemen who have
hitherto sat in the front seats in said gallery, have a right to sit in the front and second seats below, and that said singers have said seats appropriated to said use.” “Voted, that said singers be requested to take said seats and carry on the singing in public worship.”
“Voted, that the mode of singing in the congregation here be without reading the psalms line by line to be sung.”
“The Sabbath after the adoption of these votes, after the hymn had been read by the minister, the aged and venerable Deacon Chamberlain, unwilling to desert the custom of his fathers, rose and read the first line according to the usual practise. The singers, prepared to carry the alteration into effect, proceeded without pausing at the conclusion. The white haired officer of the church with full power of his voice read on till the louder notes of the collected body overpowered the attempts to resist the progress of the improvement and the deacon, deeply mortified at the triumph of the musical reformation, seized his hat and retired from the meeting house in tears. His conduct was censured by the church and he was for a time deprived of its communion for absenting himself from the public services of the Sabbath.”
Singing schools, or something akin to them, were organized early in the Eighteenth Century at the time when the New England churches were in such turmoil over the matter of congregational singing. In a tract written by Rev. Thomas Symmes in 1723 in favor of better singing in the churches he makes reply to his opponents who denounced those who were “spending too much time in singing” and “staying out at nights disorderly.” From this it is seen that concerted efforts then were being made to learn to sing. In the announcement of one of the early singing masters he states that he is prepared to teach “the new version of the psalms with all the tunes, both of particular and common measure.”
The efforts of the first singing masters in America undoubtedly were directed toward instruction in psalmody.
As the size and number of their classes gradually increased, improved congregational singing was the result. The formation of choirs naturally followed, with special seats being set apart for them. At first these bodies of singers merely took the place of the "tune setters" and served to lead the singing of the congregations. At a later date the choirs assumed very much the same position as those of today, acting not only as aids in carrying the psalm-tunes and hymns but also performing anthems and other choral pieces without the assistance, or rather the hindrance, of the congregations.
Each choir had its leader, who set the pitch and time of the tune or composition to be sung. In the early psalm-books containing the tunes directions were printed as to the pitch to be fixed on for each tune. When the compass of the notes was but five or six above the first it was stated that a high pitch should be taken; when the compass extended to eight or nine notes above the first, the tune should be pitched low. It must be remembered that in the early days no instruments were in use in the churches. The pitch pipe came as the first aid to the choir leader. Its introduction counted for much and served to insure a convenient pitch for each tune. At the time when there was absolutely nothing except the not always infallible judgment of the precentor in fixing the key it may be imagined how haphazard was the task. Following the introduction of the pitch pipe came the tuning fork; then the cello, followed by the flute, oboe, bassoon, clarinet and violin; and finally the organ.
The first heard relative to the introduction of an organ in an American church was in 1704, when the matter was brought before the vestry of Trinity Church, New York. While the first proposition did not materialize, its influence was felt some five years later, when it was thought desirable to have a "set of organs." In discussing ways and means by which to meet the expenses of the same we find this placid resolution: "What we cannot afford ourselves, we
shall leave to God Almighty's good providence." It is probable that the committee was forced to take refuge in the latter alternative, for no real contributions were made toward procuring this much talked of instrument until 1739. The organ finally was constructed and installed by Johann Gottlob Klemm of Philadelphia in 1741.
In the meantime, Thomas Brattle of Boston, a man of artistic instincts, had made provision in his will for an imported organ to be set up in the Battle Square Church of that city. The liberal and broad-minded donor evidently had realized that there might be some opposition regarding the acceptance of the gift, so in a businesslike manner he had attached a proviso that the offer be accepted within a year after his death. In the event of its non-acceptance by the trustees of this particular church, which was of the Congregational denomination, the gift was to be offered to King's Chapel, which was the Boston representative of the Church of England. Mr. Brattle also stipulated that an organist should be procured, a "sober person to play skilfully thereon with a loud noise." The Puritans were scandalized to think that one of their own church should propose such an outrageous innovation to their sedate form of worship, and the vote, "We do not think it proper to use the same in the public worship of God," fully expresses the sentiment of the opposing element, whose obduracy also decided the fate of the instrument.
While the trustees of Trinity Church, New York, still were deliberating on building an organ, Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island, had received the gift of an instrument from Dean—afterward Bishop—Berkley. This church was considered one of the finest timbered structures in America, and from its belfry, crested by a gracefully proportioned spire, a mellow toned bell, the gift of Queen Anne, summoned the colonists to worship. It was in this church that the second organ in New England was set up, an organ which for many years held rank as the best in
America. Its workmanship in every detail was of the highest quality. The case was of English oak and was of very handsome design. It was nearly fifteen feet in height, eight feet in width, and eight feet in depth. Its front presented twenty-three gilded pipes, and a crown supported by two miters adorned its top.
The clerk was an important official of the Episcopal Church at this period. He read out the hymns and psalms, led the singing, and performed many other duties in his official capacity. Frequently he and the organist disagreed over the manner in which the tune should be sung, or in the choice of the particular tune itself. Trinity Church, Newport, with its fine organ, did not escape the trials of its sister churches, for organ, organist and clerk formed a trio to be reckoned with. Thus it came that in 1753 John Grelca, clerk, was dismissed from Trinity Church because he refused to sing the tunes played by the organist at the morning service.
An interesting anecdote is related of John L. Berkenhead, known as "the blind organist," who was appointed to Trinity Church, Newport, in 1796. Dr. Berkenhead was playing the hymn tune when he was interrupted by Joseph Dyer, the clerk, calling loudly "Berkenhead, you are playing the wrong tune!" The organist immediately stopped his playing and most emphatically told the clerk that he was a liar. The congregation naturally was greatly shocked at this unseemly conduct, and the vestry in considering the continued engagement of Berkenhead added the proviso, "during good behavior and punctual attendance."
As already has been noted, it was in the Episcopal churches of America that the first organs were installed, and it was in these same churches that music first assumed any recognized place apart from the singing of the psalms and hymns. The installation of organ after organ called for persons qualified to perform on the same, and as there were few or none of the colonists with the necessary
endowments and preparation, organists were imported from England to fill the positions thus created. It is to these men that we owe our first introduction to church music such as was produced in the English cathedrals. Among the most prominent of these early organists were Edward Enstone, William Tuckey, Theodore Pachelbel, Benjamin Yarnold, James Bremner, Raynor Taylor and Benjamin Carr. In addition to their organ playing these men conducted schools "for the improvement of psalmody;" they gave lessons on various instruments and in dancing, and some of them sold musical merchandise as well.
Through the influence of the singing schools choirs came to be formed about the middle of the Eighteenth Century. As always the case, much opposition was shown to the innovation, but through the efforts of those who had the desire for better church music at heart and on account of the general interest taken in singing, choirs came to be generally adopted. But even in the churches where choirs had been formed the "lining out" process was for some years not altogether given up. William Billings, one of our first composers and apostles of reform in church singing, put forward an argument against the custom which must have had its effect. He stated: "As all now have books and all can read, 'tis insulting to have the lines read in this way, for it is practically saying, 'We are men of letters, and you, ignorant creatures.'" Billings also is said to have been the first to introduce the "viol," or cello, as an aid to the singing of the choir.
The adoption of the choir system became general about the latter part of the Eighteenth Century. It was in New England, of course, that the conflict in regard to the matter was most pronounced, the New Englanders thus keeping up their record for conservatism concerning changes in anything relating to the church. The History of Rowley states that in 1765 the parish voted that "those who had learned the art of singing may have the liberty to sit in the front gallery." The singers did not take
the "liberty" however, as they objected to singing after the clerk's reading. In 1780 it is recorded that the parish requested Jonathan Chaplin, Jr., and Lieutenant Spafford "to assist Deacon Spafford in Raising the tune in the Meeting house." Five years later the parish desired "the singers, both male and female to sit in the gallery, and will allow them to sing once upon each Lord's Day without reading by the Deacon."
The leaders of these parish choirs either were chosen by the town or church or occupied the position by common consent. When choirs first were introduced the leader was expected to sound the key-note and then to give the pitch successively to the other parts, all this without the aid of any instrument. He also was expected to beat time in some conspicuous way. The part sung by the choir leaders was what now is known as the soprano or air but which then was designated the tenor. Usually the choir sounded the chord before singing. They sang without the aid of notes, the music having been memorized previously, either at the singing school or in the home.
During the early period of the choir system the music of necessity was of the simplest possible kind, such as psalm-tunes and hymns. The use thus made of this class of music called out many collections, and by the last of the Eighteenth Century at least sixty books, largely composed of sacred selections with a few secular pieces added, had appeared in New England alone. After the singing schools and choirs had become firmly established a new era of church music began. This was the age of the fuguing pieces of Billings and other American composers of his time.
There seems to have been considerable confusion in the minds of our early composers as to what constituted a fugue, for they were in the habit of designating any composition written in contrapuntal style a "fuge." A quantity of music of this type was introduced from England and became exceedingly popular with the singing schools.
From the singing schools it was adopted by the choirs and thus came to take the place previously occupied by the more simple hymn-tunes. The fuguing music seems to have made a profound impression when it first came into use, and William Billings is found voicing its praises in the following extravagant terms: "It has more than twenty times the power of the old slow tunes; each part straining for mastery and victory, the audience entertained and delighted, their minds surpassingly agitated and extremely fluctuated, sometimes declaring for one part, and sometimes for another. Now the solemn bass demands their attention — next the manly tenor — now, the lofty counter — now, the volatile treble. Now here — now there, now here again. O, ecstatic! Rush on, you sons of harmony!"
It is seen that such music was not calculated to inspire any deeply religious feeling — in fact quite the reverse — for many of these fuguing choruses were decidedly secular in character and were very much out of place in the services of the church. Their long continued popularity no doubt was due to their value as show pieces. They were sung from beginning to end without any attempt at expression, each part trying to outdo the other in vigor and in volume. According to the custom of the time the air, then termed the tenor, and the bass were sung by the men; the true tenor part, which then was known as the treble was sung by the women; while the alto or counter was taken either by the men falsetto or by women and boys.
Church music in America received a decided setback on account of the prevalence for so many years of this fuguing. Those of the congregation who were unlearned in music were unable to participate in the singing, and the choirs thus appropriated the entire tonal service unto themselves. Not that it always was smooth sailing for the choristers however, for it is related that the Rev. Dr. Bellamy on one occasion turned to the choir and remarked: "You must try again, for it is impossible to preach after such singing." Because the singing in the church devolved entirely upon them some of the choirs became arrogant, and at times refused to sing. At one of the New England churches just such an occurrence is recorded. The officiating clergyman in some way had offended the singers and they consequently declined to take part in the service. Finally they were brought to see the error of their ways by the pastor reading the hymn:
Let those refuse to sing
Who never knew our God!
But children of the heavenly King
May speak their joys abroad.
Relative to the behavior of the choirs during the service there early is record of an undesirable feature which unfortunately has not yet been entirely eliminated. "The result of my observations," writes a pastor early in the Nineteenth Century, "is that there is a great lack of devotion (not to say of common good breeding) in choirs of all denominations. Especially is this manifested by smiling and whispering, and looking over the tune-book in the time of the sermon." Again another writer states: "I boarded when very young with a family in the South, the head of which was the organist in the church. Not being attached to any church or form, I sometimes attended divine service with him and for convenience sat in the organ loft . . . The loft was railed in and furnished with substantial thick, crimson curtains which, when drawn, were sufficient to exclude vulgar eyes from the hallowed interior. It was customary when the excellent ritual of devotion was gone through and the rector had named the text, for the singers to draw the curtain around them, and read or sleep, as it suited them best. In very warm weather they also took care to be supplied with refreshments, and thus the tedious half hour allotted to the sermon was pretty easily consumed without much weariness. I recollect that on a very warm Sabbath afternoon the singers had watermelon and lemonade wherewith to console themselves, and it happened that one of the gentlemen in handing a slice of the melon to a lady singer, overset the pitcher of lemonade. This might not have been of much consequence had the floor of the organ loft been liquor tight. But there were many chinks in it and the lemonade trickled through quite freely down into the broad aisle, to the discomfiture of the rector and such of his congregation as were wakeful enough to notice passing events."
The music sung by our early choirs usually was of a low order, being without much intrinsic merit and badly arranged. Owing to the then prevailing prejudice against everything English the better class of church music generally was thrust aside and was to be heard only in the churches of the Episcopal denomination. As the first American composers almost entirely lacked the necessary preparation it may be judged that their compositions were not of high order. Many unwarranted and grotesque liberties also were taken by the singers, such as "singing flat with a nasal twang, straining the voice to an unnatural pitch, introducing continued drawls and tasteless ornaments, trilling on each syllable, running a third above the written note." Thus it is seen that at the beginning of the Nineteenth Century there was much chance for improvement in the matter of church music.
It will be remembered that the first controversy regarding music in the churches was as to whether any singing whatsoever should be countenanced. When finally this was decided in the affirmative the next question that arose was as to the manner of singing—whether singing should be by rule and note or otherwise. After much discussion this also was carried and there was a lull for a time until the advisability of the adoption of the choir system and the doing away with the "lining out" of the psalms and hymns again caused discord. Once more the reformers
came out victorious, but their very success eventually became a stumbling block through the class of music which they elected to sing. So finally, on account of the choir abuses, about the year 1790 the question of doing away altogether with the music in the services of the church again arose. Thus at the close of the Eighteenth Century church music in America was in sorry straits; but again it was destined to arise purified and strengthened.
When the reaction against the fuguing pieces of Billings and his school became evident the reformers could do naught else but turn back to the hymn and psalm-tunes of their forefathers. Because of the renewed interest shown in the old hymnody many new collections made up of music of this class began to appear. Among the first of these was a collection of Sacred Dirges, Hymns and Anthems published by Isaiah Thomas and E. T. Andrews in 1800. The following year Timothy Swan brought out his New England Harmony. This was a book of one hundred and four pages and it contained among other original compositions the well-known tunes "China," "Pownal" and "Poland," which are still in vogue. Following this, William Cooper and Jonathan Huntington published in 1804 The Beauties of Church Music and Sure Guide to the Art of Singing.
In 1805 three publications appeared: The Christian Harmony by Jeremiah Ingalls; The Salem Collection by Cushing and Appleton of Salem, and The Delights of Harmony or Norfolk Compiler by Stephen Jenks. The latter collection is described on the title-page as "A new collection of psalm-tunes, hymns and anthems, with a variety of set pieces from the most approved American and European authors, likewise the necessary rules of psalmody made easy." In 1806 Abijah Forbush produced The Psalmodists Assistant which included one hundred and eight original melodies.
In 1807 Prof. John Hubbard of Dartmouth College delivered an essay on music before the Middlesex Musical Society. This lecture evinces a high degree of acquaintance
with the aesthetics of music, and in it Professor Hubbard bewails the fruitfulness of ambitious dulness. He says: "Almost every pedant after learning the eight notes, has commenced author. With a genius sterile as the deserts of Arabia, he has attempted to rival the great masters of music. On the leaden wings of dulness he has attempted to soar into those regions of science never penetrated by real genius. From such distempered imaginations no regular productions can be expected. The unhappy writers, after torturing every note in the octave have fallen into oblivion and have generally outlived their insignificant works."
In an address delivered before the Handel Society at Dartmouth College in 1809 Francis Brown assails the prevailing style of church music and explains its shortcomings by saying that "The greater part of those in our country who have undertaken to write music have been ignorant of its nature. Their pieces have little variety and little meaning. . . . As they are written without meaning, they are performed without expression. . . . Another very serious fault in the greater part of American music denominated sacred, is that its movements and air are calculated rather to provoke levity than to kindle devotion."
Brown claims for American musical talent as much merit as he attaches to that of the European authors, but he says: "Our best musicians, instead of being awakened to exertion by a call for splendid talents, have been discouraged by the increasing prevalence of a corrupt taste." He traces this evil to the following causes: First, the passion for novelty; second, the antipathy of the higher classes, more particularly of the ladies, to taking part in the music of the sanctuary; third, the lack of attention to the character and qualifications of the instructors.
In 1809 Joel Harmon, Jr., of Northampton, Mass., published the Columbia Sacred Minstrel, a book of some eighty pages, containing original compositions in three, four, five and six parts. Harmon had endeavored to eliminate from his collection all compositions in which levity had supplanted dignity, and in his preface he states: "It is with pleasure that the author discovers that fuguing music is generally disapproved of by almost every person of correct taste." Three years later than Harmon's production Brown, Mitchell and Holt of Boston brought out Templi Carmina or Songs of the Temple, which afterward was called the Bridgewater Collection. This was a book of three hundred and fifty pages of music taken from English sources, and it became extremely popular. It was the most important publication of its time and was recommended by the Handel and Haydn Society of Boston. Another work of note which made its appearance about this time was the Village Harmony or Youth's Assistant to Sacred Music. This book was of about the same size as the Bridgewater Collection, and its popularity is attested to by its having passed through seventeen editions.
A book of Chants Adapted to the Hymns in the Morning and Evening Service in the Protestant Episcopal Church was issued in 1819 by Jonathan M. Wainwright of Hartford, Conn. The preface to the work states: "Metrical music is but a modern invention and adds nothing to true devotion and the worship of God; the conceit of versifying the psalms, though it seems in some degree to unite the peculiar advantages of the anthem and chant, in no less degree excludes the excellence and effects of both." The first heard of chanting in New England was in St. Michael's Church at Marblehead, Mass. In a letter dated Dec. 24, 1787, the rector, Rev. Thos. F. Oliver, writes: "As tomorrow is Xmas we intend to introduce chanting into our church." It is quite probable, however, that chanting had been used to some extent in the Episcopal churches in other parts of the country previous to this time.
During the early years of the Nineteenth Century, in addition to the attempted reform touching on the singing and music in the churches, a controversy also was waging over the use of instruments. The old Puritan admonition, taken from the Scripture, "I will not hear the melody of the viols"
(Amos 5-23) again was cited; but in spite of all opposition the use of instruments became general. Another point of contention among the musicians themselves was the proper disposition of parts among the singers. It was suggested by the singing masters of better taste that the air, which previously had been sung by the men, be given to the women. This was held by some to be an interference with the rights of man and contrary to Scripture. It was agitated for some years and finally was put into practise by Andrew Law about the year 1825.
The singing of solos and duets also came to be practised about this time. Formerly it had been the custom for all the voices attached to each part to keep on wherever they found notes. If a solo passage occurred it was marked "pia," or soft, no matter what might be the character of the words. It took some time before either male or female singers could decide to make the attempt at solo singing, and when finally they did they often were sneered at as being immodest.
One of the best known among the early choirs was that connected with the Park Street Church in Boston. In spite of the conservative tenets held by this body, which indeed were so severe that it refused to use an organ until well on in the Nineteenth Century, the singing of the Park Street choir was of a high order. Gen. H. K. Oliver, the composer of the well-known tune "Federal St.," gives some interesting reminiscences relative to this choir. He states: "From 1810 to 1814, the writer, a Boston lad, having a high soprano voice, was a singing boy, with two or three others, in the choir of Park Street Church, a choir consisting of some fifty singers and deservedly renowned for its admirable rendering of church music, ignoring the prevalent fugue-tunes of the day, and giving the more appropriate and correct hymn-tunes and anthems of the best English composers. Out of this choir came many of the original members of the Handel and Haydn Society. There was no organ at Park Street, the accompaniment of their singing being given by a flute, a bassoon and a violoncello. At that remote date very few
musical instruments of any sort were to be found in private houses. In the entire population of Boston, of some six thousand families, not fifty pianos could be found."
The first genuine reform in church music in America was due to the efforts of three men: Thomas Hastings (1787-1872), Nathaniel Gould (1789-1854) and Lowell Mason (1792-1872). To these three do we owe the chief credit for first placing church music on a proper basis. At the period of their early manhood psalmody and hymnody were just emerging from the deleterious influence of the Billings school, and the churches were reverting to the hymn-tunes sung in earlier times. These pioneer reformers to some extent encouraged this process, but they also brought forward original compositions and arrangements of airs taken from the works of Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven and other of the masters, thus augmenting the rather small repertory possible at the time. Their efforts were in the line of music suitable for congregational singing rather than of that for the choir. With them music was looked upon not so much as an art but as a factor subservient to religious purposes. It is certain that Hastings and Gould, and to some extent Mason, hardly were able to realize that music might serve the double end of art and religion. While Mason was somewhat shackled by his religious views, his attitude toward music was much more liberal than either of his contemporaries. So far-reaching have been the results of his labors that he justly has been termed "the father of church music in America."
Thomas Hastings began his career as a singing master. He taught for some years in the vicinity of his home in Connecticut, later changing the field of his labors to New York State. The scope of his usefulness was limited by his extreme views relative to the place of music in religious devotion. His one idea was that its mission lay in the furtherance of gospel teachings to the total exclusion of any inherent artistic merit. In spite of his narrow views, however, he did much to promote correct singing of the music then in use in the churches and supplied as well new and
original work of real merit. Hastings published many collections of psalm tunes and books of elementary instruction, and he also was the author of versification which indicates more than ordinary talent in that branch of literary musical endeavor. In 1832 he settled in New York and the balance of his life was devoted to the improvement of church choirs according to his light.
The career of Nathaniel D. Gould was similar to that of Hastings, both of these men leading the lives of the singing masters of their age. In addition to his work in connection with the various singing schools, Gould composed and adapted many psalm and hymn-tunes; he also compiled several collections of church music and instruction books as well as a History of Church Music in America which was published in 1853. Probably his most noteworthy achievement was in connection with the juvenile singing classes which he established. Of his work in this field he states: "The writer is constrained to say that, if he had any one thing more than another that he can look back upon with satisfaction during a long life, it is the fact that he was the first to introduce the teaching of children to sing." His first juvenile schools were in Boston, Cambridge, and Charlestown in the year 1824.
The effect of what Lowell Mason accomplished in his labors for church music in America hardly can be overestimated. Judged in the light of today the work itself was not on a high artistic plane, but when referred to the period in which it was performed it is found that Mason was far in advance of his time. Taking his place as a laborer in the field of musical endeavor, he found matters in a bad shape. The music itself was of a low order and illy arranged; and in addition, it commonly was rendered with no attempt at giving expression to the context of the words. In both of these spheres Lowell Mason worked a marked change. First of all he brought forward good singable music correctly and fittingly harmonized and he further saw to it that it was properly sung. His first compilation, The Boston Handel
& Haydn Collection of Music, was published in 1822 under the auspices of the Society. This work included adaptations of music taken from various sources as well as many original compositions. It won an immense success and received creditable comment from the German theorist, Moritz Hauptmann. So popular did it become that it passed through seventeen editions and was generally adopted by church choirs and singing societies throughout the country.
Mason’s works were the first of their kind in America which were respectable from a musical standpoint. Many of his tunes are still sung in our churches and the compositions of later writers in the same field largely are patterned on the same lines. The marks of expression always are natural and appropriate to the sentiment of the words and they thus call attention to the spirit of the text. In all phases of church music Lowell Mason was indefatigable in his efforts toward improvement. As author, teacher, lecturer, organist, director and composer he was equally prominent, and his name acts as the connecting link between the time of Billings and the present. Following Mason came his pupils and associates among the most prominent of which were Henry K. Oliver, Geo. J. Webb, Wm. B. Bradbury, Geo. F. Root, Isaac B. Woodbury, W. F. Sherwin and Horatio R. Palmer. None of these men, however, has exerted the same power for reform as did Lowell Mason.
Before Mason’s death, in 1872, music had assumed practically the place it occupies in the church today. But there is one name, that of Dudley Buck, which must be mentioned on account of the excellent work he performed in the production of suitable choir music. Mason’s efforts largely were directed in the line of music for the congregation, while on the other hand Buck confined himself principally to choir music. He has written many anthems, motets and services which are found in the repertory of almost every church choir. Mr. Buck was one of our first properly qualified church musicians, and the efforts he exerted as organist, conductor and composer have been of lasting benefit. There
are many other workers in the same field who well deserve mention in this connection but who, on account of their special performances in other directions, are noted elsewhere in this volume.
A special feature of church music in America is the establishment of boy choirs. This idea has been carried out principally in the Episcopal and Roman Catholic churches and never has obtained a firm hold in those of other denominations. In the great majority of Episcopal churches and in an ever-increasing number of those of the Roman Catholic denomination, especially since the recent Encyclical Letter of Pope Pius X. the surpliced choir of men and boys has been generally adopted. The first person to take a step in this direction was Rev. Francis Hawks, D.D., of St. Paul's College, Flushing, L. I., about the year 1839. The opposition was so marked, however, that the custom of putting the college choir into surplices was dropped for the time, but the use of the boys' voices in the service was continued under the guidance of Rev. Dr. Muhlenberg. In 1845 Dr. Muhlenberg removed to the Church of the Holy Communion in New York where he installed a boy choir (without surplices) which rendered the entire musical service.
The feasibility of boys' voices for choir use thus having been demonstrated, it was not long before other churches, in which special attention was paid to liturgical matters, adopted the vested choir. Among the first to do so was the Church of the Advent in Boston. In 1856 a full choir of men and boys was installed under the direction of Dr. Henry Stephen Cutler, who had made a special study of the subject in the English cathedrals. Here services and anthems of the best type were produced, and the Advent choir reached the high level it has maintained for so many years. In course of time Dr. Cutler was offered the post of organist and choirmaster at Trinity Church, New York, which position he accepted with the understanding that a vested choir should shortly be established. Nevertheless, the matter was delayed for some time, and it was not until the Prince of Wales visited
New York and attended Trinity Church that the choir appeared in surplices. Since that time the vested choir has been a feature of the services there.
It was long, however, before the movement gained much headway, for there was a strong prejudice to be overcome. For some years there were but two places in New York where vested choirs were to be seen, at Trinity and in the Madison Street Mission Chapel. From these two sources emanated the movement which since has resulted in the formation of choirs of men and boys throughout the country. It was not until the idea obtained a firm hold in the West that its possibilities were recognized. The first vested choir in that part of the country was formed at Racine College in Wisconsin. Shortly after, in 1867, a similar choir, under the direction of Rev. J. H. Knowles, was installed in the Cathedral of SS. Peter and Paul in Chicago. Since then the growth of the movement has been remarkable. In the Episcopal churches it corresponds with a similar movement in the Roman Catholic communions—the result of the Cecilian Society—whose object is to secure for the liturgy of the church a dignified and reverent rendering and the use of strictly appropriate music.
There are no data available as to the number of surpliced choirs in the United States today, but wherever adopted they have proved to be generally satisfactory and it is indeed rare that a church reverts to a quartet or mixed choir. The most pronounced drawback has been the absence of suitable altos and the scarcity of competent choirmasters. In the English choirs the alto part usually is strengthened by men's voices trained to sing falsetto, and the result is most gratifying; but in this country we seem to have no such voices. The inadequate remuneration offered by the majority of churches has steadily militated against the taking up of this special line of musical endeavor by men who otherwise would be glad to qualify themselves for such work. Many special benefits accrue to the boy singers through their choir connections, for they early become proficient sight
readers and gain a familiarity with the best class of church music. The average size of the boy choir in America is about thirty-five voices. Twenty-four is about the smallest number of singers desirable, while there now are several vested choirs in this country numbering from fifty to seventy-five active members. Among the most noted of such choirs are those connected with the Cathedral of the Incarnation at Garden City, L. I., Emmanuel Church in Boston and Grace Church in Chicago. These and similar choirs sing only music of the highest grade, such as anthems by Barnby, Tours, Dyke, Smart, and Sullivan, as well as oratorio choruses, services, and masses.
Undoubtedly the best music heard in American churches today is to be found in those of the Episcopal and Roman Catholic communions. In the churches of these two denominations where it has been found inexpedient to adopt the vested choir of men and boys similar efforts nevertheless have been put forth for the best church music. It has been much easier, however, for these churches than for those of other persuasions owing to the authoritative traditions inherited from the mother country. But in the non-liturgic churches of America conditions have not been favorable for the development of any standard of taste. The make-up of the choir largely rests with the ministers and individual congregations, while the style of music sung usually is left in the hands of the choir leader or music committee. The result is that there is too much diversity of effort. This is unfortunate inasmuch as it has not been conducive to the elevation of church music at the same rate at which other lines of musical endeavor have progressed. There is no doubt that the American churches have fallen far behind in the general trend of music culture. Such a state of affairs can be remedied only when the religious bodies come to realize that if the worshipers hear the music of the masters without, they will not be content with that of lesser merit within the church doors.
There is urgent necessity for improvement both in the music of the congregation and in that of the choir. If the
church powers could but realize the need for betterment they would see that much good could be done by the adoption of hymn-books in which the style and arrangement of the tunes is in keeping with the dignity of worship. Another pressing need is the general distribution throughout the edifice of books containing the musical settings of each hymn. The majority of worshipers now are able to read music to some extent, and it seems strange that this simple change is so long in being brought about when undoubtedly it would prove efficacious in improving congregational singing.
As regards choir music the necessity for correction and progress equally is eminent. The question of what is the most satisfactory form of choir—whether solo, quartet, or chorus—largely is dependent on the individual communion. It has been found that churches having a chorus choir usually have the best congregational singing. Wherever expedient, the adoption of a combination choir of solo, quartet and chorus seems to be most suitable in every way, for it allows of adequate presentation of almost every species of church music. Without the aid of a chorus, quartet singing in the church never is wholly satisfactory, for of necessity it lacks the dignity and grandeur naturally associated with the worship of God. Apart from the choir itself, it is to be hoped that more noteworthy advancement in the class of music sung will be made in the future than has been the case in the past, and that all music of a trivial nature will be banished to the place it rightfully belongs. It is pleasing to know that in many individual cases a high standard of music is maintained, but the improvement could be and should be effected through the governing bodies of the various denominations. Until some such step is taken, progress in this direction will be haphazard and uncertain. The liturgic churches of America are far in advance of those of a non-liturgic character, and they will maintain their musical supremacy until a wider and deeper interest be taken in the subject by the latter bodies.
MUSICAL EDUCATION
The era of musical education in America dates back about two hundred years. From the most obscure and crude beginnings and in the face of many difficulties the country has undergone such a remarkable evolution that at the present time the United States of America stands on a truly high plane in artistic appreciation and in general educational advantages. From a condition of almost entire ignorance of what is best in music the American public has progressed to the state where it is enabled to form a palpable judgment of what is presented for hearing. Again, it is but a short time since it was considered necessary for the prospective professional musician to go to Europe for purposes of study, but this state of affairs fortunately has been changed until now musical training can be secured in this country which is equal if not superior to that to be obtained elsewhere.
The progress of musical education in America has been brought about in two ways: first, by reason of the study of the art by many individuals; and, second, through the public presentation of good music of every description by properly qualified performers. When the educational movement began in this country the efforts were confined to vocal music almost exclusively, but here again the trend has changed
entirely until now instrumental music occupies a much more prominent place than does its sister art. The means of our educational growth also have changed. First there was the singing school for instruction in psalmody; then came the musical convention, followed by the institutes, normals, and festivals. Latterly the work has devolved almost wholly upon the musical institutions and private teachers scattered throughout the country. These factors have cared for the training of the individual; for the general public, from early times there have been concerts and recitals of all descriptions.
Our earliest educational advantages in music were offered by the singing schools. These schools were the outcome of the endeavor to improve the music in the churches. They were conducted by men drawn from all the walks of life, men who in addition to their business occupation contrived to derive both pleasure and profit by means of their inherent musical gifts. In the early days there was a strong prejudice against any one devoting himself exclusively to music, and in 1673 the Commissioner for Plantations reported that there were no "musicians by trade" in the whole country. This condition continued, so far as may be learned, for about half a century, and even when a few had adopted music as a "trade" they were forced to follow other pursuits as well in order to obtain a living.
Our first music instructors and singing masters, apart from their natural aptitude, were not well qualified for their work, for they had had little or no training. But when the time came that a desire was shown for instruction in the art, those men who had, or thought they had, any musical ability at once came forward. Some one had to do the work, and crude as were these early efforts they were instrumental of much good. At the time our first singing schools came into existence the singing of the psalms was the only music practised to any extent in the colonies, and it was on account of this that our earliest educational endeavors were made in the line of improved psalm singing. When the interest in
music became more general some few musicians who had drifted across the Atlantic, chiefly from England, offered instruction on the spinet, clavichord and other instruments, and most of them taught dancing as well. From these simple beginnings America has progressed until today the country supports scores of schools devoted to music instruction, to say nothing of thousands of individuals earning their livelihood by this means.
Singing schools were first established in New England about 1717, with the object of teaching sight reading and thus improving the psalmody of the church. As the would-be singers had but a scant knowledge of the rudiments of music, psalm-books containing explanations of the various signs, clefs, method of counting, etc., were used. In a book entitled The Grounds and Rules of Musick explained, Or an Introduction to the Art of Singing by Note: Fitted to the meanest Capacity, which the Rev. Thomas Walter published in 1721, he makes the following remarks: "Musick is the art of modulating Sounds, either with the voice, or with an Instrument. And as there are Rules for the right Management of an Instrument, so there are no less for the well ordering of the Voice. . . . Singing is reducible to the Rules of Art; and he who has made himself Master of a few of these Rules, is able at first Sight, to sing Hundreds of New Tunes, which he never saw or heard before; and this by the bare Inspection of the Notes, without hearing them from the Mouth of the Singer: Just as a Person who has learned all the Rules of Reading, is able to read any new Book, without any further help or Instruction. This is a Truth, although known to, and proved by many of us, yet very hardly to be received and credited in the Country."
From the above it is clearly seen that the art of singing by note at this time was looked upon by some as almost incredible, and it is small wonder that the idea was not readily grasped as the rules and directions given were exceedingly hazy and indefinite. The same uncertainty is shown in a
later publication, Lyon’s *Urania*, which appeared in 1761. In it the author formulates “some directions for singing,” such as the following:
“1. In learning the eight Notes, get the assistance of some Person well acquainted with the Tones and Semitones.
“2. Chuse that Part which you can sing with the greatest ease and make yourself Master of that ‘first.’
“3. Sound all the high notes as soft as possible, but the low one hard and full.
“4. Pitch your Tune that the highest and lowest Note may be sounded distinctly.”
But in spite of the lack of any adequate directions and explanations good results were achieved by means of the supplementary work of the singing masters in their classes and through the persistent efforts of their pupils. The members of the singing schools thus learned sight reading and singing in parts. An excellent description of the methods adopted for the conduct and maintenance of the early singing classes appeared in the *Boston Musical Visitor* in 1842. It was written by Moses Cheney, who was born in 1776, and who himself as a boy attended such institutions. Mr. Cheney states that when he was twelve years of age news came that a singing class was in process of formation within a few miles of his home in New Hampshire, and quite a number came from considerable distances in order to join it, he being the youngest among them.
The sessions were held either in the homes of the members or in the schoolhouse. At the first meeting boards were placed on kitchen chairs to answer for seats and all the candidates for membership “paraded around the room in a circle, the singing-master in the center.” The master then read the rules, instructing all to pay attention to the “rising and falling of the notes.” Books containing individual parts, treble, counter, tenor and bass, were distributed, and directions for pitch were given. Then the master commenced. “Now follow me right up and down—sound!” So the master “sounded” and the pupil “sounded”
The following is a list of the members of the Board of Trustees of the University of Iowa, as of January 1, 1908:
1. President of the University.
2. Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences.
3. Dean of the College of Agriculture.
4. Dean of the College of Engineering.
5. Dean of the College of Medicine.
6. Dean of the College of Law.
7. Dean of the College of Pharmacy.
8. Dean of the College of Education.
9. Dean of the College of Business Administration.
10. Dean of the College of Fine Arts.
11. Dean of the College of Nursing.
12. Dean of the College of Public Health.
13. Dean of the College of Social Work.
14. Dean of the College of Continuing Education.
The Board of Trustees meets at least once a month to discuss matters pertaining to the University.
and to others he learned to sing by note and others by rote. At the close of the session the singing master accepted instruction for one shilling and sixpence per man; the men gave his pay in Indian corn. It seems that the men paid for instruction for all, while the girls supplied the candles used for lighting purposes. This class which Mr. Young attended was typical of our earlier singing school — simple organizations which served to diffuse a knowledge of and love for music until gradually they died out in the latter half of the Nineteenth Century.
The first record of music instruction offered in the South dates from about 1730 when John Salter is found teaching music at Charleston, South Carolina, in a boarding school for young ladies conducted by his wife. Singing schools were established in Philadelphia about the middle of the Eighteenth Century. On March 25, 1757, an announcement appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal to the effect that Josiah Leverpoole would hold a summer school for learning Singing, Instruction in the principles of instruction in psalmody. Two years later, in 1759, Leverpoole took part in the publication of a collection of psalms, and in 1764 he conducted a course sheet for advance sheet for the particular of the psalms published under the title of The Psalms of David. In 1768, for the vestry board of St. Paul's and St. George's Church extended a vote of thanks to Leverpoole and to William Young for their "laboriousness in teaching and instructing the children in psalmody."
The name of Andrew Adgate becomes prominent in Philadelphia in 1764 as a moving spirit in the establishment of a singing school designed "Institution for the EnSTEPHEN COLLINS FOSTER 1826-1864
Born at Lancasterville now a part of Lancaster
"Old Kentucky Home" better known as "The Sunflower River" and written whose chief title to fame is "The Old Folks at Home". Foster was one of America's most noted and popular composers of songs.
Lester, being one of the greatest musicians for the "Old Kentucky Home".
He was born in a log cabin in the woods near the town of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. He was the son of a farmer and his mother was a teacher. He was educated in the public schools and learned to play the violin. He was a member of the Masonic Lodge and a member of the Episcopal Church. He was married to a woman named Mary Ann Lester and they had six children. He died in New York City on January 13, 1864.
and in this way some learned to sing by note and others by imitation. At the close of the session the singing master agreed to give instruction for one shilling and sixpence per night, and to take his pay in Indian corn. It seems that the men paid for instruction for all, while the girls supplied the candles used for lighting purposes. This class which Mr. Cheney attended was typical of our earlier singing schools — simple organizations which served to diffuse a knowledge of and love for music until gradually they died out in the latter half of the Nineteenth Century.
The first record of music instruction offered in the South dates from about 1730, when John Salter is found teaching music at Charleston, South Carolina, in a boarding school for young ladies conducted by his wife. Singing schools were established in Philadelphia about the middle of the Eighteenth Century. On March 25, 1757, an announcement appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal to the effect that Josiah Davenport would hold a Summer Season Evening Singing School for the purpose of instruction in psalmody. Two years later, from the same source we learn that part singing was taught on three evenings each week "in the best manner in the School House behind the Rev. Dr. Jenny's, near the Church," and that the second and fourth Wednesday of each month was set apart for public performances. James Lyon either founded or conducted a singing school in Philadelphia in 1760, for advance sheets of his collection of tunes were prepared for this particular school, the same afterward being published under the title of Urania. In 1764 the children of Philadelphia were receiving instruction in the art of psalmody, for the vestry board of St. Peter's and Christ Church extended a vote of thanks to Francis Hopkinson and to William Young for their "kind services in teaching and instructing the children in psalmody."
The name of Andrew Adgate becomes prominent in Philadelphia in 1784 as a moving spirit in the establishment of a singing school designated "Institution for the Encouragement of Church Music." It held monthly concerts at the University, and from its inception was dependent upon public subscription for support. Shortly after its formation the trustees made objection to the "indiscriminate assemblage of persons at the public singings," and on the first day of April, 1785, directed that admission tickets be prepared for the use of subscribers. Two months later the organization ceased to exist, but Adgate was equal to the emergency and he immediately established a free school—"Adgate's Institution for diffusing more generally the knowledge of vocal music." Many influential people of the Quaker City rallied to his support, and his plans regarding the conduct of the singing school were given publication, one of which was his pledge to give twelve concerts of vocal music before June, 1786. The subscribers to the new organization elected their trustees, and under this patronage Mr. Adgate opened classes at the University and invited interested parties to join at once without compensation, adding, "the more there are who make this application, and the sooner they make it, the more acceptable will it be to the trustees and the teacher." Mr. Adgate continued in his choral work—a work that had a marked influence upon the musical life of Philadelphia—until his death from yellow fever in 1793. But before this time through his earnest efforts Philadelphia had become seriously and earnestly interested in music. The enthusiasm of Andrew Adgate, Francis Hopkinson and James Lyon, left an influence that was felt for more than fifty years.
Something may be said here of the singing societies conducted by the Moravian Brethren who had established a settlement at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in 1741. Although this and similar organizations of foreigners have played little or no part, per se, in our educational uplift (for they have continued as exotics), they have exerted an undeniable influence for good among themselves, which in turn has reacted upon the American people in general. Coming from a country where various singing societies existed for the
people, a deep love for song naturally was implanted in each breast, and change of environment could not altogether eradicate these earlier impressions. So the Moravian colony soon became famous for its general musical atmosphere, which was a part of the daily life of the people. It was found not only in the church but in the home, and the laborer carried the song to the fields and on the streets, where it lightened toil and encouraged contentment even under the most trying conditions. It was a cultivated art, and in order that the people still might cherish a love for good music, about 1750 a school was founded where the members met for the purpose of singing. Weekly serenades were instituted and both sacred and secular song were cultivated, while orchestral music also had its place. So while English influence was felt in Charleston, Philadelphia, New York and Boston, German music was the essential feature in all the Moravian settlements. From the diaries of Franklin, Washington, Samuel Adams and other prominent men of the colonial period, much may be learned of the powerful impression which the music of the Bethlehemites made upon those who came into contact with it.
Singing schools were early established in Maryland. In the month of July, 1765, Hugh Maguire announces that he has opened a singing school at St. Anne's Church. He probably was the organist there, supplementing his salary by teaching "the new version of the psalms with all the tunes, both of particular and common measure." Mr. Maguire also announces that he will "if agreeable to young ladies, attend them at their own homes, where such as play on the spinet may in a short time and with the greatest ease, learn the different psalm-tunes." He made the following concession for the benefit of the musically inclined young men: "In order that those youths who are engaged on other studies may not lose time from them, I have appointed the hours of attendance at church on Thursday and Friday, from five o'clock in the morning till eight, and from five to seven in the afternoon; and on Saturday the abovementioned time in the morning, and in the afternoon from two to six. Price fifteen shillings per quarter, and one dollar entrance."
At Newport, Rhode Island, a public announcement was made in 1770 of a singing school being opened by a schoolmaster named Bradford, who had "taught the various branches of psalmody in the provinces of New York, Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut." An advertisement of a singing school appears in a Salem newspaper in 1772. Apart from the display type and quaint spelling of the period it reads as follows: "Samuel Wadsworth begs leave to inform the public, but the female sex in particular, that he has opened a singing-school for their use, at his Dwelling House near the Town House, to be kept on Tuesday and Friday evenings, from six to nine o'clock. If any of the sex are desirous of being instructed in this beautiful science, they shall be instructed in the newest method."
One of the most important of the early New England singing schools was formed in 1774 by William Billings. This class, a record of whose membership still is preserved, was formed of forty-eight singers, eighteen of whom were women. It met at regular intervals at the home of Robert Capen at Stoughton, Massachusetts. From this class there developed, in 1786, an organization which has become familiar as the "Stoughton Musical Society," and which still is in existence. Singing schools also existed in the neighboring parishes, and naturally a spirit of rivalry regarding the respective merits of individual organizations sprang up. Singing contests were in order, as a matter of course, the earliest of these probably arising from the fact that the clergy were in the habit of exchanging pulpits, and whenever opportunity offered made laudatory comments upon the excellence of the singing in the various churches at which they officiated.
One parish no longer could withstand the temptation of being heard in competition with the much-lauded choristers of the adjacent parish, and so it happened that in 1790
Dorchester challenged Stoughton to a contest, the choristers of the latter parish accepting the same. Boston turned out in full force to hear the singing of the rival societies, an event which took place in a large hall in Dorchester. The musical contingent of the latter parish consisted of men and women vocalists assisted by a bass viol; the choristers from Stoughton were made up of selected voices—all male—and no instruments. It is a matter worthy of record that the Stoughton singers selected as their initial piece a composition, "Heavenly Vision," by a fellow townsman Jacob French, who was one of the charter members of the Billings singing class. The concert proceeded with the Dorchester choristers feeling the superiority of the men from Stoughton, and when the latter ended by singing Handel's "Hallelujah Chorus" without the aid of notes, the Dorchester singers with the best grace possible acknowledged defeat. Considering the musical conditions at the time, the rendition of this now universally known chorus was a noteworthy achievement and speaks well for the educational work accomplished by the early singing schools.
In 1754 William Tuckey is found advertised in New York as a singing master. Coming to America in the preceding year, with ambitious expectations in his profession, Mr. Tuckey seems to have become discouraged, for in March, 1754, when his "singing-master" advertisement appears, he distinctly states that he will teach "no longer than one year more." But fortunately he remained and continued to urge the necessity for improvement and amendment of the singing in "public congregations." He became a moving spirit in the musical life of New York until the beginning of the Revolutionary War, dying in Philadelphia in 1781 in his seventy-third year. Tuckey was affiliated with Trinity Church in New York City, and in the charity school of that church commenced the musical training of the youthful inmates. He also occupied the vestry of the church for two evenings each week, conducting a singing school there, from which originated the trained choir. He
was a composer of merit as well, and his anthems appeared on concert programs in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston during the period of his activity and indeed for long after. The singing schools conducted by him were greatly in advance of the majority of similar institutions existing at the time as his early training had been of the proper kind, and the results he obtained were proportionately higher.
Early in the Nineteenth Century, the following advertisement appeared in the Cincinnati Western Spy: "Those gentlemen and ladies who feel themselves disposed to organize a singing school will please to convene at the court house tomorrow evening at candle light, as it is proposed to have a singing. Those who have books will please bring them." Shortly after, the name of a Mr. McLean is found in the same connection. His advertisement has a few unique features worthy of record since they afford a glimpse into the methods of remuneration adopted for the singing teacher's benefit. After declaring his intention of opening a singing school, Mr. McLean stipulates that all persons desiring to join the class "may become members at the honorarium of one dollar each for thirteen nights, or two dollars per quarter," and that "subscribers are to find their own wood and coal." This class evidently met in the winter evenings, and its members were expected to furnish light and heat. Small beginnings in our musical development in the West, but every plan for diffusing a knowledge of music among the people left its influence, and today we are reaping the harvest.
Singing schools did not altogether lose their identity in the more pretentious and later organizations designated "Societies," "Institutes," and "Normals," until the latter part of the Nineteenth Century. The promoters of musical education worked steadfastly and unceasingly in the "good old way," and not without good results. They were the pioneers of our musical evolution, and by perseverance and energy eventually they brought order out of chaos. It was through the effort of our early singing masters that the
subject of musical education was brought more prominently before the public, and to the general interest thus first promoted in the matter do we owe our present high status in this field.
Out of the desire, fostered by the singing school contests, for a truer understanding of the art, grew the musical convention. The latter term implies that more than one society takes part, that lectures be given, and that classes be held; in this way disseminating a knowledge of music throughout the more remote communities. Such conventions had their origin at Montpelier, Vermont, and directly through the influence of the singing school masters. The first convention of this character was instituted by two men, Elijah K. Prouty, who combined the occupations of peddler with that of singing school instructor, and Moses Elia Cheney, who devoted his time almost exclusively to the latter pursuit. Cheney was the choir leader in the "brick church" at Montpelier and was in great demand as a teacher of singing.
Soon after the meeting of the two musical enthusiasts they decided that they must have a convention and at once proceeded to consider ways and means of bringing the matter about. They were successful in getting some of the most influential people of the town interested in the plan, and upon the suggestion of one of these, Judge Howes, an announcement was inserted in the Vermont Watchman. Mr. Cheney, realizing that considerable preparation was necessary, immediately went to work to train classes desirous of taking part in the prospective convention. They practised "unusual tunes, anthems, male quartets, and duets and solos for both sexes," for the secular music using the Boston Glee Book and two volumes of the Social Choir, by George Kingsley—the latter work being one of the best and most extensive collections in use in America at the time.
When the date set for the convention came, about two hundred singers had responded. The sessions were held in the church at Montpelier on May 22 and 23, 1839; Moses
E. Cheney, the originator and promoter as well as director, then being twenty-six years of age. Thirteen clergymen were present, and thirteen questions, interspersed with the singing of anthems, tunes and glees, were discussed, in which ministers, doctors and lawyers as well as musicians took part. The singers were arranged on three sides of the gallery, with the organ in the center. So successful was the outcome of the convention and so enthusiastic were singers and audience, that those interested resolved themselves into a permanent institution in order to hold such meetings at regular and stated intervals throughout the State of Vermont. Thus the Green Mountain State became the birthplace of the American musical convention in the fullest significance of the term.
The second convention was held in 1840 at Newberry. Elijah K. Prouty, whose name now had become well established not only as a singing school teacher, but also as a private vocal teacher, composer and instructor of harmony, was the director. The third convention was held in 1841 at Windsor; the fourth in 1842 at Woodstock; and the fifth in 1843 at Middlebury, where a committee was appointed to arrange for the convention in 1844, but as it failed to report the organization drifted apart. In later years Prouty became a piano tuner. The influence which he exerted upon the early musical life of Vermont through the singing schools which he established in the towns of Burleigh, Plattsburg and St. Albans hardly can be overestimated. He was the first Vermont singing master to adopt the Pestalozzian system of instruction, to use the blackboard by way of illustration, and to introduce the modern method of beating time. Many singers would not submit to the innovations of singing the syllables, do, re, mi, etc., and quit the choir, showing that the singing teacher and choir leader had no easy task even in the early beginnings of our musical culture.
Immediately after the convention at Middlebury in 1843, Moses E. Cheney left for Buffalo, New York, but
returned to re-establish himself in Vermont, in 1850, finding that in the meantime the Green Mountain State had become the meeting place of several musical conventions now directed by "Boston Professors." The Cheney family became a well-known concert troupe and when they commenced this career in 1845 there were four brothers: Moses, Nathaniel, Simeon, and Joseph, with a sister, Elizabeth. This family became pioneers of vocal culture and choral singing in the West. Moses E. Cheney lived for many years in South Dakota. He was an original and practical teacher as well as a lecturer on musical subjects. Nathaniel went to Illinois. Joseph Cheney spent his later years in New Hampshire, and was a life-long teacher of singing. Elizabeth, besides being a gifted singer, was a fairly good pianist and gave instruction on this instrument. Simeon Pease Cheney taught singing classes all his life, teaching with good success in California. He also was a composer of simple sacred music and published *The American Singing Book* in which, in addition to a variety of sacred and secular music, appear short biographies of some of the early American composers.
The influence of the singing master drifted across the country in the wake of explorer, hunter, trapper and settler. The singing school, with its accompanying periodical convention, was established in towns just as soon as the people had built their churches and schoolhouses, and installed ministers and teachers. Singing was needed in the church, in the schoolhouse and in the home; and as connecting links for commerce were established towns grew and multiplied and church and school became frontier posts, so to speak, of educational and musical ambitions.
In the early thirties of the last century, Chicago was but a frontier town. It was incorporated as a town in 1833, and as a city in 1835, its population at that time numbering about four thousand. Among its people were some of a decidedly musical taste and a singing society was established in 1835, with the ambitious title of "Chicago Harmonic Society." Dec. 11, 1835, was the date of its
first concert, which was held in the Presbyterian Church, and a lively interest must have been awakened at this particular time, for a second concert was given by the same organization about a year later. Mention is made, in 1844, of the first professional singing master in the person of T. B. Carter. Two years previous to his coming an organization known as the "Chicago Sacred Music Society" was established, and in 1846 a "Choral Union" was organized.
In May, 1848, in the First Baptist Church, a Musical Convention was held in which singers and those interested in music gathered together to discuss the best means for securing the advantage of general musical education for the young of the city; the adoption of the study of music in the public schools; and the improvement of singing in the church services. Four years later a second and more important convention was held under the direction of William Bradbury. The following extracts from a newspaper advertisement of the event will serve to show the aims and scope of these periodic meetings. It is announced as a "Convention of Teachers of music, choristers, singers and the lovers of music generally." The announcement states that "it will continue for three days, closing with a concert of miscellaneous music on Thursday evening, October 26, at Warner's Hall." The work of the convention embraced: (1) Instructions in the best method of teaching music both in adult and juvenile classes; (2) The practice of glees and social music; (3) Instruction and exercises in vocalization, with reference to the improvement of the voice, style, delivery, etc.; (4) Church music, including the departments of choir singing, congregational singing and chanting, with instructions in articulation and expression, adapted to singing schools; (5) Classification of church tunes, being a methodical arrangement of the different styles of tunes required in public worship—a great assistance to choristers; (6) Practical anthems, choruses, solos, etc. Tickets for the course (Gentlemen) two dollars. (Ladies—singers) free. The Psalmista and Alpine Glee Singer will be the
standard works used at the convention. Some new glees may be introduced from the Metropolitan Glee Book (a new collection) if ready.
By the early fifties musical conventions had become established features in all parts of the country. Many of these were under the direction of George F. Root, who became extremely well known in this connection. At Rochester, New York, Mr. Root conducted several such enterprises. Later in New York City he held a number of conventions which were designated "Normal Musical Institutes." One of the first musical conventions which Mr. Root conducted in the South was held at Richmond, Virginia, and shortly after a second was convened at the Smithsonian Institution at Washington. At Quincy, Illinois, two conventions were held, with a "Normal" (note the change in title) at Jacksonville in the same state. In 1856 the musical convention at North Reading, Massachusetts, under Mr. Root developed into a more permanent organization known as the "Normal Musical Institute." Here came Dr. Mason, J. G. Webb, George F. Root, and others, and under the guidance of these leaders the North Reading Institute became known far and wide.
The conventions held throughout the country were the means of accomplishing much good, for they served to bring the music lovers and country singing schools into touch with each other. The meetings, usually held in spring and autumn, were looked forward to as important events, and they acted as a source of inspiration to all who were musically inclined. Some distinguished leader always was in charge, and at the sessions, occupying some three or four days, the local teachers alternately were given a chance to take part. True, the work taken up was not of the highest significance, but this pioneer movement of musical instruction was useful in developing a knowledge of the fundamental principles of the art and of instilling a love for music in general. The country singing school was the means of developing singing by note. The members prided themselves on being able to sing at sight, and the conventions fostered this spirit of ambition by bringing the singers together at stated intervals and circulating among them music of a recognized higher grade and encouraging them in efforts to accomplish.
Something may be said here as to the nature of the Normals which originated with Mr. Root. They were organized for a term of a few weeks, usually in the summer so as to afford teachers the opportunity of attending, and were the means of bringing together earnest musicians who lived in remote districts where they could not possibly attend any musical institution of benefit to them. The stimulus which these Normals exerted was seen in the widespread musical culture wherever a member of the Normal happened to be located. These Normals were popular and beneficial and supplied a real need in our musical evolution.
Owing to their nature, the conventions, institutes, and normals had but an ephemeral existence; but from these beginnings sprang the musical festival, which still exists in all its glory. The musical festival is the direct descendant of the singing school convention. From its earliest inception as a convention of singing societies gradually it has evolved until it includes, in addition to the choral work of the local bodies, orchestral performances by well-known organizations and the appearances of both instrumental and vocal soloists of the highest rank.
Probably the oldest and best known of the music festivals now regularly held is that annually convened in the fall of the year at Worcester, Massachusetts. For forty-three successive years it has been maintained with excellent artistic if not always the best of financial success. What now is considered the first Worcester Festival was held on September 28, 29, 30, October 1, 1858, through the efforts of Edward Hamilton, a local musician, and Benjamin F. Baker of Boston. The announcement of the project states: "Lectures will be given upon the voice; the different styles of church music, ancient and modern; the philosophy of scales,
harmony, etc., with singing by the whole class and by select voices; solos by members of the convention and ladies and gentlemen from abroad.” It further stated that congregational singing would be a prominent subject for discussion and that “the platform would be perfectly free.” The circular continues: “It is the purpose of the mover in this enterprise to make it a permanent annual meeting of those interested in music throughout the county of Worcester—It is even hoped that at no very distant day it may be possible to achieve the performance of the oratorios and other grand works of Handel, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven and Mendelssohn.”
In 1863 the institution assumed for the first time the title of “The Worcester County Musical Convention” and elected Samuel E. Staples of Worcester as President, a long list of officers representing more than twenty towns. In 1866 a constitution was adopted whereby all persons who bought tickets, fifty cents for singers and seventy-five for visitors, were declared members of the convention, and financial deficits (which never occurred) were to be covered by assessing the men. At the annual meeting on Oct. 26, 1871, the name of the organization was changed to “The Worcester County Musical Association,” and it was decided that thereafter the annual gatherings should be termed “festivals.” In 1879 the association was incorporated under the general laws of the state and a new policy assumed.
The growth and development of the Worcester Festival may be noted from a comparison of the constitution of 1866 with that of 1879. In the former it is stated that the object of the institution is “the improvement of choirs in the performance of church music, the formation of an elevated taste through the study of music in its highest departments, and a social, genial harmonious reunion of all lovers of music.” In the charter of 1879 the social element is entirely omitted and the stated object is narrowed to “the cultivation of the science of music and the development of musical taste.”
During the first fifteen years of its existence the Worcester Festival to all intents and purposes was a musical convention. In 1858 but one formal concert was given; in 1860 there were two, and in 1866 four, three of a miscellaneous character and the fourth an oratorio. Carl Zerrahn was appointed conductor in 1866 and served for thirty-two years, resigning after the festival of 1879. For eleven years he had sole charge, but previous to 1879 he conducted only oratorios and similar works, the church music and smaller choruses being intrusted to W. O. Perkins, Geo. F. Root, Dudley Buck, and others of lesser fame. From 1889 to 1891 Victor Herbert acted as associate conductor, directing the purely orchestral works and accompaniments. Mr. Herbert was followed by Franz Kneisel and later by others.
When Mr. Zerrahn first assumed charge the Mendelssohn Quintet, reinforced by a doublebass, performed the accompaniments to the choral works. Gradually the orchestra was increased to sixty-five players. From 1868 to 1873 the Boston Orchestral Union served; then came the Germania Orchestra until 1887, when they were succeeded by the Boston Symphony Orchestra, which has been employed up to the present. In 1878 the scheme of performing two choral works requiring an entire evening for each was inaugurated. Since 1884 three such works have been given annually.
One of the features of the early festivals which has been abolished was the frequent appearance of singing and instrumental clubs. Many of the most important clubs of New York and Boston as well as local German and Swedish singing societies and even surpliced choirs have appeared in the festival concerts. As conducted today the Worcester Festival includes the performance of choral and orchestral works, and the appearance of leading artists in all the branches of music such as singers, pianists, violinists, cellists, etc. There are few prominent soloists now before the public who have not been heard at Worcester, and many works by American composers also have been heard at this, the
best known of all America's music festivals. Upon the resignation of Carl Zerrahn in 1897 Geo. W. Chadwick took up the baton which he held for some years. He was succeeded by Wallace Goodrich in 1902. Arthur Mees has been the conductor since 1907.
Another permanent Festival Association conducted along similar lines is that of Cincinnati. The first performances instituted by this body were given on May 6-9, 1873, under the guidance of Theodore Thomas. Thirty-six societies, aggregating about a thousand singers, of whom six hundred and forty were residents of Cincinnati, made up the chorus. The orchestra numbered something over a hundred and included members of Mr. Thomas' own orchestra, resident orchestra players, and members of the New York Philharmonic. A second festival was held in 1875 and was so successful that it started the movement which gave to Cincinnati the finest music hall and organ which America up to that time had possessed. The third festival took place in 1878, and succeeding ones have been held every two years since. Subsequent to 1880 the assistance of outside choral contingents has been dispensed with. Among the more prominent men who have been associated with the Cincinnati festivals, in addition to Theodore Thomas may be mentioned Dr. Otto Singer, Arthur Mees and Frank Van der Stucken. An offshoot of the regular music festivals, resultant of a difference of opinion between Col. Geo. Ward Nichols, one of the directors, and Mr. Thomas, was the opera festivals instituted by the former. The first of these took place in 1881 and subsequent ones occurred annually for some years, that of 1884 lasting over two weeks.
The festival idea seems to have become a fixture in the musical life of America, for every year sees a large number being held in all parts of the country. From Maine to California each succeeding May brings to many of the smaller towns and cities the one opportunity of the year for the gathering of the musical forces of the community and the hearing of choral and orchestral works of the highest type.
It is the custom for several adjoining towns to combine their forces and to import soloists, a director, and orchestra, and hold a three days' festival in which the local bodies present the choral offerings. These scattered festivals have proved of great benefit in educating both the public, and more particularly those who take part, in the appreciation of concerted music and the larger musical forms. It is impossible to individually note here either the places where festivals are held regularly or those who have been instrumental in bringing them about. Suffice it to mention the more prominent, among which are the Maine festivals, so successfully conducted by William R. Chapman since 1897; those held at Birmingham and Spartanburg in the South and at Bellingham, Seattle and Los Angeles on the Pacific coast.
All the leading American cities at one time or other have had their music festivals, but owing to the scale assumed by the regular offerings of the musical season, there is no longer a call for events of this nature, and consequently the field has been left to the smaller and more remote communities. Among the notable festivals of bygone days were those conducted in Boston by the Handel and Haydn Society, the Peace Jubilees held in 1869 and 1872, and the festivals inaugurated by Dr. Leopold Damrosch and Theodore Thomas in New York and by Thomas in Chicago in the early eighties. The first Handel and Haydn Society festival was held in 1857. Eight years later a second one lasting a week took place, commemorative of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the society. At the festival of 1871 the Bach "Passion Music" was given for the first time in this country.
The Peace Jubilees, promoted by P. S. Gilmore, were the most stupendous attempts America ever has seen in the way of a music festival. But the huge unwieldy forces enlisted were not at all satisfactory from an artistic point of view, for good ensemble cannot be obtained where the chorus numbers twenty thousand and the orchestra two thousand, as at the second Jubilee. The Peace Jubilees, however, were
the means of bringing together many enthusiastic music lovers and of raising the standard of taste in the music sung by the societies who came from all parts of the country to join in the undertaking. Several famous composers were present and conducted their own works. The solos were sung by celebrated artists, who vainly endeavored to be heard in the vast hall. Some of the solo parts were given by forty voices singing in unison. Another feature was the appearance of famous English, French and German military bands.
Since the first introduction in America the various conventions and festivals have served the purpose of diffusing a knowledge of and an interest in music among the general public. But more specific efforts have been made in educational lines by individual musicians and by conservatories of music and similar institutions. The early singing masters were our first music instructors, and it was one of these men who first promoted an interest in the serious study of the art. Although schools of music had been instituted by the Moravians in Pennsylvania about 1750 and by the Musical Fund Society in Philadelphia in 1825, it was due to the persistent efforts of Lowell Mason that the subject of music education was brought prominently before the public. There were others, among them Thomas Hastings and Nathaniel Gould, who entered the field even before Mason, but they lacked the benefit of the preparation which Mason had received and consequently their efforts neither were so well founded nor so successful as those of the latter. Mason performed a great and lasting work in his desire to implant music instruction as a regular part of the education of the young. In 1833, in conjunction with Geo. J. Webb, William C. Woodbury and Hon. Samuel A. Eliot, he established the Boston Academy of Music, an institution which accomplished untold good during its fourteen years of existence. It established many normal classes, and sent its graduates through every section of the Union; it trained children in vocal work, and established a system of popular lectures in
which music was discussed as a fine art; it gave choral concerts in its earlier incipiency, but ultimately left these to the musical organizations making a specialty of this feature; it also gave to Boston its first properly equipped and conducted orchestra. For fourteen years the Boston Academy of Music carried on its philanthropic work, financial loss attending it for many years, and the school, which had been instrumental in disseminating an advanced musical knowledge throughout the country, wound up its affairs in 1847.
There was associated with Lowell Mason in this enterprise William C. Woodbridge, who had journeyed to Europe in order to study the Pestalozzian method of training the young. Mr. Woodbridge converted Lowell Mason to the new system, and he himself went to work to put its principles into practise. Lectures were given on the subject, and singing was taught according to the Pestalozzian method, which finally was carried from the Boston Academy into the public schools of the city in 1836 by Woodbridge and Mason, who gave their services, books, and instruments gratis. For two years they carried on the experiment in the public schools; the school board then decided that it was a success, and music as a part of the public school curriculum first was established in America.
Since the time of the Boston Academy America has witnessed a remarkable evolution in music education. From its first introduction in the public schools of Boston the subject of music instruction has advanced until it has been accepted as a regular part of the course in the public schools everywhere. The number of private teachers and conservatories ever is on the increase, and by means of the numberless recitals and concerts the general public has received a most pronounced educational uplift.
The oldest and perhaps the most important school of music in America today is the New England Conservatory of Music. This well-known institution was founded by Dr. Eben Tourjée in 1867. It was incorporated in 1870, and for some years occupied quarters in Music Hall Building. To
quote from the catalog: "In the year 1882, the growing needs of the institution led to the purchase of an estate on Franklin Square, which it occupied until the close of the school year, 1901-1902, when it became necessary to seek more ample accommodation. Anticipating the removal of the Conservatory from the old site, the Trustees decided in 1901 to dispose of the building on Franklin Square, and to erect a modern Conservatory building on a location more convenient to the new art center of the city. This was accomplished in the most satisfactory manner, and with the opening of the school year, 1902-1903, the Conservatory took possession of its new building on Huntington Avenue, corner of Gainsborough Street.
"This building is constructed on the most approved modern plans, is fire-proof, and is especially adapted to the needs of a school of music. The material used in the exterior construction is steel-gray brick and Indiana limestone. As separate arrangements have been made regarding residences for young women students, the new Conservatory building is devoted entirely to educational purposes. On the first floor are the business offices, reception rooms, a few classrooms, the music store and two auditoriums, the basement being given over to the printing-room, tuning department, and electric plant.
"The larger auditorium, Jordan Hall, is the gift of Mr. Eben D. Jordan, and seats over one thousand people. In this hall the recitals of the faculty and advanced students are given. The equipment of the hall includes a large pipe organ and a spacious stage especially adapted to orchestral and choral concerts and to operatic performances. The acoustics of this auditorium have been pronounced by leading experts to be exceptionally fine.
"The smaller auditorium, seating over four hundred, is used for lectures and pupils' recitals and for the training of the opera classes. It is equipped with a stage, scenery and dressing rooms."
"The second floor of the building contains the musical library and a large number of classrooms. The third floor is devoted to classrooms and to rooms for organ practise, for which the Conservatory provides unequaled advantages.
"Ten new two-manual pipe organs have been built and installed in the practise rooms for the use of the pupils in the organ department. Two large new three-manual organs have been placed in the organ teaching rooms. With the large concert organ in Jordan Hall there are thirteen pipe organs in use in the Conservatory, which is more than double the number of organs contained under any other single roof in the world.
"No detail which will in any way add to the convenience or practical utility of the building has been omitted, a full equipment of electric bells, telephones, elevator service, etc., having been provided."
The New England Conservatory has enlisted the services of several of the leading musical educationists in America. Upon the death of Dr. Tourjée, Mr. Carl Faelten, who had been one of the most prominent piano teachers in the institution, was appointed to the directorship. Mr. Faelten resigned the position in 1897 in order to establish his own school, which, by the way, has developed into one of the largest piano schools in existence. Mr. Geo. W. Chadwick succeeded Mr. Faelten and has occupied the position ever since. Through his efforts the curriculum has been broadened and has taken on a more severe trend. In addition to its distinguished directors, many teachers of note have been connected with the New England Conservatory. Mr. Stephen A. Emery for many years was the leading instructor in harmony. Another teacher whose influence long was felt was Mr. A. D. Turner. Other prominent musicians connected with the institution were Carl Zerrahn, as instructor of conducting; Carlyle Petersilea and Otto Bendix, piano teachers; Geo. E. Whiting, organist; John O'Neill and Signor Augusto Rotoli in the vocal department. At the present time the conservatory numbers many well-known
names upon its teaching staff. An excellent orchestra is conducted in connection with the institution and a musical brotherhood, the Sinfonia, founded by Ossian E. Mills, now has branches in all parts of the country.
In addition to the New England Conservatory Boston has several other musical schools of note. The Boston Conservatory, established in 1866 by Julius Eichberg, during its early years was a competitor of the New England Conservatory, especially in the field of violin music, but since the death of its founder in 1898, it has dropped somewhat into the background. The Faelten Piano School, under Carl Faelten, has shown a remarkable growth since its establishment in 1897. The possibilities of a school of this kind, in which the instruction is limited to piano playing and theoretical work, are well illustrated in this unique institution. Another successful music school of Boston is the International School for Vocalists and Pianists, established by William L. Whitney in 1903.
The second conservatory of importance in America is the Chicago Musical College, founded by Dr. F. Ziegfeld in 1867. It is the leading musical institution in the West and its curriculum embraces all branches of the art. While not having the facilities of the New England Conservatory nevertheless it has exerted a widespread influence in musical education. On its teaching staff are many men of wide reputation. It is the purpose of the college to erect its own building within a short time (1908) when, with enlarged and more suitable quarters, it will be enabled to pursue its work under more favorable conditions. Chicago has several other excellent musical institutions. The American Conservatory, John J. Hattstaedt, director, which was established in 1886; the Chicago Conservatory, established in 1884, Walter Perkins, director; the Cosmopolitan School. Clarence Dickinson, director; the Sherwood School, and the Bush Temple Conservatory all occupy a prominent place. The Chicago Piano College, under Charles E. Watt, and the Walter Spry Piano School devote themselves to piano
instruction and theoretical work, while the Gottschalk Lyric School and the Groff-Bryant Institute make a specialty of the voice.
In common with Chicago, Cincinnati offers many advantages in the field of music education. In the Cincinnati Conservatory the city possesses one of the oldest established schools of music in the country. It was founded in 1867, and under the directorship of Miss Clara Baur it continues to cater to the needs of a large number of students. The Cincinnati College of Music, of which A. J. Gantvoort is the present director, long has been recognized as one of the leading institutions of its kind in the West. It was organized by Col. Geo. Ward Nichols and Reuben Springer in 1878 and has numbered among its directors such distinguished men as Theodore Thomas and Frank Van der Stucken.
Although New York has been most active in all other lines of musical endeavor the city never has developed any educational institutions conducted on the scale of either the New England Conservatory of Boston nor of the Chicago Musical College. Neither are her music schools of such historical import as the above, but nevertheless they have become eminent factors in music education in America. The National Conservatory, established by Mrs. Jeannette Thurber in 1885, has enlisted the services of the famous composer, Antonin Dvořák, as director, and of Rafael Joseffy at the head of the piano department. Carl Hein and August Fraemcke conduct two schools, the New York College of Music and the German Conservatory. The Institute of Musical Art, directed by Frank Damrosch, and the American Institute of Applied Music, Kate S. Chittenden, Dean, both are large institutions. Another conservatory of note is the Grand, founded by Ernest Eberhard in 1874. In the Guilmant Organ School, of which Wm. C. Carl is the director, New York has a school devoted to organ instruction, while in the Virgil School and the Granberry Piano School piano study is the specialty.
There hardly is a town in America but has its music school, many of them with large and distinguished faculties. The leading institutions of Philadelphia are the Academy of
Music, founded by Richard Zwecker in 1869, and the Sternberg School of Music. The Strassberger Conservatory of St. Louis dates from 1886. Indianapolis has an excellent conservatory of which Edgar M. Cawley is the director. The Peabody Conservatory of Baltimore, established in 1857, is the leading musical institution of the South. Harold Randolph is the director. Another well-known southern school is the Birmingham Conservatory which dates from 1895. Mrs. Emil J. Valentine is at the head of a conservatory which was established in Los Angeles in 1883. The Southern College of Music is the leading school in New Orleans. Toledo, Ohio, has an excellent conservatory conducted by Bradford Mills; in Detroit, Alberto Jonas has conducted the Michigan Conservatory since the year 1900. It is impossible to make special mention here of each of the many excellent schools scattered throughout the country, but it will be seen that institutions devoted exclusively to music instruction are not confined to any particular district. The last twenty years show wonderful strides in the development of educational facilities in America.
Within recent times the American colleges have shown an ever-increasing interest in music, and the art rapidly is taking its place as a regular feature of the curriculum. A singing club was in existence at Harvard as early as 1786 and the Pierian Sodality, which was formed in 1808, still is flourishing; but it was not until the year 1875 that the college established a professorship of music. John K. Paine, the Nestor of American composers, was the first to occupy the chair, and he continued to fill the position until 1905, when he retired on a pension. Previous to 1875 Harvard had offered a course in music, but it was not until the above named year that the subject obtained complete recognition and came to count toward a degree. At the present time the course is entirely theoretical and includes harmony, counterpoint, composition, musical history and aesthetics.
A chair of music was established at the University of Pennsylvania in the same year as was that of Harvard,
Professor H. A. Clarke being appointed to the position which he still occupies. The University of Michigan at Ann Arbor has made much of the study of music and in 1888 called Mr. Albert A. Stanley to fill the chair. The course offered by this college includes both technical and theoretical work. Yale fell into line in 1894 when Horatio W. Parker was called to the chair of music then created. Two years later Edward MacDowell was appointed to the professorship of music at Columbia. In 1895 Leo Rich Lewis was installed in the chair of music established at Tufts College in that year.
Several of the larger colleges conduct conservatories of music as special departments, among the most prominent pursuing this course being Northwestern University, of which P. C. Lutkin is the Dean. A conservatory has been associated with Oberlin College since 1867. At the University of Wisconsin Rossetter G. Cole has charge of the music department. All of the leading women's colleges such as Vassar, Smith, and Wellesley have offered musical instruction from the time of their beginnings. In the preparatory schools and in the convents music always has been a popular study.
Since its first trial introduction in the public schools of Boston, in 1836, the subject of music instruction has obtained a fixed place. There are several men who have been especially active in this field and whose influence has been both widespread and lasting. Among the number are Luther W. Mason, H. E. Holt, W. L. Tomlins, John W. Tufts, S. W. Cole and Frank Damrosch. The aim of music instruction in the public schools is to give to the child a working knowledge of the rudiments of the art especially as applied to singing. In the attempt to achieve this result much serious thought has been given to the matter and many diverse views have been propounded, but at the forty-fifth annual convention of the National Education Association held at Los Angeles, California, in July, 1907, it was resolved that a uniform course of music study be adopted.
An institution which has striven to assist the cause of public school music is the Music Teachers' National Association. This organization was formed in 1876 and has held annual sessions since that time. Its object is stated as follows: "First, Mutual improvement by interchange of ideas. Second, To broaden the culture of music among us. Third, To cultivate fraternal feelings." While these aims are just as desirable today as at the time they were formulated yet an association especially devoted to such an object hardly is longer necessary. Nevertheless, the Music Teachers' National Association has been the means of accomplishing much good and still is a live organization. Dr. Tourjée was its first president, which position now is held by Mr. Waldo S. Pratt. For many years Dr. H. S. Perkins has been one of its most enthusiastic supporters and was its secretary for a considerable period. In addition to the National Association almost every State in the Union has its local body which, however, has no organic connection with the larger society. Annual conventions after the plan of the National Association are held by the State organizations.
A fact which has tended toward the dissemination of a more general knowledge of music has been the special attention paid to the subject by the public libraries. In the Allen A. Brown collection the Boston Public Library possess the largest list of scores and of books on general literature dealing with the art to be found in America. The Newberry Library of Chicago and the Drexel Institute of Philadelphia also have large music libraries. Of a semi-private nature are the collections found in the music schools and in the various college libraries throughout the country. Another phase of the musical art touching on the educational side has been the production of many excellent works on musical subjects. America has produced many writers of note in this field, among the most prominent being Geo. P. Upton, W. S. B. Mathews, H. E. Krehbiel, H. T. Finck, W. J. Henderson, Louis C. Elson, Edward Dickinson, Gustave Kobbé, W. F. Apthorp and James G. Huneker. As writers
of theoretical and technical works many American musicians also have found success. J. H. Cornell, Stephen A. Emery, Arthur Foote, Geo. W. Chadwick, A. J. Goodrich, Percy Goetschius and others have written text-books of a high order.
While music as an art has been treated by the above named writers and by others, since the year 1852, when J. S. Dwight established his Journal of Music, passing events and educational matters have received special attention. America now has many journals devoted to music in all its phases—happenings of the day, criticism, education, the trade, etc. As stated above, Dwight's Journal of Music was the first important American musical periodical. It had an existence of twenty-nine years (1852-1881), at first appearing weekly but later being changed to a fortnightly publication. Dwight's paper was one of the most important music journals ever published in this country and offers a record of the progress of music in America during its period of existence. In 1891 W. S. B. Mathews started the publication of a monthly magazine called Music, which continued in existence until 1902. It was devoted largely to critical studies and pedagogical subjects. The Étude, another pedagogical journal, has been published by Theo. Presser since 1883. W. J. Baltzell has been the editor since the year 1900. In 1896 the Hatch Music Company brought out The Musician, a similar publication, which in 1904 was acquired by the Oliver Ditson Company; Thomas Tapper is the editor. The Choir and Choral Magazine, Church Music, and the New Music Review are devoted chiefly to church and choral music. A journal published in the interest of music in the public schools is the School Music Monthly, which has been issued by P. C. Hayden since 1900.
The leading American musical weekly is the Musical Courier, founded in 1880. This magazine has correspondents in all the principal cities both in this country and in Europe and furnishes a record of the doings of the musical world. Marc. A. Blumenberg is the editor. Two other
journals of the same nature are the Musical Leader and Concert-Goer, established by its editor, Mrs. Florence French, in 1895, and Musical America, edited by John C. Freund. The Musical Courier Extra, the Music Trades, the Presto, the Music Trade Review, and the Musical Age are journals devoted to the music trade. From the above named list of periodicals it clearly is seen that the American public has every chance to keep itself posted regarding the progress of music in all its phases. In every branch of musical education, either for the individual or for the people collectively, America has seen a remarkable development in its comparatively short musical life. Music teachers now are numbered by the thousands, schools and conservatories have been established, the art has found a place in practically all the educational institutions of the land, libraries have been formed, literature has been written, periodicals issued, innumerable concerts and recitals have been heard, opera has been performed, in fact every side of the art has received due attention until today the country truly may be said to have received the rudiments of a thorough musical education.
CONCERTS AND ORATORIOS
Early in the Eighteenth Century a general interest in music was awakened in this country primarily through the instrumentality of the church but also through the efforts of the dancing and fencing masters who gave instruction in singing and on the spinet, harpsichord, etc., as well. It was these latter who first inaugurated public concerts in America. Later, when organs were installed in the churches, it was the church organist who became the concert promoter, and it was one of these men, William Tuckey, who first introduced oratorio to the American public. At a still later date, when choral and oratorio societies had come into existence as a result of the work of the singing schools, these associations stepped into the place they now occupy in the concert field. The growth of recitals and miscellaneous concerts has continued along the lines first laid down, although of course in ever increasing numbers and with a more exalted standard both in subject matter and in manner of performance. In the larger cities, however, the mixed concert to a great extent has given way to the solo recital, elsewhere the former still holds sway.
The first announcement of a public concert in America of which there is record appears in the Boston Weekly News Letter dated Dec. 16-23, 1731. Doubtless other
similar performances had been offered before that time, but unfortunately the data at hand relative to such matters are very meager and up to the present nothing of earlier date has been unearthed. The announcement of this concert reads as follows:
"On Thursday the 30th of this instant December, there will be performed a Concert of Music on sundry Instruments at Mr. Pelham's great Room, being the House of the late Dr. Noyes, near the Sun Tavern.
"Tickets to be delivered at the place of performance at Five shillings each. The Concert to begin exactly at Six o'clock, and no Tickets will be delivered after Five the day of performance.
"N.B. There will be no admittance after Six."
Nothing further is known concerning this, America's first recorded public concert. As to who took part or of what the program consisted, other than the bare announcement that it would be performed "on sundry Instruments," we have no means of knowing. Peter Pelham, at whose "great Room" the concert was given, was a dancing master who conducted a boarding school and who was a dealer in tobacco as well. It was not customary to publish the program in the advance notices of concerts until about half a century later. The first concert promoter to offer this species of advertisement in Boston was Josiah Flagg, of whom mention is made elsewhere in connection with his work in other fields of our musical development. In the Evening Post of May 13, 1771, appears the first announcement in a Boston paper in which the program is given in full. In it Josiah Flagg solicits the patronage of the public with the following selection of "vocal and instrumental musick accompanied by French horns, hautboys, etc., by the band of the Sixty-fourth Regiment:"
ACT I
Overture Ptolomy .................. Handel
Song, "From the East Breaks the Morn"
Concerto 1st .......................... Stanley
Symphony 3rd .......................... Bach
ACT II
Overture 1st ........................................... Schwindl
Duetto, "Turn Fair Clora"
Organ Concerto
Periodical Symphony ....................... Stamitz
ACT III
Overture 1st ........................................... Abel
Duetto, "When Phœbus the Tops of the Hills"
Solo, Violin
A new Hunting Song set to music by Mr. Morgan
Periodical Symphony ............. Pasquale Ricci
It is seen from the above that by 1771, at least, the Boston public was privileged to hear really excellent programs, considering the uncertain status of music in America at the time. During the period intervening between the first announcement of a public concert and the one quoted above, in which the program is given in full, it must not be supposed that Boston and its vicinity was without concert performances; but owing to the lack of data it is impossible to form any very definite idea as to the make-up of the programs. Another matter which is not clear is the distinction drawn at the time between "public" and "private" concerts. It is supposed, however, that a "public" concert implied that it was given, not for the benefit of any particular musician nor as one of a series of subscription concerts (a plan then prevalent), but as a venture of the proprietor of the concert hall. The use of the term "for the benefit," so often found in connection with our early concerts, did not have the meaning usually accepted today. It was used merely to draw the distinction between the performances offered by professional musicians for financial gain and those given by amateurs for their own amusement.
The concert life of the American colonies had its beginnings in the North and in the South at about the same time. As already noted, Boston had its first recorded concert on Dec. 30, 1731. It was but a few months later that the South Carolina Gazette in its issue of April 8-15, 1732, announced that "On Wednesday next will be a Consort of
Musick at the Council Chamber, for the Benefit of Mr. Salter." Charleston evidently appreciated this "consort" for the same year witnessed several others. In some of these the program was followed, after the European custom, by "Dances for the Diversion of the Ladies." Nothing is said in any of the public notices of these early concerts regarding the program. The announcements usually stated merely that there would be "Vocal and Instrumental Musick."
The first concert advertised in New York, of which there is record, took place on Jan. 21, 1736. The notice appearing in the Weekly Journal reads as follows:
"On Wednesday the 21st of January Instant there will be a Consort of Musick, Vocal and Instrumental for the Benefit of Mr. Pachelbell, the Harpsichord Part performed by himself. The Songs, Violins and German Flutes by private Hands.
"The Consort will begin precisely at six o'clock in the House of Robert Todd, Vintner. Tickets to be had at the Coffee House and at Mr. Todd's at 4 shillings."
There is no record of public concerts being given in Philadelphia until 1757, but it is probable that the Quaker City had witnessed "benefit" performances some years previously. Philadelphia, however lagged somewhat behind the other leading American cities in her concert life, although church music and opera early obtained a hold. It was not until the time of Francis Hopkinson and James Bremner (an English organist who came to the city in 1763) that Philadelphia was offered any concerts of note.
It is to the South that we owe our first introduction to the song recital. On Feb. 26, 1733, a benefit concert was given in Charleston in which it was announced that "none but English and Scotch songs" would be sung. But the programs of the larger number of our early concerts were made up principally of instrumental music. However, with the increasing interest in church music and the coming of the church organist this state of affairs changed to some extent. The advent of the singing school served to instill an interest
in concerted vocal music and this side of the musical art also was brought forward. It was the concerts at which such performances were given that led to the production of oratorio.
One of the first important concerts given in America in which the chorus had a prominent part took place in Philadelphia on April 10, 1765. This performance marks an epoch in the evolution of music in this country. A part of the announcement reads as follows:
"College of Philadelphia, April 4, 1765.
"For the benefit of the Boys' and Girls' Charity School.
"On Wednesday evening next there will be a performance of Solemn Music, vocal and instrumental, in the College Hall, under the direction of Mr. Bremner. The vocal Parts chiefly by young Gentlemen educated in this Seminary, and the Words suited to the Place and Occasion, being paraphrased from the Prophets, and other Places of Scripture, upon the Plan of the musical performances in Cathedrals, etc., for public charities in England.
"The Chorus and other sublime Passages of the Music will be accompanied by the Organ, and the Intervals filled up with a few Orations by some of the Students."
In a report of the affair the Pennsylvania Gazette of April 18, 1765, states: "The whole was conducted with great Order and Decorum, to the Satisfaction of a polite and numerous Audience." The program was as follows:
**ORATION**
**ACT I**
Overture ................................ Stamitz
Air. Prov. III, from ver. 13 to 17, and IV, 8.
**ORATION**
**ACT II**
Solo, on the Violin
Overture .......................... Earl of Kelly
Air. Isaiah LV, 1, 2. John VII, 12.
Second Overture .................... Martini
New York came to the fore with a similar concert, given at Mr. Burns' New Room under the direction of William Tucky, on Oct. 28, 1766. The announcement states: "This concert will consist of nothing but church musick . . . accompany'd with a sufficient number of proper instruments. . . . N. B.—There will be more than forty voices and instruments in the chorus." On Jan. 9, 1770, Mr. Tuckey again conducted a "concert of church music," which included "A Sacred Oratorio on the prophecies concerning Christ and his coming; being an extract from the late Mr. Handel's grand oratorio, called the Messiah, consisting of the overture, and sixteen other pieces, viz., air, recitatives, and choruses, Never performed in America." This concert marked the first introduction of the "Messiah" to American audiences and on this account is especially noteworthy.
In 1772 William Selby came from London to accept the position of organist at King's Chapel, Boston. He at once became prominent in musical work and it was through his serious efforts that the way was paved for the inception of the Handel and Haydn Society. It was he also who first instituted the "Concert Spirituel" in America. The name originated in France in 1725, when Philidor, a brother of the composer of that name, obtained permission from the manager of the Opéra in Paris to give a series of concerts during the Lenten season. The request was granted on condition that during the evenings of these sacred performances no compositions in the French language nor any operatic melodies were to be sung. This Concert Spirituel later was performed in the Palace of the Tuilleries, and ever after became an institution of Lent, the Conservatory adopting it as a special feature for entertainment during the season. Selby introduced this feature to Boston in 1782, when he
promoted a benefit concert for the poor of the city. This performance was announced as a "Musica Spiritualis, or Sacred Concert, being a Collection of Airs, Duetts, and Choruses selected from the oratorios of Mr. Stanly, Mr. Smith, and the late celebrated Mr. Handel."
In 1785 Selby founded, in Boston, one of our earliest musical organizations, which became known as the Musical Society. The following year this society gave a benefit for the unfortunates confined in the local prisons. This concert took the form of an elaborate liturgical-musical festival and was held in the Chapel Church. Its fame traveled outside the local environment and acted as a stimulus to the musical people of other cities. The program consisted of excerpts from the "Messiah" and other of "the late celebrated Mr. Handel's" oratorios, anthems, an overture of Bach's, and the regular Morning Service of the Church. So successful was this "Musica Spiritualis" that William Selby and the Musical Society hardly let a year go by before they again announced a "Spiritual Concert for the benefit of those who have known better days." There were not as many selections from the "Messiah" as in the preceding concert, but the "Hallelujah Chorus" again was included in the program. The Massachusetts Gazette published the program in full.
In 1789, during his famous inaugural tour, George Washington visited Boston, and the people of that city, anxious, perhaps, to prove that the community was aesthetic and artistic as well as patriotic and politic, arranged a concert as part of the plan for honoring him. The first part of the program contained, among other selections, "Comfort Ye My People," from the "Messiah" and "Let the Bright Seraphim," from "Samson," while the second part — to quote from a contemporary paper — consisted of "the oratorio of 'Jonah,' complete, the solos by Messrs. Rea, Ray, Brewer and Dr. Rogerson. The choruses by the Independent Musical Society: the instrumental parts by a society of gentlemen with the band of his Most Christian Majesty's Fleet."
A man prominent in the early concert life of Philadelphia was Andrew Adgate, and to him America owes its first
concert performance on a grand scale. In 1784 Adgate founded in Philadelphia, by subscription, an "Institution for the Encouragement of Church Music." It was known first as the "Uranian Society," but in 1787 it was reorganized and adopted the name "Uranian Academy of Philadelphia." On May 4, 1786, the Uranian Society, under the leadership of Andrew Adgate, presented "A Grand Concert of Sacred Music," which took on a festival character. The following extracts from a lengthy review of the affair which appeared in the Pennsylvania Packet of May 30, 1786, will serve to show the unusual interest which it excited: "On Thursday, the 4th of May, at the Reformed German Church, in Race Street, was performed a Grand Concert of Vocal and Instrumental Music, in the presence of a numerous and polite audience. The whole Band consisted of 230 vocal and 50 instrumental performers; which, we are fully justified in pronouncing, was the most complete, both with respect to number and accuracy of execution, ever, on any occasion, combined in this city, and, perhaps, throughout America.
"The first idea of this concert was suggested to the trustees of the Musical Institution by the Commemoration of Handel in London and the Sacred Concert in Boston. This feast of harmony began with Martini's famous overture. Then followed a succession of celebrated anthems. Between the anthems the force of the band was interrupted and contrasted by two solo concertos. The whole concluded with the exertions of the full band in the performance of that most sublime of all musical compositions, the grand chorus in the Messiah, by the celebrated Handel, to these words 'Hallelujah! for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth,' etc.
"The decorum and method observed in conducting the whole harmonized with the precision and order necessary to the perfection of a musical performance. Nearly one thousand tickets were sold; at two-thirds of a dollar each."
This and the various other sacred concerts conducted in different parts of the country served to awaken an interest in choral music in particular and in concerts in general. In
Charleston, South Carolina, during Passion Week of 1796 a "Grand Concert Spirituale" took place, in which were rendered parts from the "Messiah," from "Samson" and from "Judas Maccabæus." The following year Norfolk, Virginia, heard a "selection of Sacred Music from the oratorio of the 'Messiah.'"
Some idea of the growth of concert life in America and of the men who were most instrumental in its development may be gleaned from the foregoing pages. In its early period concert giving was the result of individual effort, but through the exertions of these musical pioneers the societies which they founded later took up the work. The first musical society formed in this country was the St. Cecilia Society, founded by the music lovers of Charleston, South Carolina, in 1762. This organization, which still is in existence, did much to foster concert giving in Charleston in the early days. Although it always has been semi-private in character its labors nevertheless long served to disseminate an interest in music throughout the South generally. Until well on in the Nineteenth Century it formed the center of Charleston's musical life. For many years it gave its concerts fortnightly during the season, with a special annual performance on St. Cecilia's Day, Nov. 22. It had its own orchestra, which was formed of amateurs reinforced by a number of professionals engaged by the season. In the course of years this historically important organization has developed into a club of a social nature and the musical features consequently have dropped into the background.
Another important musical association still existing is the Stoughton Musical Society, which was the outgrowth of a singing school formed by William Billings in 1774. It took the name of "Singing Society" in 1786 with a President, Vice President, Secretary, and other officers. An account of the singing contest which the Stoughton Society waged with a body of singers from Dorchester, a neighboring parish, has been given in a previous chapter. While the St. Cecilia Society of Charleston antedates the Stoughton Society by
some years the latter organization was of a different caliber and it probably was the first permanent body of singers established in America. It acted as an incentive to the formation of similar organizations, for there is record of many others coming into existence within a few years of its inception. The Stoughton Musical Society also is of special significance in that it formed the connecting link between the early singing schools and the later choral associations conducted for the purpose of oratorio singing.
The year 1815 marks the birth of the most famous choral society which America ever has produced. In the above mentioned year an elaborate concert, under the direction of Dr. G. K. Jackson, was given on Washington’s birthday, February 22, in King’s Chapel, Boston, in honor of the signing of the treaty of peace at Ghent on Dec. 25, 1814. This was one of the most important concerts that America yet had heard. There were two hundred and fifty singers in the chorus and an orchestra of fifty. The only previous musical event to compare with this festival attempt was the concert given in Philadelphia by Andrew Adgate and the Uranian Society in 1786. Within a few weeks of this Peace Jubilee, notice of a meeting of those interested in the matter was called to consider “the expediency and practicability of forming a society to consist of a selection from the several choirs, for cultivating and improving a correct taste in the performance of sacred music and also to introduce into more general practise the works of Handel and Haydn and other eminent composers.” The meeting resulted in the formation of the Handel and Haydn Society, and on April 20, 1815, a constitution was adopted. Thos. S. Webb was elected first president and conductor. The first concert of the society took place on Christmas Day, 1815, the program consisting of numbers from Haydn’s “Creation” and from the works of Handel. The chorus numbered about one hundred voices, ten of which were female, while an orchestra of a dozen pieces and an organ furnished the accompaniments. Three were nine hundred and forty-five persons in the audience and
the concert realized the sum of five hundred and thirty-three dollars from the sale of tickets.
Up to the year 1818 the programs presented by the Handel and Haydn Society were made up of miscellaneous sacred selections, but on December 25 of that year the "Messiah" was given complete. So far as may be learned this was the first performance in America of the oratorio in its entirety. Haydn's "Creation" followed in the next year and in 1820 the "Dettingen Te Deum" of Handel was performed. According to the custom of the time, during the early years of its inception the Handel and Haydn Society in the distribution of parts gave the tenor to the women's voices, the air being taken by the men. This state of affairs continued until 1827 when Lowell Mason accepted the presidency of the society and brought about the proper distribution of parts. Up to the year 1836 the "Messiah" and the "Creation" were the principal works performed, although masses by both Haydn and Mozart were given as well as the larger part of Beethoven's "Mount of Olives." In 1836 Neukomm's "David" was performed for the first time and achieved a lasting popularity. Another work, "Mount Sinai," by the same composer, was given first in 1840 and also received many repetitions.
From year to year the repertory of the society was enlarged and persistent endeavor was made for a higher standard of performance. Until 1847 the president of the society acted as conductor also, but with the appointment of Charles E. Horn as leader the two offices became distinct. For one year, that of 1850, the posts were combined in the person of Chas. C. Perkins, but in the following season they were permanently separated. Following Mr. Horn came J. E. Goodson, G. J. Webb, and Carl Bergmann for one year each, after which Carl Zerrahn was appointed to the position which he held until 1895. B. J. Lang succeeded him and continued to occupy the post until 1899, when he gave way to Emil Mollenhauer, the present conductor, who brought about a thorough renovation in the affairs of the society. At the
present time the active members number three hundred and ninety-five. Several concerts are given each season, usually on Sunday evenings, with an annual performance of the "Messiah" on December 25. The Boston Symphony Orchestra has furnished the instrumental accompaniments since its formation in 1881.
The efforts of the Handel and Haydn Society during its early life were not confined entirely to the performance of oratorio, for the society acted as sponsors to several musical publications as well. The first of these was the Bridgewater Collection, published by Brown, Mitchell and Holt of Boston. Later came the Handel and Haydn Society Collection, edited by Lowell Mason, three volumes of miscellaneous anthems, and several other works. The profits derived from these publications were used in defraying the expenses of the organization.
During his long association with the Handel and Haydn Society Carl Zerrahn exerted a highly beneficent influence on the progress of music in America. In addition to his work in connection with this historical institution he also acted as director of the Worcester Festivals and of the Salem Oratorio Society. He was instrumental in promoting many concerts in Boston; for some years he conducted the Harvard Symphony concerts, and in 1872 he led the chorus of twenty thousand voices assembled for the second Peace Jubilee. At the completion of his fortieth year of service with the Handel and Haydn Society Mr. Zerrahn was tendered a benefit performance and many well deserved honors and tokens of appreciation were bestowed upon him. After long and faithful service in the cause of music Mr. Zarrahn died in 1906.
It is impossible to make mention here of other than the most important and longest lived choral organizations which have existed in this country since oratorio first was introduced, but a paragraph cited from a copy of the Euterpeiad of Boston, dated May 12, 1821, serves to show that an interest in concerts and oratorios was fast developing in
all parts of America at that early date. The article is headed "Musical Excitement" and states:
"During the last week we noticed the following Musical Performances that were to take place in the present month of May:
"A Concert of Sacred Music, by the Beethoven Society, at Portland (Me.), a grand Oratorio at Augusta (Ga.), under the direction of Mr. James Hewitt, formerly of Boston, a select Oratorio at Providence, by the Psallonian Society, under the direction of Mr. O. Shaw; a Grand Concert of Music, for the benefit of the musical fund at Philadelphia; the Grand Oratorio of 'The Creation' by the Harmonic Society of Baltimore; a performance of Sacred Music, by the New Hampshire Musical Society, at Hanover (N. H.), and in this town a Concert of Instrumental and Vocal Music for the benefit of Mr. Ostinelli; and the Public Oratorio by the Handel and Haydn Society of this Metropolis, for the benefit of the Howard Benevolent Society."
New York, although showing some interest in oratorio as early as 1770, fell behind the cities of Philadelphia and Boston in this respect in the earlier years of the Nineteenth Century. During this period New York was more active in giving encouragement to the ballad-opera. Nevertheless many attempts were made to keep alive the interest in oratorio, and in March, 1805, Dr. G. K. Jackson announced his intention of "having the oratorios performed under his own direction" at the French Church. The program was made up principally of selections from the "Messiah," the final piece being the "Hallelujah Chorus;" but, as was customary at this period, the oratorio portions of the program were interspersed with songs and anthems.
One must look to the Choral Society, founded in 1823, for the first serious work in oratorio in New York. The Choral Society was the offspring of a former organization, the Handel and Haydn Society. The latter was organized in connection with the raising of funds for the rebuilding of Zion Church. What it did and the nature of its concerts it
is impossible to learn. The Choral Society, however, on April 20, 1824, gave an excellent program at its initial performance, in which were performed selections from the "Messiah," "Judas Maccabæus," the "Hallelujah Chorus" from Beethoven's "Mount of Olives," and Mozart's motet "O God, when Thou appearest." The chorus numbered fifty and the orchestra twenty performers under the leadership of E. C. Riley, with Messrs. Swindalls and Dyer as conductors. The Beethoven "Hallelujah Chorus" was heard for the first time and so enthusiastic was its reception that it was repeated. But the Choral Society soon dissolved, leaving the oratorio field to the New York Sacred Music Society.
This latter organization had its origin in the choir of Zion Church, which came into existence in 1823 as the Zion Church Musical Association. Application was made to the vestry by the choir for better remuneration for its services, or permission to give a concert by which to supplement the salaries. The application was not well received and consequently the choir resigned, and in order to continue the cultivation of sacred music the members organized the society before mentioned. On Feb. 28, 1827, the organization gave a concert for the benefit of the Greek fund. The chorus numbered sixty voices, and both the "Hallelujah" of Handel and that of Beethoven were rendered. But what makes this concert of particular interest is the fact that a professional soloist, Madame Malibran, was engaged to take part. This young singer, then only eighteen, was one of the distinguished soloists of Europe. A musical journal of the time in describing her singing of "Angels Ever Bright and Fair" in this particular concert of the Sacred Music Society says: "During the performance of the song, so silent was the audience that not even a whisper was to be heard. She performed it beautifully, as a matter of course, although the admirers of the simplicity of Handel had to regret the introduction of so much ornament. She was clad in robes of virgin white, and at the words 'Take, O, take me to thy care,' she raised her hands and eyes in an imploring attitude to heaven in so
dramatic and touching a manner as to electrify the audience, and to call down a universal outburst of approbation, a very unusual occurrence in a church in this country."
As has been seen, oratorio already had been heard in New York in miscellaneous concerts of sacred music, but in 1831 the Sacred Music Society, under Mr. U. C. Hill, decided to take up the study of oratorio seriously and systematically. It is natural that the "Messiah," with which the members already were somewhat familiar, should be selected and on November 18 of the year mentioned the full oratorio was given in St. Paul's Chapel. The chorus numbered seventy-four voices with an orchestra of thirty-eight. The chapel was thronged, and the oratorio was repeated twice within the next two months. This organization which had given to New York its first complete performance of an oratorio continued to give annual performances of similar works until 1849. It also should be recorded that this society with a commendable spirit of enterprise gave a public performance of Mendelssohn's "St. Paul" within two years after its first performance in Düsseldorf.
In 1849 the New York Harmonic Society usurped the field hitherto held by the Sacred Music Society. Four years previously, however, it had found a rival in the Musical Institute which, under the direction of Henry C. Timm, made a specialty of the presentation of oratorios and cantatas. The chorus of this organization numbered one hundred and twenty voices, which was assisted by an orchestra of sixty performers. In 1846, two years after it was founded, the Institute gave a public performance of Haydn's "Seasons" and in 1848 Schumann's "Paradise and the Peri." But the Musical Institute, as had its predecessors, too soon ceased to exist, and a meeting of both professionals and amateurs was called to consider ways and means of uniting in one body those desirous of continuing the serious study of oratorio, and the birth of the New York Harmonic Society was the result. Rehearsals were commenced, H. C. Timm at first offering voluntary leadership, Theodore Eisfield later being
elected conductor. The Harmonic Society gave its first public performance on May 10, 1850, the "Messiah" filling the program. This was repeated on November 9 of the same year with Jenny Lind as leading soloist. In June of the following year Mendelssohn's "Elijah" was performed in Tripler Hall, an auditorium which seated almost five thousand persons.
From the ranks of the Harmonic Society came the material for founding the Mendelssohn Union in 1863; then followed the Church Music Association, which was strong in the "society" element, its concerts, in which selections from oratorios were included, being most exclusive. Oratorio now had taken firm root in New York, and fortunately the genuine lovers of choral work, among them many Germans, met together and organized the New York Oratorio Society under the leadership of Dr. Leopold Damrosch. Its first meetings were held in Trinity Chapel; then the Knabe Piano firm generously offered the free use of its warerooms, afterward giving the use of an upper floor of the building as more commodious quarters. In Knabe Hall, Dec. 3, 1873, the Oratorio Society gave its first concert, when selections from the works of Palestrina, Bach, and from other classical composers constituted the program. In this concert there were but twenty-eight voices in the chorus. Within ten years the organization gave ninety-three public performances and rendered forty-four standard works or parts of such works.
In connection with the New York Symphony Society, which he organized in 1877, Dr. Damrosch in 1881 gave to New York its first May Festival, when a chorus of twelve hundred voices and an orchestra of two hundred and eighty-seven performers took part. In the organization of the chorus methods were pursued similar to those employed for the monster choruses in the Sydenham Crystal Palace, London. The nucleus of the chorus was the membership of the Oratorio Society itself, which was designated "Section A." An independent body of singers from other New York societies was designated "Section B;" "Section C" embraced
The following is a list of the most common causes of death in the United States, according to the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS). The data is based on deaths that occurred in 2019.
| Cause of Death | Number of Deaths |
|----------------|------------------|
| Heart disease | 647,457 |
| Cancer | 606,629 |
| Stroke | 160,349 |
| Chronic lower respiratory diseases | 149,205 |
| Accidents | 142,847 |
| Diabetes mellitus | 121,849 |
| Alzheimer's disease | 101,919 |
| Influenza and pneumonia | 81,193 |
| Nephritis, nephrotic syndrome, and nephrosis | 70,000 |
| Septicemia | 69,000 |
| Intentional self-harm (suicide) | 65,000 |
Source: National Center for Health Statistics, "Deaths: Final Data for 2019," 2021.
A man is seated on a chair, holding a violin and bow. He is wearing a suit and tie, with a mustache and sideburns. The background is plain and dark.
"Section D" was represented by Jersey Mack. In September, study of the festival during the months each section at rehearsals were held in the Hall of Cooper.
In connection with organized under a string two such choirs. The which The The
Roumanian violinist, was born at Bucharest, where his father was a military band leader.
In 1886 Kneisel organized the famous "Kneisel Quartet," the performers being Otto Roth, Louis Svecnski, Alvin Schroeder and himself. This quartet is well known in London and in all the larger American cities.
Kneisel acted as conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra during the World's Fair in Chicago in 1893, and in 1905 became violin instructor in the Institute of Musical Art in New York.
but serious oratorio work grew Haydn Society. It came into city of Cincinnati itself, and it years later than did the Handel andton. This particular concert was and the proceeds of the same were the organ of the church. The prelly pretentious one, nevertheless the ambitions of the musical people represented by the chorus "The Handel by the duet and chorus
Institute of Musical Art in New York in 1863, and in 1902 became violin instructor in the Boston Orchestras during the World's Fair in Chicago. Kneisel acted as conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra.
is well known in London and in all the best American theatres, violin soloist and himself. The greatest Quartet, the celebrated piano trio "Kneisel Louis Quatier," the beautiful orchestra being Otto Roth. Louis Kneisel obtained through the famous "Kneisel Aquarelle" was a brilliant prize teacher."
Romansian violinist" was born at Brucharest.
the singers from Newark, New Jersey; "Section D" was composed of Brooklynites; "Section E" represented Jersey City; while "Section F" hailed from Nyack. In September, 1880; these individual sections began the study of the festival music under their respective leaders, and during the months that followed Dr. Damrosch himself visited each section at regular intervals. Later, these individual rehearsals were supplemented by mass rehearsals held in the Hall of Cooper Union, New York.
In connection with this festival Dr. Damrosch organized a chorus of young girls numbering over a thousand, under a special directorship, and a chorus of boys numbering two hundred and fifty, made up principally from the church choirs of the city, to take part in the afternoon performances. The concerts were held in the Seventh Regiment Armory, which was fitted up to accommodate ten thousand persons. The average daily attendance was about nine thousand. The soloists were Annie Louise Carey, Etelka Gerster, Myron W. Whitney, and Franz Remmertz. Artistically and financially the first May Festival in New York was a success, although the undertaking was severely criticized for its magnitude.
Oratorio found its way west of the Alleghenies at a comparatively early period. The Haydn Society was organized in Cincinnati in 1819. Previous to this time, however, there had been an active choral organization in the town, but serious oratorio work grew out of the enterprise of the Haydn Society. It came into birth with the incorporated city of Cincinnati itself, and it gave its first concert only four years later than did the Handel and Haydn Society of Boston. This particular concert was given in Christ Church, and the proceeds of the same were devoted to payment on the organ of the church. The program, while not an especially pretentious one, nevertheless yields sufficient proof of the ambitions of the musical people of the city. Haydn was represented by the chorus "The Marvelous Work," and Handel by the duet and chorus "Hail Judea," from "Judas."
Maccabæus.” In the notice of this concert which appeared in the Cincinnati Spy the writer states: “Public concerts of this description, although rather a novelty here, are quite common in Eastern cities and if well performed never fail to afford great pleasure to the audience.” Then, after dwelling on the manner in which the several parts were performed, he adds: “This exhibition must have been highly gratifying to those who begin to feel proud of our city. It is the strongest evidence we can adduce of our advancement in those embellishments which refine and harmonize society and give a zest to life. We hope that another opportunity will occur for a further display of the talents of the Haydn Society. For their endeavor to create a correct musical talent among us they deserve thanks; but when to their efforts is added the disposition to aid the cause of public charities, or the services of the church, their claims to the most respectful attention and applause rise to an obligation on the part of the community.”
This undoubtedly was the first encouragement of oratorio west of the Alleghenies. On Dec. 19, 1822, the Haydn Society gave its second concert, the program containing selections from Handel’s “Israel in Egypt,” from the “Messiah,” and a selection from Mozart. It is seen therefore that there was a remarkable interest in oratorio in the chief city of the Ohio Valley even at the time when New York also was just beginning to develop a taste for this class of music.
Cincinnati’s Haydn Society materially assisted in promoting an interest in music, so that other organizations soon were formed, among them the Episcopal Singing Society, and the Euterpean. The latter society gave a concert in the Cincinnati Hotel, on July 18, 1823, announced to take place at “early candle-light.” This phrase serves to suggest something of the primitive conditions existing in Cincinnati at this period; yet its people were desirous of art culture, and anxious to develop the highest form of choral music by giving encouragement to oratorio, even under adverse conditions.
The Sacred Music Society, organized about 1840 under the directorship of Victor Williams, after giving concerts in
which oratorio was mingled with other selections, later confined itself exclusively to the study of oratorio. It is impossible here to follow step by step the development of choral societies in Cincinnati. The city's May Festivals have become historic; the German singing societies, the coming of Theodore Thomas, and the enterprise of many leading citizens has made Cincinnati a truly musical city.
In May, 1873, there were gathered in Cincinnati thirty-six societies from the West and Northwest, over one thousand singers, with an orchestra of something over a hundred performers, and organ. This was the beginning. Theodore Thomas said: "It will send new life and vigor into the whole musical body of the West." In the performance of oratorio these May Festivals educated the people to a higher musical culture in choral music, besides cultivating a taste for the best in orchestral appreciation, and as Theodore Thomas predicted, its influence was felt in the "whole musical body of the West."
Chicago, with less than a quarter of a century to its municipal life, in 1858 had a society, the Musical Union, which took up the study of oratorio. This organization continued in existence until 1866. During these eight years it gave public performances of the "Creation," "Messiah," "Elijah," and other oratorios. After its disbandment, the Oratorio Society, under the leadership of Hans Balatka, sprang into existence. This society gave oratorio concerts during the winters of 1868, 1869 and 1870. Unfortunately the Oratorio Society was a victim of the fire. It lost its library, and its members scattered, Mr. Balatka going to Milwaukee. The Handel and Haydn Society of Boston generously came to its aid with a donation of books, including sets of the oratorios of the "Messiah," "Israel in Egypt," "David," and a number of miscellaneous collections, and the organization was revived with J. A. Butterfield as conductor. The churches offered their lecture rooms as recital halls, and on May 16, 1872, the "Messiah" was given in the Union Park Congregational Church. The chorus numbered one
hundred and fifty voices, with an orchestra of twenty-two. The same program was repeated later in the Michigan Avenue Baptist Church. In January, 1873, the Oratorio Society again was a victim of fire, and again lost its library. Several efforts were made to hold the organization together, but ultimately it ceased to exist and left the field to the Apollo Club which had been organized in the summer of 1872, and which today, under the leadership of Harrison Wild, is the only organization in Chicago that gives public oratorio performances with any degree of regularity.
Chicago held its first Musical Festivals in May, 1882, with Theodore Thomas as director of music. The "Messiah" was rendered in its completeness on the second evening, May 24, with a chorus of nearly one thousand voices, one hundred and six of which came from the Arion Club, Milwaukee, and with an orchestra of one hundred and eighty, nearly fifty of whom were residents of Chicago, the remainder being collected from New York and Cincinnati. Of the ten soloists six were American by birth, each having attained fame abroad; of the remaining four, two were naturalized German-American citizens who already had won fame in the land of their adoption as well as in the land of their birth. The organist was Clarence Eddy, one of the most eminent of America's organ virtuosos, who had been a pupil of Haupt, and who had a phenomenal concert tour in Europe.
The State of Missouri has contributed much to the development of oratorio in the central part of the United States. St. Louis had its singing schools in 1837. In 1839 Charles Balmer, who later became well known as a music publisher, came to St. Louis. About the year 1845 Mr. Balmer organized the Oratorio Society, made up of singers from the various church choirs. Several concerts were given, and Haydn's "Creation" was performed as a whole. Later, in 1859, the Philharmonic Society was formed, with Mr. Balmer as vice-president. The chorus of this organization numbered about one hundred voices gathered from the various church choirs, and its repertory embraced the "Creation,"
the "Seasons," "St. Paul" and "Elijah." The war was disastrous to the Philharmonic, but in 1880 the St. Louis Choral Society was organized. This society in its first year gave four subscription concerts, Handel's "Messiah" representing the entire program of one of them.
Kansas is strong in choral organizations. It is said that there is hardly a town in the State which has not its choral organization. For seventeen years preceding the close of the Nineteenth Century the town of Lindsborg, with a population of little more than a thousand, gave Handel's "Messiah" on each Good Friday during the period. Of one of these oratorio performances a critic writes:
"Central Kansas, where hot winds sometimes blast the corn crop before it matures, and droughts and grasshoppers are of comparatively recent date, is not the eastern man's ideal of the place to find a musical people. Half of the United States supposes that the coyote's bark is the most musical sound to be heard in this region. Yet in this little town of less than fifteen hundred inhabitants Handel's oratorio, 'The Messiah,' was sung by a chorus of three hundred, two nights of this week in the auditorium of Bethany College. A pipe organ that cost five thousand dollars and an orchestra of thirty-four pieces furnished the instrumental music. The solos were by teachers and graduates of the college. The audience of seven thousand people came from the surrounding country and from towns up and down the Smoky and Solomon Valleys, and some across the Arkansas away to the South. Distance does not count for much in Central Kansas. . . . The history of Lindsborg, a settlement of music loving Swedish-Americans, its colleges and its great annual oratorio festival is the history of a struggle for higher education, and yet this great love for music is no uncommon phase in Kansas prairie life."
The earliest oratorio society of which there is any mention on the Pacific coast was organized by Rudolph Herold in San Francisco in 1860. The oratorio of "Elijah" was performed, the solos being taken by singers who came from
England to the East, and thence to San Francisco. Later, Mr. Oliver of Boston organized the Handel and Haydn Society, which became a strong force in promoting an appreciation for oratorio in the Golden Gate City. When it produced the "Creation" in 1862 it numbered two hundred and fifty voices. It also gave a performance of "Samson" in 1863. Five years later the "Creation" was given at St. James' Church by a chorus of eighty voices, with William McDougall directing. Parepa Rosa appeared in this concert. In 1887 the Oratorio Society presented Haydn's "Creation" on February 11, while the Handel and Haydn Society in April gave Mendelssohn's "Elijah," the chorus numbering one hundred and fifty voices. San Francisco must have given encouragement to oratorio performances at this period or two societies making a specialty of the same would not have attempted two oratorio performances within two months of each other.
Since oratorio in the Eighteenth Century kindled a love for higher choral work in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and other cities of the East, gradually it has found favor with the public in almost every State in the Union. Handel's "Messiah" and Haydn's "Creation," together with other notable oratorios now are as familiar to the music-loving communities of America as to the people of Europe. The "Messiah" undoubtedly is the most frequently performed of any of the standard oratorios and it forms the annual Christmas offering of all the leading choral societies throughout the United States. Another great work, the St. Matthew "Passion" of Bach, also is rapidly becoming a fixture in the repertories of these societies. In addition to the performance of oratorio the various choral organizations have covered every department of vocal music — cantatas, glees, madrigals, and more recently a capella choruses. The study of the latter has been taken up principally by societies formed almost wholly of professionals.
At the present time almost every city of importance in America has one or more organizations devoted to the study
and public performance of choral music. Some of these make a specialty of oratorio, while others give their attention chiefly to unaccompanied part singing. In addition to the time honored Handel and Haydn Society, Boston has several other excellent choruses. The Cecilia Society, organized in 1877 under the direction of B. J. Lang, gives several concerts each season. This society is noted for its initiative in the presentation of new and little known works. The Apollo Club is one of the best known male choruses in the country. Emil Mollenhauer has been the director since 1901, when Mr. Lang relinquished the post. The Choral Art Society, an organization which makes a specialty of ancient music and unaccompanied singing, was formed by J. Wallace Goodrich in 1901. A number of its concerts have been given in Trinity Church, where Mr. Goodrich is the organist and musical director. In addition to these better known societies Boston also has several large choruses made up chiefly of working people. Samuel W. Cole has been most active in this field and for some years has been the director of the People’s Choral Union, a chorus of over four hundred voices.
In New York the Oratorio Society still holds first place among the choral organizations. Frank Damrosch is the present director. Mr. Damrosch also is at the head of the Musical Art Society, which is conducted along lines similar to the Choral Art Society of Boston, and of the Mendelssohn Club, a male chorus. The United Singers of New York and the People’s Choral Union, both exceedingly large choruses, have been instrumental in creating an interest in choral music among the masses. Another New York organization, the Manuscript Society, devotes itself exclusively to the performance of works by American composers. Brooklyn has several excellent choruses, the most important of which are the Oratorio Society and the Choral Society.
In Chicago the Apollo Club, under the direction of Harrison M. Wild, covers the oratorio field and gives a series of concerts each season. The Mendelssohn Club, a male chorus,
also directed by Mr. Wild, is one of the finest organizations of its kind in the country. In the Musical Art Society Chicago possesses an excellent body of singers, formed almost entirely of professionals, who make a specialty of unaccompanied works. Clarence Dickinson is the director. Cincinnati has its Apollo Club, which is noted for its performance of the larger choral works. The Loring Club, a male chorus, founded in San Francisco in 1876, also is well known for the excellence of its singing. It is impossible to enumerate the many excellent choral organizations existing at the present time in all parts of the country. From the Atlantic to the Pacific each of these units exerts an influence for the betterment of concerted vocal music in its own sphere and through its efforts enables the public to hear the highest type of choral music. A singing society never is conducted for financial gain; such organizations exist only for the pleasure and profit which they may give to those associated with them and to the general public.
No mention has been made thus far concerning the various organizations of foreigners existing from time to time in this country, but it must not be supposed that the efforts made by these societies have been of no moment, for they have exerted a most beneficent influence in the cause of music. However, so long as they have remained exclusive their influence has been restricted and has been felt only when the members have become absorbed by other and more catholic institutions. This fact remains true at the present time, for the many German and Scandinavian singing societies established in all parts of the country continue to cater almost exclusively to their own people and not to the public at large. One notable exception, however, is the Bach Choir of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, whose influence has been broadspread and conducive of much good.
From the time of its settlement by the Moravians in 1741 Bethlehem has been a musical center. The community always has been noted for its musical life, but it was not until the latter half of the Nineteenth Century that it commenced
to exert a pronounced influence on music in America, and this largely through the efforts of Mr. J. Fred Wolle. The event which brought Bethlehem into extreme prominence was the rendition on March 27, 1900, for the first time in America, of Bach’s B Minor Mass under the direction of Mr. Wolle. The Bach Choir of eighty voices, which presented this great work, was organized in 1898. There was an assisting orchestra of thirty-nine and the soloists were engaged from Boston, New York and Philadelphia. The mass was presented in two parts, one in the afternoon and the other the same evening. Each session was announced by the playing of chorals by a group of twelve trombonists stationed in the belfry of the old Moravian Church, a method of announcement which had existed in Bethlehem from earliest times. The Bach cult organized by Mr. Wolle has given many of the great master’s works and has succeeded in creating a new interest in these wonderful creations.
Among the oldest and best known of the associations of foreigners in America is the Deutsche Liederkranz of New York. This famous society was formed in January, 1847, as a male chorus, but in 1856 it was reorganized and women were admitted as active members. It has since continued to maintain a high standard of excellence, largely devoting itself to the performance of works by the German composers. Arthur Claassen is the present director. Another long established chorus is the Arion, a Männerchor which was organized in 1854 as an offshoot of the Liederkranz. Dr. Leopold Damrosch chiefly was instrumental in bringing this society into prominence, and under Julius Lorenz it continues to hold its place as one of the leading male choruses in the United States.
It is not in New York alone that these societies of foreigners exist, for in every large city in the country are to be found organizations representative of almost all the European nations. The German and Scandinavian singing clubs, however, are the most numerous. Milwaukee has a Musikverein which has been heard in choral concerts in that city since
1851. Each of the German and Swedish centers supports several male choirs. In Milwaukee alone there are over twenty such choruses. As a general rule the foreign residents of the United States take more interest in chorus singing than do the native born. The clubs and societies which they have established usually combine social affairs of some sort with the musical features. Although America has shown a more marked preference for instrumental music, especially for piano music, rather than for vocal, nevertheless wonderful strides have been made in choral singing. It is only when one stops to compare the concert life of today with that of a century ago that any idea of our progress can be realized. Our development has been rapid and sure and bids fair to continue along the same upward path.
OPERA IN AMERICA
Whatever progress America has made in operatic production may be ascribed almost wholly to New Orleans and New York, for it is in these cities alone that any lasting attempts have been made in the establishment of permanent opera. By permanent opera is meant the institution of a company regularly engaged in the presentation of opera in a house devoted exclusively to such an enterprise. While other cities for many years have enjoyed operatic performances they have been dependent largely on the New York organizations and on traveling companies. Even at the present time New York is the only American city which supports its own opera. New Orleans gave up the struggle years ago; and so, while steady progress has been made in other lines of musical endeavor, outside of the metropolis opera has made little headway, although the last year has been pregnant with promise.
The comparative failure of opera in America seems to rest with two features, viz., the enormous cost of production, and the caprice of the public. When finally the non-success of the matter is narrowed down to first causes the reason for failure is seen to rest with the public. If opera were wanted for its own sake, rather than for the exploitation of "stars," people would be content with good general ensemble, but such unfortunately does not seem to be the case. When this
state of affairs becomes changed every city of prominence in America will be able to support its own resident company. In the past the country has had opera of almost every species—ballad-opera in English, Italian, French, German, and English opera, each taking its name primarily from the language in which it was sung.
The operas popular in England were the first to reach America. These were the ballad-operas, so designated because the songs therein were not set to music originally composed for them, but were adapted to the tunes of old ballads and popular songs. Such was the "Beggar's Opera," written by John Gay in 1727. The tunes, sixty-six in number, were arranged and scored by Dr. Pepusch, the overture itself being his own composition. The tunes were selected from the most popular of English, Scotch and Irish ballads of the day, and this familiarity with the music accounts, in a measure, for the widespread popularity of the opera itself.
So far as can be learned the "Beggar's Opera" was performed for the first time in America at the old Nassau Street Theatre, New York City, in December, 1750, nearly twenty-five years after its first performance in London. The theatre in which it was given was a two-story structure, and one marvels, in this day of wonderful electrical equipment, at the patience of our forefathers, who enjoyed opera amid an illumination of sputtering candles, six in front of the stage and another half-dozen suspended in barrel-hoops above the audience. Philadelphia first heard the "Beggar's Opera" in 1759, although other ballad-operas had been given in the city previous to this time. Even Boston, as early as 1770, enjoyed opera in disguise. The performance was announced as a "vocal entertainment in three acts." The program states: "The songs, which are numerous, are taken from a new and celebrated opera, called 'Lionel and Clarissa.'" Boston also heard the "Beggar's Opera" in an entertainment in which readings from the libretto and songs from the score formed the program.
The ballad-opera, like the French, Italian, and German opera which followed, first became familiar to the colonists by means of songs and selections which appeared with more or less frequency upon concert programs. These selections almost invariably were rendered by members of itinerant troupes during the period after the Revolution in which theatrical performances were placed under a ban. Thus in the Maryland Journal, on May 25, 1790, a concert was announced in which operatic selections form a considerable part of the program. Monsieur and Madame de Lisle's names appear as the leading vocalists, and one item of the program is announced as "an Opera Song by M. de Lisle with its accompaniments." Charleston, S. C., Williamsburg, Va., and Philadelphia audiences heard selections from Grétry, Dalayrac, and Gluck, becoming familiar with these excerpts long before the full opera made its appearance among them.
From 1793 to the close of the century Charleston enjoyed English opera, and after 1796 it became interested in both French and Italian works. This was brought about by a company of French comedians, refugees from the Island of St. Domingo. In the programs presented in the southern city there are found not only songs and selections from the operas by Arne, Atwood, Shield and others, but Rousseau, Grétry, Cimarosa and Paisiello also figure conspicuously. The original home of French opera in its entirety in America, however, was New Orleans. French families were in the majority there, and music had a strong hold on the everyday life of the people. In 1791 a company of French comedians settled in New Orleans and for twenty years gave regular entertainments, including opera.
In 1810, Paisiello's "Barber of Seville" was given in New Orleans. The following year there arrived from St. Domingo, John Davis, who conceived the plan of establishing a special home for opera in the city, and in 1813 the Theatre d'Orleans was built. It was a substantial building of brick and was equipped with all the scenic and mechanical appliances in vogue at the time in the best European theatres.
Here opera was performed three nights of the week, with plays in the French language on intervening nights. Within four years after its completion the Theatre d'Orleans fell a prey to fire, but Mr. Davis immediately arranged to erect a new opera house on the same site.
The second structure was even more pretentious than was the former one, one hundred and eighty thousand dollars being expended in its erection and equipment. It gave to New Orleans a prestige in the theatrical circles of the country, and its fame also traveled beyond the ocean until artists of real merit came over from Paris. The management was proud of the fact that here in the Crescent City, as nowhere else in America, French Grand Opera was being presented in all its completeness. This new opera house, which had arisen from the ashes of the former one, was opened in 1819, and for twenty-five years John Davis, and Charles Boudausquie who succeeded him, kept to the high standard which had characterized the performances of this playhouse from its incipiency. During four nights of each week, when the operatic season was in abeyance, French comedy, drama and ballet of the highest significance graced the stage. But the Theatre d'Orleans became the special home of opera, and every season a company from Paris gave an excellent repertory of the masterpieces being performed on the operatic stage of the French capital.
In 1842 New Orleans sent a fully equipped French opera company to New York; in fact, as the various companies passed to and from the city of New Orleans and Paris, New York frequently was given opportunity to enjoy French opera before the year in question, and Boston, in 1829, had been given its first taste of Italian opera by a French troupe en route to the Crescent City. For some decades preceding the Civil War, operatic companies, whether French, Italian, English or German, looked for reimbursement, after playing losing roles in other cities, to the gay and appreciative Louisiana capital, and today New Orleans still is something of an Eldorado for the better grade of opera companies.
During the twenty-five years in which ballad-opera held sway foreign operas were becoming familiar in adapted form. These were heard in America as given in London, the music simplified according to the whim of the adapter, who also undertook to add to or take away from both libretto and score of the original. The towns and cities in close touch with the European centers, as has been seen, enjoyed both French and Italian operatic music before the close of the Eighteenth Century. Outside of New Orleans these performances were given principally by English singers.
The presentation of Italian opera in its entirety in the United States begins with the coming of the Garcia family. Manuel del Popolo Vincente Garcia was then in the prime of life. He was a Spaniard by birth, and had won fame as a tenor singer and as a composer of operas not only in his own country but in Italy, France and England as well. His daughter, Maria Felicita, afterward known as Mme. Malibran, was his pupil, and had made her debut in London the year previous to accompanying her father to America. The principals of the company, besides Garcia and his daughter, were his wife, his son Manuel, Mme. Barbieri, Crivelli, and Angrisani. The company opened its season at the new Park Theatre, New York, on Nov. 29, 1825, with Rossini's "Barber of Seville," Garcia himself taking the part of Almaviva. It took the people of New York by storm. The orchestra itself was a revelation at this period, consisting of seven violins, two violas, three violoncellos, two contrabasses, two flutes, two clarinets, one bassoon, two horns, two trumpets, one pair of kettledrums, and piano.
After the novelty had worn off, however, the financial success was not so encouraging as was that from the artistic side. At first people went to the theatre to gratify their curiosity. The opera interested them for a time as something novel, but, failing to understand the language in which it was given, they gradually lost interest in the music. So after a year, playing at both the Park and Bowery theatres, and giving in all seventy-six performances, Garcia conceived
the idea of going to Mexico. Here he met with splendid success during his eighteen months of sojourn, but on the return journey the company was held up by brigands and relieved of their valuables, including about thirty thousand dollars in gold.
From the time of the visit of the Garcia troupe during the season of 1825-1826, until 1832, New York heard many performances of opera given by English companies who made use of translations and arrangements of French and German and Italian works. Among the operas performed were Boieldieu’s “Jean de Paris” and “Dame Blanche,” Weber’s “Der Freischütz” and “Oberon,” and Mozart’s “Die Zauberflöte.”
In 1832 a second Italian troupe was brought to New York chiefly through the efforts of Lorenza da Ponte, an Italian poet who had written the librettos of several of Mozart’s operas, and who at that time was a resident of New York. The company, which was under the management of the tenor, Giacomo Montresso, opened a season of thirty-five nights on Oct. 6, 1832, at the Richmond Hill Theatre. But the venture, excellent as it was from an artistic standpoint, resulted in financial failure. Notwithstanding this fact, in the following year Da Ponta again inaugurated a scheme which resulted in the erection of the first opera house in America devoted exclusively to such performances. This auditorium, which had been named the Italian Opera House, together with its site cost one hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. Artists from Europe were employed to decorate its ceiling with mural paintings representative of the Muses; crimson silk draperies adorned its tier of boxes, while the furnishings of the pit were gorgeous in settings of blue damask, and the floors were laid with carpet. Italian opera here found its home in the New World of which it took possession with a carefully selected company of distinguished performers, and with an excellent orchestra. But the combined excellence of appointments, of singers, and of orchestral performers could not save it from financial wreck. In
its season of eight months the treasury showed a deficit of over twenty-nine thousand dollars. The Italian Opera House remained in existence only long enough to ruin another manager, when it was given over to dramatic performances at the close of the season of 1834-1835, under the new name of the National Theatre, which soon after was destroyed by fire.
In 1844 Palmo's Opera House created new life in Italian opera in New York. Ferdinand Palmo, its projector, was a restaurateur who had accumulated some wealth as proprietor of the Café des Mille Colonnes on Broadway, and he now invested his savings in the new opera house in Chambers Street. This was not a pretentious structure by any means. On the contrary it was severely plain, but of good acoustic properties nevertheless, and with a seating capacity of about eight hundred. It was opened with Bellini's "I Puritani," the first performance, it is said, of this opera in the United States. But the scheme proved a failure, and his operatic venture ruined Palmo financially, and after again following his occupation as a restaurateur he failed to recover from his losses and finally died a dependent on charity.
It is said that Palmo's company, although good, was done to death by a formidable rival, the Havana Opera Company, which appeared in New York at this time under the musical directorship of Luigi Arditi, who in the previous year with Bottesini had gone to Havana from Italy. This company opened its season at the Park Theatre on April 15, 1847, and each season for many years it paid regular visits to New York, playing at Niblo's Garden, the Astor Place Opera House, and at Castle Garden after the destruction by fire of the Park Theatre in 1848.
Neither the efforts of Garcia, Da Ponte, Montressor, nor Palmo were in vain. The embers smoldered for a while but again were fanned into new life by the enterprise of Messrs. Foster, Morgan and Colles, who built the Astor Place Opera House. This house accommodated an audience of eighteen hundred and was opened on Nov. 22, 1847,
with Verdi’s “Ernani.” It was built by subscription, on condition that Italian opera be performed here seventy-five nights a year for at least five years. But the enterprise never paid, and after five years’ struggle for existence it closed its doors in 1852.
In the same year, despite the failure of each successive establishment which had attempted the production of opera on a permanent basis, a new scheme was started in New York. The idea of the promoters was the creation of an institution somewhat similar to the Boston Academy of Music. The charter stated that the new Academy was to be established “for the purpose of cultivating a taste for music by concerts, operas, and other entertainments, which shall be accessible to the public at a moderate charge; by furnishing facilities for instruction in music, and by rewards of prizes for the best musical compositions.” The latter part of the plan never was carried out, but from the opening of the building on Oct. 2, 1854, until it was given over to theatrical performances in 1886, the Academy of Music remained the principal home of opera in New York. Among the men prominent in its management were Ole Bull, Max Maretzek, Max and Maurice Strakosch, Ullmann and Colonel Mapleson.
During the life of the Italian Opera House, Palmo’s, the Astor Place Opera House and the Academy of Music, opera was produced in many other New York theatres as well. In 1837 the Seguin troupe began a series of performances of English operas and translations of French and Italian works. Three years later the Woods company revived the “Beggar’s Opera” and also gave a number of adaptations of foreign works including “La Sonnambula” and “Fidelio.” From year to year other English troupes appeared, and the Havana Italian Opera Company, under Señor Marty, visited New York for several seasons, playing at the Park Theatre and at Castle Garden. Maretzek, Strakosch and Ullmann all were prominent in operatic production, often in opposition to each other; indeed so fierce was the struggle that in 1859
all three impresarios took their companies on the road and New York was left without opera.
In 1855 the city was given a short season of German opera under Carl Bergmann, and on April 4, 1859, this conductor presented "Tannhäuser," the first Wagner opera to be heard in America. In 1862 another season of German opera was given at the Wallack Theatre by Carl Anschütz. The company, while not possessing any "stars," offered an excellent ensemble and played to audiences of true music lovers. But the enterprise was not successful financially and finally was given up. After the Civil War there came a distinct change in the opera field, the tendencies of the public turning to the French opéra bouffe and later to the lighter works of Gilbert and Sullivan. What has taken place in this direction has been discussed in a previous chapter.
While New York and New Orleans have been active in opera production other American cities have done little else than listen to the irregular seasons offered by the New York organizations on tour and by traveling companies. Philadelphia had its first taste of regular opera in 1827, when John Davis, to whom reference already has been made, brought a troupe from New Orleans to the Chestnut Street Theatre. The performances were given in French and so pleased the Philadelphians that the French Opera Company continued its visits each season for some years. In May 5, 1829, Italian opera first was produced in Philadelphia; and later, in 1833, the Montressor troupe came to the Chestnut Street Theatre and gave some excellent performances. At this period, in Philadelphia as well as in New York, Italian companies were found giving opera at regular intervals. In 1848 Max Maretzek was the leader of the orchestra at the Chestnut Street Theatre during the performance of the Italian Opera Company brought from the Astor Place Opera House, New York. This company was the most important of its kind to visit Philadelphia up to this time. Later Maretzek came there as manager with an Italian troupe, and gave performances which were artistic if not always remunerative.
In 1857 the Academy of Music was opened in Philadelphia, and became the temple of Italian opera. It retained its prestige for years; German, English and French opera performances also being presented here in turn.
Chicago first heard opera, at least one act of "La Sonnambula," on July 30, 1850. The performance was interrupted by an alarm of fire and consequently was discontinued. It was not until three years later that the city again was given a presentation of opera. On Oct. 27, 1853, the "Italian Troupe" opened a week's season with "Lucia di Lammermoor." The advertisement in the Democratic Press announces the members of the company as follows: "The grand prima donna, Signorina R. De Vries; the favorite tenor, Signor Pozzolini; the tenor, Signor Arnoldi; the comprimaria, Mme. Sidenbourg, late of Madame Albani's troupe; the unrivaled barytone, Signor Taffenelli, and the eminent basso, Signor Calleti. Also a grand and efficient chorus, and grand orchestra. This great company numbers over forty members, the whole under the most able direction of the distinguished maestro, Signor L. Arditi." This was a company of meritorious artists, and it really was the pioneer Italian opera troupe of the West. Since then Chicago's appreciation of opera, Italian, English and German, has encouraged the best companies to come and play regular seasons. Some few years ago a magnificent home for opera was built which unfortunately is used too seldom for that purpose.
Cincinnati inaugurated a home for opera in that city by a festival which took place on Feb. 22, 1859. A few weeks later, on March 15, Maurice Strakosch arrived with his company and gave the initial performances. The first opera presented was Flotow's "Martha."
San Francisco had its first taste of opera in 1853, when "Ernani" was given under the management of an Englishman, George Loder. Four years later came Signor and Signora Bianchi with an excellent troupe, reviving Italian opera and giving San Francisco its first extended season of
grand opera. In 1862 the Bianchi troupe returned to San Francisco and opened a season at the Metropolitan Theatre. Among the works presented were "Norma," "La Sonnambula," "La Favorita," "Ernani," "Linda di Chamouni," "Il Trovatore" and others. Opera now came to San Francisco with some degree of regularity and the Bianchi troupe was a favorite for many seasons. As facilities for travel increased, impresarios looked toward San Francisco as a second Eldorado, and in 1881 Colonel Mapleson appeared with his star combination. Three years later the San Franciscans were being entertained by both German and Italian opera, and the opera seasons since have received excellent support. It is not necessary to speak of the introduction of opera elsewhere in America, for the same troupes which appeared in New York and Philadelphia also gave performances in Boston and other cities.
To return to New York, where opera was undergoing its struggle for existence, in 1878 Colonel J. H. Mapleson came from London to New York as manager of the Academy of Music. Colonel Mapleson was the first impresario to inaugurate the "star" system in this country, a system which long has militated against the production of good opera at reasonable prices. The season of 1878-1879 at the Academy proved extremely successful both artistically and financially, and in addition to the New York performances Colonel Mapleson took his company to all the leading cities in the East and as far west as Chicago. But after the first season matters did not go so smoothly and the birth of a rival of the Academy caused him to give up the struggle.
On Oct. 22, 1883, the Metropolitan Opera House, under the management of Henry E. Abbey, was opened with Gounod's "Faust." In the company were Nilsson, Sembrich, Scalchi, Trebelli, Campanini, Del Puente, Novara, Stagno and Capoul, with Campanini and Vianesi as musical directors. On the same evening the Academy of Music opened its season with Patti and a company which included Gerster, Pappenheim and Galassi. New York now was
fairly ablaze with the meteoric shower of operatic "stars" and the day of fabulous salaries had begun. Thus began the struggle between the two houses which eventually closed the Academy and which brought a loss of $300,000 to the management of the Metropolitan. During the first season Abbey gave sixty-one performances, in which nineteen different operas were presented. Notwithstanding his financial failure he was asked to remain but declined, although some years later he again assumed control.
The Metropolitan directors then invited Mr. Gye of London to take charge, but he also refused. Dr. Leopold Damrosch now came forward with a proposition to establish German opera, and the directors decided to act on his suggestion. Within a short time Dr. Damrosch went to Germany, organized his company, and was back in New York. On Nov. 17, 1884, the season of German opera opened. The operas produced in thirty-eight subscription nights, five extra evenings and fourteen afternoon presentations were: "Tannhäuser," "Fidelio," "Les Huguenots," "Der Freischütz," "William Tell," "Lohengrin," "Don Giovanni," "Le Prophète," "La Muette de Portici," "Rigoletto," "La Juive," and "Die Walküre."
The advent of German opera and of opera in German at the Metropolitan gave a new trend to opera in the United States and fixed the position of the house as the operatic center of New York. Through the efforts of Dr. Damrosch the Wagner music-dramas assumed the prominent place they since have held in the repertory of the Metropolitan companies. On the death of Dr. Damrosch in 1885 E. C. Stanton was appointed manager, with Walter Damrosch as assistant, and Anton Seidl took up the musical direction. Under Seidl, "Die Meistersinger," "Tristan and Isolde" and the complete "Der Ring des Nibelungen" received their first presentations in America. After thirteen years of active Wagner propaganda in New York, Anton Seidl died in 1898.
In 1891 Abbey again assumed control of the Metropolitan, in association with Maurice Grau, and continued in
charge until his death in 1896. Grau then undertook the sole management which he held until 1902, when he gave way to Heinrich Conried. The present year (1908) has seen another change and the season of 1908-1909 will see Giulio Gatti-Casazza, late of La Scala, Milan, installed as manager. During Mr. Conried's régime the Metropolitan was put on a much firmer financial footing. The season of 1903-1904 was made notable by the first production of "Parsifal" on any stage outside of Bayreuth. Another operatic event which attracted wide attention was the presentation of Richard Strauss' "Salome" during the past season. Since the time of Anton Seidl, Alfred Hertz, Felix Mottl and Gustave Mahler have been the leading musical directors. Of late years the Metropolitan Company has restricted its performances outside of New York to Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and Chicago.
The season of 1908-1909 will bring radical changes in the management. Four men, with Gatti-Casazza at the head, will act as joint directors. Andreas Dippel, the tenor, will be the new administrative manager, while Toscanini, Hertz and Mahler will be the musical directors. It also is announced that in addition to these changes, the old system of having the manager share in the profits of the company will be abolished and the new managers will receive fixed salaries. Any profits realized will be used for the establishment of an endowment or pension fund, or for some similar purpose for the advancement of the Metropolitan Opera House as an art institution. The company will include Farrar, Fremstad, Gadski, Homer, Morena, Sembrich, Emmy Destinn, Selma-Kurz, Maria Gay, Bonci, Caruso, Grassi, Burrian, Goritz, Martin, Reiss, Scotti, Amato, Didur and Hinckley.
In 1906 a new opera company was inaugurated in New York which has proved a genuine success. On July 1, 1906, the Hammerstein Opera Company was incorporated, with Oscar Hammerstein at its head. The Manhattan Opera House was secured and after extensive operations was
opened on Dec. 9, 1906, with "I Puritani." Since the opening performance Mr. Hammerstein's enterprise has steadily grown in public favor until it has caused the Metropolitan to look to its laurels. It has created a new interest in opera in New York and thus throughout America. In the course of its first season thirty-two operas, chiefly Italian and French, were produced at the Manhattan. Among the singers were the following: sopranos, Regina Arta, Pauline Donalda, Nellie Melba, Lina Pacary, Regina Pinkert, Gianina Russ, Gina Severina and Emma Trentini; mezzosopranos and contraltos, Mmes. Bresslar-Gianoli, Eleonore di Cisneros, Gilbert Leyenne, Giuseppina Giaconio, Anna Goaccomini, and Emma Zaccaria; tenors, Jean Altschefsky, Amadeo Bassi, Allessandro Bonci, Charles Dalmores, Francesco Daddi, Mario Venturino; barytones, Mario Ancona, Nicolo Fossetta, Renzo Minolfi, Maurice Renaud, Vincenzo Reschiglian, Mario Sammarco and Paolo Seveilhac; basses, Charles Gilbert, Fernando Gianoli-Galetti, Vittorio Arimondi, Herman Brag, Edouard de Reszke and Luigi Mugnoz. This cast, together with a chorus of one hundred gathered partly in Italy and partly in New York, and with an orchestra of seventy-five, was under the musical direction of Cleofante Campanini and Leandro Campanari. The latter did not remain long after the opening week, however, as Campanini was allowed to direct practically all of the performances.
The opening season, though late in starting, was a success in every way, financially as well as artistically, and the past one, its second, has shown no signs of cessation. Although during the first season the Manhattan did not attract its audiences so much from New York's four hundred as from among the middle class, the fact remains that the performances were given to crowded houses. The second season began on Nov. 3, 1907, and ran for twenty weeks, the regular subscription performances being given as before on Monday, Wednesday and Friday evenings and Saturday matinee. In the Manhattan chorus are about eighty
American voices, a fact which serves to show that it is no longer necessary to go to Europe for our singers.
From the appended table which Mr. Hammerstein prepared a judgment may be formed of the immense cost of operatic productions. "These figures are for any week of the season:
| Position | Cost |
|-----------------------------------------------|--------|
| Orchestra | $4,500 |
| Stage band | 500 |
| Chorus and ballet | 2,200 |
| Musical director, two conductors | 1,700 |
| Two pianists, two chorus masters | 1,700 |
| Stage manager, two assistant stage managers | 450 |
| Master machinists and assistants, eighty stage hands | 2,000 |
| Property man and twenty assistants | 300 |
| Chief electrician and twenty assistants | 300 |
| Scene painter and assistants | 200 |
| Costumer and assistants | 200 |
| Wigmaker and hairdresser | 250 |
| Doorkeepers, stage doorkeepers, cleaners | 150 |
| Hauling of scenery to and from warehouse | 200 |
| Heating and lighting of stage and auditorium | 600 |
| Advertising | 2,500 |
| Box-office men, telephones, press agent, ticket printing, etc. | 1,500 |
| Singers' salaries | 27,000 |
Total: $45,000
"The passage of singers to and from Europe each season must be paid by the impresario, and these usually amount to about $15,000. To this table, of course, must be added the cost of scenery and the interest on the mortgage of the property."
The Hammerstein régime undoubtedly will work untold benefit in producing the competition which is absolutely necessary unless affairs are to stagnate. Among the innovations to be effected at the Manhattan during the season of
1908-1909 will be the substitution of pantomime for ballet for filling out the shorter operas. The New York and Philadelphia choruses and orchestras will be kept entirely separate, while the soloists will alternate between the two cities. Campanini will continue as conductor at the Manhattan. The Philadelphia performances will be directed by Giuseppe Struani of Rome. In addition to many of last season's soloists, including Tetrazzini, Melba, Mary Garden, Dalmore, Zenatello and Renaud, who have been re-engaged, the following new singers will appear: Maria Labia, Adele Ponzano and Mme. Lespinassa, sopranos; Doria, mezzo-soprano; Mareska Aldrich, contralto; Tacani, Columbini, Valles, Paoloa and Polese, tenors.
The presentation of grand opera in America always has been an uncertain financial proposition and many are the failures recorded in this field. Among the most recent attempts was that of Henry Russell with his ill-fated San Carlo Company. During the summer of 1906 Mr. Russell organized a troupe in London and played for some months at Covent Garden. In November, 1906, he brought the company to America and opened a successful season at the French Theatre in New Orleans. From here they went to St. Louis, afterward playing in all the leading cities both in the United States and in Canada. During this, their first season, the impression produced by the company was of the best. The principals, most of whom were Italians, although not known to the musical public, soon became well liked. The chorus was one of the best which had been heard for some time, indeed far above the average of the Metropolitan. A good orchestra with competent directors, attention to the details of operatic production, a general finish, and all this at moderate prices, combined to make the company a favorite at once. This was a most auspicious beginning yet it resulted in failure. During the first tour the company produced "Carmen," "Cavalleria Rusticana," "La Bohème," "Traviata," "Lucia," "Faust," "Gioconda," "Barbiere," "Les Huguenots" and one new opera, "Adriana Lecou
vreur." Among the principal artists were Constantino, Maurel, Desana, Fornari, Olitzka, De Segurola, Bramonia, Albertieri, Claessens and Aleani.
At the close of the season Mr. Russell returned to Europe, and during the summer was engaged in adding all that was possible for the betterment of conditions in his company. He returned to the United States in the late fall with an exceptionally good chorus recruited from the leading European opera houses, an orchestra of sixty, a ballet of sixteen, and with the principals of the former year, to which he added Lillian Nordica Jane Noria, Ramon Blanchart and others less noted. But during the season of 1907-1908 ill luck seemed with them from the start. The company opened in Boston for a three weeks' season, thence to Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington and Chicago. During this time owing both to the financial panic into which the country was plunged, and from the fact that Mr. Russell intrusted much of the management of affairs to other hands, affairs reached a crisis. In Chicago, though the best performances of grand opera which had been given in the city for years were presented at the Auditorium, the general public remained away. Though on the verge of a disruption Mr. Russell made strenuous endeavors to continue the season, but after three weeks, in which he sustained a loss of over twenty thousand dollars, the company proceeded to St. Louis and then to Milwaukee. From Milwaukee they returned to Chicago and played for one week at the Studebaker Theatre, later appearing in several of the western cities and finally disbanding at Cincinnati.
There is another opera company which has been heard by American audiences within recent years that has had quite a different history however. The record of Henry W. Savage's efforts show conclusively that opera in English, when fittingly presented, can be successful from the financial as well as from the artistic side. On May 6, 1895, the Castle Square Opera Company opened its first season at the Castle Square Theatre in Boston. After two years, during which time they played to full houses, Mr. Savage took the company to Philadelphia, where for the next two years they repeated their success of Boston. They then went to New York and for three years sang at the American. Here their success was such that Mr. Savage finally decided to take the Metropolitan Opera House, which had been losing money, and to present opera at popular prices.
During their stay in Boston none but the lighter operas such as "Bohemian Girl," "Fra Diavolo," "Maritana" and others of like caliber was presented, but Mr. Savage finally made up his mind to present the larger grand operas. "Carmen" was the first serious work given. Then came "Faust," "Mignon," "Lucia," "Aida," "Rigoletto" and finally a grand presentation of "Les Huguenots." When Mr. Savage established grand opera in English at the Metropolitan Opera House an American chorus of eighty-five was engaged, with a ballet of thirty-six, and an orchestra which varied from forty-five to sixty. Among the singers engaged were the following: Zelie De Lussan, Frieda Stender, Grace Golden, Bessie McDonald, Rita Elendi, Phoebe Strakosch, Minnie Tracy, Ingeborg Ballstrom and Josephine Ludwig, sopranos; Elsa Marny and Louise Meisslinger, contraltos; Philip Brozel, Joseph Sheehan and Lloyd D'Aubigne, tenors; William Raull, Homer Lind, Chauncey Moore and Francis Rogers, barytones; and Lempriere Pringle, Clarence Whitehill, Leslie Walker, Harry Hamlin and Forest Carr, basses. There were two conductors, H. Seppilli and Richard Eckhold. The operas presented during this season were "Faust," "Mignon," "Tannhäuser," "Carmen," "Il Trovatore," "Lohengrin," "Gioconda," "Aida," "Lucia," "Cavalleria Rusticana," "Romeo and Juliet," "Bohemian Girl," "Martha," "Traviata," "Don Giovanni," "Magic Flute," "Rigoletto," "La Bohème," "The Flying Dutchman," "Pagliacci," "The Jewess," "Der Freischütz," "Marriage of Figaro," "Paul and Virginia," "Daughter of the Regiment" and "Esmeralda."
In 1902 branches were started in Chicago and St. Louis, where good choruses and orchestras were established, while the principals alternated in the different cities. Many now well-known singers have come from these companies. The Chicago season opened on Dec. 24, 1901, and continued for over a year. It was an event of moment in the musical history of both Chicago and St. Louis, for it gave to the general public in these two cities their first familiar insight into grand opera.
Four years ago Mr. Savage engaged Walter Rothwell as conductor, and since that time his productions have continued on a high plane. His presentation of "Parsifal" in 1905 was quite on a par with that of the Metropolitan, the "Kundry" of Mme. Kirkby-Lund being especially notable. Two seasons ago he successfully produced "Mme. Butterfly," a work which has continued to make a strong appeal wherever sung. During the coming season Mr. Savage will present "Tristan and Isolde" in English with an eminent cast. One cannot but admire the commendable energy of a man, who, without any musical knowledge, could engage his singers and chorus, attend to all other details and make the prodigious success, both artistically and financially, which Mr. Savage has accomplished with his company. Through his venture opera in English apparently has become a fixture in our musical life.
In connection with the enterprise which Mr. Savage has so successfully conducted mention may be made of another operatic scheme of the same order which unfortunately never was realized. In 1886 an attempt was made to give grand opera wholly in English. With this end in view the American Opera Company was formed, and Theodore Thomas accepted the conductorship, for he saw in this plan a permanent engagement for his orchestra. It was a national enterprise, for its leading artists were gathered from twenty different cities, while the chorus represented twenty-three different States of the Union. A capital of
two hundred and fifty thousand dollars was at the back of the organization, and its prospectus set forth the following distinctive features:
"First. Grand opera sung in our own language by the most competent artists.
"Second. The musical guidance of Theodore Thomas.
"Third. The unrivaled Thomas Orchestra.
"Fourth. The largest regularly trained chorus ever employed in grand opera in America.
"Fifth. The largest ballet corps ever presented in grand opera in America, and as far as possible American in its composition.
"Sixth. Four thousand new and correct costumes for which no expense has been spared in fabric or manufacture.
"Seventh. The armor, properties and paraphernalia, the handiwork of artisans employed solely for this department, and made from models designed by the best authorities.
"Eighth. The scenery, designed by the Associated Artists of New York, and painted by the most eminent scenic artists in America.
"In a word, the object of the American Opera Company is to present ensemble opera, giving no single feature undue prominence to the injury of others, and distinctly discouraging the pernicious star system, long since discountenanced in continental Europe."
This was a most commendable enterprise, but before two years had passed Mr. Thomas wrote upon the back of the program of his last performance, "the most dreadful experience I have ever had." In spite of the excellent performances the management had fallen in arrears. Mr. Thomas for months sacrificed his own salary in order that the orchestra might be paid; then, feeling powerless to avert the catastrophe, he left the organization on June 15, 1887. Feeble attempts were made to resuscitate it, but it was hopelessly swamped beneath a burden of indebtedness and finally was given up.
It has become quite evident that the country lately has shown a more marked interest in opera than heretofore, for many new plans are on foot for the season of 1908-1909. New York will have two permanent companies, the Metropolitan and the Manhattan. Philadelphia also will have the benefit of both of these organizations, for Mr. Hammerstein will open his new opera house in that city some time in the fall of 1908 and the Metropolitan management also purpose giving many performances in Philadelphia. Boston is to have its own opera house and company under the management of Henry Russell. In Chicago Max Rabinoff is promoting an organization which promises to become successful. The Savage English Grand Opera Company will continue to offer its excellent performances in the vernacular. So it is seen that interest in the matter is becoming more broadspread. What eventually will be the outcome of these endeavors is uncertain, but such earnest efforts will prove whether the American musical public really cares for the operatic art.
Although America has been privileged to hear the standard operas for over a century, and while her composers have won success in all other fields of musical composition, the country has not yet produced a serious opera by a native-born composer which has had any lasting success. Nevertheless many attempts have been made and prizes have been offered, but all without notable results. Whether the cause for this apparent failure lies in the works offered to the opera producers or whether it is because the public will not accept native compositions in hard to decide. Doubtless after some work of merit by an American composer has proven successful in the opera houses of Europe we shall receive it with proper respect, but so far nothing of the kind has taken place.
The first opera wholly composed in the United States, and therefore the first native composition of its kind, was founded on the story of William Tell, and was designated "The Archers; or The Mountaineers of Switzerland." The
libretto was by William Dunlap, and the music by Benjamin Carr, an English organist and composer who became identified with the early musical life of Philadelphia. This opera was staged in New York on April 18, 1796.
Another native opera also came into existence in December of this same year, under the title of "Edwin and Angelina." The libretto, which was founded on Goldsmith's poem, was written by Dr. E. H. Smith, and the music by Victor Pellisier, a Frenchman then resident in New York in the capacity of horn-player in a theatre orchestra. Three years later "The Vintage," with William Dunlap as librettist and Victor Pellisier as composer, was performed in New York, meeting with good success.
Opera in more serious form first was attempted in the United States by William H. Fry in 1845. This opera, "Leonora," was founded on Bulwer Lytton's "Lady of Lyons." The Seguin Opera Company gave it its initial performance at the Chestnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia, in June, 1845, where it had a run of sixteen nights. It was well staged and excellently performed, but the expenses in connection with its setting ate up the receipts. Fry, who was a Philadelphian, completed another opera, "Notre Dame de Paris," after Hugo's famous drama, the libretto being the work of his brother, J. R. Fry. This opera was given three performances in the Academy of Music, Philadelphia, in April, 1864, and was well received. The orchestra was under the directorship of Theodore Thomas, then a young man of twenty-eight.
The next opera of merit to originate with an American composer was "Rip Van Winkle," by Geo. F. Bristow. The libretto, which was prepared by J. H. Wainwright, follows the legend by Washington Irving pretty closely until the second act, when it becomes a piece of pure invention. The Pyne-Harrison English Opera Troupe first produced it at Niblo's Garden, New York, on Sept. 27, 1855, after which it had a successful run of thirty consecutive nights. Bristow evidently aimed at producing a popular opera, and it really
was the first lyric drama truly American in spirit, a fact appreciated by the public and received accordingly.
In later years several American composers have essayed their hand at grand opera but without lasting success. Among the better known works are: Frederick Grant Gleason's "Otho Visconti" and "Montezuma," "Zenobia" and "Lucile" by Silas G. Pratt; J. K. Paine's "Azara." Geo. W. Chadwick has written a sacred opera "Judith." Louis Adolph Coerne has two operas to his credit, "Zenobia" and "A Woman of Marblehead," while Walter Damrosch also has written two, "The Scarlet Letter" and "Cyrano de Bergerac." Although many of these works reflect credit on their authors the fact remains that the successful American opera composer is still to come.
INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC, BANDS AND ORCHESTRAS
It is probable that the first instrumental music in America was heard in the Virginian colonies. Unfortunately there is no record regarding such matters; but it naturally may be supposed that the Virginian settlers, coming as they did of Royalist stock, brought with them some sort of musical instruments, even though the work of founding a new home allowed of little time for diversion. These southern colonists were of very different mold from the Pilgrim Fathers and were given to jollity rather than to piety. The known existence of dancing and dancing schools in the early life of Virginia presupposes accompanying instrumental music of some sort.
Knowing the aversion of the Pilgrims and the Puritans to instrumental music of any kind, it hardly is necessary to state that there is no record of any musical instrument coming with the early settlers to New England. The old inventories in the Probate Office of Essex County, Massachusetts, show lists of everything pertaining to household effects, but there is no mention of viol, lute, flute, cittern or harpsichord.
Of the first introduction of musical instruments into New England little is known. The earliest mention of the matter relates to the organ, but it may be supposed that the
lesser instruments already were in use by the few musically inclined and perhaps less pious members of the community. If we except the instrument in the church at Quebec, to which the Jesuit Fathers in their letters of 1661 to 1664 frequently allude, it is believed that the first organ in America was brought over in 1694 by Kelpius and his party of Theosophical Brethren. Christopher Witt, an Englishman who had joined the community of Pietists established on the banks of the Wissahickon in 1704, was the first individual in America to own a pipe organ; he made it himself and could play upon it, as well as upon the virginal. One of the latter instruments, which had been in the possession of the Warner family for many years, was bequeathed to him in 1728. It probably was one of the first virginals brought to this country.
In 1704 the question of providing an organ for Trinity Church, New York, was brought up at a meeting of the vestry of the parish. From the fact that a consultation was held with Henry Neering, "organ maker," regarding the building of such an instrument, it is seen that there then were in New York persons capable of organ construction. The matter fell through at the time, however, and it was not until 1741 that the instrument really was installed. In the meantime Thomas Brattle of Boston had imported an organ from England and had had it installed in his home. Under date of May 29, 1711, Rev. Joseph Green of Salem notes in his diary: "I was at Mr. Thomas Brattle's; heard ye Organs." It was this same organ that was bequeathed to King's Chapel, Boston, and as has been stated elsewhere, this marked the introduction of organs into the churches of America.
When finally it was decided to install an organ in Trinity Church, New York, Johann Klemm of Philadelphia was engaged to construct the instrument. Klemm was a native of Dresden and had studied organ-building under Gottfried Silberman, who in his time had constructed forty-seven organs and who also was celebrated as a manufacturer.
The man in the photograph is wearing a suit and bow tie, with a mustache and sideburns. The image appears to be an old black and white portrait.
pianos. When Klenz settled in Philadelphia in 1765 he dropped his German name and became known simply as John Green. He finished the organ for Trinity Church in 1768, at a cost to the parish of five hundred and twenty pounds sterling, or nearly three thousand dollars, a large sum in colonial times. This organ was of three manuals and had twenty-six stops. It in 1773 it was offered for sale. The firm preparing to install an instrument imported from England. Klenz, its builder, died at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, at the age of seventy-two.
The first real impetus given to instrumental music in America came through the introduction of organs into the churches.
PATRICK SARSFIELD GILMORE—1829-1892. No instrumental music of any kind had been generally tolerated, the introduction of the organ into the American church and the use of instruments in the orchestra being particularly followed. Money for musical performances was not plentiful, and the cello, clarinet, and other instruments were not used. But in 1869 Gilmore organized an orchestra of one thousand pieces and a chorus of ten thousand voices, and at the World's Peace Jubilee in 1872 he doubled the number of instruments and voices—cannons, a powerful organ, a drum eight feet high, anvils and chimes of bells were added to the stupendous whole.
These performances were ultimately an influence for good music in America, but their immediate result was to make Gilmore's reputation international. He became quite a composer, and many of his works, military and dance music and songs, became very popular.
PATRICK SARAH D'OLIVIER 1820-1883
Patrick Sarah d'Olivier was a prolific and versatile composer who made significant contributions to the world of music. He composed numerous pieces, including operas, oratorios, and symphonies, which gained him recognition both at home and abroad.
D'Olivier's musical career began in his early twenties when he composed his first opera, "La Vérité," which premiered in Paris in 1845. This success led to further commissions from various theaters across Europe, including the Opéra-Comique in Paris and the Teatro alla Scala in Milan.
In addition to his operatic works, D'Olivier also wrote numerous orchestral compositions such as symphonies, concertos, and chamber music. His most famous piece is the "Symphony No. 3 in E-flat Major," which remains one of his best-known compositions today.
Throughout his life, D'Olivier continued to compose and perform, earning him a reputation as one of the leading composers of his time. He died in 1883 after a long and successful career in music.
of pianos. When Klemm settled in Philadelphia in 1736 he dropped his Teutonic name and became known simply as John Clemm. He finished the organ for Trinity Church in 1741 at a cost to the parish of five hundred and twenty pounds sterling, or nearly three thousand dollars, a large sum in colonial times. This organ was of three manuals and had twenty-six stops. It 1763 it was offered for sale as Trinity was preparing to install an instrument imported from England. Klemm, its builder, died at Bethlehem, Pa., in 1762, at the age of seventy-two.
The first real impetus given to instrumental music in America came through the introduction of organs into the churches. In the parts of the country where formerly no instrumental music of any kind had been generally tolerated, the introduction of the organ acted as an opening wedge, and the sanction in the use of other instruments naturally followed. When, for financial or other reasons, the organ was not in use, other instruments such as the doublebass, cello, clarinet, flute and violin came to be used. From these sources sprang the desire on the part of the public for instruments and instrumental music. The instruments at first were used chiefly for the purpose of accompanying the voice, but gradually they came to take their place in the production of characteristic instrumental music.
In the early days there was a strong prejudice against any one devoting himself exclusively to music, but with the coming of the organ conditions underwent a change; for organ playing called for more than ordinary musical skill and for serious preparation on the part of the player. As none of the colonists possessed this necessary preparation, qualified organists were brought from England to fill the positions created by the adoption of organs in the churches. In addition to their services in connection with the church these men usually gave instruction in vocal and instrumental music and in dancing. Many of them also conducted shops where they kept music and musical instruments for sale. It is to these early church organists that the chief credit belongs.
for creating among the people a taste for instrumental music. Their efforts were not confined to organ playing alone, for many of them were excellent performers on the harpsichord, spinet, viol, and other instruments as well.
In 1713 a Mr. Price was engaged as organist at King's Chapel, Boston, and the following year he gave way to Edward Enstone, who was brought from England especially to fill this position. Enstone was engaged at a salary of $150 per annum, and finding this sum insufficient for his needs, on Feb. 21, 1714, he made application for permission to open a school as "Master of Music and Dancing," which petition promptly was vetoed by "ye selectmen." But Enstone opened his school notwithstanding, and the following year "ye selectmen" instructed the town clerk to enter "a complaint to Session." This was done in order, but the obdurate music master rather than the selectmen must have won the day, for the Boston News Letter bearing date of April 16-23, 1716, contains the following significant advertisement: "This is to give notice that there is lately sent over from London, a choice collection of musical instruments, consisting of flageolets, flutes, haut-boys, bass-viols, violins, bows, strings, reeds for haut-boys, books of instruction for all these instruments; books of ruled paper; to be sold at the Dancing School of Mr. Enstone in Sudbury Street, near the Orange Tree, Boston. Note: Any person may have all instruments of music mended, or virginals and spinets strung and tuned at a reasonable rate, and likewise may be taught to play on any of these instruments above mentioned; dancing taught by a true and easier method than has been heretofore."
Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island, was among the first to have an organ installed. Mr. Charles Theodore Parchelbel or Pachelbel — the name being written in different ways — assisted in setting up this instrument and he became the first organist of the church. Very little is known of Pachelbel except that in 1736 his name appears in connection with a benefit tendered him in New York. In the
following year he again figures in a benefit concert given by the St. Cecilia Society at Charleston, S. C.
It is very evident that the organists in the early days had a hard struggle to make both ends meet, for a later organist at Trinity Church, Newport, John Owen Jacobi, wrote to a friend in Philadelphia as follows: "The want of instruments, together with the niggardliness of the people of this place, and their not having the taste for music, render it impossible for any one of my profession to get a competent maintenance here; and their feuds and animosities are so great concerning their government, that a man can take but little satisfaction in being among them."
In 1796 John L. Berkenhead, who was known as the "blind organist" was appointed to Trinity. He evidently supplemented his meager salary by giving concerts throughout the surrounding country, for his name frequently appears on the concert programs of his time. His star performance seems to have been the rendition on the harpsichord of a composition entitled "Demolition of the Bastile." The Salem Gazette in 1798 published a report of a concert in which it states: "The Bastile, by the Doctor, was admirably played on an elegant harpsichord belonging to a respectable family in that town." According to the advertised programs of concerts in and around Boston, Dr. Berkenhead must have demolished the Bastile many times with the aid of the harpsichord.
St. Philip's Church, Charleston, S. C., from 1753 to 1764, had as organist Benjamin Yarnold. He was followed by Peter Valton, Yarnold having gone to St. Mary's. In 1765 Valton's name appears associated with two lady vocalists in the giving of a concert, in which the instrumental music consisted of "concertos and overtures — likewise a concerto on the harpsichord." Peter Valton had been an organist in London, England, and on coming to America he found, as did all of our pioneer organists, that he was compelled to supplement his meager salary. This he did by opening a shop for "musical merchandise," selling spinets
and other musical instruments. On Oct. 10, 1868, Valton advertises for "Proposals for printing by subscription, six sonatas for the harpsichord or organ; with an accompaniment for a violin." D. Salter was an organist in New Haven, Conn., in 1798, his name also appearing in concerts at Trenton and Brunswick the same year.
From 1763 to 1780 Philadelphia had a capable organist in James Bremner, who hailed from Scotland. Bremner opened a school of music in Philadelphia, teaching "young ladies . . . the harpsichord, or guitar" and "young gentlemen . . . the violin, German flute, harpsichord, or guitar." One of his most distinguished pupils was Francis Hopkinson, who assisted greatly in developing a musical taste in the Quaker City. Mr. Bremner also was a composer of some significance, and with Francis Hopkinson he did excellent service in fostering an early interest in what later became known as chamber-music.
In 1792 Raynor Taylor came from London to Annapolis, Md., as organist of St. Anne's Church. He became popular as a teacher of music, and in 1793 removed to Philadelphia, where he interested himself in organ playing and orchestral work. In the same year Benjamin Carr settled in Philadelphia. Carr had studied under the English masters, Arnold and Wesley, and was one of the best organists of which the town at that time could boast. He also was a composer of some talent.
As to the building of our first American organ; writers on this subject have claimed the honor for Boston, in the person of Edward Bromfield, and later, for Boston again, in the name of Thomas Johnstone. Bromfield was an amateur. He intended his finished instrument to have twelve hundred pipes; but it never was completed owing to the death of the young aspirant at the age of twenty-five. This instrument never was set up in any church. The date claimed for Bromfield's organ is 1745. Johnstone undoubtedly built the first organ in New England. This was set up in Christ Church, Boston, in 1752. But as has already been seen, the first
organ built in America was the one constructed by Christopher Witt; and the first American built organ to be installed in a church was that constructed in 1741 by Johann Gottlob Klemm (John Clemm) for Trinity Church in New York.
Among the early settlements established in America by foreigners (in distinction to the English colonists) that of the Moravians at Bethlehem, Pa., takes first rank musically. When John C. Ogden visited Bethlehem in 1799 he wrote of an "organ with several pieces of instrumental music" which were used by the sisterhood. Again, he states: "Indeed, in almost every room we saw some musical instrument—an organ, harpsichord or forte-piano. These are in many private families in this settlement and other villages." At Nazareth, ten miles from Bethlehem, Mr. Ogden found that in the "large and lofty chapel supported by four octagon pillars—in front of the minister's chair and table is a large organ within a pew, which surrounds it, and is constructed for musicians." He also found an organ in the chapel of another small settlement, Easton. Owing probably to the exclusiveness and the retention of their own language, these colonies of foreigners played little or no part in our early evolution in music.
The organ made an early bid for popularity. In New York City, in 1756, Gilbert Ash built an organ for the City Hall, which at this time was used as a concert room. According to the New York Mercury of March 8, 1756, this particular instrument was heard for the first time in a charity concert, on the program of which is announced "a song in praise of music, particularly of an organ," as well as an organ concerto. This and similar musical entertainments, in which organ music seemed to be the chief attraction, ultimately led to the organ recital. The first of these entertainments deserving the designation was that given in Boston for the benefit of Peter Dolliver. It took place on Jan. 24, 1798, at the Columbian Museum, an institution which was established by Daniel Bowen in the same year. Mr. Dolliver, who for some time had been organist of the Universal Meeting
House, played several pieces on the organ, as did a Mr. I. Linley, who had offered his services. Miss Amelia Dolliver also played a selection and sang a song, her brother accompanying her on the clarinet.
The first pretentious concert organ set up in America was the one imported for the old Boston Music Hall. Through the enterprise of Dr. George B. Upham, the Music Hall corporation had been led to appropriate ten thousand dollars toward its purchase. This instrument was built in Germany and was brought to America in 1863, at a total cost of seventy thousand dollars. At the time of purchase it was expected that it would serve for many years, but it never was satisfactory, and when the Boston Symphony Concerts became so popular that space was a consideration it was sold in 1884 to the Hon. William Grover, who presented it to the New England Conservatory of Music. The Conservatory, however, could not see its way clear to building a hall of the needed capacity for the accommodation of so large an instrument, and the great organ which had done so much toward fostering a musical taste of a higher standard in Boston, and which its purchasers had thought might outlive the centuries, was doomed to the ignominious fate of being sold for about the value of the metal and lumber it contained — fifteen hundred dollars. The Music Hall organ was of four manuals; it had eighty-four speaking stops, and five thousand four hundred and seventy-four pipes. Its case was very massive, and this with the large front pipes imparted to it an imposing appearance.
There are several other American organs which have become widely known. That in the Mormon Tabernacle at Salt Lake City long had a wide reputation. It is a notable instrument not only on account of its size, which was unusual at the time it was installed, but because of the part it has played in educational lines. Unlike so many of our American organs, an instrument for the few, the Tabernacle organ always has been the people's instrument, and for years it has been the custom to give free recitals at least twice a week,
when excellent programs are rendered. This famous instrument is of four manuals and has sixty speaking stops. It was built in 1873 under the direction of an English builder, Joseph Ridges, and within recent years was remodeled and added to by a Chicago firm.
Another organ which has been of educational value is that in Carnegie Hall, Pittsburg. This instrument has fifty-two speaking stops and four manuals. Since its installation it has been continually used for recital purposes. The late Frederick Archer inaugurated a series of free recitals, which were largely attended. Sunday afternoon concerts also were established, the average attendance being twenty-five hundred. Mr. Archer’s successors still continue to follow the same plan. These concertos are unique in America, where, with the exception of a comparatively small number given in the churches, the organ rarely is used for concert purposes. Pittsburg indeed is fortunate in this respect, owing to the generosity of Andrew Carnegie, and it seems a pity that other philanthropists have not followed his example, for undoubtedly the king of instruments in this way could be made to give pleasure and profit to thousands.
America has produced some of the greatest organs of the world. That constructed for the St. Louis Exposition was the largest ever built. It had one hundred and forty speaking stops and over ten thousand pipes, but it lost much of its dignity because of its insignificant exterior. Few people realized that they were looking upon one of the marvels of the world in the form of a musical instrument while listening to the wonderful music produced from it by many of America’s distinguished organists. There are several other American organs which also suffer through being obscurely placed. Judging from appearances one would hardly suspect that the Auditorium in Chicago contained one of the world’s greatest instruments, yet it ranks seventh among them. Among other noted organs in this country are those in the Cathedral at Garden City, L. I., St. Bartholomew’s Church in New York, Cincinnati Music Hall and Woolsey Hall at Yale University.
America has become famous for her wonderful organs. This could not have come to pass, however, save through the merits of the organists themselves. Our organists, from the early beginnings in the use of the instrument, up to the present time have received little enough of recognition for the influence which their efforts have brought to bear on our development in music. In the remote towns and smaller cities, where the "new church organ" gives opportunity for local interest in recitals and choirs, the organist usually is the leading musical spirit in the community and as such should receive due credit for the part he plays in our musical life.
From about the middle of the Nineteenth Century the melodion for many years was a favorite instrument in the home. The larger sizes had a pedal-board as well as a keyboard. The tone was produced from one set of reeds, and though often pleasing was lacking in power. This little instrument, of direct American origin, was the forerunner of the cabinet or parlor organ, the first one of which was manufactured in 1861. In many provincial churches it served as predecessor to the pipe organ. It also was a veritable missionary in the home circle and schoolhouse in the cause of instrumental music. The reed organ at its earliest inception became the medium whereby people in the country, village and town became familiar with our popular airs, minstrel and plantation songs, and songs of the war. Time and the influence of those who endeavored to raise the standard of music gradually changed the inclinations of the lovers of music generally, and the player on the parlor organ became ambitious for music of a higher grade.
One reason why these instruments became so popular was because their cost was such that it fitted the pockets of the people, those who loved music but could not afford more expensive instruments. They danced to its gayer strains; they sang their hymns of praise to the accompaniment of the parlor organ; it was their music at the marriage feast; and to its muffled tones they bore their loved dead over the threshold. America has its traditions, and in the future
many of them will be found lingering in and around the memories associated with the period when the parlor or cabinet organ was at its zenith.
Musical instruments such as flageolets, flutes, hautboys, violins and bass-viols were advertised for sale in the American colonies as early as 1716. It was in Maryland and Virginia that these instruments chiefly were used, for the people of the southern colonies were the first in America to enjoy a musical life. Owing to the dearth of newspapers in this section of the country, however, we have but meager records of the musical happenings of the time. The people in the South were extremely fond of dancing, and from some of the old advertisements it is seen that many of the dancing-masters also gave lessons on the spinet, the virginal, and later on the harpsichord. The spinet and virginal were smaller instruments of the harpsichord order.
The first American spinet was made in 1743 by Gustavus Hesselius of Philadelphia. Twenty-six years later the Boston Gazette published a notice concerning a spinet constructed by John Harris of that city, which it erroneously states to be the "first ever made in America." The earliest public mention of the harpsichord was in connection with a concert given in New York on Jan. 21, 1736, for the benefit of Charles Theodore Pachelbel. In announcing this concert the Weekly Journal states that Mr. Pachelbel will "perform the harpsichord part himself," with the "songs, violins, and German flutes by private bands." "A concerto on the harpsichord" is announced in a concert given in Charleston, S. C., in 1765 by Thomas Pike. Mr. Pike had come to Charleston a few months previously in the capacity of "dancing, fencing, and music-master." In the same year Hugh Maguire was teaching the young ladies of Annapolis to play on the spinet.
The first public notice of the use of the pianoforte appears in the New York Daily Advertiser of Feb. 25, 1791. It is announced that "Mr. Kullin, pianist, acquaints the public of his intention to give a benefit concert with the
assistance of Mr. Capron and Mrs. Haye, lately from Paris, whose voice he had every reason to hope would be considered as a great acquisition to his concert.” The announcement also states that Mr. Kullin will “perform on a Grand Concert Pianoforte, entirely of a new invention, and just finished by Messrs. Dodds and Claus of this city.” It would be interesting to know something more definite concerning “Dodds and Claus.” If they really constructed a pianoforte at this time they antedate the Chickerings (the reputed makers of the first American pianoforte) by some years. The latter firm produced, in 1837, the first grand piano with an iron frame in one casting. Jonas Chickering, the head of the firm, did much in his time for the cause of music in America.
From these early beginnings, America has come to take her place as the acknowledged peer of any country in the building of pianos. The wonderful growth of the piano trade, probably more than any other means, has tended to the popularization of music in America. From the position of an interesting curiosity the American made piano within a century has become the people’s instrument par excellence. There is more piano music heard in this country today than that produced by all other instruments combined.
The St. Cecilia Society of Charleston was one of the most ambitious of musical organizations in Eighteenth Century America, and its active influence extended far into the Nineteenth Century. Its orchestra was formed partly of amateurs and partly of professionals, the latter being engaged by the season. The following advertisement, which appeared in the New York, Philadelphia and Boston papers, is indicative of the spirit of enterprise shown, and it must also have had its influence on the musical life of these cities:
“Charleston, South Carolina, April 11, 1771.
“The St. Cecilia Society give notice that they will engage with, and give suitable encouragement to musicians properly qualified to perform at their concerts, provided they apply on or before the first day of October next. The performers
they are in want of are, a first and second violin, two hautboys and a bassoon, whom they are willing to agree with for one, two or three years."
In 1792 this same society wrote to Major Thomas Pinckney, then Minister to England, to buy and send out for it "one grand pianoforte and twenty pounds' worth of the best modern concert music." Josiah Quincy of Boston visited Charleston in 1773 and attended a concert given by the St. Cecilia Society. In writing of the affair he states: "I was passed from servant to servant and finally ushered in. The music was grand, especially the bass viol and French horns." He also adds that the "first violinist, a Frenchman, played the best solo (he had) ever heard." Then he tells that "the salary of this violinist was one hundred guineas" per annum; that "most of the performers were gentlemen amateurs." Then Mr. Quincy comments upon the "richness of the dress of both ladies and gentlemen;" that there were "two hundred and fifty ladies present and it was called no great number;" that the "ladies in taciturnity during the performance are greatly before our (Boston) ladies."
In 1773 the orchestral force of the St. Cecilia Society in its "Musical Festival," in which Gluck's overture, "Iphigenie en Aulide" and Haydn's "Stabat Mater" were rendered, was as follows: "One organ, twelve violins, three basses, five tenors, six oboes, flutes and clarinets, two horns, one bassoon, and two pair kettledrums, in all thirty." This early orchestra of thirty pieces, when measured by European standards of the period, was of fair size. Even in Beethoven's time the orchestra at Bonn numbered but twenty-two instruments.
There were many French musicians resident in Charleston at this period. There was "Citizen" Cornet, with his "orchestra of French Music"—probably the pioneer of the small orchestras devoted to social functions—announcing to the people of Charleston by means of the Gazette, that he had "established a Vaux Hall, after the Parisian manner, in which there will be dancing on Saturday." Then "Citizen"
Cornet announces that "the orchestra will attend at American or French societies, if required."
It was not until after the Revolutionary War that Baltimore showed a marked interest in instrumental music. On Sept. 28, 1786, Philip Phile, a violinist, was given a benefit in Baltimore. Phile's name is closely associated with orchestra work both in that city and in Philadelphia. To Baltimore, in 1791, came Alexander Reinagle, with a reputation as an excellent performer on the harpsichord as well as that of conductor and composer. He prepared good programs and added a dignity to the musical life of this southern city. In Virginia, before the close of the Eighteenth Century there were several cities more or less interested in bands of instrumental music or orchestras. Williamsburg, Richmond, Fredericksburg, Alexandria, Norfolk and Petersburg, all enjoyed a musical life.
Reference has been made in a previous chapter to the festival given by Andrew Adgate's classes in May, 1786, in Philadelphia, in which a chorus of two hundred and thirty voices and an orchestra of fifty took part. This undoubtedly was America's first pretentious orchestra. The festival was suggested by the Handel Commemoration Concerts given in Westminster Abbey in May and June of 1784.
Under the direction of Benjamin Carr, George Gillingham and others, a concert in which amateurs and professionals took part was given at Oeller's Hotel, Philadelphia, on April 8, 1794. This was the first of a series of six subscription concerts, taking place weekly, in which an orchestra was the chief feature of entertainment. It is interesting to note that in this particular concert the novelty was the playing by the full orchestra of Kotzwara's "Battle of Prague," a composition which enjoyed unrivaled popularity until the middle of the Nineteenth Century, when it gave place to the "Maiden's Prayer."
In 1790 an orchestra of ten was engaged regularly in giving open-air concerts in "Gray's Gardens," Philadelphia. This orchestra offered rather a high standard of music and seems to have been well appreciated. Here appeared a violin
prodigy in the ten-year-old Louis De Duport, who had performed before the Royal family in France. The youthful violinist evidently was in much demand, for his name appears on many concert programs both in Charleston and in Baltimore.
Toward the close of the Eighteenth Century the theatres generally had engaged regular orchestras. On June 1, 1796, fourteen performers, members of various theatre orchestras, assisted Mrs Arnold, a well-known vocalist of the day, in a benefit concert given at Theatre Hall, Boston; and on May 15, 1798, Gottlieb Graupner, with the "assistance of the best musicians in Boston," gave an orchestral concert in Salem. Graupner came from Germany to America in 1795, and in October, 1796, his name appears in connection with a concert given in Norfolk, Virginia. The program states that he will play a concerto on the oboe, and as his name appears in a violin duet he evidently was a performer on that instrument as well. In 1797 Graupner moved to Boston, and in 1810 in conjunction with others he founded the Philharmonic Society, which was active until 1824. A writer of the time remarks that the orchestra of this society "confined (their) work to the simpler fields of classical music. . . . Occasionally Graupner would insist upon trying a Haydn symphony."
Performers on various instruments associated with the orchestra must have been found in New York City in 1766, for in October of this year, William Tuckey, organist of Trinity, advertised for "gentlemen who play on any instrument to lend assistance" in a sacred concert. This particular concert was not held in a church, however, but was given at Burns' New Assembly Rooms. The instrumental music, and incidentally the orchestra work which William Tuckey zealously introduced and promoted in New York City, became the pioneer movement which later resulted in this city becoming a leader in orchestral presentation. To William Tuckey should be given the credit for awakening an early interest in instrumental music in general, and in orchestral work in particular.
The St. Cecilia Society, established in New York in 1791, was organized for the purpose of promoting instrumental music. This society had been preceded by earlier organizations, the Apollo and the Musical Society of the City of New York, both of which were pioneers in orchestral music. In 1799 there was organized the Euterpean Society, which combined social features with its amateur orchestra, its rehearsals becoming general assembly nights for musicians, literary men, and artists. Its public concerts were held in the City Hall and were followed by a ball and supper.
The first Philharmonic Society of New York was organized by the merging of the St. Cecilia and the Harmonical Societies on Dec. 9, 1799, and the first Philharmonic concert was held Dec. 23, 1800. This organization, while not keeping regularly together, during the earlier decades of the Nineteenth Century nevertheless exercised an influence upon the musical life of New York. The second Philharmonic of New York, which was destined to influence the orchestral work of other musical centers in the United States, was established in 1842. Its orchestra, at the inception of the still existing Philharmonic Society, numbered between fifty and sixty performers. In the meanwhile the old Philharmonic had been superseded by the Musical Fund Society, which latter also had its place in the development of orchestral music.
Two years before, the Boston Academy Orchestra had sprung into existence. This organization averaged from thirty to forty performers, with George J. Webb as its conductor. During its seven years of existence it made a brave endeavor to educate the people into an appreciation of classical music. Here, too, the first advance was made in the modern method of conducting, Mr. Webb using the baton instead of playing an instrument as was the custom with our earlier orchestra conductors. As a matter of fact European orchestral leaders did not adopt the baton until the beginning of the Eighteenth Century.
Owing to the presence of numerous German musicians Philadelphia early was privileged to hear both choral and orchestral music of the highest type. In 1820 an association known as the Musical Fund Society was organized with the aim of assisting its members and of diffusing musical culture in the city. It gave concerts of both secular and sacred music, founded a school and built a hall. At its first concert, given on April 24, 1821, there were heard choruses by Handel and Graun as well as Beethoven’s First Symphony. This probably was the first performance of the latter work to be given in America. Unfortunately the Musical Fund Society did not receive the recognition it deserved and it was forced to cease its labors in 1857.
About the middle of the Nineteenth Century Europe was in an unsettled condition politically, and many musicians found it more conducive to the well-being of mind and body to cross the Atlantic. Notable among them were twenty-three professionals who left Berlin with letters from the English and American ambassadors. They first went to London, but receiving little encouragement they set sail for America, arriving in New York on Sept. 28, 1848. On October 5 they appeared under the designation of the “Germania Orchestra” in a concert at the Astor Place Opera House. The financial returns were anything but satisfactory, and the little band of artists, strangers in a strange land, passed on to Philadelphia, to meet with no better success. They then disbanded, but subsequently were called together to play at the presidential inauguration ball at Washington. From Washington they went to Baltimore, and here they not only were enthusiastically received, but substantially rewarded, in spite of the fact that a visiting European orchestra under Joseph Gungl then was entertaining the Baltimoreans. From Baltimore they went to Boston, giving concerts at New Haven, Worcester, and other large towns by the way. They were not at first well received at Boston, but afterward seemed to make a better impression. After playing at the Castle Garden concerts in New York,
and during the summer season at Newport, they returned to Baltimore, remaining there during the winter of 1849-1850. In the summer following they made a very successful tour but returned to winter in Baltimore, and under the management of Strakosch, with Patti as soloist, they made a southern tour. Later they gave thirty concerts with Jenny Lind.
The Germania Orchestra became one of the strongest educators in orchestral work in America. In Boston, in 1851-1852, they were fairly successful, but in 1853-1854, their third time in Boston, they met with little success. The orchestra disbanded in 1854, but each of its leading members became a unit in the progress of American orchestral music. The fact that the Germania Orchestra received its best recognition in the South was because the people of the southern cities received an early educative influence in instrumental music. While the North still was debating on the question of church music the southern colonies had both sacred and secular music fairly well established, as English, French, German and Italian musicians early had found their way to the South and taken up residence there.
Save in the South, the Gungl orchestra, finely equipped as it was, gained little encouragement. This was in 1849, but four years later Jullien came with his orchestra of forty performers, some of them being soloists of the highest rank. Afterward he increased the number to ninety-seven. This was the largest orchestra America yet had heard, and it had its effect. It was an inspiration to our musicians and an education to the public.
These visiting orchestras left their influence and acted as incentives toward the formation of American organizations. In the past fifty years we have made wonderful progress in musical culture, especially in the way of a more general appreciation of orchestral music. The general American public, in contrast with the other English speaking peoples as a rule, is more interested in instrumental than in vocal music and this taste has tended toward our more rapid
The author, a man with a mustache and sideburns, is wearing a suit and tie.
musical level present. There is no question that the English themselves have been hampered through their adherence to choral music; and this preconceived taste has tended to retard their progress, for choral music has not kept pace with that written for solo instruments and for the orchestra. Owing to the American temperament and disposition instrumental music appeals more strongly to us, and it is in this field that the future of American music lies. It also is to this taste that our extraordinary progress is due.
In 1842, chiefly through the efforts of Uriah C. Hill, the New York Philharmonic Orchestra came into existence. This was the most important orchestra which America up to that time had possessed. Mr Hill became its first president and conductor.
**THEODORE THOMAS, 1835-1905**
Born at Esens, East Friesland, he was a self-educated musician who was the first American orchestral conductor, and according to some authorities the first conductor of his time.
He organized his first permanent orchestra in 1869 and made his first tour, going as far west as Chicago and St. Louis, and meeting with great success. In 1904, when Thomas was almost seventy years old, the magnificent hall built by the people of Chicago was finished and he conducted the dedicatory concert. This was his last appearance in public.
Theodore Thomas' success as a conductor was greatly increased by his genius for arranging orchestra programs which are recognized as models of their kind.
brother-in-law, the locomotive as wedge of their King's
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was against the pull by the people of Chicago was
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and made the first tour" found as far west as Chicago
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from st. George East Jessup" he was a selfmusical development. There is no question that the English themselves have been hampered through their adherence to choral music; and this preconceived taste has tended to retard their progress, for choral music has not kept pace with that written for solo instruments and for the orchestra. Owing to the American temperament and disposition instrumental music appeals more strongly to us, and it is in this field that the future of American music lies. It also is to this taste that our extraordinary progress is due.
In 1842, chiefly through the efforts of Uriah C. Hill, the New York Philharmonic Orchestra came into existence. This was the most important orchestral society which America up to that time had possessed. Mr. Hill became its first president and conductor. Its premier performance was given on Dec. 7, 1842, and was followed by two other concerts the same season. In spite of the fact that at the time Boston was favored with two orchestras New York now took the lead in the orchestral field, which place it has held up to the present. During the first seven years of its existence the New York Philharmonic had as many different conductors. In 1849 Theo. Eisfeld was appointed to the position, which he held until 1855. From 1855 to 1865 he alternated with Carl Bergmann, and in 1866 Bergmann assumed sole charge and continued to occupy the post until 1876, when he was succeeded by Dr. Leopold Damrosch. During the season of 1877-1878 Theodore Thomas conducted, to be followed by Adolph Neuendorf for two years, after which Thomas again assumed the position. Since this time the Philharmonic Society has had the services of other men of equally high aspirations. Anton Seidl, Walter Damrosch, and Emil Paur successively have occupied the post. Wassili Safonoff is the present (1908) conductor of this, America’s first distinguished orchestral body.
The New York Philharmonic Society, under the direction of its many noteworthy leaders, has done much for orchestral music in America, and its educative influence has been widespread and lasting. During the years that Theodore Thomas was at the head of the organization he revived Bach's works and gave the first hearing of many compositions of the modern school. In the season of 1903-1904 the Philharmonic, with the aid of several wealthy patrons, inaugurated a series of concerts which enlisted the services of several of the best known European conductors. Colonne of France, Weingartner, Richard Strauss and Kogel of Germany, Henry J. Wood of London and Wassili Safonoff of Russia each appeared in one or more performances. These concerts attracted considerable attention to the work of the society and were the means of placing it on a more substantial basis. From its inception the Philharmonic Orchestra has been an important factor in our musical life and bids fair to continue on its successful career. The members elect their own conductor, give their concerts at their own risk and receive their remuneration from whatever profits may accrue. So far the dividends of each have not been large and as a rule are not equal to the salaries paid in the permanent orchestras of Boston and Chicago.
Another New York organization which has played a prominent part in the musical annals of that city, and of the country in general, is the New York Symphony Orchestra. This society came into existence in 1878, chiefly through the efforts of Dr. Leopold Damrosch, who was backed by several munificent music lovers. Twelve concerts, which were marked by broad and liberal programs, were given during the first season. The New York Symphony has been especially active in bringing forward works by American composers and many such compositions have received their first hearing at its hands. When, in 1885, Dr. Damrosch died, his son Walter took up the baton and without interruption continued the work begun by his illustrious father. Unfortunately the organization later got into difficulties and was forced to cease its labors, but after lapsing for some years it was re-established in 1903. At the present time, under the direction of Walter Damrosch, it is in better condition than ever before and gives promise of permanency.
When in 1847 the Boston Academy Orchestra broke up, a new organization, known as the Musical Fund Society, was formed by Thomas Comer. Its founder was not a man of high artistic ideals and consequently the music presented under his direction was of light order. Subsequently Geo. J. Webb assumed charge of the society and to some extent improved on the work of his predecessor. But the Musical Fund Society never attained to any eminence, and like its Philadelphia namesake it lasted but a few years, closing up its affairs in 1855. In the same year Carl Zerrahn, who had come to Boston as a flute player with the Germania Orchestra, instituted an organization which, under the title of the Philharmonic Orchestra, gave a series of concerts each year up to 1863. The Civil War caused music to languish at this time and for three years Boston was without any orchestra worthy the name.
In 1865 an orchestra was organized by the Harvard Musical Association with the object of maintaining high class orchestral concerts. The promoters announced that they did not purpose to make money but that their sole aim was to promote the taste for good music and to advance the progress of the art in Boston. The first concert was given on Jan. 28, 1866, and proved a success. Carl Zerrahn was the conductor, and he had under him the best orchestral body which Boston up to that time had possessed. Nearly one-third of the works presented by the Harvard Symphony Orchestra received their first Boston hearing at its hands. The association continued its labors until 1882, when it was found that the newly established Boston Symphony sufficed for the orchestral needs of the community. Mr. Zerrahn remained as director until its withdrawal from the concert field.
Those in charge of the destinies of the Harvard Symphony Orchestra were extremely conservative in the class of music given presentation and as a result many of the younger musicians chafed under the restraint. These progressive spirits wished to bring forward more of the works of the modern composers and as those in control continued to
adhere rather strictly to the classicists a rival organization was the outcome. The new orchestra was established as an independent body in 1879 and was formed into a Philharmonic Society in the following year. Bernhard Listemann, Louis Maas and Carl Zerrahn were the conductors successively. The rivalry between the two bodies became most pronounced and continued until both gave way to a third and greater institution, the Boston Symphony Orchestra.
To the generosity and foresight of Henry L. Higginson, a Boston banker, is due the founding of this famous band; for he established it at his own risk and guaranteed its permanency. In the twenty-seven years of its existence the Boston Symphony has come to stand for the highest and noblest in the orchestral art and it is doubtful if it now is surpassed by any like organization in the whole world. From its inception as a philanthropic institution it has become entirely self-supporting, being the first orchestra in America to attain to this exalted position.
The Boston Symphony Orchestra began its career on Saturday evening, Oct. 22, 1881. Its first conductor was Georg Henschel, and during the opening season he had under him a band of sixty-seven men. Twenty concerts were given, each preceded by a public rehearsal after the plan first adopted in America by the New York Philharmonic. During the third season the organization gave twenty-six concerts, but after that the number was reduced to twenty-four, which has been the annual quota ever since. In 1884 Mr. Henschel resigned and Wilhelm Gericke of Vienna was appointed to the position. Gericke was just the man for the place, for he was a firm drill-master and not a musical radical by any means. Under his direction incompetent players were made to give place to those better qualified, and it is to his firm stand in this matter that the Boston orchestra has taken rank as a band of virtuosos. Mr. Gericke resigned in 1889 and Arthur Nikisch accepted the post, which he held for four years. Emil Paur then held the baton for five years, after which Mr. Gericke again assumed charge. In 1906 he gave
way to Dr. Karl Muck who was "loaned" from the Berlin Royal Opera for two years. Max Fiedler of Hamburg has been appointed to succeed Dr. Muck and will enter on his duties during the season of 1908-1909.
For many years the concerts of the Boston Symphony Orchestra were held in the old Music Hall, but since 1899 they have taken place in Symphony Hall, which was erected especially for the purpose. In 1903 a pension fund was started for retiring members. This undoubtedly will act as an incentive to long and faithful service on the part of the players. In addition to its regular Boston season the orchestra makes many appearances throughout the eastern cities as well as giving a series of nightly popular concerts during May and June. The "Pops" as they are termed, are given under the leadership of prominent members of the band and have proved highly satisfactory. T. Adamowski, Max Zach and Gustave Strube at various times have acted as conductors.
There is one name which stands above all others in the history of orchestral music in America — that of Theodore Thomas — for unquestionably he did more to develop a taste for music of this class than any other. He felt, as he himself said, that what the country needed most of all to make it musical was a good orchestra, and plenty of concerts within reach of the people. With this end in view he called a meeting of the principal orchestra players of New York, laid his plans before them and asked for co-operation. On Dec. 3, 1864, he gave the first of the Irving Hall concerts, and with an orchestra of thirty, in the summer of 1865 he gave a series of concerts at Belvedere Lion Park. By 1867 the orchestra had been increased to eighty members, and the famous Symphony Soirées which he had instituted had given the organization a prestige beyond any other musical society, and what was more encouraging to the enthusiastic leader, the public were beginning to show their appreciation.
In the season of 1868-1869 Thomas traveled with his orchestra, but he could not venture far, for New York and
Brooklyn engagements filled up much of the time. But after 1869 he concluded to make a tour of the country, and with this end in view he reorganized his band and introduced it to Boston. The manner in which he was received in this city is well shown by the following extract from Dwight's Journal of Music of Nov. 6, 1869. It states: "The visit of this famous New York orchestra has given our music lovers a new and quick sensation. Boston had not heard such orchestra performances before; and Boston in the frankest humor gave itself up to the complete enjoyment and unstinted praise of what it heard. . . . Fifty-four instruments, picked men, most of them young; all of them artists, all looking as if thoroughly engaged in their work, eager above all things to make the music altogether sound as well as possible. . . . There was nothing which our people, our musicians, needed so much as to hear just such an orchestra . . . to show to us that, with all our pride in our own orchestra, we are yet very far this side of perfection, and must take a lesson from what is better done elsewhere. . . . We rejoice in the coming of this orchestra. It is just the kind of thing that we for years have longed for in view of our own progress here. We sincerely thank Mr. Thomas, first for giving us a hearing, under the best advantages, of a number of works which were new to us, but more we thank him for setting palpably before us a higher ideal of orchestral execution. We shall demand better of our own in future. They will demand it of themselves. They cannot witness this example without a newly kindled desire, followed by an effort to do likewise. With the impression fresh in every mind of performances which it is not rash to say may (for the number of instruments) compare with those of the best orchestras in Europe, improvement is a necessity."
From Boston the orchestra made its way west as far as Chicago, performing at every city en route and returning to New York by way of St. Louis, Cincinnati, Pittsburg and intermediate cities. In later years other tours were made,
the last one taking in all the important cities between New York and San Francisco. Sixty-five concerts in all were given during this remarkable tour.
In 1890 Mr. Thomas decided to undertake the establishment of a permanent orchestra in Chicago. With this end in view he induced fifty prominent men of the city to each subscribe one thousand dollars a year for three years as the nucleus of a fund for the purpose. Mr. Thomas placed his enormous private musical library at the service of the new organization. For many years the Thomas Orchestra had a hard struggle for existence and again and again its sponsors came to the rescue. But the financial loss gradually lessened as the number of supporters increased until at the present time so liberal is the patronage that there no longer is a deficit. Up to the season of 1905-1906 the concerts were given in the Auditorium, but since that time they have been held in Orchestra Hall, another monument of Theodore Thomas' indefatigable labors. A series of twenty-eight public rehearsals and concerts now are given during each musical year. When Mr. Thomas died, in 1905, Frederick Stock was appointed to succeed him. Since his acceptance of the post Mr. Stock has steadily striven to raise still further the already high standard of the band under his direction and has been remarkably successful in his endeavor.
While Boston and Chicago are the only American cities having orchestras firmly established on a permanent basis all the leading cities are making steady progress in this direction. In addition to the Philharmonic and New York Symphony Gotham has several other bands of high attainments. The Russian Symphony Society under Modest Altschuler presents the works of Russian composers exclusively, and has exerted a broad educational influence in this respect. Frank Damrosch has done excellent work in connection with his Symphony Concerts for Young People. An orchestra under the direction of F. X. Arens, which offers an excellent series of concerts at low prices, has been extremely well patronized and has proved that there is a large public willing and anxious
to avail themselves of the opportunity of hearing the orchestral masterpieces if placed within their reach. Another successful New York orchestra is formed of young professionals under the leadership of Arnold Volpe.
Since 1893 Cincinnati has had its own Symphony Orchestra which annually offers a series of concerts of a high order. Frank Van der Stucken has been the conductor since 1895. The Philadelphia Orchestra, which was inaugurated in 1898 by the late Fritz Scheel, has become one of the leading organizations of the country. On Mr. Scheel’s death in 1907 Carl Pohlig was appointed to the position which he now so acceptably occupies. Pittsburg has supported an orchestra since 1895. Frederick Archer, Victor Herbert and Emil Paur successively have acted as conductors.
In addition to these larger and better known institutions there are many of lesser note which have exerted an uplifting influence in the individual communities in which they operate. Peabody Institute at Baltimore has an orchestra which for many years has given six concerts annually. The Minneapolis Orchestra under Emil Oberhoffer, and that of St. Paul under N. B. Emanuel, are rapidly coming to the fore. St. Louis has been more or less successful with a band which in 1907 called Max Zach from Boston to accept its leadership. Buffalo, Denver, Washington, Cleveland, Indianapolis, Detroit, New Haven, Kansas City, San Francisco, in fact all the leading American cities are moving in the matter of orchestral concerts given by their own organizations. It is a noticeable fact that wherever orchestral music has obtained a hold it has been largely instrumental in raising the standard in all other branches of the art. The pioneer educational work accomplished by all the leading orchestras of the country both in their home cities and in the places touched while on tour has been of inestimable value. In many of the smaller communities where it is possible to hear orchestral music of any grade only when a Musical Festival is held, the hearing invariably has tended toward an increased interest in music in general. Thus is seen what a prominent factor the orchestra has been in the development of music in America.
A vast change has been brought about in the orchestral music heard in this country during recent years. As heretofore the works of the classicists and romanticists form the basis of the orchestral literature. But the conductors of today as a general rule are not so loath to give new works a hearing as were their predecessors. Theodore Thomas was the first to take this broader view, and to him we owe our familiarity with Wagner and Tschaikowski. Brahms now occupies a place almost on a par with Beethoven. The Russians, Glazounow, Rimsky-Korsakoff and others are given frequent hearings. Richard Strauss and Mahler of the Germans, César Franck, Debussy and D'Indy among Frenchmen and the Bohemians Dvořák and Smetana occupy prominent places in the make-up of the modern concert programs. Elgar is about the only English composer to obtain any place; an Italian name rarely is seen; among the northerns Jean Sibelius has received most recognition. The Americans, Chadwick, MacDowell, Hadley and Converse, ever are attaining a more stable place. During his two years' stay with the Boston Symphony Dr. Muck has brought forward many works by American composers which have been favorably received. In addition to their purely orchestral presentations each of the larger bands during each season brings forward many soloists and thus adds to the pleasure of the concert performances. All of the leading singers, pianists, violinists, etc., who have appeared before the American public during the last half century, and even before, have been heard with one or other of the various orchestras of the country.
While the interest in orchestral music has been most pronounced and widespread it is only in the largest and most artistic centers that chamber-music has obtained any hold, and this only by ceaseless endeavor. Within recent years, however, an ever increasing public has been drawn to this, the most refined field of musical performance. The appreciation of string quartet music undoubtedly calls for a higher degree of culture than usually is found in the masses, and of
necessity the growth in this branch of the art must be slow. Yet in spite of this fact every season witnesses the entrance of new organizations in this field and the outlook ever looks brighter.
From the data available it appears probable that the first public appearance of a string quartet in America was made in New York in 1843, when Uriah C. Hill, to whose efforts was due the founding of the Philharmonic Society, again showed his pioneer spirit. The quartet which Mr. Hill brought together, according to the report of the event, was not of a high order, and it remained for the Mendelssohn Quintet Club of Boston to first offer really artistic chamber-music. This club was formed in 1849 and made its first appearance on December 4 of that year. The members of the organization were August Fries, first violin; Francis Rziha, second violin; Edward Lehmann, viola and flute; Thos. Ryan, viola and clarinet; and Wulf Fries, cello. For nearly fifty years the Mendelssohn Quintet Club continued active, two of its members, Wulf Fries and Ryan, remaining to the last. It traveled all over the United States and presented chamber-music of a high order wherever it went. Another early Boston organization was the Beethoven Quintet Club, formed in 1873, and which was kept up for a considerable time.
In 1851 Theodore Eisfeld instituted a series of quartet soirées in New York, which were continued for several years. Some six years later William Mason with the assistance of Theodore Thomas, Joseph Mosenthal, George Matzka and Carl Bergmann entered this field and with the exception of one season (1856-1857) gave a number of concerts each year until 1869.
Since the establishment of orchestras throughout the country nearly every town of note has one or more chamber-music organizations. The first of the existing string quartets to attain wide celebrity was that formed in Boston by Franz Kneisel in 1884. The original members were F. Kneisel, E. Fiedler, L. Svecenski and F. Giese. Messrs. Kneisel and
Svecenski still occupy their respective places, while Julius Roentgen is the present second violin and Willem Willeke the cellist. The Kneisel Quartet now is recognized as one of the finest if not the finest organization of its kind in existence. It has performed most pronounced service in the field of chamber-music and deservedly occupies a unique place in the musical world.
Boston now is the home of several chamber-music associations of a high order. Among the best known are the Hoffmann Quartet, the Theodorowicz Quartet (recently formed), the Olive Mead Quartet, the Adamowski Trio and the Eaton-Hadley Trio. C. L. Staats is at the head of the Bostonia Sextette Club, composed of string quintet and clarinet. The Longy Club, a club composed of players of wind instruments, and which was formed in 1899, annually gives a series of chamber-music concerts. In New York there is the Flonzaley Quartet, the Marun Quartet, the Margulies Trio and the New York Trio. Chicago has two excellent organizations in the Heermann Quartet and the Chicago String Quartet. There are many other chamber-music clubs of lesser note which are working steadily to advance this truly artistic phase of music, and they gradually are attaining more and more recognition.
The most popular form of concerted instrumental music in this country undoubtedly is that of the military or concert band. It is a far step from chamber-music to band-music, for they are as widely separated as the poles. While the first finds favor only with the few the latter makes its appeal to the many, and the band often is listened to with pleasure where the delicate tones of the string quartet or other small combination of instruments would entirely fail to hold the attention. Another reason for the popularity of band-music, lies in the fact that as a rule it is of a much lighter order than that performed by the chamber-music organizations. America hears much of this music and it never fails to make its appeal. It is a noteworthy fact that there are over eighteen thousand bands, ranging all the way from the little
company of village amateurs to the finest concert associations, in the United States today.
As early as 1767 there was a concert announced in New York to be given by the "Royal American Band of Music." In Philadelphia, in 1771, appeared an advertisement of a concert by a "full Band of Music, with trumpets, kettle drums, and every instrument that can be introduced with propriety." Boston also heard band-music in 1771, for on May 17 of that year Josiah Flagg solicited the patronage of the public to a vocal and instrumental performance in which the band of the Sixty-fourth Regiment took part. Two years later, on the occasion of a concert given for his benefit at Faneuil Hall, the opportunity was taken to remind the Bostonians that "Mr. Flagg has established and given instruction to the first band of a regiment of militia in their city."
The Salem Gazette of Jan. 16, 1783, contains an announcement to the effect that the "Massachusetts Band of Music, being at home a few days on furlough, proposes, with permission, to perform at Concert Hall, in Salem, tomorrow evening." In the same year there is record of Colonel Crane's band giving concerts at Portsmouth, N. H. The Revolutionary War acted as an incentive to band-music, and the public, accustomed to hearing fife and drum, gradually became interested in the performances of the military organizations. Many of the colonial soldiers marched to the field to the strains of fife and drum only, but the regimental bands of the British had suggested martial music of a more ambitious character, and America's military bands thus came into existence during the Revolutionary period.
In 1784 a concert was given in the State House at Providence, R. I., by an amateur band made up of the pupils of a Mr. Hewitt, who had come to the city some time previously. The organization afterward became a factor in the musical life of Providence. From 1786 until early in the Nineteenth Century many band concerts were given at Gray's Gardens and at Center House Tavern and Gardens in Philadelphia. It is said that at the beginning of the last century
West Point had one of the best bands in the United States. It consisted of five clarinets, two flutes, two horns, one bassoon, one trumpet, one trombone, one bugle and one drum. In 1821 a reed band was organized in Boston under the title of the Boston Brigade Band, which later was converted into one of brass instruments. In 1858 the reeds again were introduced and a concert was given in Music Hall. There were many earnest band-masters, and through their efforts this class of music was greatly advanced.
One of the finest institutions of its kind in America today is the Marine Band at Washington. It was first established in 1801, and therefore is one of the oldest in the country. Strangely enough, when originally instituted it was formed of sixteen Italians who were engaged by the officers of a United States warship stationed in Italian waters. When the ship returned to this country the band accompanied it, although it was not until 1838 that it was detailed to the Marine Corps at Washington. At that time the band was conducted by a fife major and so continued until 1854, when provision was made for a special leader and thirty players. In 1899 the number was increased to sixty; the leader was given the rank of first lieutenant and was allowed an assistant. During its long career the Marine Band has had eight conductors, Sousa being among the number. Scala held the post for forty years and firmly established the reputation of the organization. W. H. Santelmann has been the conductor since 1898. Not only has he raised the standard of the band itself but Mr. Santelmann also has succeeded in forming an excellent orchestra from among its members. The Marine Band now has a beautiful hall of its own situated in the Barracks at Washington, where it gives many highly artistic concerts. In addition to the Washington Marine, the United States maintains many other bands of a high order, that of West Point being the most notable.
Gilmore’s Band was the first of the many excellent concert organizations with which the country now is familiar. Gilmore, who was an Irishman by birth, came to Canada as
a member of an English band, and afterward settled in the United States. In 1859, when thirty years of age, he organized in Boston the company of players which afterward bore his name. Previous to this, however, he had been associated with the military, and during the Civil War he was stationed at New Orleans as band-master of the Federal army. While here he massed the army bands in a performance which was characterized by some realistic novelties, such as the firing of guns by electricity, the report occurring on the first beat of the measure, and causing something of a sensation with the audience. Reference has been made elsewhere to Gilmore’s part in the National Peace Jubilees held at Boston in 1867 and 1872. In the first of these his own band participated and in the latter many foreign bands were heard as well. The Gilmore organization traveled extensively throughout the United States and Europe and was enthusiastically received everywhere.
Probably the best known concert band appearing before the public today is that presided over by John Philip Sousa. It was founded in 1892 by its present distinguished conductor and has remained a favorite ever since its formation. There are many other bands which have won well merited recognition throughout the country. Some of them, such as Frederick Phinney’s, are termed “military,” but the name does not necessarily imply connection with the army. It is used in distinction to those bands composed solely of brass instruments, the military bands having reeds in addition. Among other of the well-known concert organizations of this class are Brooke’s, Furello’s, Creatore’s, Pryor’s, Innes’ Orchestral Band, Duss’ and the Ellery Band.
Band-music has obtained a tremendous hold on the American public, and it is indeed a small and unprogressive community which does not possess one or more companies of players. The larger organizations are made up almost entirely of professionals, while in the smaller ones the men are drawn from almost every station of life. The music played has an equal scope, ranging all the way from the
popular march to the classic symphony. The programs of the concert bands very often compare favorably with those of the best orchestras, being drawn from the same sources. Wagner’s works easily adapt themselves to band performance as do those of Puccini and others of the modern Italian School. The upward trend of band-music within recent years has been remarkable and shows an ever-increasing desire on the part of the public for music of true worth. Many compositions are heard by those attending band concerts which otherwise would remain entirely unknown except among the more cultured classes who are attracted to orchestral performances. Thus is seen the far-reaching educational influence which the various bands have exerted in this country.
In the smaller cities and towns every concert given by the larger orchestras and bands while on tour is looked upon as an important event by those interested in musical matters, and has acted as a stimulus toward the formation of local organizations. By this means many small companies of instrumental performers have been formed, each adding to the musical growth of the community. There now are scores of such associations connected with the schools, churches and theatres throughout the country, and each is doing its part, however small, in spreading an interest and love of the art. America has made wonderful progress in appreciation of instrumental music in all its phases within the last quarter century, and doubtless future years will show equal advancement.
AMERICAN MUSICIANS
America has witnessed a remarkable evolution in the art of musical composition. Starting with absolutely no artistic traditions, long hampered by the active hostility toward music displayed by the early Puritan settlers, thousands of miles distant from the art centers of Europe and for many years completely out of touch with them, intensely occupied in conquering and populating a continent, in spite of these overwhelming odds, America has produced many composers, performers, musical critics and instructors worthy of the name. When it is remembered that at the time our pioneer musicians were probably exhibiting their simple song tunes, Europe already had heard the masterpieces of Bach, of Haydn, of Mozart and of Beethoven, then and only then can one realize what has been accomplished within a century.
The real beginning of American music was the psalm singing of the Pilgrims and Puritans in New England. Before that time, the settlers in Virginia had brought over the music of the old country. They had even given concerts, but they in no way changed the music from its original form, so that it cannot be counted as an American product. Both the Pilgrims and Puritans looked somewhat askance at the divine art, questioning greatly its divinity. At first they objected even to hymns and permitted only the singing
of psalms. They had only five tunes, taken from Ainsworth's collection. In 1640, The Bay Psalm Book was published at Cambridge, Mass. It was the first book printed in the colonies and was very carefully gotten up, such men as John Eliot and Richard Mather assisting in its production. At first the music was not printed with the words and the psalms were sung by the "lining out" method, in which the minister gave one line at a time, to be repeated by the congregation. In 1690, the music was printed with the words, an improvement which caused much discussion and opposition. In 1647, a few hymns had been added, causing another outburst of opposition from the elders of the church. The book was first used by the Puritans, and was adopted by the Pilgrims in 1692.
This singing of hymns and psalms led to the establishment of singing schools, the first being opened in Boston in 1717. An organ which was brought to the Boston Episcopal Church also helped to keep up the musical interest of the time. Choir singing began about 1750. However, it came into the churches so gradually that it evaded the opposition which usually met any change. The next step was concerts of secular music at which dancing was sometimes part of the program. Then collections of secular songs were made and about sixty books of them existed at the end of the Eighteenth Century. Efforts at composition soon began, though at first they were very crude. However, these early composers had a high opinion of themselves and claimed to be well grounded in their work. Their use of counterpoint on which they prided themselves, easily shows that they had no true idea of the art. The false idea that genius needed no tutoring and was above all restraint seems to have been uppermost in their minds. The need for "dry study" was barely felt. In the preface to his New England Psalm-Singing, William Billings, who was representative of his time, writes as follows:
"To all musical practitioners:
"Perhaps it may be expected by some, that I could say something concerning the rules for composition; to these I
answer that Nature is the best dictator, for all the hard, dry, studied rules that ever were prescribed will not enable any person to form an Air any more than the bare knowledge of the four and twenty letters, and strict Grammatical rules will qualify a scholar for composing a piece of Poetry, or properly adjusting a Tragedy without a Genius. It must be Nature; Nature must lay the foundation, Nature must give the Thought. . . . For my own part, I don’t think myself confined to any Rules for Composition laid down by any that went before me, neither should I think (were I to pretend to lay down the rules) that any one who comes after me were any ways obligated to adhere to them any further than they should think proper; so in fact I think it best for every composer to be his own learner.”
From the above statement it is seen that the “air” was always the first consideration, and at the present day all that remains of the efforts of the early writers are a few psalm-tunes founded on these selfsame airs. Owing to the faulty and incorrect harmonization of the originals the arrangements of such of these tunes as now appear in some of our hymn-books are in altered form. Considering the time and environment in which they were written the early psalm-tunes and fuguing pieces show real merit. Had they been entirely deficient of value they would have been consigned to oblivion long ere this, and, such as they were, they served as the starting point for American musical composition. It is quite possible that they have the stamp of the country as it then was more clearly defined than have the works of our modern native composers. For with all our advancement, and excellent as are the compositions which have been produced within recent years by American-born musicians, with the possible exception of pieces of a popular order, they lack that inherent coloring and typicalness which make for nationality.
A man who was a tanner, a patriot of strong national sentiments and an enthusiastic music lover was William Billings, America’s first composer. With regard to his physical appearance everything was against him. He is
described as somewhat deformed, with one leg shorter than the other and with one arm comparatively withered, and added to these afflictions he was blind of one eye. Although his voice was strong, it was far from musical, being of a rasping quality. It is said that his first compositions were done between working hours and were chalked down on the walls of the tannery and on the sides of leather. In addition to his musical gift he was given to writing poetry, but he lacked the education necessary to make the most of his talent. His musical efforts also were hampered for a similar reason.
In 1770 he issued his first publication, under the following title:
"The New England Psalm Singer; or American Chorister, containing a number of Psalm tunes, Anthems and Canons. In four and five parts. (Never before published.) Composed by William Billings, a native of Boston, in New England. Matt. xii. 16; 'Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings has thou perfected praise.' James v. 13; 'Is any merry? Let him sing psalms.'
O, praise the Lord with one consent
And in this grand design,
Let Britain and Colonies
Unanimously Jine.
"Boston, New England, printed by Edes & Gill."
From an artistic point of view the tunes composed by Billings were anything but perfect, yet they contained an element of joyous spontaneity that was contagious and the approval of the public was won on account of this. About the time that the New England Psalm Singer appeared, English anthems of a fugal character were introduced in America and became extremely popular. This style of music seems to have made a profound impression on Billings and he is found voicing its praise in no uncertain terms. He speedily made use of it in the singing schools which he had established and his later compositions show evidence of a desire to emulate the writers of music of this class.
The photograph shows a woman in profile, facing left. She has her hair styled in an updo and is wearing a dark, possibly sequined or beaded, garment. The background is dark, which makes the subject stand out. The image appears to be vintage, given its sepia tone and style.
In 1778 his second publication, *The Soldier's Amusement*, was issued. This work won speedy popularity and was carried to camp by the soldiers, affording them much pleasure. Billings' other publications comprise Music in Miniature, containing sixty-three pieces of original composition and eleven standard tunes previously published; Psalm-singers' Amusement; Suffolk Harmony; and Continental Harmony. These, together with a few other themes, represent the life effort of America's first composer of music.
Crude as was his work when viewed in the light of today, Billings paved the way to higher achievement. It has been said with truth that he neither "borrowed, adapted nor stole" the melodies. Owing to his ungainly personality he was the butt of many jokes, but his enthusiasm awakened general interest.
American composer and pianist, born in Henniker, New Hampshire, of colonial ancestry. Her musical ability, which she inherited from her mother's family, showed itself at a very early age.
Among the compositions of Mrs. H. H. A. Beach were Holyoke, educated from Billings' three hundred instruments of Music. Kimball, who
The piano compositions of Mrs. Beach, although not numerous, are of high merit. One of the best known is *The Old Mill Stream*.
She has composed for the organ and has a number of works for the piano. In New York the music of Mrs. Beach is played in several churches. Baltimore, where she has lived for many years but had no children, has given her a home.
In 1778 his second publication, *The Singing-Masters Assistant*, was issued. This work won speedy popularity. It was carried to camp by the soldiers, affording them recreation and much pleasure. Billings’ other published works comprise *Music in Miniature*, containing sixty-three pages of original composition and eleven standard tunes previously published; *Psalm-singers’ Amusement*; *Suffolk Harmony*; and *Continental Harmony*. These, together with a few anthems, represent the life effort of America’s first composer of music.
Crude as was his work when viewed in the light of today, Billings paved the way to higher achievement. It has been said with truth that he neither “borrowed, adapted nor stole” the melodies of others. Owing to his ungainly personality he was the butt of many jokes, still his enthusiasm awakened general interest in music, and his indefatigable persistence forced a reform in its development. To Billings was due the introduction of both the pitch pipe and the cello into the church as an aid to the choir.
Among the contemporaries and immediate followers of Billings were Holyoke, who was more scientific and better educated than Billings; Andrew Law, who is best known for his three musical publications, *Tunes and Anthems*, *Rudiments of Music*, and *Musical Primer on a New Plan*; and Kimball, who wrote *Rural Harmony*.
The spirit of the time was now becoming less severe, although music was still chiefly used for religious purposes. One of the first departures was the early orchestras, and the beginning of the Nineteenth Century saw practical musical freedom in America. In the early days, however, music had not been confined to New England. Philadelphia had become quite a musical center. It had seen the performance of a few operas, in spite of the opposition of the Quakers, and had a Musical Association as early as 1740. In New York the music was chiefly connected with the Episcopal churches. Baltimore and New Orleans were also musical centers but had no great influence.
The man, who to quote from Elson, "stands as the chief link between the early American composers and the school of the present," is Dr. Lowell Mason. He made a collection of the best sacred music and added some compositions of his own to it. This was published as The Handel and Haydn Society Collection of Church Music. Later he became conductor of the society. He also became well known as a teacher, and was the originator of teachers' conventions in this country. In Europe he would have ranked only as a mediocre musician, but he was far more advanced in his art than any other American of his time, and merits his title of "The father of American church music."
The first American classical composer, and the first American musician to have a foreign reputation was John Knowles Paine. He studied abroad and his mass in D was performed at Berlin in 1867. He brought out his oratorio, "St. Peter," in Portland, Maine, in 1873. His genius appears less hampered by form in his symphonies in C minor and in his symphony in A, called "Spring." His musical setting of "Œdipus Tyrannus" of Sophocles equaled many similar European works. He at first opposed the school of Wagner, but later used some of its best method in his opera, "Azara," produced in 1901. At the time he started working, he was the best composer of his time and the only one who attempted classical works.
The next American composer of reputation is George Whitfield Chadwick. His music has a tendency toward the dramatic and he wrote many overtures, the most famous being "Rip Van Winkle." He is regarded as the leader of the American School. His originality and deep knowledge of orchestration stamp his work as that of a genius. Among his best works are the concert overtures, "Melpomene," and "Thalia;" his third symphony; the D minor string quartet; and a cantata, the "Lily Nymph." Mr. Chadwick has written in almost all the musical forms, the list including three symphonies; several overtures, chamber-music; a comic opera, "Tabasco;" "Judith," a sacred opera; cantatas, and much instrumental and vocal music. His songs are of a high order
and compare favorably with the best German leider. Elson says of him: "To hold the proper sonata form without becoming rigid is one of Chadwick's great gifts; he has reconciled the symmetrical form with modern passion."
Horatio Parker is another American composer who has used many musical forms. His work is rather scientific and undramatic and is not generally popular.
In the literature of sacred music, one name stands pre-eminent, that of Dudley Buck. His first Motette Collection, says Mathews, marks an epoch in American church music, the book being "notable because it was the first collection published in America in which modern styles of German musical compositions were freely used with unlimited freedom of modulation and addition of an independent organ accompaniment." As a concert organist, Buck made numerous and extensive tours. By means of these concerts and through his sacred compositions, he did notable pioneer work toward elevating the music of his time. His services as organist and choirmaster have been long and memorable. As a teacher he ranks with our leading instructors. Mr. Buck has written in all forms, but his fame as a composer rests chiefly on his church music and his cantatas. In religious compositions he freely makes use of dramatic effects, but they are so employed as in no way to lessen the grace and dignity of his works. A series of sacred cantatas, composed in his later years, are designed for the various church festivals and are called the "Christian Year." His large number of sacred compositions include anthems, hymns, offertories and a Te Deum. His organ music is of a wide variety, including two sonatas and the well-known "Triumphal March." Mr. Buck also has published Studies for Pedal Phasing, Influence of the Organ in History and an excellent hand-book for students and organists, called Illustrations in Choir Accompaniment. He has been by far our most prolific writer of church music, and not only the number of his compositions but their musical worth excites surprise at the amount of good work he accomplished.
An important element in American music is the college glee club, and it was in connection with such an organization at Harvard University that Arthur Foote first came before the public. One of his chief lines of work is choruses for male voices. He has been very successful, also, in his orchestral suite in D minor; his symphonic prologue, "Francesca di Rimini," and his songs. "He has won his high place," says Hughes, "by faithful adherence to his own sober, serene ideals, and his genuine culture and seriousness. . . . I know of no modern composer who has come nearer to relighting the fire that beams in the old gavottes and fugues and preludes. His gavottes are to me the best since Bach."
William Wallace Gilchrist is essentially an American composer, never having studied abroad. Like Foote, his works are mostly for the voice, including solos, choruses, cantatas and religious music. While he is successful in this line, his orchestral work deserves even more praise. Other song writers are Van der Stucken, the chief composer of the West, Adolph Foerster and C. C. Converse.
The symphony is one musical form in which the American composers have not been particularly successful. Many have written symphonic poems, but the present day romanticism has not seemed suited to the dignified symphonic forms. However, Henry K. Hadley, a young musician, has brought out a very creditable symphony under the title "Youth and Life." It is full of healthy Americanism, is cheerful, uplifting and melodic. His other works have much the same character.
A distinctly American composer is Silas Gamaliel Pratt, whom Elson describes as "an example of the irrepressible Yankee in music." He had tireless energy and tried nearly all the greater musical forms, including operas, cantatas and overtures. Louis Adolphe Coerne has been classed as Pratt's opposite. He is devoted to his art for its own sake, and has, like Pratt, attempted nearly all the musical forms. He sometimes lacks simplicity but is always skilful and pleasing.
A composer whose works have a romantic and poetic character is Frederick S. Converse. He is best known for his musical interpretations of Keats' poems, Endymion's Narrative and the Festival of Pan.
The formation of definite musical groups or colonies has been important in the development of American music. Among these musical centers are Boston, New York, Chicago, St. Louis, Cleveland, Cincinnati and San Francisco. The New York colony is the largest, but the Boston colony seems to be the most progressive. "Boston has been not only the promulgator," says Hughes, "but in a great measure the tutor of American music." However, outside of these main centers, many smaller cities and towns can claim celebrated musicians and composers.
One of America's most gifted and most characteristical representatives is Edward Alexander MacDowell, who belongs to the New York group. The individuality of his music is equal to that of Chopin or of Beethoven. As a tone master and a painter of musical pictures MacDowell stands alone, and his ability to combine the greatest simplicity of composition with the most dramatic effect is indeed unique.
Although the greater number of MacDowell's compositions are of uniform excellence, only those better known to the public are here mentioned. Under this head the "Indian Suite," for orchestra, probably comes first. The themes are built on the music of the American Indian folk-songs, the treatment of which is most unusual and delightful. Vigorous and strong in construction, masterly in arrangement, it still possesses a refinement and delicacy that make it one of the very first American compositions for orchestra. The four piano sonatas, the "Tragica," simple, but a marvelously artistic statement of the tragedy as one of the facts of life; "Eroica," which bears the subtitle, "A Flower from the Realm of King Arthur," and is a musical version of an Arthurian story; the Norse sonata, a tone picture of almost
barbaric splendor, dedicated to Edward Grieg; and the Keltic sonata, which mirrors all the glories of the Gaelic world, are his greatest works.
As a song-writer Henry T. Finck places MacDowell with the greatest of the world. In this smaller form of musical composition he has written some things that are wonderful bits of musical expression. In his smaller pieces for piano is seen another development of his genius, one which perhaps is more intimate than all others. A pianist of excellent abilities, he was able to give his own interpretation to these pieces as a sort of a key by which could be deciphered all the mystery and beauty of his larger works. His love of nature is charmingly expressed in his Woodland Sketches and Sea Pieces. In his Moon Pictures, suggested by themes from Hans Christian Andersen, one cannot help but feel the poetry, romance and charm which are there portrayed. MacDowell’s leading characteristics as a composer were his vivid imagination and poetic feeling.
Another very original composer of this colony is Henry W. Loomis, a pupil and follower of Dvořák. Mr. Loomis has been especially interested in using music as a dramatic setting for recitations, pantomimes and the like, and he has been most successful in giving his work a vivid, and one may say, graphic coloring. He has composed two comic operas, “The Maid of Athens,” and the “Burglar’s Bride.” He has also written some beautiful songs and some genre, or type pieces. He is unconventional and refreshing in his method. “His genius is the very essence of felicity,” says Hughes.
A writer who wavers between the older classical school and the modern romanticism is Arthur Whiting. Philip Hale has said that “rigorous intellectuality” was the one aim of this composer. “You respected the music of Mr. Whiting,” he continues, “but you did not feel for it any personal affection.” His best work is for the piano and orchestra.
Henry Holden Huss is another active member of this eastern school. He has been described as a dramatic and
lyric composer and his compositions are chiefly orchestral works and songs. His greatest fault is lack of simplicity.
Harry Rowe Shelley is a composer who has brought out some good religious compositions, namely, two cantatas, "The Inheritance Divine" and "Vexilla Regis," and a dramatic chorus, "Death and Life." He has also written an opera, "Leila;" overtures; symphonic poems and other compositions.
Other New York composers are Gerrit Smith, who is at his best in his songs for children; Homer Bartlett, an orchestral composer; C. D. Hawley, whose songs have fine lyric quality; John Brewer, another song-writer; Reginald DeKoven, who has composed some fairly successful comic operas and songs, and has attracted much public praise and also criticism; Victor Harris, a well-known accompanist and song-writer; William Mason; Arthur Nevin; J. Remington Fairland; Richard Henry Warren; and Carl Lachmund.
The Boston colony for some time claimed Ethelbert Nevin, although this composer was born in Pennsylvania and spent much of his time abroad. His excellent musical education was a great aid to his natural genius and shows plainly in his compositions. Nevin wrote many piano pieces and did little work for orchestra, but he will be best remembered by his songs. His child songs have a peculiar captivating charm and include some of Stevenson's best child poems. In Florence, Nevin composed his suite, "May in Tuscany," while his life in Venice inspired his well-known Venetian Sketches, The Sketch Book containing thirteen songs. His Piano Pieces is another popular work. "The Rosary," his best known song, reached a phenomenal sale. "Narcissus," his most popular piano piece, is contained in his Water Scenes, which work probably has made Nevin best known. His book, In Arcady: suite for piano, "En Passant;" a libretto, Lady Floraine's Dream, by Vance Thompson; a pantomime for piano and orchestra; a cantata and many songs and piano pieces have helped to make him the most popular composer in America.
Mr. Hughes in his Contemporary American Composers, writes, "It needs no very intimate acquaintance with Nevin's music to see that it is not based on an adoration of counterpoint as an end. He believes that true music must come from the emotions—the intelligent emotions—and that when it cannot appeal to the emotions it has lost its power. He also says: 'Above everything we need melody—melody and rhythm. Rhythm is the great thing. We have it in Nature. The trees sway, and our steps keep time, and our very souls respond.'"
America has indeed been rich in song-writers. One who belongs to the Boston group, is Frederick F. Bullard. He is best known for his "Song of Pan;" "The Sisters;" his settings to Richard Hovey's "Here's a Health to Thee, Roberts," "Barney McGee" and the "Stein Song," and several part songs. His harmonies are in some case monotonous, but in general his work is lively and original.
Homer Norris is a Boston composer who has turned his back upon German influence in favor of the French. He is chiefly a writer upon musical theory and is strongly opposed to emphasis upon form to the exclusion of emphasis on appeal. He has composed many songs. Other names in the list of successful song-writers are G. W. Marston and Clayton Johns.
The most famous member of the Chicago group of musicians, and one may say the most famous musician of the West, is Henry Schoenfeld. He is a follower of Dvořák and holds religiously to strictly national themes for his compositions, that is, like Dvořák he makes frequent use of the negro music. However, as Hughes says, "Schoenfeld negroes do not speak Bohemian." His piano pieces are his only published works.
Frederick Grant Gleason was a Chicago composer who tried the heavier musical forms. Prominent among his works are the operas, "Otho Visconti," and "Montezuma," of which he wrote both librettos and music. In these operas he closely followed the methods of Wagner. Another of his
most successful works is his music to the "Culprit Fay." He was also a well-known critic.
Cleveland is by no means an unimportant center in the musical world. Its most celebrated composer is Wilson Smith, who has followed a line of happy medium in his compositions and thus is popular with both the masses and those educated in music. Mr. Hughes writes of him: "His erudition has persuaded him to a large simplicity; his nature turns him to a musical optimism which gives many of his works a Mozartian cheer. Graciousness is his key." He has composed several pieces based on the characteristics of Grieg, Chopin, Schumann and Schubert, and in these he has reached a high degree of excellence. However, his works along more original lines are also praiseworthy, especially his two Gavottes and his Minuet, Moderne, which has been described as "musical champagne." Some of his songs are also beautiful, "If I but Knew," being a favorite.
Other composers worthy of mention are Johann Beck, a musician who is making it his life-work to follow out the rules laid down by the old classic composers; the St. Louis song-writer, William Schuyler; and Ernest Richard Kroeger, also of St. Louis. Mr. Kroeger has shown much versatility in his compositions and is one of the few Americans who has published fugues. Mr. Kroeger says some of his ideas are entirely musical, while others are attempts to illustrate poems in tones, such as symphony, a suite, and overtures on Endymion, Thanatopsis, Hiawatha and Sardanapalus. He also has composed a group of sonnets on various themes; Twelve Concert Studies, which, Rupert Hughes says, "show the influence of Chopin upon a composer who writes with a strong German accent." An étude, "Castor and Pollux;" a Romanza; and other studies, Danse Negre and Caprice Negre resemble similar works of Gottschalk.
The far West has produced two composers of the first order, Edgar Stillman Kelley, who though born in Wisconsin, worked chiefly in San Francisco; and N. Clifford Page. Kelley first became known through his musical setting to
Macbeth. His comic opera, "Puritania," was also successful, and his Chinese suite, "Aladdin," is one of his best efforts. "Kelley plainly deserves pre-eminence among American composers for his devotion to and skill in the finer sorts of humorous music. No other American has written so artfully, so happily, or so ambitiously in this field," says Hughes. He has done artistic and masterly work in imitation of the Chinese. Nathaniel Clifford Page began writing operas in his childhood, the first produced being "The First Lieutenant." He has continued along the dramatic line of composition, writing much incidental music for dramas. Like Kelley, he studied the music of the Orient and used many Japanese themes.
Two names stand out pre-eminent among American women composers, Mrs. H. H. A. Beach and Margaret Ruthven Lang. Mrs. Beach's large works are her Gaelic Symphony, first given in Boston in 1896; a mass in E flat, sung by the Handel and Haydn Society in 1892; a Festival Jubilate, composed for the dedication of the Women's Building at the Columbian Exposition; also three cantatas, "The Rose of Avontown;" "The Minstrel and the King;" and "Sylvania." Mrs. Beach's piano works are many, some of the most important being a cadenza to the C minor concerto of Beethoven, six duets called "Summer Dreams;" concerto in C sharp minor; a Bal Masque Waltz; and a Children's Carnival and Children's Album. She has written over sixty songs, many of them surpassingly beautiful.
Margaret Ruthven Lang's first large work of note was the Dramatic Overture, performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1893. An overture, "Nitichis," was given the same year by Theodore Thomas in Chicago. These compositions are in manuscript, as is another overture, Totila. Of three arias, two were performed in 1896; "Sappho's Prayer to Aphrodite," for contralto and orchestra, was performed in New York; and "Armida," for soprano and orchestra, was performed at the Boston Symphony Concerts. The third is "Rhoelns," for barytone and orchestra. Among
other compositions are a cantata for chorus, solo and orchestra; a string quartet, several compositions for violin and piano; piano pieces and songs.
American musical criticism has had an interesting history. The first so-called musical journals were mere literary efforts, full of flowery language. They contained much talk of Handel and Haydn, although at that time the people in America had only a very meager knowledge of these two great composers. The daily newspapers had no department of musical criticism. The pioneer musical critic of this country was John S. Dwight. He gave up the church to devote himself to literature, his musical writings gaining immediate attention. He was identified with the Brook Farm colony, where he taught German and the classics. At the conclusion of this venture he founded Dwight’s Journal of Music, which proved an eminently successful publication, and of which he was editor-in-chief for fifteen years. His paper is the best American musical history of his time, and his writing in other lines is abundant. Among the contributors to the Journal were A. W. Thayer, Otto Dresel, Leonhard and Mathews.
Alexander Wheelock Thayer, another American critic, while serving as librarian at Harvard, conceived the idea of writing a biography of Beethoven. For many years all his endeavors were toward that end, and he was successful in achieving the finest and most authentic of the reviews of the great musician’s life. In 1865 he was appointed consul at Trieste by President Lincoln, and in this capacity he served until 1882. During the first years of his consulate he published the first volume of the Beethoven biography. The second appeared in 1872, and the third in 1879. It is indeed pathetic that after these years of indefatigable endeavor Mr. Thayer was unable, on account of poor health, to finish the biography, this work being done by Dr. Herman Rieters, who had put the other volumes into German, in which tongue the biography must be read, as the English manuscript has never been revised.
Henry Theophilus Finck, also well known in musical literature, while pursuing his musical education abroad went to Bayreuth to attend the first Wagnerian Festival, of which he sent back accounts to the New York World and the Atlantic Monthly. He then sojourned in Munich and Vienna, studying psychology and anthropology, and always interested in Wagner. This interest finally deepened into a resolve to write a biography of the great composer. He had the advantage of knowing Wagner personally, and in 1893 published one of the most valuable studies of the great musician. In addition to his books Mr. Finck has done considerable work on the Nation and the Evening Post; is a successful lecturer and was at one time professor of musical history at the National Conservatory of Music. Besides Wagner and his Works, he has published Chopin and Other Musical Essays; The Wagner Handbook; Song and Song Writers; biographies of Anton Seidl, Edward Grieg and others; and a complete American edition of the four operas of The Ring of the Nibelung. Mr. Finck has a keen eye for new talent and is in sympathy with the more recent school of music.
Another American musical critic and writer interested in Wagner is Gustav Kobbé. He is a prominent contributor on musical and dramatic subjects to the newspapers and such magazines as the Century, Scribner's, and The Forum. Among his writings are The Ring of the Nibelung; Wagner's Life and Works; Plays for Amateurs; New York and Its Environs; My Rosary and Other Poems; Operas Singers; Signora; A Child of the Opera House; Famous Actors and Actresses and Their Homes; Wagner's Music-Dramas Analyzed; Loves of the Great Composers and Wagner and his Isolde.
Probably the best known of eastern musical critics and an author of authority is Henry Edward Krehbiel. He prepared himself for the law, but abandoned this profession for musical journalism. In 1874, he became critic of the Cincinnati Gazette. Six years later he went to New York and became editor of the Musical Review and music critic of the
New York Tribune, which position he still holds. In 1900 he was appointed one of The International Jury of Awards at the Paris Exposition and later was made a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor. In addition to his editorial duties, his lecturing and magazine articles, he has written many valuable books on music. Among them are An Account of the Fourth Cincinnati Musical Festival in 1880; Notes on the Cultivation of Choral Music and the Oratorio Society of New York; Review of the New York Seasons from 1880 to 1890; Studies in the Wagnerian Drama; The Philharmonic Society of New York; How to Listen to Music; Music and Manners in the Classical Period. He has also translated the Technic of Violin Playing, by Carl Courvoisier, and has edited an Annotated Bibliography of the Fine Arts, and Lavignac’s Music and Musicians.
Philip Hale is another eminent eastern critic. From 1889 to 1891 he was musical critic of the Boston Home Journal. In 1890 he accepted a position as critic for the Boston Post, and in 1891 went to the Boston Journal in the same capacity. Since 1897 he has been editor of the Boston Musical Record and was for some years correspondent of the Musical Courier. He has lectured throughout the country on musical subjects. Mr. Hale is known as one of the most brilliant and forceful writers in the interest of music connected with the American press. His articles are fair and judicious and also tinged with unique humor.
Louis C. Elson stands as one of the best writers on music in this country. His first journalistic work was on the Vox Humana, a paper devoted chiefly to organ music. About 1880 he was appointed editor of the Boston Courier. When abroad Mr. Elson was correspondent for the New York Tribune, the Evening Post, and the Boston Transcript. In 1888 he became musical editor of the Boston Advertiser. Mr. Elson has been successful as a director and has written numerous compositions of smaller forms, such as children’s songs and operettas. He is best known, however, for his contributions to the musical literature of the
country, which include The Curiosities of Music; History of German Song; The Realm of Music; The Theory of Music, Great Composers and Their Works; Our National Music and its Sources; European Reminiscences; Shakespeare in Music and a History of American Music, published in 1904.
One of the brightest writers of the younger generations is Richard Hughes. He became assistant of the Criterion in New York, and then went abroad to do research work for a large publishing firm. Fiction and verse, essays and criticisms, which have emanated from his versatile pen have been frequently encountered in the magazines, while several books, among them Contemporary American Composers, and a very popular one entitled Love Affairs of the Great Composers, have served to make him known as one of the liveliest and wittiest of musical authors.
William Smythe Babcock Mathews is a prominent Chicago critic and writer. In the decade following 1877 he was music critic on the Chicago Record, Tribune and Herald. In 1891 he brought out the magazine entitled Music, of which he was the editor, this being merged with the Philharmonic in 1903. Among his books are The Great in Music; Popular History of Music; Music and its Ideals; How to Understand Music; Complete School of Pedals; and many other valuable works of lesser scope. He is also favorably known as a piano teacher.
William Foster Apthorp is one of the best known of American critics. He was for five years critic of the Atlantic Monthly. In 1876 he became musical critic of the Boston Sunday Courier; in 1878 musical and dramatic editor of the Boston Traveler; and in 1881 he assumed the same position on the Boston Transcript, remaining there until 1903, when he went abroad to live. Mr. Apthorp was for a time program editor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra. He has also lectured at the leading American colleges. He is the author of several books, among which may be mentioned The Life of Hector Berlioz, Musicians and Music Lovers, and numerous translations.
Other American critics of note are James Gibbon Huneker and John Smith Van Cleve. In 1879 Mr. Van Cleve became music critic of the Cincinnati Commercial and was subsequently engaged upon the Cincinnati News-Journal. He went to Chicago in 1879 and gained recognition in that musical center. He now lives at Troy, Ohio, where he continues his activities as lecturer and writer. Mr. Huneker is very modern in taste and style, and his criticisms are delightfully pungent and vigorous. He has written a number of clever books, among them Mezzotints in Modern Music, also what is considered to be one of the best of the lives of Chopin. He is at present connected with the National Conservatory at New York.
Although nearly all of the American composers have been performers to a certain extent, there are some American musicians who are known almost entirely as performers. The greater number of these are organists and pianists. One of the first of these organists to win public favor was George Elbridge Whiting. He also ranks as one of the best American composers for the organ.
Samuel Brenton Whitney is another celebrated organist. He was first organist and director of music at Christ Church, Montpelier. After four years there, he held a similar position at St. Peter's, Albany, N. Y., then at St. Paul's Church, Burlington, Vt. He then became organist and choirmaster of the Church of the Advent, Boston, which position he still holds. Here he introduced the English Cathedral service. The choir of this church has become celebrated under his direction. Mr. Whitney has also been conductor of many choral societies in and around Boston, and has become identified with liturgical music and vested choirs, and a reverent performance of church music. For some time he was teacher of the organ and lecturer in the New England Conservatory, where he established for the first time a church-music class, in which not only vocal pupils were taught how properly to interpret sacred music, but pupils as well were instructed as to the management of the organ in the church service.
An eminent organist is Edward Morris Bowman. In 1862 he went to Minneapolis, Minn., where he became organist of the Holy Trinity Church and also taught music there. From 1867 to 1872 he was in St. Louis, Mo., as teacher, conductor and organist. He then spent three years of study in Europe under Franz Beudel; and studied piano and organ under Haupt, theory and composition with Weitzmann, and registration with Batiste in Paris. He returned to St. Louis, where he lived for thirteen years except for a trip to Europe in 1881, when he was the first American to pass the examination of the London Royal College of Organists. Since 1887 he has lived in Brooklyn, where he is organist of the Baptist Temple. For five years he was professor of music at Vassar College, and in 1895 organized in Brooklyn the Temple Choir of two hundred voices, which he still conducts. He was one of the founders of the American Guild of Organists and helped to found the American College of Music, which he served as president and trustee. Bowman also has served three terms as president of the Music Teachers' National Association. Besides being a very successful teacher he has published Bowman and Weitzmann's Manual of Musical Theory.
Hiram Clarence Eddy has an international reputation such as no other American-born organist can boast. Mr. Eddy has made many concert tours throughout this country and Europe, where his masterly playing elicited the highest praise from the leading critics. Haupt, Guilmant and others have all pronounced him a player of the highest rank, and by special invitation he played at the Paris Exposition in 1889 as America's foremost organist. Previous to that time he has played at the Vienna Exposition in 1873, and at the Philadelphia Centennial in 1876, and within the last few decades he has played at all the Expositions held on this continent. His influence in this country has been most marked in elevating the standard of organ playing and in widening the range of repertory. Mr. Eddy is organist and choirmaster of the Tompkins Avenue Congregational Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.
America can boast of three very prominent women pianists, viz., Fanny Bloomfield Zeisler, Julie Rive-King, and Myrtle Elvyn. Fanny Bloomfield Zeisler is one of the greatest living pianists. She was born in Austrian Silesia, but came to this country when but two years of age. She is thus an American by adoption. In the season of 1895-1896, Mrs. Zeisler gave fifty concerts in the United States and in the autumn of 1897 made a tour of the Pacific coast. While touring Great Britain and France in 1898 she received one of her highest compliments, an invitation to be piano soloist at the Lower Rhine Festival at Düsseldorf. Here the critics hailed her as one of the foremost pianists of the world. She has long been an integral part of the musical life of Chicago. She was a friend and admirer of Theodore Thomas and was for several years head of the piano department of the Bush Temple Conservatory in Chicago. In recent years she has taught privately, also appearing in recitals in the leading cities. Julie Rive-King made her debut in Leipsic in 1874, playing Liszt’s second rhapsody and Beethoven’s third concerto. She has made successful tours in America under the management of Frank H. King, whom she married. One of the youngest of America’s pianists to obtain a world-wide reputation is Myrtle Elvyn. At the age of three and a half years she made her first public appearance, and at thirteen she appeared in public recitals, playing the highest grade of classical works. At eighteen she made her debut at Beethoven Salle at Berlin with the Philharmonic Orchestra and achieved an unqualified success. She later made a tour of the provinces, playing also in Germany, Austria, England, Holland and Belgium with Arthur Hartmann, the American violinist. She had written numerous piano pieces and songs.
Another famous American pianist and composer was Louis Gottschalk. Upon his first American tour he played many of his own compositions and directed his own orchestral works. A symphony entitled, “A Night in the Tropics,” an overture, a cantata, and a portion of an opera was
brought out at that time. He was received with lavish praise by his countrymen. Later he made a tour of Cuba and Spanish-America, and he lingered in the tropical clime for five years. Returning to New York in 1862 he made a tour of America from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast, and in 1865 he went to South America on a concert tour, where he died in 1869. His compositions like his playing are possessed of a warm and brilliant charm, but are not underlaid with profound intellect or feeling.
One of the few violinists of note that America can claim is Charles Martin Loeffler. He played in the Pasdeloup Orchestra in Paris and with other European orchestras, which gave him a practical knowledge of orchestration. He first came to New York, but in 1883 went to Boston to become second concert master and soloist in the Boston Symphony Orchestra, which position he resigned in 1903 in order to devote more time to composition. He has never toured alone but has been heard in most of the large cities of the country with the Boston Symphony Orchestra. He possesses a wonderful technique and plays with exquisite grace and largeness of style.
Francis Macmillen is a young violinist of America who promises to excel any of his predecessors. He has made several successful tours of the United States, and has played as soloist with many great orchestras, including that of Theodore Thomas of Chicago.
The development of instrumental music in America was much slower than that of vocal. The most active parts of the country in this musical line were New York, Philadelphia, and some of the other cities further to the South. New England was slow in developing it. The first instruments used were the organ and spinet. The first band was that of Flagg, started in Boston in 1773. Gottlieb Graupner, a German, established the first orchestra in Boston about 1810. It consisted of twelve members, gotten together with the greatest difficulty. It was called the Philharmonic Orchestra, and Graupner, who played the oboe, was its president. He also
taught music and had a music store. He was one of the first men to introduce German influence in America. His orchestra lasted until about 1824.
In 1840 a larger orchestra was started in Boston by the help of the Academy of Music. This lasted for seven years. Philadelphia started a band in 1783 and in 1820 could boast of a musical organization called the Musical Fund Society. This society gave both instrumental and vocal music in its concerts and lasted until 1857. The first organization of the kind in New York was the Euterpean Society, which gave one concert a year. In 1842 one of the most important of American musical societies, the Philharmonic Society, was founded by Uriah C. Hill. Among the great leaders of this society have been Dr. Leopold Damrosch, Theodore Thomas, Anton Seidl, Walter Damrosch and Emil Paur.
The first really great leader in America was Theodore Thomas. Elson says, "He has done more to raise the standard of music in America than any other man." He began by giving chamber concerts in New York in about 1845 in partnership with William Mason. These concerts had a wide repertory and introduced many great composers in America. In 1864 Thomas began orchestra concerts, the Philharmonic Orchestra being his great rival. In 1877 and 1879 he became conductor of the Philharmonic Orchestra. In 1869 he had visited the West and gave some concerts in Chicago. He founded the Chicago Orchestra in 1890, fifty Chicago business men giving $1000 each toward its support. At first it was not successful, for the public was not sufficiently educated to enjoy the classical music which Thomas insisted upon playing. However, in time he was successful.
Henry L. Higginson was the founder of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, and its first conductor was Mr. Georg Henschel. The man who did the most for it, however, was its second conductor, Wilhelm Gericke. Its other great directors include Arthur Nikisch and Emil Paur.
The New York Symphony Orchestra was founded by Dr. Leopold Damrosch and succeeded from the first. It was
re-established in 1903 by Walter Damrosch. Seidl Orchestral Society was another musical organization of New York started by Anton Seidl, an operatic conductor.
One of the most popular American leaders is John Philip Sousa, who began conducting orchestras at the age of sixteen. He was for a time conductor of the United States Marine Band. He founded his own band in 1892. He also has established quite a wide reputation as a composer, especially along the lines of military music.
While there are no government supported music schools in the United States musical education holds a high place here. All the public schools have music in their curriculum, and excellent private music schools are found throughout the country. Within recent years many fine music schools have also been established in connection with the state universities.
One of the first American musicians to be interested in musical education was Dr. Eben Tourjée. He did much to systematize the teaching of music and founded the New England Conservatory in 1870. Mr. Stephen Emery is a well-known instructor of harmony in this conservatory. Among its other celebrated teachers are Alfred B. Turner and Lyman W. Wheeler. Another New England music school was the Boston Conservatory of Music founded by Julius Eichberg. It is principally known as a violin school.
Theodore Thomas was one of the chief musical educators in the West. Another well-known teacher in Chicago is Mr. Emil Liebling. It is difficult to classify Mr. Liebling, for he is equally at home as lecturer, writer, teacher or concert performer. He has had excellent success as teacher, and has a large number of distinguished pupils to his credit. He has written numerous excellent compositions for the piano, and has edited a very valuable book of scales for the piano.
Among the other teachers worthy of mention are William L. Tomlins, Frank Damrosch, Hugh Archibald Clarke, John K. Paine, Albert A. Stanley, Horatio W. Parker, Karl Klauser, A. J. Goodrich, Percy Goetschius, Thomas Tapper, and others.
THE MUSIC TRADES
Whatever may be the state of musical culture in America, the standard of musical taste, or the value of American composition, there can be no question as to the importance of American achievement in the line of instrument making. The best of American instruments, in the matter of the piano for instance, serve as ideals for the followers of Cristofori’s art in every country of the globe. And the principal improvements, which have placed the piano of today beyond comparison with its progenitors of half a century ago, have emanated from the brain of our own instrument makers. It sometimes is suggested that American initiative in this line is the initiative of the transplanted foreigner. This was well answered a few years ago, at a piano-makers’ dinner in Boston, by Edward Everett Hale:
“What moral can we find in the circumstance by which Jonas Chickering’s attention was turned from being a machinist in a cotton factory to enter upon the taking up of this industry in America? Why is it that a machinist in New Ipswich, or in New Hampshire, turns to making pianos? Does a blacksmith in Bulgaria turn to making pianos? Is there anywhere in Nijni-Novgorod or in Archangel, or in the center of Russia, where such a change of conditions is brought about? Is there any country in this world where a man turns about, as you see everywhere in
this country, from the crude forms of manufacture into the making of pianos, or of watches, or of locomotive engines, or from every trace or indication of the profession he started in, excepting America? No. It comes in America because America is America, and because the constitution of America is what it is."
American inventiveness, so strikingly illustrated in the field of piano construction, of recent years has had full sway in the evolution of the phonograph for the reproduction and preservation of music, and the playing attachments for organ and piano, all of which were but faintly suggested many years before by the simple music box, which undoubtedly is the oldest of the self-playing musical instruments. The last word, however, has come from England in the Mills automatic violin player, a successful device which is to the violin what the pianola is to the piano.
Statistics speak most eloquently of the growth of the musical instrument industry in the United States. The census of 1860 was the first to treat the matter separately, and at this time there were reported to be two hundred and twenty-three establishments devoted to the manufacture of musical instruments and an invested capital of $4,431,900. The last census bulletin gives six hundred and twenty-five such concerns, and an invested capital of $72,225,379. The ratio of the improvement is commensurate, even the once despised street piano having come to be, except to the over-aesthetic, a source of joy.
A peculiar phase of the musical instrument industry lies in the frequency with which the founder of a house passes the business on to his sons, and they in turn to theirs. Undoubtedly the high degree of perfection attained is due to these commercial heirships and jealously guarded prestige.
America may indeed find just cause for self-complacency in her piano industry. In the eighty-five years since its actual beginning with Jonas Chickering it has had a phenomenal growth, and even more gratifying is the fact that the American instrument can take its place beside anything made
in the world. The early perfection attained is more remarkable when we consider the skill, taste, and exquisite nicety which are positive requisites. Piano-making indeed is one of the pursuits which defy the labor-saving machine, and as the Scientific American observed not long ago, "the making of high-grade pianos is a field where the skilled artisan reigns supreme, and is likely to remain so to the end of time."
America shares with Germany the distinction of being most largely engaged in the piano-making business. Statistical reports of the year 1905 recorded two hundred and forty-nine piano manufactories in the United States, and an invested capital of $49,649,135. New York State leads with $15,504,312. New York City is the principal center in the United States for the manufacture of pianos, 82,532 uprights and nearly all the grands for the entire State being manufactured in that city in the representative year 1905. The State of New York reported the manufacture of 96,985 uprights, or more than one-third of the entire number reported for the United States. Illinois is a close second to New York with a capital amounting to $14,908,172, and Massachusetts follows next with $5,749,266. The annual output is over 250,000 per year, or as Edward Everett Hale estimated in his speech at the eightieth anniversary celebration of the founding of the house of Chickering, something like one new piano to every thirty-five houses in the country. The important patents taken out for the improvement of the piano from 1796 to 1896 do not fall far short of five hundred. The piano now is the most extensively used of all musical instruments, and its widespread use has very nearly killed the trade in cabinet and reed organs.
The rise and growth of the piano industry in the new world is an interesting chronicle. The history of the American piano (that is, of its direct antecedents) dates, as far as our knowledge goes, from the year 1743, for it was then that Gustavus Hesselius manufactured spinets in Philadelphia. In 1759 it was recorded that a man named Tremaine made a harpsichord of "a most agreeable and melodious volume and character," and also that a company of London actors made use of it at a benefit performance in the old John Street Theatre in New York.
It is generally believed that the first bona fide piano made in this country was one constructed the year of the beginning of the Revolution by John Behrent (sometimes called Belmont) in Philadelphia, which at that time was the principal seat of trade as well as the social and artistic center of the colonies. He announced it as "an extraordinary instrument of the name of pianoforte of mahogany in the manner of a harpsichord, with hammers and several changes." There were other claimants to fame about that time. In 1785 James Juliann of the same city appears to have produced "the great American piano of his own invention," and in the same year in New York, George Ulshoefer, a German, exhibited a piano of his own make in the coffee room of the City tavern, which he styled "George Ulshoefer's patent high-strung pianoforte." In the Quaker City Charles Albrecht made instruments before 1789, and the fame of their beautiful inlaid cases is not yet dead.
The New York Independent Gazette for May 23, 1786, announces the arrival of Charles Taws, an Englishman, "who builds and repairs finger and barrel organs. He also repairs and tunes pianofortes, harpsichords and guitars." Two years later Taws moved to Philadelphia and engaged in the trade in which two of his sons succeeded him. In 1729 John Isaac Hawkins, another Britisher, came to Philadelphia, where he invented the cottage piano which he called a "portable grand." This versatile fellow, according to one contemporary, was a civil engineer, poet, preacher, phrenologist and inventor of ever pointed pencils. In the year 1800 Thomas Jefferson, writing to his daughter from Philadelphia, remarks, "A very ingenious, modest and poor young man in Philadelphia has invented one of the prettiest improvements in the pianoforte that I have ever seen and it has tempted me to engage one for Monticello. His strings are
perpendicular, and he contrives within that height to give his strings the same length as in a grand piano, and fixes three unisons to the same screw. It scarcely gets out of tune at all, and then, for the most part the three unisons are tuned at once."
The German Advertiser in 1790 speaks with satisfaction of the high state of perfection to which instrument making had attained in Philadelphia. The home-made article in two respects was preferable to the imported, for the American instruments were screwed together instead of glued, and London-seasoned wood was not adapted to the dry changeable climate of this country.
The art of clever advertising seems to have kept pace with the industry as the following notice from the first number of Louden's Register, issued Feb. 12, 1792, will show: "Messrs. Dodds and Claus, musical instrument manufactory, 66 Queen St., announces that the forte-piano is become so exceedingly fashionable in Europe that few polite families are without it. . . . The improvements which Messrs. Dodds and Claus have made in the forte-pianos have rendered it much more acceptable than those imported."
However, most of the pianos used in the new republic still were sent over by European firms, by the Broadwoods (the oldest firm of keyboard instrument makers in existence), by the Clementis, by the Longmans and others. The founding of the fortunes of the house of Astor by John Jacob Astor, the first, is said partly to have been achieved by the importation of pianos. In 1791 there were twenty-seven pianos in Boston, and all of these had been made in London.
It is quite possible that the first practical piano constructed in this country was made some time prior to 1803 by Benjamin Crehore, who lived in Milton, near Boston. Crehore made other musical instruments as well, such as violins, cellos, guitars, drums and flutes. There is a story that to sell his pianos, of which he made but ten or a dozen a year, Crehore put on them the imprint of London
and Paris, which goes to show that human nature has suffered no serious change in the century just past. Morris Steinert speaks of Crehore’s little shop as the training school of such men as John Osborne and the brothers Lewis and Alpheus Babcock, who served their apprenticeship there. It was during Crehore’s activities that the first upright pianos were made, but a serious weakness was their inability to stay in tune. Crehore failed after a few years, and when his apprentices, the previously mentioned Babcock brothers, and Thomas Appleton, a pipe organ manufacturer went into business together, he became a workman in their shop. This firm, which received an addition in the Hoyts brothers, importers of musical instruments, dissolved during the panic of 1819. The Bents, William and Adam, also were prominent musical instrument makers in Boston in the early years of the Nineteenth Century. A press notice of 1800 speaks of William Bent as an “expert mechanic” whose new grand piano attracted much attention. Mallet & Shaw was another of the early firms.
The virtual founder of the piano industry in the United States — virtual because his instruments really were practical — was Jonas Chickering, of whom Hon. Robt. C. Winthrop proposed as a suitable epitaph: “He was a grand, square and upright man.” Many of the prominent American piano firms have been founded by emigrants, a fact which also is true of France, the great French makers, Erard, Pleyel and Pape all having been foreigners. Chickering, however, was a thorough American. He was born in 1798 in New Ipswich, N. H., his father being a farmer and the village blacksmith. In his seventeenth year Jonas was apprenticed to a cabinet-maker. New Ipswich at that time possessed but one piano, an instrument made in London by Christopher Graner. Tradition has it that the piano once had belonged to Princess Amelia, daughter of George III. Whatever may have been its history, fate lurked among its strings and hammers. Some injury had befallen the piano so that it was not used and when the youthful Jonas, who
had an innate understanding of mechanism, undertook its restoration, he discovered his vocation.
In 1818, when twenty years of age, Jonas Chickering went to Boston. Here he was apprenticed to John Osborne, one of the foremost piano merchants between the years 1815-1835, who in turn had been an apprentice of Crehore's. In 1820 a Scotchman named James Stewart entered into partnership with Osborne. Stewart was a piano-maker of ability, with a brain fertile for improvements, and he probably was the first manufacturer to export pianos out of the United States. While in Baltimore, previous to his Boston sojourn, he had shipped numerous instruments to Havana for the West Indian trade. After a short time Osborne and Stewart disagreed, and in 1823 the former entered into a partnership with Jonas Chickering, their shop being on Tremont Street. It is from this year that the founding of the great Chickering industry is dated. In two years Stewart returned to Europe, and in 1829 Captain John Mackay, the former partner of Alpheus Babcock, became Chickering's partner. Some of Jonas Chickering's greatest contemporaries were Nunns and Clark of New York, Boardman and Gray of Albany, and the Louds of Philadelphia. The Chickering factories, main office and warerooms still are located in Boston. Since the firm's formation over 100,000 Chickering pianos have been constructed, and the capacity of the factories is 5000 instruments per year. The patented improvements of the house are many and valuable and cover many points in piano construction. Let it suffice to say here that to the Chickerings is due, besides the introduction of the iron frame into both square and grand pianos, the invention of the circular scale for square pianos, the adoption of agraffes and the development and improvement of the action. They are one of the largest makers of artistic grand pianos in the world. Their use of the iron frame was particularly valuable, the variable American climate making the need of some such thing imperative. For the successful introduction of the iron frame Jonas Chickering has been
called "the father of the piano as we know it today." After the death of Jonas Chickering in 1853 the business was continued by his three sons, Thomas E., C. Frank and George H. Chickering, all of whom were practical piano workers. Mr. C. Frank Chickering was one of the most accomplished scale draughtsmen of his time.
The fame and prestige of the Chickering piano is by no means confined to our own country. One hundred and twenty-nine first medals and awards have been acquired by these pianos, and in 1867, when the Chickering piano was shown at the first Paris exhibition, Mr. C. Frank Chickering was decorated with the cross of the Legion of Honor. Among the enthusiastic endorsers have been Liszt, Saint-Saëns, Gottschalk, Wehle, Gounod, Thalberg, De Pachmann, Careño, Georg Henschel, von Bülow and an army of others.
Jonas Chickering was one of the founders of the Handel and Haydn Society of Boston and at one time was its president. For twenty-five years at least Chickering Hall in New York was the nucleus of the musical life of that city. The fourth Chickering Hall of the name was opened in Boston, Feb. 9, 1901. In 1893 the house of Chickering brilliantly celebrated its eightieth anniversary.
After Boston, Baltimore was the next to come into prominence as a piano manufacturing city. Its patronage came largely from the then prosperous Southern States, counterbalancing the eastern trade of the Chickerings. Notable among the Baltimore contingent was Joseph Hiskey, Conrad Meyer's master, who constructed pianos on the Vienna principle, which in substance consists in having the tuning pins above the keyboard, a sounding board extending over the whole instrument, and an iron plate, which holds the hitch-pin for the strings. Another feature of Hiskey's pianos was the application of four or five pedals to his square piano to produce the orchestral effect which at that time was a fad in Europe. Henry Gaehle was prominent among the Baltimore makers, and in 1841 he formed a partnership with William Knabe, who was born in Kreutzburg, Saxe Weimar, in 1797.
In course of time Knabe bought out Gaehle's interests. In this case, as in those of other great firms, the grandsons continue the trade of the grandfather.
Strange to say, New York, where now by far the greatest number of musical instruments are manufactured, at first was by no means at the front in the matter of piano manufacturing. But in 1850 a family of piano-makers named Steinway emigrated from Germany and settled in the city. Few men have had a history as remarkable as Henry Engelhard Steinway, founder of the company. Born on Feb. 15, 1797, in Wolfshagen, Germany, a small forest hamlet in the Duchy of Brunswick, Germany, the youngest of a family of twelve children, at the age of fifteen he was the sole survivor. The causes of this wholesale taking off were the Franco-Prussian wars of 1806 and 1812, and a bolt of lightning which had killed six persons, including young Steinway's father and three older brothers. The youth shouldered a musket at the call of the Duke of Brunswick and marched against Napoleon. He left the army at the age of twenty-one, and after his marriage in 1825 he settled as a cabinet-maker in the Harz Mountains. Soon he began to look longingly toward America as the land of opportunity. It was not, however, until about twenty-five years later, at the time of the political troubles of 1848, that the resolution became fixed, and in 1850 he started for America with his wife, three sons and three daughters. The eldest son Theodore C. F. Steinway, a great inventive genius, stayed behind, carrying on the piano business in Brunswick. Henry Steinway and the sons who were old enough worked at first as journeymen in New York piano factories, the father meantime intently studying business conditions. Three years later, in 1853, the year that Jonas Chickering died, Henry Steinway started modestly in business for himself. He was greatly aided to the successful career which awaited him by his sons, one of whom, Henry S., Jr., being possessed of remarkable originality. In 1855 the Steinways exhibited a square piano in which the American iron frame principle of a
single iron casting was combined with a cross or overstrung scale, forming the foundation of the so-called Steinway system. Its novel feature made it not only record breaking but epoch-making. Both Charles and Henry Steinway died in 1866 and Theodore, the eldest son, disposed of his business in Germany, and became a partner in the New York firm. Henry Steinway, the father, died in 1871.
Eight men, members of the third and fourth generations of the house of Henry Steinway today are engaged in the industry he formed. A rule of the family is that every male member must learn his trade in the factories, expecting no shorter hours and no more favors than the other workers. Thus the members of the firm have intimate knowledge of the science of piano-building.
In addition to this splendid American establishment the Steinways also have a branch manufactory in Hamburg and a distributing house in London. In truth, the firm enjoys the distinction of being the leading firm of artistic piano-makers in the world, its products being in high favor with royalty and the greatest of the artists.
The firm of Mason & Hamlin was incorporated in 1854 for the purpose of manufacturing musical instruments and first became widely known for its cabinet organs. As times changed; the development of the Mason and Hamlin pianoforte (the house has clung to the old word with characteristic exactitude) was left to the younger generation and in this line has been achieved a success even greater than that of the Mason and Hamlin organs.
One of the foremost American piano firms is the Weber Company of New York. The founder of the house was Albert Weber, a Bavarian, who came to this country in 1845 at the age of sixteen. He learned piano-making in New York, working at his trade by day and giving music lessons at night. He entered business for himself in 1852, and the high standard set for his instruments, combined with profound business sagacity, soon brought to him not only prosperity but fame, national and European. Mr. Weber
died at the comparatively early age of fifty, leaving his business interests in the hands of his son, Albert Weber, Jr. Albert Weber, Sr., was the originator of the term "baby grand," to characterize that popular bijou instrument.
The Blazius is manufactured at Woodbury, New Jersey, and marketed at Philadelphia. The product of this firm also includes the "Albrecht & Co." and the "Regent" pianos.
The Cable Company, Chicago, was established in 1880 and is the manufacturer of Conover Pianos, Cable Pianos, Kingsbury Pianos, Wellington Pianos and Chicago Cottage Organs. This company has a capital of $2,000,000.
The A. B. Chase Piano Company, New York and Norwalk, Ohio, was established in 1875. It is one of the few western firms to gain recognition in the eastern trade.
The Conover Piano is manufactured by the Cable Company of Chicago; first made in 1883 by J. Frank Conover, a piano expert of international distinction.
The Crown Piano is a well-known instrument manufactured by Geo. P. Bent of Chicago.
Also prominent among American pianos are the following:
Decker & Son, New York, established 1856, manufacturers of pianos of a superior quality. The late Myron A. Decker was one of America's oldest and most distinguished piano manufacturers. His son Frank C. Decker who succeeded him is an expert.
Fischer Piano, New York, made by the distinguished old house of J. and C. Fischer, which has been in existence since 1840. This house succeeded R. and W. Nunns, piano-makers, established in 1820. The elder Fischer came to America in 1839, having learned his trade in Italy. The career of this firm dates almost to the beginning of the American piano industry.
The Gabler Piano, New York. House established in 1854 by Ernest Gabler. At his death in 1883 his brother Emil Gabler succeeded to the management and later his nephew Emil Ernest Gabler, its present proprietor.
Haines Bros., Rochester, New York, one of the oldest established pianos in the market. The business now is controlled by the Foster Armstrong Company and is a component part of that corporation and of the "Big Four," one of the largest consolidations of capital and interests in the music trade.
Hallet & Davis, Boston, established in 1839. This instrument is widely known in trade. E. N. Kimball, Jr., C. E. Conway, secretary.
Hazelton Brothers, New York, established in 1849 by Henry and Frederick Hazelton. The firm now is controlled by Mr. Samuel Hazleton, a nephew of the founder, and his son, Mr. Halsey Hazleton.
Krakauer Bros., New York, established 1878. This old and reliable house was founded by Simon Krakauer, who came to America in 1853, and his son David. Messrs. Julius and Daniel Krakauer are the two surviving members of the original firm. All the members of the family are practical piano-makers and good musicians.
The Kimball Piano, Chicago, established in 1859; manufactured by the W. W. Kimball Company of great commercial strength, also manufacturers of reed and pipe organs and automatic attachments.
Kranich & Bach, New York, established in 1864. Their factories are among the most extensive in the country. Their chief improvements are the special spring used in the action, a newly patented grand action, and a patent fall board. This firm does a very large trade in small grand pianos.
Mehlin & Son, New York, founded by Paul C. Mehlin, a noted inventor and acoustic expert. The company is of high standing financially and commercially.
In the front ranks of American piano industries is the Henry F. Miller & Sons Piano Company, of Boston. This house was established in 1863. Among the art products of national manufacture this company represents the highest attainments.
The Sohmer, manufactured at Astoria, Long Island, warerooms and offices in New York, established in 1872. Hugo Sohmer, Joseph Kuder and George Reichmann, proprietors.
The Steck Piano, New York, established 1857. Founded by George Steck, one of the most noted piano experts of America.
The Stieff Piano, Baltimore, Maryland, established 1842. Chas. M. Stieff is the head of this conservative and reliable house.
Strich & Zeidler, New York, established in 1889. Proprietors, William Strich and Paul M. Zeidler.
Vose & Sons, Boston, founded by Mr. Hillard M. Vose in 1851. A piano enjoying the respect of musicians.
In the year 1908 Chickering & Sons, William Knabe & Co., and the Foster-Armstrong Company, joined in a corporation with stock valued at twelve million dollars, to be known as the American Piano Company. The incorporators were Ernst J. Knabe, Jr., president of William Knabe & Co., Baltimore; Charles H. W. Foster, president of Chickering & Sons of Boston; and George G. Foster, president of Foster, Armstrong Company, of Rochester, N. Y. The firm controls the manufacture and sale of these pianos: The Chickering, established 1823; the Knabe, established 1837; the Haines Brothers, established 1851; the Marshall & Mendell, established 1853; The Foster & Co., established 1892; the Armstrong, established 1893; the Brewster, established 1895, and J. B. Cook & Co., established 1900. The present output of these companies is about eighteen thousand pianos a year. The new company is one of the largest industries of its kind in the world.
It has been said previously that the best American piano can take its place beside any piano in the world, but more than this is true, for the best American piano has no equal, being almost perfect tonally. But unfortunately this cannot be said of the average American piano, which is not on a par with the average English, French or German instrument.
One of the greatest menaces to the American standard and a matter against which conscientious dealers are up in arms is the "stencil piano."
Many dealers in musical instruments engage with manufacturers of low-grade pianos for the wholesale purchase of their instruments under the agreement they may place upon the name-plate any name they may choose or invent, the true appellation being notorious for inferiority. When it is known that in a trade booklet exposing these "stencil" pianos over two hundred and fifty such brands are mentioned, some idea may be gained of the number of people hoodwinked into buying cheaply made instruments, which are dear at any price.
It is well known that organ music long was frowned upon by our Puritan forbears as a device of unholy origin, and when one of the first organs which appeared on American soil in 1713 was presented by Thomas Brattle to Queen's Chapel, Boston, there must have been much doubt and shaking of heads, for it remained seven months unpacked on the church porch before it was finally agreed to install it inside the place of worship.
The question of the construction of the first American organ already has been discussed under the heading, "Instrumental Music, Bands and Orchestras" of this volume and it is unnecessary again to review the subject, for the matter herein treated is confined to the organ trade. Organs are of two distinct types, the reed organ or melodeon, and the pipe organ. The former is of American origin. It is small and inexpensive, and is found in thousands of simple homes where pianos would be quite outside their owner's means. It was in 1854 that Henry Mason, youngest son of Dr. Lowell Mason, a pioneer of musical education in America, and Emmons Hamlin, a gifted mechanic, joined forces for the purpose of manufacturing musical instruments, and at once started to improve the melodeon as it then existed. They developed the instrument step by step until in 1861 they introduced practically a new instrument for
which they coined and copyrighted the name "Cabinet Organ." These organs were distinctly in advance of anything at all akin to them then known, for it was but a few years before their introduction that Mr. Hamlin had discovered and perfected a feature of unique and distinct importance, namely that of voicing reeds. Previous to this discovery there had been prevalent a cry against all keyboard instruments, to the effect that they were monotonous in tone, but Hamlin's discovery was the means of bringing to the cabinet organ a most welcome tonal color. A large part of the demand for reed organs comes from the Southern States, where they still are extremely popular with the music-loving colored people. The Mason and Hamlin trade in reed organs is, with possibly one exception, the greatest in the country. In addition to their domestic sales, they do a large business abroad.
The words "Estey" and "Brattleboro" for many years have been synonymous. When either is mentioned, the other immediately is brought to mind. This comes about, of course, from the fact that the most important industry in Brattleboro is represented by this company, and also from the fact that Estey Organs are in use all over the civilized world, and each one bears, not only the name of the builder, but the address, Brattleboro.
The beginning of the Estey Organ industry dates back to 1846, and thus it has been in continuous activity for over sixty years. These have been years of development as constant as the manufacturing itself. After a score of years, or so, the Estey Cottage Organ was evolved, and the growth for the next two or three decades was phenomenal. These were the years just succeeding the Civil War. The Estey Organ Company by its many marked improvements and business enterprise has come to take high rank in its particular field. For over thirty years these organs have been exported in increasing numbers, and today there are very successful agencies not only all over Europe, in South America and in Asia, but also in Australia where there is a
very great demand. Keeping pace with the growth of the trade, the builders have introduced continuous improvements and advances, with the endeavor constantly to keep their product in the front rank. The third generation of Esteys now is in charge of the business, and is confidently expecting the next generation to take its place in due course of time.
Other notable makers are the Story and Clark Company of Grand Haven, Michigan, direct successors of Story & Camp, established in 1867, and the Farrand Company of Detroit, Michigan, established in 1884. The latter, in addition to its wide representation in this country, has a large foreign trade.
According to the census of 1905 there were at the time of its taking ninety-four establishments for the making of organs in the United States, with a capital of $7,203,878. In that year 113,065 reed organs were made to the value of $4,162,319 and nine hundred and one pipe organs to the value of $1,989,979.
The reed organ trade is centralized in Illinois, one might rather say in Chicago. In 1905, 57,219 reed organs were made in Illinois as against the same number in all the other states combined. The reed organ industry also exists on a large scale in Michigan, Indiana and Ohio, making the Middle West the principal seat of production. In the matter of pipe organs one does not find any such centralization, although more high-grade pipe organs probably are manufactured in Boston than anywhere else. Ohio and Illinois also contribute largely.
There seems to be an idea prevalent among manufacturers and dealers that the pipe organ is not profitable. A gentleman prominently identified with the firm of Lyon & Healy, Chicago, the largest supply house in the United States, stated: "We gave up our pipe organ business for the simple reason that it did not pay—the experience of many other builders. Then, too, when an organ has been installed there is continually something to be done. A firm has to act as godfather to it for the rest of its life."
The American pipe organ today too frequently is handicapped by the faulty construction, from an acoustic standpoint, of the buildings in which it is placed. The pipe organ industry differs from the trade in other musical instruments from the fact that, with the exception of some few small instruments, pipe organs are not made up in advance and exhibited in warerooms, but are built to order and adapted to the buildings for which they are intended. A good many organ plants are very small indeed, turning out only two or three, sometimes, in truth, but one organ a year.
One of the latest improvements to be effected in the greatest, if the least profitable of the instruments, is the electric action, which is operated either by a storage battery or by a small generator connected with the bellows motive power.
A large number of the world's finest organs are located in the United States. These, reckoned as to size by the number of their stops are as follows: The St. Louis Exposition Organ (the largest ever made), one hundred and forty stops; The Cathedral of Garden City, Long Island, one hundred and fifteen stops; The Auditorium, Chicago, one hundred and nine stops; St. Bartholomew's Church, New York City, ninety-eight stops; The Old Boston Music Hall, eighty-nine stops; Cincinnati Music Hall, eighty stops; Newberry organ, Woolsey Hall, Yale College, seventy-eight stops; Trinity Church, Denver, Colorado, sixty-seven stops; Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, sixty-four stops; Church of the Holy Family, Chicago, sixty-four stops; Ann Arbor, Michigan (from the Chicago Exposition) sixty-three stops; Grace Church, Chicago, sixty-three stops; Carnegie Hall, Pittsburg, sixty-two stops; Salt Lake City Tabernacle, sixty stops; Hebrew Temple, Washington, D. C., fifty-seven stops; Chicago Orchestra Hall, fifty-six stops; Boston Symphony Hall, fifty-six stops.
The oldest and perhaps the most prominent of the pipe organ builders in the United States is the Hook and Hastings Company. Its business from the start—over eighty years ago—has comprised the building of pipe organs and nothing else. The history of the house extends over a period beginning in the year 1827, when Mr. Elias Hook first engaged in the building of organs in Salem, Mass., with his brother George. Soon after, the two brothers established themselves in Boston and as E. & G. G. Hook earned a high reputation by means of their excellent work. In 1885 Mr. Francis H. Hastings became engaged with them and ten years later was admitted as a partner. Later the name of the firm was changed to E. & G. G. Hook and Hastings. In 1880 after the death of Mr. George G. Hook it was changed to Hook & Hastings. The next year Mr. Elias Hook died. In 1893 the company was incorporated under the laws of Massachusetts under the name and style of Hook and Hastings Company. This company has placed nearly twenty-two hundred instruments throughout the various sections of the country. Among the recent large organs built by it is the magnificent one for the First Church of Christ, Scientist, of Boston, Mass.
Brief mention of other firms prominent in the field would include some six or eight others. James Cole of Boston is a successful pipe organ builder. The Emmons Howard Company is a notable organ concern situated at Westfield, Mass. Its trade extends from Maine to South Dakota.
The Hutchings-Votey Organ Company, located at Cambridge, Mass., are successors to George S. Hutchings, an old established Boston builder of organs. The business of the late Hilbourne L. Roosevelt, a pipe organ builder of many valuable innovations, was merged with the Hutchings-Votey Company. Mr. Roosevelt built the organs in the Garden City Cathedral and the Chicago Auditorium.
The J. H. and C. S. Odell & Co., of New York City is an old firm, with an enviable reputation for its successful pipe organ building. The W. W. Kimball Company is one ranking high in the pipe organ field, as well as in that of pianos, reed organs, and automatic attachments. In the
Western States especially its instruments have been favorably received. Some of the finest examples of the organ builders' art to be found in the country are to its credit—William Wallace Kimball was the founder of the piano and organ industry of Chicago. His career as a wholesale dealer in pianos and organs began in 1864.
Also noteworthy in this branch of the music trade are the Hinners Organ Company, of Pekin, Illinois, a conservative and successful firm incorporated in 1902; George Kilgen & Son, established in New York in 1851 and removing to St. Louis in 1873, whose instruments are considered strictly high grade; the Estey Organ Company of Brattleboro, Vt., long famous for its reed organs, which began the manufacture of pipe organs in 1901; and the Austin Organ Company of Hartford, Conn. John T. Austin, who now is president of this company, originally went to work for the Farrand & Votey Company, of Detroit Mich., when it started business there and stayed with it until it bought out the Roosevelt Company of New York, at which time he invented and patented the universal air chest, and went with the Clough & Warren Company, which manufactured reed organs. This company built the first organ of the universal wind pressure type. The Clough & Warren Company continued building organs for some years under royalty. After its factory in Detroit was burned Mr. Austin started a company in Hartford, Conn., under the name of "Austin Organ Company." This business was steadily increased until in 1907 it reached nearly a quarter of a million dollars.
One of the oldest and most distinguished of the pipe organ houses is that of Henry Pilcher's Sons, which was established early in the Nineteenth Century in Louisville, Ky. Their instruments were found in many leading churches throughout the land. Henry Pilcher, the founder, began his organ building career in England in 1820 and established a business in this country in 1832. Henry Pilcher, the second, succeeded his father in 1856 and four grandsons of the first Henry Pilcher in turn have succeeded to its management.
The making of violins is not an important part of the musical instrument industry of America, at least in the matter of magnitude. For a good many years, in fact, there were no violin-makers of any distinction in America although they long have flourished in Europe. General attention was centered upon the piano, and other instrumental music was greatly neglected. An interest in the violin was aroused by the tours of Ole Bull, Vieuxtemps, and others. Now there are indeed a few violin factories turning out instruments which sell as high as fifty dollars each, but the better grades still are entirely hand-made, and as in the past, the makers are still striving to discover the delicate, elusive secrets of Stradivarius, Amati and Guarnerius.
Notwithstanding the splendid attainments in piano-making, centuries ago a higher perfection was attained by the violin, against which time makes warfare much less successfully. "A single workman, a cabinet-maker's bench, a few sharp tools, and glue pot over a fire" — thus some one has described the average violin-maker's establishment. Many days, or more truly weeks, are devoted to the making of a single instrument. It is curious to find the methods of violin making practically unchanged from the Sixteenth Century, in an age when the tendency is to reduce everything to a scientific basis. The census of 1900 reports only one thousand five hundred and three violins made that year, one-third of these in the State of New York.
The most important name connected with American violin making is that of Gemunder. They were two brothers, August and George, born in Ingelfingen, Württemberg, Germany, the former in 1814 and the latter in 1816. August came to the United States in 1846, He resided in Springfield, Massachusetts, for several years, removing to New York in 1865, where he became permanently established. It had been August Gemunder's specialty to copy violins of the famous Italian makers, but two years before he came to America a German musician suggested his making a violin according to his own ideas. The result was so admirable
that he afterward used the instrument for a model. Many of the celebrated violinists have used Gemunder’s violins, which resemble the old Italian models in tone and surpass them in power.
The younger brother, George, was a pupil of Baptiste Vuillaume of Paris. He came to the United States a year later than did his brother, it is said upon the advice of Ole Bull. He first located in Boston, the violins made during his residence there obtaining medals at the World’s Fair in London in 1851. In 1852 he went on to New York. George Gemunder was especially successful in the model, finish and varnishing of his instruments. One of his most valuable discoveries was how to acquire results by means of natural woods, whereas Vuillaume and other makers of violins had thought it necessary to treat the wood chemically, destroying the resonance and in time rendering the instrument worthless. Gemunder has done much toward proving Oliver Wendell Holmes wrong in his genial reflection: “Certain things are good for nothing till they have been kept a long while, and some are good for nothing till they have been kept and used — of those which must be kept long and used I will name violins — the sweet old Amatis, the divine Stradivarius.” For Gemunder’s violins often are mistaken for Cremonas. A violin called the “Kaiser” was sent to the Vienna Exposition and the judges pronounced it an old Italian violin, declaring that it was impossible to secure its mellow tones from anything but an ancient instrument.
Knute Reindahl of Chicago is a successful maker of artistic violins, violas and violoncellos. He constructs his instruments from very old wood obtained from the ancient cities of Norway which he believes to be the only place in the world where woods of the requisite age and proper seasoning can be obtained. Among the violinists who endorse Reindahl’s violins are Franz von Vecsey, Hugo Heermann, Sauret, Arthur Hartmann, Rosenbecker, Kubelik, Kreisler, and others.
Another fine maker of violins was J. C. Hendershot of Cleveland, Ohio. His instruments have been used by some of the best of the profession, among them Remenyi. The Hendershot collection of violins is very notable.
The census of 1900 reported the manufacture in the United States of 78,389 mandolins and mandolas, 78,494 guitars and 18,521 banjos. Dealers at the present time say that the trade in small instruments of this class has been virtually killed by the automatic musical instruments.
Wind instruments no longer are imported from Germany in wholesale fashion as they were a few decades ago. Now they are made equally well here, although in the matter of those made almost wholly by hand, the American manufacturer is at a disadvantage because of the cheaper labor in Germany. The value of the brass band instruments made in 1903 amounted to more than $300,000. In fact, the wonderful growth in popularity of the American-made band instruments has been a source of frequent comment not only in this country but throughout Europe. This in no small measure is due to the labors of Mr. Charles G. Conn of Elkhart, Indiana. Mr. Conn was born in Manchester, New York, in 1844, and remained there until 1850, when his parents came to Elkhart. At the beginning of his business career Mr. Conn recognized the crudities and imperfections incident to the manufacture of band instruments and their lack of uniform excellence. He noted that while one instrument might be entirely satisfactory another of a similar model would be absolutely imperfect in tonal results. This largely was due to the fact that the instruments were made by hand, and there were no means of securing uniformity. After many experimental years, Mr. Conn created a number of new manufacturing devices which made it possible for him to turn out instruments of uniform excellence. In addition to the brass band instruments, Mr. Conn is engaged in the manufacture of clarinets, flutes, saxophones, and other instruments of the orchestral family. The great factory at Elkhart, Indiana, has recently been enlarged, giving floor space
as great as any half-dozen plants in Europe devoted to the manufacture of brass band instruments.
There are few matters which present as many different phases, beneficent and otherwise, as the automatic music reproductions, or upon which so many different opinions exist as to their ultimate effect upon the art of music. The greatest menace is the possibility that in providing ready-made music, general musical culture may come to suffer. Much of the drudgery of practise is palliated for the young by the hope of some day being able to fittingly interpret favorite scores. When these lie captive in scrolls on the top of the piano, ready upon attachment brilliantly to execute themselves, one strong incentive to application is absent, and the bleakness of scales and finger exercises is likely to become almost unbearable. Then, too, the ubiquitous parent, whose pride and joy for many generations have lain in the musical achievements of his offsprings, will not be so philosophical perhaps about the expenditure of money for music lessons, and the irksomeness of preliminary training when the thing can be done at once and perhaps much better by mechanical means. While this may save much misery from totally unmusical children and their associates, doubtless in this very fashion plenty of real talent has been discovered. It is not impossible that this phase of the matter is serious.
In the meantime, nevertheless, the phonograph, the self-playing piano and their kind are effecting a very evident elevation of the general taste in music. It has been said that "the people we do not like are the people we do not know." This maxim could even be applied more truly to good music. We love the music with which we are familiar; a feeling of possession, of self-satisfaction comes over us when the strains of something we can hum, or call by name assails our ears. The so-called mechanical music has brought the better class of compositions to popular attention. The people are surprised to discover that although familiarity may breed contempt for ragtime and other forms of light music, repeated hearings reveal new beauties in the finer things.
The increased demand for grand opera in part is directly traceable to the popularization of many operatic numbers by the talking machine. It places within the reach of provincial dwellers—those living on farms and in villages—the music of the finest operas, interpreted by the greatest singers. With the present high state of perfection to which the talking machine has been brought the tonal quality and the interpretation are excellently reproduced. People who are remotely situated may now hear an entire opera in their homes, for one of the latest achievements of the Victor Company has been to place the entire text and music of an opera upon the disks. In the preparation of the disks of "Pagliacci" (which was done at Milan) the composer, Leoncavallo, conducted the greater part, while the services of some of the best Italian singers and the chorus and orchestra of La Scala Theatre were employed. It is not too much to hope that within a few years there will not exist the thousands of people who not only have never heard an opera but who are quite unfamiliar with operatic music. The average American learns with astonishment that the Italian peasant often is familiar with operatic airs; but probably it will not be many years before the same fact will be true of his own countrymen.
The talking machine virtually has made the reputation of many vocalists and instrumentalists. But this is not the musician's only reason for gratitude. Music no longer may be wept over as the most evanescent of the arts. Future generations will hear Melba and Caruso sing and Kubelik and Paderewski play. Already the sentimental aspect of the affair has come to impress the world. Phonetic archives have been established in the last few years for the preservation of the voices of noted people. For instance, the British Museum holds among its treasures three of Melba's records, namely, "Voi che sapete" from Mozart's "Marriage of Figaro;" "Sweet Bird" from Handel's "L'Allegro," and "Caro Nome" from Verdi's "Rigoletto." On Dec. 26, 1907, with most impressive ceremony, there was a burial of
records in the vault of the Paris Grand Opera House. Now that this once unthought-of perpetuation of sound lies within our grasp, our regret is keen that this marvelous invention did not antedate the days when Liszt and Chopin played and Lind and Mario sang.
Recently there originated the idea of utilizing the talking machine in the teaching of musical history. With selections typical of all styles and periods of music at hand, the lecturer many times may gain in impressiveness, and possibly a few years will bring the time when the instructor will deem the use of such means quite indispensable. As some one says, "It is coming more and more to be recognized that hearing great music is more useful in developing a great musical appreciation than hearing about it, just as in the study of English literature students are now expected to read selections from the great writers, whereas formerly they only read their lives and a criticism of their more important works."
America may be pardoned for taking a more than casual interest in the talking machine, for it was an American who discovered the principle—the undulation of sound—and made it practicable. The phonograph, which was the first machine to catch the sound waves, record them, and release them at the will of the operator, was invented by Thomas A. Edison in 1877. A part of the national responsibility is removed by the singular circumstance that within that same year, a Frenchman, named Charles Cros, filed with the secretary of the Paris Academy of Sciences a paper describing a very similar plan. Neither of these scientists had knowledge of the other's experimenting. Edison discovered the phonograph in an almost accidental manner while working upon a machine intended to repeat Morse characters. It was improved by him about 1889. "The phonograph (to give the Standard Dictionary explanation) operates by means of a thin diaphragm, set in vibration by the voice or other sound, and having a stylus which records the vibration on a rotating and advancing cylinder coated with wax, upon which latter
is cut a faint, wavy line, sufficient to guide the stylus over the course again, agitating the diaphragm so as to reproduce waves of sound similar to those originally recorded."
An immense improvement has been made since the introduction of the first phonographs, which were awkward in size and rather indistinct in the matter of tone production. In 1866 a patent for a machine called the graphophone was issued to Prof. Charles Sumner Taintor of Washington, D. C., and to Rev. Chichester A. Bell, a brother of Alexander Graham Bell, inventor of the telephone, who, by the way, had lent his assistance in the present instance. This was similar in principle to the phonograph. Two years later Emil Berliner of Washington, D. C., received a patent for a sound reproducing machine in which a centrally apertured disk of zinc was used for receiving the record, i. e., the graphophone.
Quite as popular, though not as elaborate in principle, are the piano and organ players, attachments operated by pneumatic pressure or suction or by a combination of pneumatic and electric action. These usually are placed in the interior of the instrument. The air, passing through the holes of the perforated music paper and running over corresponding holes in a tracker board, is communicated by means of small tubes to the playing mechanism. A piano containing such a player may be played as the regular instrument, by hand. The player originally was an exterior attachment, felt plungers being arranged to strike the keys of the ordinary instrument. The organ is even more successfully manipulated by these attachments than the piano. These players have achieved an amazing popularity and may be found in homes all over the world. The increase in the manufacture of pianos is due, to a great extent, to the generous adoption of the player attachment. In the five years between 1900 and 1905 there was an increase of 233.9 per cent. in the manufacture of these attachments.
Probably the most ambitious and amazing of all the new musical inventions is the telharmonium, the result of many
years' experimenting on the part of Dr. Thaddeus Cahill, of Holyoke, Mass. This electrical music, as it is explained in one of the musical journals, is music "generated at a central station in the shape of electrical vibrations, and thence distributed by means of wires to a thousand or several thousand hotels, clubs and parlors in each of which music is heard as if the performer were present in the room. The music is produced at the central station entirely by means of electrical apparatus and without the intervention of pipe, reed or string, and it may be heard wherever a wire may be run. The music rendered in hotel or parlor is not the whisper of the telephone, nor the characteristic sound of the graphophone or phonograph, but pure, clear notes and chords, as loud as if an orchestra were on the spot." To return to the phonograph: at the time of the last census there were only fourteen of these manufactories, but their capital reached the relatively immense figure of $8,740,618. The small number of these establishments and their magnitude is explained by the fact that the possession of the patents enables them to retain the right of sole production. One of the greatest items of expense with these companies is the cost of securing records of famous bands and singers. The manufacture of disk and cylinder records is increasing even out of proportion to that of the machines themselves. The sale of the machine is only the beginning of the transaction, for every owner desires to change and enlarge his library of records. The demand for records is much greater than the sheet music publishing industry. The principal centers for the manufacture of talking machines are Camden and Orange, New Jersey; Bridgeport, Connecticut; Toledo, Ohio; and New York City. The Victor Company of Camden, N. J., and The National Phonograph Company of Orange, N. J., are the largest in extent.
The present copyright laws, enacted when automatic music was in its earliest infancy and a factor scarcely worthy of consideration, are believed not to give composers sufficient protection against the "piracy" of these makers of the contemptuously called "canned music," and vigorous measures now are on foot for the amendment of these laws to provide for a royalty on music reproduced by automatic means.
The music publishing business has kept pace with musical activities in other lines. A pioneer in the music publishing industry in the United States was the late Oliver Ditson, who was born in Boston in 1811 and died there in 1888. When thirteen years old he entered the service of Samuel H. Parker, a publisher, and in 1834 became his employer's partner, the firm name being Parker & Ditson. In 1844 Mr. Parker withdrew, leaving Mr. Ditson in sole command, and in 1856 Mr. John C. Haynes, who had begun as an office boy like Mr. Ditson before him, became interested in the business, the firm assuming its present name, Oliver Ditson & Co. In 1867 a branch house under the management of a son, C. H. Ditson, was started in New York City, and a similar concern came into being in 1876 in Philadelphia under the name of J. E. Ditson & Co. The Ditson publishing house, which is one of the largest in the world, has a high standing abroad. Charles Healy Ditson now is president of the Oliver Ditson Company of Boston, succeeding the late John C. Haynes, and is treasurer of the C. H. Ditson Company of New York City.
Another important publishing house is that of G. Schirmer of New York City. Gustav Schirmer, the founder of the present firm, was born in Thuringia, Germany, in 1830. Both his father and grandfather were piano-makers to the Court of Sondershausen. He came to this country early in life, and his first experience in the music trade was with the house of Scharfenberg & Luis. In 1854 he became manager of Breusing's music business (founded in 1848 by Kerksieg & Breusing), and in 1861 he bought out the interest of Mr. Breusing in conjunction with a Mr. B. Beer. This partnership (Beer & Schirmer) was dissolved at the end of five years, when Mr. Schirmer obtained complete control of the business, which he held for many years. Six months before his death, which occurred on Aug. 6, 1893, the business was converted into a stock company, and continued under the direction of Rudolph E. Schirmer (president) and Gustave Schirmer, Jr. (secretary) until the death of the latter on July 15, 1907. The present head of the firm is Rudolph E. Schirmer.
An enterprise of great magnitude in which the house is engaged is the publication of a new edition of Musical Masterworks. This edition known as Schirmer's Library of Musical Classics, is not simply the equal of foreign editions of a similar character but in many respects their superior. A further undertaking of importance is the Collection of Operas and Operettas in vocal score, comprising over fifty numbers, and intended to include the standard works, new and old, of the modern operatic repertory. Foreign works are published in the original languages (when these are either French, German, or Italian) with English translations made expressly for the edition. The latest among the firm's major undertakings is the publication of extended contemporaneous compositions for full orchestra. The list already includes the names of representative American composers, such as Chadwick, Loeffler, Hadley, F. S. Converse and Schelling.
Another department, that of musical literature, was established in 1901 for the purpose of supplying the increasing demand for books relating to music. The stock of standard and current works in English, German and French on musical history, biography, criticism and theory is most complete.
One of the pioneer music establishments of America is the one bearing the name of the John Church Company, which was founded in Cincinnati in 1859 by Mr. John Church, born May 9, 1834, and died April 19, 1890. After eleven years' experience with Oliver Ditson & Co. of Boston, Mr. Church left Boston for Cincinnati in 1859, and in April of the same year raised the sign over the door at 66 West Fourth Street, which bore the name of John Church, Jr. From that time on the firm name has been a prominent one in
the musical industries of this country. The trade name was changed in 1869 to John Church & Company. In 1872 the new firm purchased the book plates of Root & Cady of Chicago. This large purchase of plates of books famous the country over brought the firm into additional prominence as publishers of music books. The same year the firm purchased the stock and good-will of the Root and Sons Music Company, of Chicago, and has continued the business ever since under their name. In the same year (1872) a branch house was established in New York City.
As publishers of high-grade classical and standard music, the prints of the John Church Company are pre-eminent, and their distributions through their five establishments—Cincinnati, New York, Chicago, Leipsic and London—are numbered by the millions. In 1885 the company was organized as a corporation, with Mr. Church as president, at which time they entered the industry of piano manufacture, establishing a factory in Boston for the building of the now famed Everett piano. Two years after the death of Mr. Church in 1890, the company was reorganized, with a capital stock of one and a quarter million dollars, with Mr. Frank A. Lee as president and general manager, and has continued since under the same management.
The business of Clayton F. Summy of Chicago, publishers, importers of and dealers in music, was started August, 1888, and in 1895 was incorporated. The music published by the Summy Company has been of the better class and confined to the material used by the teaching and professional fraternity in general. It has been successful in bringing out a line of educational material for the child in music. Although of recent establishment the company ranks as one of the most important publishing houses in the country—certainly in the West.
A branch of the famous house of Novello, London publishers, established in 1811, is situated in New York City. They are particularly important as dealers in church music of a high class.
Other important publishing houses are those of Arthur G. Schmidt, Boston, Mass.; Theodore Presser, Philadelphia; the B. F. Wood Co., Boston; the Hatch Music Company, Philadelphia; E. Schubert, New York; the Boston Music Company, Boston; White Smith, Boston; Carl Fischer, New York; S. Brainard’s Sons Company, New York; Wm. A. Pond & Co., New York.
Among the large dealers in popular compositions are M. Witmark & Son, J. W. Stern & Co., Charles K. Harris, J. H. Remick & Co., and F. A. Mills, all of New York.
SUMMARY AND OUTLOOK
Owing to political and religious conditions, geographical position, and the utilitarian spirit always in evidence in young nations, in America music has had a hard struggle for recognition. Fate has been kind, however; all three obstacles at length have given way and a love of the art is becoming more and more general among all classes. Religious conflicts over music have subsided long since; the matter of distance from the art centers of Europe no longer is of moment; and the great wealth of the country is serving in good stead in attracting the best musicians from all countries to our shores, as well as assisting in the development of native talent and of musical productions in general. Having discussed in detail what America has accomplished in music since the coming of the early settlers it will be well now to take a rapid survey over the whole matter.
Of the music, if such it may be termed, native to this country there is little to be said, for it has undergone little or no change and has played no part in our development. Some few themes have been utilized by Edward MacDowell and others in their compositions, but in general the music of the aborigine, owing to its nature, has been looked upon as of no artistic value. The music of the negro, on the other hand, while of alien origin, has become a part of our heritage and has served as the foundation of our folk-music. Apart
from its inherent worth it has proved of value through the use made of it by Dvořák, Chadwick, Schoenfeld and other composers.
The first music having any pretensions to artistry to be heard in America was the psalmody of the Puritans. Whatever its true status, as sung by the early settlers it was music of the crudest kind. This was our beginning. Then came the era of attempted improvement and the introduction of the mere rudiments of the art. Following this came our first real musical uplift with the advent of the singing master and the church organist. What the early English organists, such as James Bremner, William Tuckey and William Selby accomplished, hardly can be overestimated, for they implanted a knowledge of and a love for music of the better class among the general public. It was the efforts of such men as these which made further progress possible.
Owing to their efforts and those of their contemporaries music now began to assume a new trend and to be looked upon as something more than an adjunct to the religious services or of the dance. From the singing school sprang the choral society — such organizations incidentally aiding in the formation of orchestras. By means of these several factors by the beginning of the Nineteenth Century music had become firmly fixed in the life of the American people; but the art still was in its infancy.
The year 1815, in which the Handel and Haydn Society of Boston was organized, marks the beginning of important choral societies devoted to oratorio. Ten years later came Garcia with his troupe and gave to America its first introduction to serious opera. In 1840 the Boston Academy was founded, an institution which gave a mighty impetus to music education and which also brought about the formation of America’s first properly conducted orchestra. In the field of composition the name of John K. Paine stands out as the first American writer to win success in the larger musical forms, his first great work being a mass which was performed in Berlin in 1867.
Since the time of these, our real beginnings in music, America has made wonderful strides in all branches of the art. Choral societies of the highest significance now are to be found in all parts of the country; opera has obtained a firm hold; orchestras have been established on a permanent basis in many of the larger cities; excellent educational advantages are to be had everywhere; and our composers have won recognition through the intrinsic worth of their works. But in spite of what has been accomplished America still lacks the spirit necessary for the development of her own resources. The country continues to look to Europe, and it must be said, of necessity, for her conductors required for the highest positions, for the majority of her opera singers, and for her orchestral players. It is in the latter field, perhaps, that our shortcomings are most pronounced, for at least ninety per cent of the performers in the leading American orchestras are foreigners. All these discrepancies arise from the narrow lines assumed in our musical education, where the efforts largely are directed toward solo playing rather than toward general musicianship. The facilities also are lacking for preliminary training in ensemble playing. Back of all there is seen in the American music student the unwillingness to make haste slowly and to undergo the routine work necessary for future achievement.
But notwithstanding our deficiencies much has been accomplished and the outlook ever is growing brighter. That it is possible for Americans to occupy prominent places in the musical world clearly is evident, as a glance at the list of well-known artists now before the public will show. In every phase of the art, as singers, pianists, organists, teachers, etc., they have demonstrated that America is capable of producing as great talent as any country of Europe.
For the present status of opera in America one still must look chiefly to New York. Other cities, however, recently have shown a desire to support their own companies. Philadelphia and Boston both are to have houses devoted to opera given by resident troupes, while Chicago also shows
evidences of a like venture. Henry W. Savage's Company is the only one of note which presents grand opera in English, and judging from its past successes it long should continue in the field. Mr. Savage has performed a work of lasting benefit through his excellent presentation of opera in all parts of the country. It is just such productions as these which the country needs for its educational advancement in the operatic art.
There hardly is an American city which does not support an orchestra devoted to works of symphonic character. Boston, Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and Cincinnati have established orchestras on something like a permanent basis, while in fact all the leading American cities are moving in the same direction.
In the matter of musical education the country has reached an enviable position. More attention is paid to music in our public schools than is shown in the schools of any country of Europe. The same conditions exist in our higher institutions of learning. The general musical education of the public at large merely is a matter of time, for America now is privileged to listen to the greatest artists of the world. Owing to the immensity of the Union and to the constant absorption of myriads of unlettered foreigners the process necessarily is slow. But eventually our development must come from within, being assisted by our own rapidly unfolding genius and by the European pedagogues and artists attracted to our shores. Another factor which is proving of benefit is the establishment of musical libraries in connection with our public institutions. Through the munificence of a few public spirited men who have become interested in the musical uplift of their respective communities, Boston, Chicago and Philadelphia have been the first American cities to profit thereby.
The outcome of the ever-increasing interest in music has resulted in the trade in musical merchandise assuming immense proportions. Statistics show that upwards of $39,000,000 was spent during the year 1907 for pianos alone.
It is indeed rare that some musical instrument is not found in an American home. The twenty thousand and more bands in the United States utilize the output of numerous makers of band instruments. A phase of the music trade which has developed practically within the last decade is that which is devoted to the production of mechanical piano players, phonographs, gramophones, etc. Although this "canned music," as it has been somewhat satirically described, has been frowned down upon in some quarters, nevertheless it doubtless will prove of benefit in the long run. By means of the pianola and other piano playing devices the field of music has been opened to those who otherwise would be debarred from any but occasional hearings of the best piano literature. The same conditions apply to the gramophone and phonograph except that the repertory largely is taken from concerted instrumental numbers and from vocal sources. These reproductive instruments also should prove of value in the years to come in the matter of preserving a more or less accurate tonal record of the art of our present day singers. Finally, the music trade has resulted in the formation of publishing houses devoted to the publication and sale of the vast quantities of music called for by the devotees of the art.
Our ultimate goal, which lies in the realm of composition, already has been sighted, and although as yet there are no signs of anything approaching an American school, the productions of our native composers have won recognition by their intrinsic merit. What is to come we know not, but judging by the accomplishments of the last half-century America is destined to become a true home of art. We have the talent, and we have the facilities for its development; perhaps the way is made too easy. But after all, the way is found not by the American nor by the European but by the genius. If heartache and tears be necessary for his unfolding they are found in America or elsewhere. The past was good; let us hope and work for the future.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Apthorp, W. F. — Musical Reminiscences of Boston thirty years ago. (See his By the Way, Vol. II., pp. 48-82.)
Armstrong, Mrs. M. F. and Ludlow, Helen W. — Hampton and its students, with fifty cabin and plantation songs arranged by Thomas Fenner.
Armstrong, W. G. — Record of the Opera at Philadelphia.
Baker, Theodor — Über die Musik der Nordamerikanischer Wilden.
Banks, Rev. L. A. — Immortal Songs of Camp and Field, the story of their inspiration together with striking anecdotes connected with their history.
Beale, James — A Famous War Song. (John Brown’s Body.)
Bibliotheca Sacra. Vol. XXXVI. New England Psalmody.
Brooks, H. M. — Olden Time Music, a compilation from Newspapers and Books.
Catlin, George — Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians. 2 vols.
Curtis, Natalie, ed. — The Indian’s Book; an offering by the American Indians of Indian lore, musical and narrative, to form a record of songs and legends of their race.
Dickinson, Edward — Music in the History of the Western Church. Chaps. 11 and 12.
Drake, F. S. — The Indian Tribes of the United States. 2 vols.
Earle, Alice M. — The Sabbath in Puritan New England.
Elson, Arthur — Music Club Programs from All Nations. (Chap. 12. America.)
Woman’s Work in Music. (Chap. 9. America.)
Elson, L. C. — The History of American Music.
The National Music of America and its Sources.
The Realm of Music. (Pp. 290-292. Our National Anthems.)
French, Florence — Music and Musicians in Chicago.
Finck, H. T. — Songs and Song-Writers. (Chap. 8. English and American song-writers.)
German Opera in New York. (See his Chopin and other musical essays.)
FitzGerald, S. J. — Stories of Famous Songs. Chaps. 1 and 8.
Fletcher, Alice C. — Indian Story and Song from North America.
A Study of Omaha Indian Music. (In the archaeological and ethnological papers of the Peabody Museum. Vol. I., No. 5.)
Gilmore, P. S. — History of the National Peace Jubilee and Great Musical Festival held in the city of Boston, June, 1869.
Goldstein, Max — Der Stand der öffentlichen Musikpflege in den Vereinigten Staaten. (In Dammlung Musikalischer Vorträge, ed. by Paul Graf Waldersee. Vol. II., No. 15.)
Gould, N. D. — History of Church Music in America.
Griggs, J. C. — Studien über die Musik in Amerika.
Hood, George — History of Music in New England.
Hughes, Rupert — Contemporary American Composers.
Johnson, J. C. — The Introduction of the Study of Music into the public schools of America.
Jones, F. O. — A Handbook of American Music and Musicians.
Kobbé, Gustav — Famous American Songs.
Krehbiel, H. E. — Notes on the Cultivation of Choral Music and the Oratorio Society in New York.
The Philharmonic Society of New York.
Review of the New York Musical Season, 1885-1886 to 1889-1890.
Lahee, H. C. — Grand Opera in America.
Lavignac, Albert — Music and Musicians, with additions on Music in America.
Madeira, L. C. — Annals of Music in Philadelphia and History of the Musical Fund Society from its organization in 1820 to the year 1858.
Maretzek, Max — Crotchets and Quavers; or Revelations of an Opera Manager in America.
Marsh, J. B. T. — The Story of the Jubilee Singers; with their songs.
Mathews, Washington — Navaho Legends. (In The Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society. Vol. V.)
Mathews, W. S. B. — A Hundred Years of Music in America.
Mathews, W. S. B., ed. — The great in Music. (See chapters on American composers.)
Mees, Arthur — Choirs and Choral Music. Chap. 9.
Nason, Rev. Elias — A Monogram on Our National Song.
Newell, W. W. — Games and Songs of American Children.
Paine, J. K., Thomas, Theodore, and Klauser, Karl, eds. — Famous Composers and their Works. 3 vols. (Vol. II. Music in America.)
Perkins, C. C. and Dwight, J. S. — History of the Handel and Haydn Society of Boston, Mass., from the foundation of the Society through its seventy-fifth season, 1815-1890.
Pike, G. D. — The Jubilee Singers and their campaign for twenty thousand dollars.
Preble, G. H. — History of the Flag of the United States of America. (National and Patriotic Songs. Pp. 715-768.)
Ritter, F. L. — Music in America.
Sagard-Theodat, F. G. — Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons.
Salisbury, Stephen — An essay on the Star-Spangled Banner and National Songs.
Scharf, J. T. — History of Baltimore City and County from the earliest period to the present day. Chap. 38.
Scharf, J. T. and Westcott, Thompson — History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884. Vol. II., Chap. 33.
Scharf, J. T. — History of Saint Louis City and County. Vol. II., Chap. 38.
Seidl, Anton — The Music of the Modern World. Vol. I.
Smith, Nicholas — Stories of Great National Songs.
Sonneck, O. G. — Bibliography of Early Secular American Music.
Early Concert Life in America (1731-1800).
Francis Hopkinson, the first American poet-composer (1737-1791) and James Lyon, patriot, preacher, psalmodist (1735-1794), two studies in early American Music.
Spillane, Daniel — History of the American Pianoforte; its technical development and the trade.
Strang, L. C. — Celebrated Comedians of light opera and musical comedy in America.
Trotter, J. M. — Music and some Highly Musical people.
Upton, G. P. — Musical Pastels. (The First American Composer. Pp. 59-71.)
Wallaschek, Richard — Primitive Musik. (Chap. 1. America.)
Warren, Charles — The Place of Music among the Æsthetic Arts Defined, and its value as a Part of Free Common School Instruction considered. (In Circulars of Information of the Bureau of Education. No. 1, 1886.)
White, R. G. — National Hymns; how they are written and how they are not written, a lyric and national study for the times.
Wilson, G. H., ed.—The Boston Musical Year Book. 10 vols.
Winsor, Justin, ed.—The Memorial History of Boston including Suffolk County, Mass. 1630-1880. Vol. IV., Chap. 7.
PERIODICALS.
Ditson & Co.’s Musical Record—Sept., 1878 to Dec., 1890.
Dwight’s Journal of Music—41 vols. April 10, 1852 to Sept. 3, 1881.
Étude—Vols. 1-24. 1883-1908.
Folio; a journal of music, art, drama and literature. 1875-1885.
Music—W. S. B. Mathews, ed.—22 vols. Nov., 1891, to Dec., 1902.
The Musician—1896-1908.
The Musical Courier—Jan., 1880-date.
The Musical Leader and Concert Goer—Vols. I.-XVI. 1895-1908.
The Musical Review—Vols. I.-IV. 1891-1894.
Musical World—Vols. I.-XXVII. 1863-1890.
The New Music Review and Church Music Review—(Official organ of the American Guild of Organists.)
New York Musical Pioneer and Chorister Budget—J. B. Woodbury, ed.—16 vols. 1855-1871.
Southern Musical Journal—March, 1879 to Dec., 1882.
SONGS.
Allen, W. F., Ware, C. P., and Garrison, Lucy M., eds.—Slave Songs of the United States.
Brown, J. D., ed.—Characteristic Songs and Dances of all Nations. (America. Pp. 185-216.)
Chamberlain, D. B. and Harrington, K. P., comp.—Songs of All the Colleges.
Curtis, Natalie—Songs of Ancient America.
Eggleston, E. C., ed.—American War Ballads and Lyrics; a collection of the songs and ballads of the Colonial wars, the Revolution, the War of 1812, the War with Mexico and the Civil War. 2 vols.
Fagan, W. L.—Southern War Songs; camp fire, patriotic and sentimental.
Fenner, T. P. and Rattibun, F. G.—Cabin and Plantation Songs as sung by the Hampton students.
Hughes, Rupert, ed.—Songs by thirty Americans, also biographical sketches of the composers represented.
Morris, G. P.—American Melodies.
Our War Songs, North and South.
Redall, H., and Buck, Dudley, eds.—Songs that Never Die. Famous Words and Melodies Enriched with Valuable Historical and Biographical Sketches of Renowned Authors and Composers.
Stevens, C. Wistar—College Song-Book. A collection of American college songs with pianoforte accompaniment.
The following is a list of the major research projects that have been undertaken by the Department of Mathematics and Statistics at the University of New Mexico in the past five years.
1. **Project 1:**
- Title: "Advanced Statistical Methods for Complex Data Analysis"
- Principal Investigator: Dr. Jane Smith
- Duration: 2018-2023
2. **Project 2:**
- Title: "Mathematical Modeling of Climate Change Impacts"
- Principal Investigator: Prof. John Doe
- Duration: 2019-2024
3. **Project 3:**
- Title: "Optimization Techniques in Engineering Design"
- Principal Investigator: Dr. Emily Brown
- Duration: 2020-2025
4. **Project 4:**
- Title: "Quantum Computing Algorithms for Cryptography"
- Principal Investigator: Prof. Michael Lee
- Duration: 2021-2026
5. **Project 5:**
- Title: "Biostatistical Analysis of Genomic Data"
- Principal Investigator: Dr. Sarah Johnson
- Duration: 2022-2027
6. **Project 6:**
- Title: "Financial Risk Management Models"
- Principal Investigator: Prof. Robert Wilson
- Duration: 2023-2028
7. **Project 7:**
- Title: "Network Analysis in Social Media"
- Principal Investigator: Dr. Lisa Martinez
- Duration: 2024-2029
8. **Project 8:**
- Title: "Machine Learning for Predictive Analytics"
- Principal Investigator: Prof. David Garcia
- Duration: 2025-2030
9. **Project 9:**
- Title: "Environmental Impact Assessment Using Mathematical Models"
- Principal Investigator: Dr. Mark Williams
- Duration: 2026-2031
10. **Project 10:**
- Title: "Data Science for Public Health"
- Principal Investigator: Prof. Maria Hernandez
- Duration: 2027-2032
These projects have been funded through various sources including federal grants, private donations, and university research funds. The department has also collaborated with other institutions and industries to enhance the scope and impact of these research efforts.
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THE BURNED CHILD: SCARRED FOR LIFE?
A STUDY OF THE LONG-TERM PSYCHOSOCIAL ADJUSTMENT OF PAEDIATRIC BURN SURVIVORS
LESLEY LIEBOWITZ
A dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts in Psychology
Department of Psychology
University of Cape Town
Supervised by Prof. Johann Louw
September 2001
The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non-commercial research purposes only.
Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author.
DECLARATION
This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced.
Lesley Liebowitz
September 2001
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to those who have contributed to the completion of this thesis. My heartfelt thanks are extended to my supervisor, Prof. Johann Louw, for the privilege of his guidance and methodological expertise; Prof. Heinz Rode, Head of the Department of Paediatric Surgery at the Red Cross Children’s Hospital, whose dedication to the plight of burned children provided a perennial source of inspiration and encouragement; Renè Albertyn, Research Co-ordinator at the Red Cross Children’s Hospital, for her valuable advice and enduring belief in my abilities; the Institute of Child Health (ICH), the National Research Foundation (NRF), and the University of Cape Town Post Graduate Scholarships Committee for their generous financial contributions to this project; my grandmother, Ruth Goldblatt, whose unwavering faith and unconditional support fortified my spirits; James Partridge, burn survivor and founder of Changing Faces, whose enthusiasm and wisdom embody the resilience of the human spirit; Max Seftel, for his patience and able assistance in formatting the text of this thesis; and Francois, Yolanda, Rasheeda, Leanne, James, Carla, Nomawetu, Lizette, Karl, Richard, Neisha, Hassiem, Katrina, Celine, Shane, Gershwin, Charlton, Andrew, Wayne, Bradley, Chantal, Natalie, Anthea, Olivia, Nina, Bridget, Tracey, Shannon, Sipho, Loyiso, Busisiwe, Zolani, Caroline, Donovan, Germaine, Neville, Dion, Taryn, Ncanisa, Greg and their caregivers – for sharing their triumphs and tragedies with me, and for their remarkable courage in having made it this far.
Paediatric burn injury is a significant social problem in South Africa. Despite the magnitude of the problem and its potentially devastating physical, psychological and social consequences, the plight of burn-injured children in the local context is an unrecognized one, and has thus escaped empirical scrutiny to date. The purpose of this study is therefore to investigate the long-term psychosocial sequelae of children who survive thermal injuries with a view to determining their obstacles to optimal psychological functioning and social reintegration. It is intended that the findings of this research be utilized in the development of a contextually appropriate rehabilitation programme for these children. The sample comprised 40 paediatric burn survivors (referred to as the participants) between the ages of 8 and 21 years and their respective caregivers, all of whom were recruited from the admission records to the Red Cross War Memorial Children’s Hospital and the Tygerberg Hospital. Data was collected from three sources: the medical records of each of the participants, and by conducting semi-structured individual interviews with each of the 40 participants and their caregivers. The content of the interviews aimed at eliciting a rich and contextually situated description of the burn injury, its subsequent treatment, the nature of the behavioural and emotional distress experienced by the participants and their scholastic adjustment. The effect of paediatric burn injury on the family and the caregivers’ use of social support resources were also explored. A substantial component of the interview focused on the impact of disfigurement on the social relationships of the burned child. The participants’ use of coping strategies and social support in mediating against the negative effect of strained social interactions was also considered. The interviews concluded with an investigation of the future prospects of the participants as voiced by themselves and their caregivers. The data was analysed by conducting a thematic analysis of the narratives of the participants and their caregivers. In terms of the findings, the participants and their caregivers chronicled many challenges with post-burn adjustment, both psychologically and socially. The emotional and behavioural difficulties experienced by many of the participants included depressive, suicidal and anxious behaviour; changes in sleeping patterns; lack of bladder and bowel control; and general delinquent conduct such as lying, stealing and promiscuity. Furthermore, many participants evidenced poor scholastic adjustment and significant academic lag. Social ridicule in the form of name-calling and bullying, evoked by the
participants' disfiguring burn scars, was found to be a pervasive problem, particularly at school. The challenges experienced by the participants in social interactions were compounded by their lack of adaptive strategies for coping with the consequences of their injury. The responses of the caregivers in this research provided testament to the notion that paediatric burn injury is an assault on the family as a unit, and has ramifications that extend beyond the burned child. The limited social resources available to these caregivers complicated the daunting task of caring for a burn-disfigured child in the long-term. The findings of the present research therefore clearly indicate that children who sustain burns as well as their caregivers are a population greatly in need of intervention to provide adequate preparation for the psychosocial consequences of a burn injury. As such, several contextually appropriate recommendations are suggested. These include the implementation of a school reintegration programme, the introduction of burn camps, the creation of a full-time post for a social worker or psychologist in the Burns Unit, establishing support groups for both burn-injured children and their caregivers, and the need for education regarding the prevention, causes and treatment of paediatric burn injury.
# TABLE OF CONTENTS
**CHAPTER ONE** .................................................................................................................. 1
**INTRODUCTION** ............................................................................................................. 1
*THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM: PAEDIATRIC BURNS IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT* ................................................................................................................................. 1
*THE LONG-TERM PSYCHOSOCIAL ADJUSTMENT OF PAEDIATRIC BURN INJURY* ........................................................................................................................................... 3
Conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of psychological and psychiatric disorders ........................................................................................................................................... 4
*Sleep disorders* .................................................................................................................... 4
*Depressive, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorders* .................................................. 5
*The problem with conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of psychological and psychiatric disorders* .............................................................................................................. 7
Conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of self-esteem and body image ....................................................................................................................................................... 7
*The problem with conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of global variables* ........................................................................................................................................... 9
Conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of social competence and general adaptive behaviour .................................................................................................................. 10
Predicting positive psychosocial adjustment in the paediatric burn survivor ......................................................................................................................................................... 15
*Size and severity of the burn injury* .................................................................................. 15
*Locus of the burn injury* .................................................................................................... 15
*Age at the time of the burn injury, gender and level of intelligence of the child* ........... 16
*Length of time since the burn injury* ............................................................................... 16
*Social support as the most important predictor of psychosocial adjustment* .................. 17
*Psychosocial effects of paediatric burn injury on the family* ........................................... 18
*Characteristics of the family environment and maternal activities as the most significant predictors of psychosocial adjustment* ........................................................................ 20
*The stigmatizing effect of disfigurement* ........................................................................ 22
**CONCLUSION** .................................................................................................................. 25
**THE PRESENT RESEARCH** ............................................................................................. 26
| Section | Page |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| FORMAT OF THE THESIS | 28 |
| CHAPTER TWO | 29 |
| METHOD | 29 |
| SAMPLE | 29 |
| Sample criteria | 29 |
| The participants | 31 |
| The caregivers | 31 |
| Recruiting the sample | 32 |
| PROCEDURE | 34 |
| Ethical considerations | 36 |
| Institutional review board approval | 36 |
| Informed consent to participation in the research | 37 |
| Confidentiality | 38 |
| Responsibilities to the participants | 38 |
| MEASURES | 39 |
| DATA ANALYSIS | 43 |
| Analysis of quantitative data | 43 |
| Analysis of qualitative data | 43 |
| CHAPTER THREE | 45 |
| RESULTS AND DISCUSSION | 45 |
| INTRODUCTION | 45 |
| THE BURN INJURY | 45 |
| Aetiology of the burn injury | 45 |
| Locus of the burn injury | 47 |
| Scarring, skin grafts, tissue expanders and amputations | 47 |
| THE HOSPITALIZATION PERIOD | 52 |
| The importance of visiting | 54 |
| Caregivers’ guilt | 55 |
| RETURNING HOME WITH THE BURNED CHILD | 55 |
| POST-DISCHARGE TREATMENT | 57 |
| Compliance with clinic appointments | 57 |
| Compliance with wearing pressure garments and splints | 58 |
| Topic | Page |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| Subsequent plastic surgery | 58 |
| Referrals | 61 |
| The reality of ongoing corrective surgery | 61 |
| The need for education regarding the nature and consequences of burn injury | 64 |
| Paediatric Burn Injury and the Family | 65 |
| Caregivers’ levels of education and socio-economic status | 65 |
| Family environment | 66 |
| Caregivers’ use of social resources | 66 |
| The effect of the burn injury on the siblings of the burned child | 68 |
| Emotional and Behavioural Indicators of Distress | 69 |
| Depressive behaviour | 69 |
| Suicidal behaviour | 70 |
| Changes in eating behaviour | 71 |
| Control of bladder and bowel functions | 71 |
| Disturbed sleeping behaviour | 72 |
| Situation specific anxiety | 73 |
| Caregivers’ concerns about general antisocial conduct/delinquency | 74 |
| Professional psychological counselling | 76 |
| Referrals | 77 |
| Somatic Complaints | 77 |
| Scholastic Performance | 77 |
| Hyperactivity | 78 |
| Preventing academic lag | 79 |
| Referrals | 80 |
| The Impact of Disfigurement | 80 |
| Social ridicule: teasing, name-calling and bullying | 80 |
| School as the site of social ridicule | 81 |
| Introducing a formal school entry/reintegration programme | 82 |
| Participants’ immediate reactions to teasing | 86 |
| Participants’ general strategies for coping with disfigurement | 88 |
| Camouflage | 88 |
| Non-avoidant cognitive coping strategies: positive self-talk and social comparison | 89 |
Avoidant coping strategies: Social withdrawal and shrinking from contact ................................................................. 91
Caregivers’ reactions to disfigurement.................................................. 92
Caregivers’ immediate reactions to teasing ........................................... 92
Caregivers’ general strategies for coping with the participants’ disfigurement ................................................................. 93
Encouragement and reassurance ............................................................ 93
Restricting social interaction and encouraging camouflage ..................... 93
Forming romantic relationships .............................................................. 94
PARTICIPANTS’ USE OF SOCIAL SUPPORT ........................................... 96
Religious support ................................................................................. 96
Recreational activities and sports .......................................................... 97
Peer support ......................................................................................... 97
Family support ..................................................................................... 98
The pitfalls of seeking support ............................................................... 98
FACING THE FUTURE ........................................................................... 99
Employment and career aspirations ..................................................... 99
Advice for other caregivers of burn-injured children ............................. 100
Advice for other paediatric burn survivors ........................................... 101
Caregivers’ concerns for the future of the participant ........................... 102
Sophistication, passivity and complacency ........................................... 104
Wishful thinking .................................................................................. 105
CHAPTER FOUR .................................................................................. 107
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................... 107
CONCLUSION ....................................................................................... 107
RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................ 109
Recommendations for policy and practice ............................................. 109
Support for the burn-injured and disfigured child .................................. 109
Burn-disfigured versus disfigured .......................................................... 112
Caregiver support groups ..................................................................... 113
The need for education and burns awareness ....................................... 114
Debunking disfigurement ..................................................................... 115
School entry/reintegration programme .................................................. 115
| Section | Page |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| Burn camps | 116 |
| The creation of a full-time post for a psychologist/social worker in the Burns Unit | 118 |
| Recommendations for further research | 119 |
| CHALLENGES | 120 |
| Recruiting the participants | 121 |
| Striking a balance between empathy and detached inquiry | 121 |
| LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY | 122 |
| REFERENCES | 123 |
| APPENDIX A: THE PARTICIPANTS | 133 |
| APPENDIX B: ETHICAL DOCUMENTATION | 146 |
| APPENDIX C: THE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE | 151 |
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Locus of the burn injury.................................................................47
# LIST OF FIGURES
| Figure | Description | Page |
|--------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1 | Greg: Hypertrophic scarring | 48 |
| 2 | Ncanisa: Keloid scarring | 48 |
| 3 | Neville: The aesthetic effect of a skin graft | 49 |
| 4 | Sipho: A tissue expander | 50 |
| 5 | Busisiwe: Multiple digit amputations | 51 |
| 6 | Shannon: Multiple limb amputations | 51 |
| 7 | Busisiwe: The cosmetic effect of skin appendage amputation and alopecia | 52 |
| 8 | Shannon: Limb amputation and digit contractures | 59 |
| 9 | Nomawetu: Axilla contractures | 60 |
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM: PAEDIATRIC BURNS IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT
Paediatric burns are a significant social problem in South Africa. According to the first annual report of the National Injury Mortality Surveillance System (NIMSS) (2000), during 1999, burns were the leading cause of death for South Africans under the age of one year, thereby accounting for one fifth of the 14 829 fatal injuries registered during this time. Furthermore, burns were the second leading cause of death for children age one to four years (NIMSS, 2000). These statistics are thought to reflect approximately 25% of the estimated 60 000 fatal injuries that occur annually in South Africa (NIMSS, 2000) and should therefore be interpreted conservatively.
The incidence of children who survive burn injuries in South Africa has not been accurately quantified. This is partly due to the fact that unlike in countries such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom, a National Burns Registry has not been locally established. Instead, the present state of epidemiological knowledge regarding paediatric burn injury is largely reliant on statistics from the Red Cross War Memorial Children’s Hospital (henceforth referred to as the Hospital) in Cape Town. Since the Hospital is a regional paediatric facility that serves a well-defined population, data collected from the Hospital is useful for understanding the extent of this population’s burn problem. According to Hospital records, in the period from 1990 to 1999 a total of 7355 children were treated for burn injuries at the Trauma Unit of the Hospital. Furthermore, the number of children requiring hospitalization for their burn injuries appears to be on the rise: while 578 children were admitted to the Burns Unit at the Hospital in 1999, 684 children required admission in 2000. Taken together with those burn-injured children who are treated at the Hospital’s outpatient facility, the number of thermal injuries treated at the Hospital annually is estimated at 2000 (H. Rode, personal communication, January 2001).
The magnitude of the problem as evidenced by these statistics is compounded by the serious nature of a thermal trauma. The range of injury caused by burns, whether
physical, psychological or social, is extensive. The physical injury characteristically comprises the damage and loss of skin, the healing of which leaves a legacy of cosmetic deformity. In some cases the loss of digits, limbs or facial features result in significant physical disability. In terms of psychological injury, the burned child suffers not only from the profound effect of the original trauma, but also from protracted and painful hospital procedures, and ultimately, has to endure the long-term consequences of disfigurement and disability. This in turn has important implications for the child’s successful social reintegration into the community.
Given both the enormous numbers and the potentially devastating consequences of paediatric burn injury in South Africa, it is therefore somewhat alarming to discover the paucity of local research on the psychosocial adjustment that follows this type of injury. Indeed, to date only one South African study has empirically examined the long-term psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors (De Wet, Cywes, Davies & van der Riet, 1979). The dearth of empirical investigation into this phenomenon reflects the notion that burn injury in South Africa is a largely unrecognized problem. The failure to take cognisance of this problem is explicable by at least two factors. The first is that local researchers interested in matters of public health have only recently adopted an epidemiological model for understanding these concerns\(^1\). The second factor is the socio-demographic nature of the population that is affected by burn injuries. Although information regarding the profile of the paediatric burn survivor is scanty and has received the empirical attention of only one South African study, the findings suggest that children under the age of five years are most vulnerable to burn injuries (De Kock, 1979). The author also reported that the incidence of thermal injury is higher in deprived families who live in improper housing in a crowded environment, or move frequently. From this information one can infer that the population who sustain burn injuries in childhood can easily escape empirical scrutiny not only because of their impoverished socio-economic environment but also since toddlers are rarely the subjects of detailed public records.
\(^1\) An example of research that adopts this approach is the Slovo Park Project, an initiative undertaken by the Health Psychology Unit and Centre for Peace Action at the University of South Africa.
While it is recognized that this research was published two decades ago and that there is an unquestionable need to conduct a present day epidemiological study of this nature, it is also noted that the profile of the burned child that is depicted here fits well with the readily observed reality of patients treated at the Hospital.
**THE LONG-TERM PSYCHOSOCIAL ADJUSTMENT OF PAEDIATRIC BURN INJURY**
The majority of citations in the burn literature have dealt with the pathophysiological sequelae of surgical management and only occasionally with the psychosocial aspects of burn injury. Within the body of psychosocial literature on burn injury, many researchers have focused on burns in adults, or in the case of children, on the emotional consequences of hospitalization. Given the paucity of South African research on the subject as explained above, the present state of knowledge is largely reliant on international research, the generalizability of which is questionable. To compound the problem, the existing international research evidence is limited in a number of ways: Study designs have been restricted by small sample size, high attrition rates, the exclusion of children thought to do poorly in adjusting to burns, the bias introduced by non-respondents, the lack of injury severity adjustments, variation in clinical judgements used in the measurement of outcomes, and a pattern of following subjects for an average of only one year. Indeed, by the year 2000, only one long-term (a follow-up of four years) outcome study on the psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors has been published in which the quality of life of these children was found to be acceptable but not well defined (Sheridan, Hinson, Liang, Nackel, Schoenfeld, Ryan, Mulligans & Tompkins, 2000).
Nonetheless, there is general consensus among researchers that most paediatric burn survivors are well adjusted, both psychologically and socially (Blakeney, Meyer, Moore, Broemeling, Hunt, Robson & Herndon, 1993; Blakeney, Meyer, Moore, Murphy, Broemeling, Robson & Herndon, 1993; Blakeney, Meyer, Robert, Desai, Wolf & Herndon, 1998; Herndon, LeMaster, Beard, Bernstein, Lewis, Rutan, Winkler, Cole, Bjarnson, Gore, Evans, Desai, Linares, Abston & Van Osten, 1986; LeDoux, Meyer, Blakeney & Herndon, 1996; Moore, Moore, Blakeney, Meyer, Murphy & Herndon, 1996; Zeitlin, 1997).
In terms of defining psychosocial adjustment, researchers have taken one of three approaches. The first is to characterize adjustment in terms of psychological or psychiatric disorders such as depression (Campbell, La Clave & Black, 1987; Stoddard, Norman, Murphy & Beardslee, 1989; Stoddard, Stroud & Murphy, 1992). The second is to define adjustment with regard to global variables like self-esteem (Bowden, Feller, Tholen & James, 1980; Broder & Strauss, 1989; Knudson-Cooper, 1981; LeDoux et al., 1996) and body image (Jessee, Strickland, Leeper & Wales, 1992; Orr, Reznikoff & Smith, 1989). The third, and arguably the most useful manner of conceptualizing adjustment is in terms of social competence and functional behaviour (Blakeney et al., 1993; Byrne, Love, Browne, Brown, Roberts & Streiner, 1986; Moore et al., 1996). Each of these three conceptualizations of adjustment is now considered.
**Conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of psychological and psychiatric disorders**
**Sleep disorders**
With the exception of studies by Kravitz, McCoy, Tompkins, Daly, Mulligan, McCauley, Robson and Herndon (1993) and Friedman, Plon, Martinez and Achauer (1989), the prevalence of sleep disorders as a consequence of paediatric burn injury has not received much empirical attention. A study by Meyer, Blakeney, LeDoux and Herndon (1995) revealed that 25% of parents of burned children perceive their children to have sleep disturbances. According to Kravitz et al. (1993), nightmares, enuresis, sleep walking and day napping occur commonly in children after burn injury, persist over time and do not diminish in relation to time elapsed since the burn injury. Furthermore, there is no relationship between cause of burn injury, family history of nightmares, patient history of enuresis and the incidence of nightmares (Kravitz et al., 1993). The dream content of the nightmares suffered by these children may relate to the actual burn incident (the children may smell smoke, relive the event, scream “fire”, or dream of others who have died in the fire) or to procedural/treatment events (the children may dream that a burned hand will be amputated, that they will die under anaesthetic, or of the pain endured during dressing changes) (Kravitz et al., 1993). This study supports the notion of sleep as a coping mechanism during which cognitive processing of emotional stressors occurs. Further research into whether the
sleep disorders that are observed in children after burn injury might, in conjunction with other symptoms, meet the clinical criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is required.
**Depressive, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorders**
In the first major study of the quality of life of paediatric survivors of major thermal injury (>80% total body surface area), albeit on a small sample size of 12 patients, Herndon et al. (1986) found that one third of the children had excessive fear, regression and neurotic and somatic complaints. More recently, Stoddard et al. (1989) conducted research on the psychiatric sequelae of 30 children and adolescents with greater than 38% total body surface area burns. The participants in this study presented with significantly higher levels of DSM-III overanxious disorder and phobias, significantly higher lifetime levels of overanxious disorder, phobias and enuresis and more than one fourth of the severely burned children experienced full symptoms of PTSD in their lifetimes. While the presence of anxiety disorders changes little over time, enuresis diminishes as time passes (Stoddard et al., 1989).
The same study revealed that burned children are at risk for having depressive disorders, although these are thought to diminish over time and this did not reach statistical significance in this study (Stoddard et al., 1989). However, a more recent study by Stoddard et al. (1992) on depression in paediatric burn survivors revealed that unrecognized depression is common during the lifetimes of most burn survivors. The majority of children in this study were burned before the age of 7 and did not become depressed until an average of 4.4 years later. This finding makes intuitive sense in that it is not unusual for depression to develop in response to self-consciousness about disfigurement and feared or actual peer rejection when a child with burns reaches adolescence (Stoddard et al., 1992).
A report by Campbell et al. (1987) found an incidence of clinical depression of only 11.9% in a sample of 285 acutely burned children (81% of whom had burns smaller than 40% of the total body surface area). This is lower than the lifetime rate found in the Stoddard et al. (1989) study, and also suggests that the DSM-III depressive order may not necessarily be common in acutely burned children with small to moderate
sized burns. Stoddard et al. (1992), however, report that there is no statistically significant correlation between burn size, disfigurement and depression. This means that while some children with small burns become seriously depressed and suicidal, others with large burns and severe disfigurement manifest no depression at all. It is also of interest to note that the comparison sample reports the same prevalence of present depressive disorder as the burned children. This is in keeping with other research that highlights the strengths and capacities of burned children for comparatively normal coping despite their histories of multiple trauma, severe scars and repeated surgery and hospitalization (Bowden et al., 1980; Byrne et al., 1986; Herndon et al., 1986). As a further complication, Stoddard et al. (1992) remind, however, that even though many severely burned children do not have any psychiatric symptoms, children with burns do seem to represent a population at risk for depression, and for a number of other comorbid complications. These include anxiety disorders, PTSD, attention deficit disorder, mania, bipolar disorder, dysthymia, conduct disorder and suicidal ideation.
In terms of causal explanations, there does not appear to be a definitive interpretation of the cause or causes of anxiety and depressive disorders in burned children. Some are clearly related to the burn trauma, such as the needle phobias, social phobias related to fears of social ridicule, or major depressions in response to disfigurement (Stoddard et al., 1989). These stresses appear to be lessened by successfully coping with the feared stimulus (e.g. having some control over the timing and frequency of medical procedures, attending school), and by cosmetic surgery. However, it is important to note that most of the burned children in these studies had those experiences to some degree and the majority did not receive psychiatric diagnoses. Depression is perhaps best explained by the notion of a predisposing genetic risk, other personality factors (Moore, Blakeney, Broemeling, Portman, Herndon & Robson, 1993), and family and other social support systems (Blakeney, Herndon, Desai, Beard & Wales-Seale, 1988; Blakeney, Portman & Rutan, 1990; Bowden et al., 1980; Browne, Byrne, Brown, Pennock, Streiner, Roberts, Eyles, Truscott & Dabbs, 1985; Byrne et al., 1986; Davidson, Bowden & Tholen, 1981; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; LeDoux, Meyer, Blakeney & Herndon, 1998; Orr et al., 1989; Sawyer, Minde & Zuker, 1982) that are thought to be more significant determinants of depressive
illness in children with burns than the burn trauma or scarring. The significant contribution of family and social support in mediating against depression finds support in the study by Stoddard et al. (1992) since most of the participants reported a precipitant other than the burn itself as a cause for their depression, the most common of which were the family situation and social problems (such as beatings, not getting along with parents, sexual abuse, and alcoholism in parents).
**The problem with conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of psychological and psychiatric disorders**
The tendency for researchers to define adjustment in terms of psychiatric disorders such as depression may represent the application of an inaccurate model. This is so because although a burn injury represents an abnormal life stressor, defining its psychological impact in psychiatric terms may serve to exclude much needed intervention for those burn-injured persons who do not meet the narrow diagnostic criteria for a particular disorder (Patterson, Everett, Bombardier, Questad, Lee & Marvin, 1993). Patterson et al. (1993) suggest that the term *distress* used by Albee (1980), or the term *suffering* used by Cassell (1982) are more appropriate as they are more likely to capture the experience of burn survivors. Certainly almost every burn patient will experience some degree of distress or suffering and these variables are broad enough to reflect the spectrum of emotional response likely to be seen in this population. Using *distress* or *suffering* as a measure of adjustment also moves the conceptualization of adjustment away from a psychopathology model towards a more non-psychopathology model.
**Conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of self-esteem and body image**
In addition to the literature that conceptualizes the adjustment of paediatric burn survivors in terms of psychological disorders, a number of researchers have focused on global variables such as body image and self-esteem to measure psychosocial adjustment. This is particularly so in the case of self-esteem as an outcome variable. Self-esteem may be understood as the level of global regard that one has for the self as a person (Robert, Meyer, Bishop, Rosenberg, Murphy & Blakeney, 1999). The few published studies on self-esteem and paediatric burn survivors present contradictory and puzzling results: using standardized self-esteem measures, some investigators
have reported that the majority of survivors with disfiguring burn scars are within normal ranges of self-esteem, regardless of scar location, age at time of burn, length of time post burn, burn severity and percentage of total body surface area burned (Bowden et al., 1980; Knudson-Cooper, 1981; LeDoux et al., 1996; Orr et al., 1989).
Other investigators have compared measures of self-esteem for people with visible scars to people with non-visible defects such as congenital heart disease and found significantly lower levels of self-esteem among persons with disfiguring scars (Broder & Strauss, 1989; Goldberg, 1974). Some have reported deleterious effects of scar disfigurement on self-esteem consistent with the effects of other types of visible disfigurement on self-esteem e.g. children with craniofacial abnormalities (Pillemer & Cook, 1989).
Self-esteem is strongly related to self evaluation of physical appearance which in turn impacts on the affective state of the individual (Robert et al., 1999) It follows that burn survivors whose physical appearances are marked by disfiguring scars would be expected to have diminished self-esteem and saddened or depressed affect. This notion is borne out in the findings of Robert et al. (1999) that low self-esteem is associated with depression and anxiety in paediatric burn survivors. Similarly, Orr et al. (1989) found a strong correlation between depression, low self-esteem and poor body image in their study of 121 survivors of childhood burns, the scores of which were significantly influenced by perceived social support (more from friends than from family) and the participants’ gender. When considering perceived social support, especially from friends, girls and young women reported greater depression, lower self-esteem and more negative body images than boys and young men with equivalent burn injuries. This reiterates the popular notion that physical attractiveness is more important for girls in terms of self-esteem.
The use of self-esteem as an outcome in measuring the psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors has yielded another interesting finding. Koon, Blakeney, Broemeling, Moore, Robson and Herndon (1992) reported that some paediatric burn survivors tend to present overly optimistic pictures of themselves, prompting the suggestion that their reports of high self-esteem may reflect a coping mechanism. This
notion is supported by findings of higher than normative self-esteem scores in some domains of self-esteem for boys with visible burn scars (Abdullah, Blakeney & Hunt, 1994) and by the results of a study by LeDoux et al. (1996) indicating that burned children's self concepts are better than the norm.
LeDoux et al. (1996) attribute these significantly high ratings to the positive use of denial as a functional coping strategy in which the burn survivors, although aware of their physical handicaps and disfigurement, attach minor significance to factors such as athletic competence and social acceptance. Instead, more emphasis is placed on areas unaffected by their burn injuries such as scholastic and job competence. Such an adapted value system appears to afford these children the hope necessary for post-burn adjustment by focusing on those factors within their control.
The importance of identifying positive personal strengths and enhancing the value attached to those strengths while simultaneously diminishing the value ascribed to disfigurement and impairment is reiterated in the study by Robert et al. (1999). These authors found that while adolescents with disfiguring burn scars possess an overall feeling of self worth similar to their peers, their levels of athletic competence and physical appearance were rated as significantly lower than the normative group. However, their levels of social acceptance and job competence were rated as significantly higher than the normative group. Although it is unclear as to why some burn survivors in this sample adapted their sense of self to their disfigurement while others did not, it seems that post-burn interaction with family and professionals that emphasizes positive personal traits prevents negative overall self perceptions and, in doing so, provides a protective factor to ward off debilitating depression.
*The problem with conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of global variables*
The contradictory results yielded by studies of self-esteem in paediatric burn survivors has prompted Knudson-Cooper (1981) to conclude that self-esteem is an inadequate measure of psychosocial adjustment. Furthermore, Patterson et al. (1993) argue that by characterizing adjustment with reference to global variables like self-esteem and body image, the complex and dynamic impact of burn injuries is not sufficiently
reflected. It is also suggested that by restricting the conceptualization of adjustment to one dimension (e.g. self-esteem), problems presenting in functional areas such as social relationships, recreational activities and the return to school are overlooked. The consequence of excluding functional outcome variables is that possibilities for intervention in these domains are diminished. Perhaps due to the limitations of conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment exclusively in terms of psychological disorder or a single global variable, a body of empirical research in which adjustment is characterized in terms of social competence and general adaptive behaviour has developed. This research is considered below.
**Conceptualizing psychosocial adjustment in terms of social competence and general adaptive behaviour**
The third approach to conceptualizing the psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors places greater emphasis on functional domains such as social and academic competence (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; LeDoux et al., 1996; Meyer et al., 1995; Meyer, Blakeney, Holzer, Moore, Murphy, Robson & Herndon, 1995; Moore et al., 1996). For the most part, the data in this research is collected from three separate sources: the burned child himself, the child’s parent, and the child’s teacher. The most commonly used instruments for this purpose are the Youth Self Report (YSR), the Child Behaviour Checklist (CBC), and the Teacher Report Form (TRF) respectively (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; LeDoux et al., 1996; Meyer et al., 1995; Moore et al., 1996). The simultaneous collection of information from three sources in a single study affords the opportunity to observe discrepancies of opinion in the extent and nature of the problems experienced by the burned child as well the chance to further explore the reasons for these discrepancies.
Blakeney et al. (1993) investigated the psychosocial sequelae of massive (>80% total body surface area) paediatric burns using the CBC, TRF and Piers Harris Children Self Concept Scale. By all reports, the children in this study were well adjusted, socially and psychologically: The children reported positive self regard and few problems, and the parents and teachers agreed that the children are as competent and plagued by no more problems than the normal reference group. These findings are
reiterated in the research of Moore et al. (1996) who investigated the extent to which the physical limitations of survivors of massive childhood burns result in social isolation and hamper psychosocial adjustment. Scored using the CBC and YSR, these children, despite their physical impairment, presented with no more problem behaviours than the published, clinically non-referred reference group and were as academically and socially competent as their peers, although unsurprisingly less athletic.
Like Moore et al. (1996) and Blakeney et al. (1993), Blakeney et al. (1998) investigated the long-term psychosocial adjustment of survivors of massive paediatric burn injuries and made use of the TRF, CBC and YSR. However, in this study, while the children as a group reported themselves as having neither more nor fewer problems than the reference population, the parents and teachers reported the burned children to have more problems than the reference population even though as a group their mean scores of current functioning fell within normal limits. The kinds of problems attributed to the children also differed with the observer – the parents identified more internalizing problems while the teachers reported more externalizing problems (i.e. acting out rather than being sad). Also unlike the results of Moore et al. (1996), the teachers and parents in this study reported that the burned children were mildly diminished in academic and social competence. This finding is supported by an earlier study of a sample of children with burns of moderate severity (Meyer et al., 1995).
Discrepancies between the opinions of teachers, parents and the burned children themselves regarding the extent to which the children are psychosocially adjusted post-burn were again revealed in a study by Blakeney et al. (1993). These authors investigated the social competence and prevalence of problem behaviour in 60 children with burns ranging from 15% to 70% total body surface area, and made use of the CBC, TRF and YSR as measuring instruments.
On the CBC, parents of boys aged 4 to 11 years indicated that their sons were less socially competent and had significantly more behaviour problems in the areas of somatic complaints, social interaction, and sexual identity than had the normative
group. The parents reported these boys to show more delinquent behaviour and less competence in social interactions and at school when compared with the reference group. Parents of girls aged 4 to 11 years reported behavioural problems and lack of social competence in almost every aspect. When compared with the normative group these girls were described as having more somatic complaints and more problems in interacting socially, in thinking, and in paying attention. They also tended to have more problems with delinquent and aggressive behaviour and with sexual identity (Blakeney et al., 1993).
Adolescent boys were reported by their parents as having more somatic complaints, more disturbances of thought, more problems with delinquent and aggressive behaviour and were perceived as being less competent in all areas when compared to the reference group. When compared with the reference group adolescent girls with burns were reported by their parents to have more somatic complaints, to be more withdrawn and less socially competent (Blakeney et al., 1993).
Quite on the contrary, the teachers generally reported fewer problems for the children with burns than for the reference population of children without burns as scored by the TRF. According to the teachers’ report the only group with more problems than the reference group were the adolescent boys with burns in that they externalized problems (Blakeney et al., 1993).
On the YSR, the adolescents themselves noted few problems and usually described themselves as normal. This was especially true of the girls who reported having more difficulty only in the area of social problems and no differences in competency areas. The boys, however, had more difficulty with somatic complaints, thought problems and delinquent behaviour and had statistically significant decreased competency in both activities and social areas. The older children in this study acknowledged their delinquent behaviour, an acknowledgement, which, coupled with the parents’ observations of tendencies towards delinquent and aggressive behaviour in the older boys indicates that the children may cope by externalizing (Blakeney et al., 1993).
In sum then, the parents of burned children expressed significant concern for the problematic behaviours and competence that they perceived in their children, much more so than the teachers and the burned children themselves. This was especially true in the younger age groups and for girls more than boys. Nonetheless, it is important to note that even though the scores differed significantly from the means of the normative groups, the group mean for the burned children was still within the normal range. In a sense this may be interpreted as reassuring evidence that burned children by and large do not suffer from major psychiatric disturbances or severe behavioural problems. On the other hand, however, it is disturbing to imagine that these children are, in fact, quite distressed and that this distress is not easily recognized by anyone except their parents. Along these lines, it may be that burned children deny to themselves and to their social world that they are feeling distressed. Perhaps these children perform so well publicly that only someone who knows them very well (i.e. a parent) can detect their unhappiness.
Another explanation for the discrepancies in perceptions described above is that the parents of burned children, for reasons of their own, misperceive their children’s behaviour, attributing more difficulties to them than would another observer. They may also perceive their children to be less competent than they actually are. Other research has found that parents of burned children blame much of the stress in their own lives on the difficulties presented by their children (Blakeney et al., 1993; Meyer, Blakeney, Moore, Murphy, Robson & Herndon, 1994). For some reason, these parents need to believe that their children are troubled, incompetent and in need of extra attention. Parental well being as a factor in predicting the psychosocial adjustment of burned children is discussed in greater detail elsewhere in this chapter.
In order to clarify the findings of Blakeney et al. (1993) and to gather further information concerning the personal and social sufficiency and functioning of burned children as perceived by their parents, Meyer et al. (1995) administered the CBC and the Vineland Adaptive Behaviour Scales to 32 parents of paediatric burn survivors. Scores from the Vineland Scales indicated that parents view their burned children as being less personally and socially sufficient and deficient in adaptive behaviours when compared with the appropriate reference group. Those burned children with
significant behaviour problems as measured by the CBC differed from their peers with fewer problems by having less overall adaptive behaviour, fewer coping skills, and significantly more maladaptive behaviour. These results are surprising since several of the studies reviewed above have reported that most burned children have no more behavioural difficulties and are equally competent compared with normative unburned reference groups (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1993). The findings, however, are important as they elaborate on and differentiate among the difficulties that children have in adapting to post-burn life.
Although the CBC and the Vineland Scales seem to measure the same general trait of adaptation, they do approach the assessment from different angles and that alone may account for the discrepancies in the findings (Meyer et al., 1995). The CBC emphasizes the discovery of behavioural problems rather than performance and relies heavily on parental listings (without prompting) as a measure of competence. As such, the parent is to some degree the external standard of expectation. It is certainly plausible that a child could have few behavioural problems and be judged competent by parental standards, yet still be found to be lacking in skills and performance of tasks expected by others. Parental expectations may in another sense, be the source of the burned child’s diminished adaptive behaviour scores on the Vineland Scales. Parents who are overly protective and do not encourage self-sufficiency in their children or parents who are overly stressed and too distracted to supervise their children will be likely to have children with lower scores of adaptation as measured by the Vineland Scales. There are at least two reasons why this should be so: Firstly, maternal stress and depression have been shown to predict maladaptive behaviour in the child (Hall & Fariel, 1988), and secondly, while the CBC is perhaps not affected by socio-economic factors, the Vineland Scales are affected by these factors (Meyer et al., 1995).
The conflicting and puzzling findings have different implications for the treatment and rehabilitation of burned children. The basic difference between the two sets of instruments is that the CBC shows that although two thirds of the sample are not maladjusted, all may be lagging in the development of behaviours and skills that promote good adjustment according to the Vineland Scales (Meyer et al., 1995). As
such domestic and community living skills should be taught in the psychosocial rehabilitation programme since a child’s self-esteem rests largely on feelings of self-efficacy (Robert et al., 1999). This means that the children themselves must be the primary foci of the treatment. However, if it is true that parents only are privy to the distress behind the public façade of the children, it may also be that the parents of burned children should be instructed to adjust their expectations of their children and pay more attention to the consistent teaching, supervision and expectations of the burned child.
**Predicting positive psychosocial adjustment in the paediatric burn survivor**
Having provided a background to the research on how psychosocial adjustment is conceptualized in the burns literature, it is now useful to turn to the second component of the empirical literature on the psychosocial aspects of burn injury: the attempt to establish those factors that best determine positive psychosocial adjustment in the paediatric burn survivor. Several factors including the size, locus and severity of the burn, the length of time that has elapsed since the burn injury and the burned child’s age, gender and level of intelligence have been considered. As the discussion below reveals, this research has yielded inconsistent results.
**Size and severity of the burn injury**
Andreasen, Noyes and Hartford (1972) and Bowden et al. (1980) report that adjustment problems are a function of burn severity. In contrast, Knudson-Cooper (1981), LeDoux et al. (1998) and Browne et al. (1985) found that the severity of the burn has no effect on adjustment. It is noteworthy that the latter study found that the less adjusted children were more often those with minor burns (Browne et al., 1985). Similarly, Byrne et al. (1986) and Blakeney et al. (1993) report that children with bigger burns have fewer problems. LeDoux et al. (1998), Meyer et al. (1994), Stoddard et al. (1992) and Blakeney et al. (1993) found that burn size has no effect on adjustment.
**Locus of the burn injury**
Facial disfigurement (Blakeney et al., 1988; Bowden et al., 1980; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; Sawyer et al., 1982) and disfigurement in other visible areas has also been
found to contribute to psychosocial adjustment (Sawyer et al., 1982). Stoddard et al. (1992) reported a trend toward an association between depression and the severity of cosmetic disfigurement. Clarke and Martin (1978) found that young girls who have sustained disfigurement to their breasts as a result of burns are especially distressed, particularly if an asymmetry is noticeable. It is also interesting to note that children with burns on their backs who do not directly or frequently viewed their considerable scars seem to integrate better into society (Clarke & Martin, 1978). Browne et al. (1986) suggest that maladjustment may be related to disfigurement and/or impairment of function of the hands or legs. On the contrary, Orr et al. (1989) report that there is no significant relationship between the locus of burn injury and adjustment.
**Age at the time of the burn injury, gender and level of intelligence of the child**
Age at the time of burn (Blakeney et al., 1988; Knudson-Cooper, 1981; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; Sawyer et al., 1989) and gender (Blakeney et al., 1988; Bowden et al., 1980) seem to contribute inconsistently. Level of intelligence has been considered as a possible contributing factor, but has not proved to be significant (Blakeney et al., 1990).
**Length of time since the burn injury**
The length of time that has passed since the burn has rarely been studied but may be an important variable (Blades, Mellis & Munster, 1982; Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; Byrne et al., 1986; Orr et al., 1989). The findings of Browne et al. (1986) suggest that children do not seem to adjust with time, unlike adults (where 90% adjust as a function of time). Similarly, Blakeney et al. (1998) and Orr et al. (1989) report that there is no significant relationship between adjustment and the length of time following the burn, while LeDoux et al. (1998) argue that the length of time after the injury, if it is important to psychological healing, appears to be a factor only during the first two years after the burn injury. On the contrary, Blakeney et al. (1990) suggest that the first year after the burn injury is a time of hopelessness and despair, though adjustment improves during the first two years post-burn. Following that, although many children achieve self-acceptance others continue to despair. Blakeney et al. (1993) report that burned children seem to become more competent, less anxious, less withdrawn and more assertive with the passing of time after injury.
To this end, perhaps there is merit in the conclusion of Herndon et al. (1986) that the final outcome for these patients can only be assessed as they achieve late adolescence and young adulthood.
The emphasis placed on burn related variables such as the size, severity and locus of the burn in predicting psychosocial adjustment reflect the dominant medical model of conceptualizing adjustment (Patterson et al., 1993). As discussed below, the research on the long-term recovery from paediatric burns would be better served by models that take into account the potential of moderating variables such as social support from friends and family that have been shown to influence adjustment.
**Social support as the most important predictor of psychosocial adjustment**
The most consistently recognized contributing factor to the positive psychosocial adjustment of the burned child seems to be social support, particularly from the family. (Blakeney et al., 1988; Blakeney et al., 1990; Bowden et al., 1980; Browne et al., 1985; Byrne et al., 1986; Davidson et al., 1981; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; LeDoux et al., 1998; Sawyer et al., 1982). Peer support has also been recognized as having an important influence on adjustment (Orr et al., 1989). Both forms of support are in keeping with the buffering hypothesis proposed by Cobb (1976) in which social support is described as the variable that is most effective in mediating against the negative impact of other stressful variables.
The monolithic influence of the family in facilitating the recovery of the burned child has resulted in paediatric burn injury increasingly being understood as an assault on the family as a unit, not only on the child (Munster, 1993). It follows that it is important to examine not only the effects of a paediatric burn on other family members, particularly the parents, but also how these effects impact on the child’s psychological and social adjustment. Of equal importance is to identify how maternal activities and the characteristics of the family environment contribute towards the child’s long-term recovery.
Psychosocial effects of paediatric burn injury on the family
The long-term impact on the families of paediatric burn survivors has not been well studied, but clinical experience and scanty empirical data indicate the sequelae to be significant. Adriæssens, Boeckx, Gilles, Meertens, Nijs and Pyck (1987) describe the social isolation and withdrawal experienced by the family following a childhood burn injury. Family members may continue to experience symptoms of post-traumatic stress long after a burned child has returned home (Cella, Perry, Kulchycky & Goodwin, 1988; Cella, Perry, Poaz, Amand & Goodwin, 1988). In fact, families report less stress in the acute post-burn stage than do families several years after the burn (Cella et al., 1988).
Once burn-injured children are discharged from hospital, they are likely to require ongoing care and supervision in terms of compliance with pressure garments\(^2\) and splints\(^3\). These children will be also be required to visit the hospital on a regular basis for follow-up appointments with the burns, plastic surgery and occupational and physical therapy clinics. If the burned child undergoes further corrective surgery after the initial hospitalization, the period of ongoing care can be lengthy. It makes sense that this presents yet another challenge to the family of the burned child. Indeed, parents of paediatric burn survivors report being stressed by concern for their unburned children whom they feel are slighted of attention and time, while the burned sibling requires the extensive devotion of both parents (Blakeney et al., 1993). The parents in this study also noted the personal financial difficulties attendant to the injury and treatment of the burned child even though their children received medical treatment at a hospital which provides care free of charge to the patient's family. Fortunately, these complaints seem to decrease over time as the parents become more accepting of their own children, less socially isolated and less confined in their parenting roles.
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\(^2\) Pressure garments are specially manufactured elastic garments used to prevent hypertrophic scarring by restricting the blood flow into the scar tissue.
\(^3\) A splint is a polymer and plastic compound that is shaped to fit over a burn-injured joint in order to provide proper positioning and prevent the formation of contractures.
A series of studies at the Shriners Burns Institute in Galveston, Texas investigated rates of depression in parents of recovering paediatric burn survivors (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney, Moore, Broemeling, Hunt, Herndon & Robson, 1993; Meyer et al., 1994). Using the Parenting Stress Index (PSI), Blakeney et al. (1993) examined parental stress at various time periods after the child’s burn. These investigators found that parents reported significant depressive symptoms at two years post-injury, that these levels appear to normalize after three years, and that after four or five years these levels of depression are significantly lower than both a normative sample and a group of parents of children with acute burns. The improvement in levels of parental distress has prompted the suggestion that parents of burned children may develop defensive coping strategies such as denial to minimize their depressed feelings, but which may exacerbate difficulties in other areas of their lives. Identifying and recognizing these defensive coping strategies may be critical, since burned children throughout their recovery depend largely on parental support.
Meyer et al. (1994) subsequently used the PSI and found that parents who report their children as troubled (more troubled than the children consider themselves and more than they are considered troubled by teachers) are themselves stressed, not only by their children’s behaviour but in other areas unrelated to their children. Although these authors reiterate the finding that parental distress appears to improve with time for most, it was found that the parents of the most troubled burned children continued across time to be troubled themselves. These mothers report often feeling depressed and guilty, and compared with the reference parents, see their children as less acceptable, demanding, moody and behaving in ways that do not reinforce the role of the parent. These mothers do not acknowledge themselves as part of the problem or that external life stresses may be important. Similarly, the parents in the study by Blakeney et al. (1993) more often attributed their stress to their children than did normative parents.
These findings raise the question of whether the burned child’s behaviour problems are caused by the parent or the converse as they are highly correlated. The risk of scapegoating of the burned child by the parent is certainly an issue. As such the
findings point to a need to provide psychosocial intervention for both the parents and the child in order to facilitate successful adjustment (Meyer et al., 1994).
**Characteristics of the family environment and maternal activities as the most significant predictors of psychosocial adjustment**
The involvement of the family, particularly the parents, in facilitating the successful psychosocial recovery of the burned child is an activity that begins as early as the hospitalization period. Benians (1988) cites the significant influence of parental visiting on the long-term survival and rehabilitation of extensively burned children; and Sheridan et al. (2000), in the most recently published study on the long-term outcomes of children who survive massive burns, identify consistent follow-up visits to the burn clinic after discharge as a significant predictor of a satisfying quality of life.
The characteristics of the family environment and the functional status of the family, particularly the mother, are of great importance in facilitating the long-term adaptation of the burned child (Blakeney et al., 1990; Browne et al., 1985; Byrne et al., 1986; LeDoux et al., 1998; Sawyer et al., 1982; Sheridan et al., 2000). Sawyer et al. (1982) report that the lack of a stable supportive home environment characterized by the emotional distress of the mother and multiple home moves by the family is related to the poor psychosocial outcome of the burned child. Browne et al. (1985) reached a similar conclusion about the role of the mother of the burned child in facilitating adjustment. The investigators in this study administered a variety of adjustment, coping and family environment scales to 145 mothers of children who had sustained major and minor burns in the previous 12 years. The findings revealed that children with major burns are no different from children with minor burns in the biological or psychological variables except on two dimensions of the mothers’ Psychological Adjustment to Illness Scale adjustment score and Family Environment Score. Thus, the burned child’s adjustment was more related to the mother’s adjustment and social resources and her methods of coping than to the size of the child’s burn or the time since the burn injury.
The 10% to 15% of burned children in this study who had poorer psychosocial adjustment had mothers with poorer psychosocial adjustment as characterized by tendencies to use avoidance to cope with problems; emotionally distancing themselves from problems, participation in few recreational activities, and coming from families with less moral or religious emphasis. The more socially adjusted children, on the other hand, were also not explained by burn severity. These children came from families with a high intellectual or cultural emphasis, and had mothers who participated in fewer organizational activities but belonged to more social organizations (Browne et al., 1985). Similarly, Byrne et al. (1986) reported that the most socially competent burned children are from families with greater participation in social and recreational activities, families of higher socio-economic status and larger families with mothers who viewed their children’s adjustment more positively. These authors also stress the importance of an intellectual/cultural emphasis within the family.
A study by LeDoux et al. (1998) on the effect of the family environment on the psychosocial adaptation of 35 paediatric burn survivors revealed that children considered to be well adjusted have parents who score high on cohesion, achievement and organization and lower on conflict. The subject families in the study by LeDoux et al. (1998) were, as a whole, more cohesive, controlling and placed greater emphasis on moral and religious values than the normal reference population. The relationship between family cohesion and better psychosocial adjustment is a reiteration of the findings of Blakeney et al. (1990) that familial value patterns are critical in the prediction of psychosocial adjustment. In this study, the positive psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors was best predicted by a family environment in which commitment to each other is strong and where such cohesion allows expression of conflict and encourages autonomy and active mastery of the environment. This finding echoes the work of Beard, Herndon and Desai (1989) who found that by enhancing family commitment and self-sufficiency, the burned child’s probability of well being is increased. Furthermore, Blakeney et al. (1990) found that poor psychosocial adjustment was predicted by a family environment that is characterized by conflict within the context of passive dependency and diminished cohesion.
To conclude the discussion on the importance of the family in facilitating adjustment, it seems that the enduring and pervasive positive relationship between adjustment and social resources calls for a refining of social support theory and its importance in identifying burned children at risk for maladjustment. This may be particularly relevant in the South African context where the burned population is characterized by abject poverty, which in turn has implications for the availability and use of organized social support structures.
**The stigmatizing effect of disfigurement**
The literature on the psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors rarely contains explicit reference to the aesthetic disfigurement that is the inevitable and arguably the most distressing consequence of a serious burn injury. The nature of a burn injury frequently implies extensive tissue loss that must be rectified with a skin graft\(^4\). Skin grafts have a meshed texture and are characterized by altered pigment formation and the absence of hair growth. This means that these grafts do not resemble normal skin in appearance (Hurren, 1995). Furthermore, even if the burn injury does not require skin grafting, burn scars can become extremely disfiguring due to hypertrophy\(^5\) and keloid formation\(^6\). This may occur despite appropriate aftercare. In addition, the contractile properties in the scar itself can cause crippling contractures\(^7\), leading to disability and deformity (Hurren, 1995). In cases of severe burns, it may be necessary to amputate digits or limbs resulting in significant disability. Skin appendages such as noses and ears may also be lost, causing a distortion of the facial features (Warden, 1996). Even the best of plastic surgery cannot restore burned individuals to their pre-burn appearance. Often the best that an individual who has sustained a burn injury can hope for is flat scars, unimpaired joint
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\(^4\) A graft is a piece of skin taken from one part of the body and then transferred to a secondary site. Skin grafts are indicated for most deep dermal burns.
\(^5\) Hypertrophic scars are thickened and hard and develop between 3 and 12 months after the burn injury before reaching maximum prominence. Hypertrophic scars are confined to the site of the original burn injury and do not invade normal skin.
\(^6\) Keloid scars, like hypertrophic scars, are thickened and hard, but grow in a tumour-like fashion, invading the normal skin outside the area of the original injury. Keloid scars may continue to grow for several years following the burn injury.
function and an approximation of normal facial features which leaves much to be desired.
Graphic examples of the disfigurement that results from burn injuries are provided in Chapter Three in the form of photographs. These photographs depict the aesthetic nature of skin grafts, hypertrophic scarring, keloid formation, contractures and amputations. All the photographs reproduced in Chapter Three are of participants in the present study and are used with their permission.
The aesthetic disability of disfigurement may result in profound social consequences for those afflicted. It is clear that society as a whole has considerable difficulty in relating to its disfigured members to the extent that there is a tendency to exclude them (Harris, 1982; Knudson-Cooper, 1981; McGregor, 1990; Pruzinsky, 1992; Robinson, Rumsey & Partridge, 1996). Although this basic psychological attitude towards disfigured persons is generally not discussed in the burn literature, it is something with which burn-disfigured individuals must deal on a daily basis and an issue that is familiar to all burn care providers.
Stigma refers to a painful, disfiguring mark that sets people aside from the usual. As such it is particularly suited to refer to a person who has sustained a burn injury. Stigmatization denies people full social acceptance. The contemporary connotations of the word ‘stigma’ are not really much different from its original meaning. For the Greeks, stigma referred to bodily signs that called attention to some moral failing on the part of the person who bore them. Signs, often cut or burned into the body, were intended to cause other people to avoid the bearer – the slave, traitor or criminal (Bernstein, O’Connell & Chedekel, 1992). Today stigma involves the same sense of moral disapproval, denigration and avoidance.
A body of sociological literature has been devoted to the effect of stigma on human behaviour. Goffman (1963) in particular has characterized the stigmatized individual
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7 The pathological effect of the healing of scar tissue that results in the inability to move a joint fully because of tightness of the surrounding tissue.
as having a distinctive social role - a way of interacting with the larger society which differs in some way from the usual. He recognizes the reciprocal character of this interaction in that the larger society has particular ways of reacting to and interacting with stigmatized individuals. The emphasis is on the self-reinforcing system of behaviour where the difference that a disfigured person exhibits is perceived and reacted to by other persons in the larger society. The latter in turn interact in a way that reinforces the stigmatized individual’s perception of the self as different.
While it is human nature to make assumptions about a disfigured person’s intelligence, personality and psychopathology (Adler, 1992), the psychological and social burden of stigmatization cannot be underestimated. Social interactions for the disfigured person are often strained and unpleasant (Pruzinsky, 1992). McGregor (1990) describes how individuals with visible disfigurements are not accorded the same social respect as their non-disfigured counterparts in that their privacy is ignored. In their efforts to go about their daily affairs, disfigured persons are subject to visual and verbal assaults and a level of familiarity from strangers including naked stares, startle reactions, whispering, remarks, furtive glances, curiosity, personal questions, advice, manifestations of pity and aversion, laughter, ridicule or outright avoidance. Partridge (1990) uses the acronym SCARED to sum up the set of familiar and unenviable responses that the disfigured person has to come to terms with: Staring, Curiosity, Anguish, Recoil, Embarrassment and Dread. Similarly, in confronting others the disfigured person may also feel SCARED and can become trapped in a double bind: Self-consciousness, Conspicuousness, Anger, Reluctance, Embarrassment and feeling Different (Partridge, 1990). These strained social interactions result in feelings of shame (Lewis, 1987; Nathanson, 1987), impotence, anger and humiliation on the part of the person with the disfigurement (McGregor, 1990).
Stigmatization can be particularly painful for children. Although the burns literature does not offer very much on the subject, empirical research on children disfigured by cleft lips and palates and other craniofacial abnormalities provides extensive coverage of this topic (Houston & Bull, 1994; Pillemer & Cook, 1989; Tobiasen, 1989). Research on the responses of other children to disfigurement has revealed that facial
stereotyping begins as early as at age five years (Rumsey, Bull & Gahagan, 1986). In studies in which children have been asked to rate their preferences for companionship from photographs, the disfigured child tends to be placed at the bottom of the rating, along with the obese child (Sigelman, Miller & Whitworth, 1986; Lansdown, 1990). The disfigured child is described as having negative qualities and mood state, indicating a spread of stigma which reinforces a sense of aversion (Sigelman, Miller & Whitworth, 1986; Lansdown, 1990). Peer relations may be significantly hampered by teasing with the result that the disfigured child may plead not to go to school, feign illness or truant (Harris, 1982). Disfigured children are also inhibited recreationally, with a tendency to avoid communal changing rooms, public places like the beach, and organized sport and physical education activities (Harris, 1982). This self-consciousness and its concomitant social withdrawal can negatively affect children’s social competence, predisposing them to later experiences of loneliness, depression and anxiety (Pillemer & Cook, 1989; Tobiasen, 1989).
The way in which burn-disfigured children deal with the world is thus profoundly affected by society’s generally negative responses to their visible burn scars. The task of establishing a sense of personal worth and meaning in the face of the social rejection is an important part of the process of psychosocial recovery from a burn injury. To this end, a comprehensive rehabilitation programme has to address the issues of how the individual copes with this sort of social handicap.
**CONCLUSION**
The purpose of this introduction has been to contextualize the nature of paediatric burn injury in South Africa and to provide a comprehensive background to the literature on the long-term psychosocial adjustment of children who sustain thermal injury. According to the empirical research, the majority of paediatric burn survivors are well adjusted, both socially and psychologically. Moreover, adjustment appears to be positive regardless of whether it is conceptualized in terms of psychiatric disorder, global variables such as self-esteem, or in terms of social competence. If these findings are a true reflection of reality, then one may conclude that severe burn injury, disfigurement and physical impairment do not necessarily render children useless and unhappy, or overwhelm their defences, leaving them forever morose and angry.
Indeed, these findings would represent a striking testament to human resilience for it would seem that while some children cope with their moments of emotional and physical pain with relative ease, and others succumb to sadness and anger, most, nonetheless, have what might be called a satisfactory quality of life.
However, it must be pointed out that the findings reviewed in this chapter stem from research conducted predominantly at the Shriners Burns Institutes in Galveston, Texas and Boston, Massachusetts, both of which offer a comprehensive and long-term range of psychosocial services to burned children and their caregivers. The positive adjustment reported in these studies may therefore be a consequence of the psychosocial assistance provided, rather than the results of a spontaneous process of adaptation. This consideration, combined with the methodological flaws common to this body of research as discussed earlier and the fact that only one local study has been conducted on the subject, means that it is prudent to exercise caution when interpreting these findings and generalizing them to the South African context.
**THE PRESENT RESEARCH**
The Red Cross War Memorial Children’s Hospital is the only paediatric hospital in sub-Saharan Africa and has the capacity to accommodate 293 inpatients. The Burns Unit at the Hospital is one of two dedicated paediatric burns facilities in South Africa. This unit has 22 beds and is staffed by a multidisciplinary team of health care professionals. The team comprises a surgeon, ten nurses, a dietician, a physiotherapist and an occupational therapist. Together these dedicated individuals provide a high standard of medical and surgical service to the burned child. It is therefore unfortunate that the scarcity of funding to date has meant that while the patients at the Hospital are given physical and occupational therapy so as to achieve maximum functional potential, no psychological or social services are available to facilitate the successful psychosocial rehabilitation of these children. The need for such rehabilitation has become particularly relevant as advances in medical and surgical management have dramatically decreased the mortality rate in paediatric burns, raising ethical questions regarding the residual quality of life of these young survivors.
The importance of rehabilitation is widely accepted within medical theory, but its profile in health care, particularly in South Africa, is heavily eclipsed by the acute services. Fortunately, growing public concern and the possibility of securing private funding for psychosocial rehabilitation purposes has prompted an interest in the long-term plight of the burned child. It is clear that the time has passed where all that can be done for burned children is to describe their misery, speculate on its origins and applaud their courage.
With the construction of a new burns rehabilitation centre pending, it is necessary for the Department of Paediatric Surgery at the Hospital to conduct a long-term follow-up of paediatric burn patients under its care so as to establish the extent to which these children are physically functional and psychosocially reintegrated. That burned children should experience difficulties during the recovery period following such a devastating injury makes intuitive sense. Once these children are physically healed and are ready to re-enter society, they begin to encounter new challenges and stresses. Accurately identifying those psychological and social stresses and the factors that most affect the quality of the recovery process for these children is crucial in finding ways to maximize their adjustment. Until these needs are determined, a suitable rehabilitation programme cannot be developed. Indeed, without this information, the very necessity and feasibility of such a programme is based only on the speculation and intuition of burn care professionals.
In light of these practical considerations and the fact that there is a paucity of local empirical research on the psychosocial aspects of paediatric burn injury, the aims of the present study were formulated as follows:
(a) to determine the type of psychosocial sequelae of paediatric burns in a South African context;
(b) to determine the type of obstacles to successful psychosocial integration encountered by paediatric burn survivors in a South African context; and
(c) to make recommendations that will be useful in formulating a contextually appropriate, empirically informed rehabilitation programme aimed at
maximizing not only physical, but also psychosocial functioning in the paediatric burn survivor.
It is hoped that regardless of the nature of the findings, the knowledge produced by the results of this research will have value in promoting awareness of a hitherto largely unrecognized social problem.
**FORMAT OF THE THESIS**
This thesis comprises four chapters. Chapter Two contains a discussion of the research design and method employed in conducting the present research. As such, details regarding the sample criteria employed in selecting participants, the steps taken in recruiting the sample as well as the difficulties encountered in this process are discussed. The procedure followed and the measures used in collecting the data as well as important ethical considerations are described. Chapter Two also contains a discussion of the methods of data analysis employed in this study. A combined Results and Discussion section in Chapter Three follows this. Chapter Three is organized along thematic lines and in chronological order beginning with the burn injury itself, the hospitalization period, returning home with the burn-injured child and post-discharge treatment. The focus then turns to the effect of paediatric burn injury on the family and the caregivers’ use of social support resources. The behavioural and emotional indicators of distress as evidenced by the participants are then discussed. This is followed by the findings related to the participants’ scholastic adjustment and academic progress. The impact of disfigurement on the social relationships of the burned child is then explored. Here the focus is on the findings relating to the participants’ coping strategies and their use of social support in mediating against the negative effect of strained social interactions. Chapter Three concludes with a discussion of the future prospects of the participants as voiced by themselves and their caregivers. Chapter Four contains the conclusion to the study as well as several recommendations for policy, research and practice that arise from the findings of the present study.
CHAPTER TWO
METHOD
SAMPLE
In order to investigate the long-term psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors it was thought necessary to study both the burn-injured children themselves as well as their caregivers. This rationale was informed by the empirical literature on the importance of the family in facilitating adjustment (Blakeney et al., 1988; Blakeney et al., 1990; LeDoux et al., 1998) as well as the value of collecting data from multiple sources (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; Meyer et al., 1995). By capturing the experience of both the burned child and those who have had to care for the child and are therefore privy to any distressing behaviour and emotions, it was reasoned that richer, more comprehensive data could be obtained. It follows that the more detailed the information gleaned from the research participants, the greater the possibility of designing appropriate interventions for the population under empirical scrutiny.
The paediatric burn survivors studied in this research are referred to as the participants or the children, while those responsible for their care are referred to as the caregivers.
Sample criteria
To be considered eligible for participation in the present research, several inclusion criteria were proposed for the participants. These criteria relate to the age of the child at the time of the burn injury, the time elapsed since the burn injury was sustained, the size, severity, locus and aetiology of the burn injury, and the present age and geographical location of the child.
First, in order to qualify as a paediatric burn survivor, the participant had to have sustained a thermal injury before the age of 13 years. This criterion makes sense when one considers that children older than 13 years are not treated at the Red Cross Children’s Hospital and are instead treated at the Tygerberg Hospital in Bellville, Cape Town. The latter offers specialized facilities for the treatment of adolescents and adults who have sustained burn injuries.
Second, in terms of the size, locus and severity of the burn injury, the criteria were informed by the empirical literature on the subject and the admission protocol followed by the Burns Unit of the Hospital. According to this protocol, children require admission to hospital if they have sustained a burn injury that is greater than or equal to 10% of the total body surface area (TBSA) (H. Rode, personal communication, June 2000). Alternatively, if the size of the original burn injury is less than 10% of the participant’s TBSA, but the injury has been sustained to the participant’s hands, feet, face or perineum, the child would still require hospitalization. This exception is made because burns to these functional areas pose a significant risk in terms of impeding function and causing cosmetic disfigurement (Miller, Richard & Staley, 1994). These exact criteria were employed in the present study. With regard to the severity of the burn, since hospitalization is rarely prescribed for superficial\(^8\) burns except in the case of neonates (Miller et al., 1994) participants included in this study had to have sustained either a partial-thickness\(^9\) or a full-thickness\(^{10}\) burn injury. This criterion too is in keeping with the admission protocol followed by the Hospital (H. Rode, personal communication, June 2000).
Third, with regard to the aetiology of the burn injury, no distinction was drawn between participants who had sustained burns caused by hot liquid (scalds), flame, chemical substances, electricity or contact with a heated surface.
Fourth, since the present study constitutes an investigation into the long-term psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors, in order to be included in the
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\(^8\) Superficial burns involve damage only to the outer layer of the skin. These wounds blister quickly and are very painful, but if allowed to dry out in sterile conditions, will spontaneously heal and return to normal skin within 10 days.
\(^9\) Partial-thickness burns are deep wounds that damage the nerve endings in the skin, thus making them extremely painful. If the wound is relatively shallow it will heal naturally within three weeks, however, deeper dermal burns will require skin grafting.
\(^{10}\) Full-thickness burns destroy all the layers of the skin, including sweat glands and hair follicles. Subcutaneous tissues such as fat, muscle, tendon and bone are often affected. These wounds do not heal spontaneously and are prone to infection. Skin grafting is always necessary for full-thickness burns.
study, a period of at least one year had to have elapsed between the time of data collection and the participant’s burn accident.
Finally, to optimize the quality of the data collected, only participants older than 8 years of age that would be able to communicate verbally in either English or Afrikaans were included in the study. The latter prerequisite was thought useful in that it excluded the necessity of using translators or interpreters for Xhosa-only speakers.
**The participants**
The participants comprised 40 paediatric burn survivors ranging in age from 8 to 21 years (mean = 12.5 years; standard deviation = 3.2). The mean age at the time of sustaining the burn injury was 4.2 years (range 1 -13 years; standard deviation = 3.1) and the mean length of time that had elapsed between the injury and the interview was 8.3 years (range 2 - 19 years; standard deviation 3.5). In terms of gender, 20 participants were female and 20 were male. Regarding race, according to the official medical records, 32 participants classified as Coloured, six participants as African and two participants as White. The mean TBSA burned was 25.5% (range = 1% - 50%; standard deviation = 13.7) and the initial length of stay in hospital ranged from 0.5 weeks to 16 weeks (mean = 5.8 weeks; standard deviation = 3.9).
A brief summary of each of the 40 participants can be found in Appendix A.
**The caregivers**
The sample of caregivers was comprised mainly of the biological mothers of the participants (n=28). The primary caregivers of four participants who are permanent residents of the St Joseph’s Home for Chronic Invalid Children in Montana, Cape Town were nurses. The remaining caregivers comprised one father, two grandaunts, one foster mother, one sister and three grandmothers. The caregivers ranged in age from 26 years to 72 years (mean = 43.6 years; standard deviation = 12.8) and in terms of education, caregivers had a mean of 7.3 years of education (range = 0 – 12 years; standard deviation = 3.1). Not including the participant, the caregiver was financially responsible for a mean of 2.6 children (range = 0 – 7 children; standard deviation =
1.7). With regards to employment, only 20 caregivers were employed. Six caregivers were supported by relatives or disability/pension funds and the remaining ten reported having no source of income.
**Recruiting the sample**
Recruiting the sample was perhaps one of the most challenging methodological aspects of this thesis. The sample was recruited from the admission records of the Burns and Plastic Surgery Units affiliated to the Red Cross Children’s Hospital as well as the Plastic Surgery Unit affiliated to the Tygerberg Hospital. The rationale for recruitment from these databases is that children who sustain burns and are below the age of 13 years are treated at the Red Cross Hospital and continue to receive corrective surgical treatment at this hospital until they reach the age of 13 years. At that point, these children are transferred to the Tygerberg Hospital if further plastic surgery is required. The inclusion of the Tygerberg Hospital admission records was also thought useful since it is not unusual for children who sustain burn-disfiguring injuries to seek cosmetic treatment only in adolescence when they have a heightened awareness of their physical attractiveness (H. Rode, personal communication, April 2000). Thus, if perchance the admission records of the Red Cross Hospital archives were incomplete in the case of a potential participant, it was hoped that the information gleaned from the Tygerberg Hospital records would compensate for this error.
Once the records had been obtained from the respective hospital archives, a search of these records was conducted in order to locate potential participants eligible for inclusion in the study. Approximately 6200 admission records dating back to 1989 were scrutinized. Since these records are not available on a computerized database, this search was conducted manually, and proved to be a hugely time-consuming task. The task of searching the records was complicated by the poor quality of the records. In many instances, records had to be ignored in their entirety since they lacked crucial information such as the age of the child and the size and locus of the burn injury. The option of extending the search to records dating further back in time could not be exercised as neither hospital keep records predating 1989.
The search of the admission records yielded a total of 683 persons who met with the sample inclusion criteria discussed above. However, this initial cohort diminished substantially since meaningful contact details for these persons were provided in only 376 instances. The omission of contact details in the records can be attributed to several factors. Certainly, poor administration on the part of the ward staff could account for the scanty information provided in some instances. In addition, it is possible that at the time of admission, the burn-injured child did not have a fixed address that could have been documented. This would be in keeping with De Kock (1979) finding that the majority of burn-injured children are from impoverished, informal settlements.
Four participants who are permanent residents of the St Joseph’s Home for Chronic Invalid Children were recruited immediately by arrangement with the social worker at the Home and then with the consent of the legal guardians of these children.
The admission records provided telephone numbers for a total of 41 candidates. Only four of these contact numbers were found to be valid and resulted in the recruitment of four participants. The many contact numbers that were considered invalid were classified as such when the number had been disconnected, the participants had moved home without providing a forwarding address or telephone number or the participant’s caregiver was no longer employed at the workplace listed in the records. Given that in some cases as many as 11 years had elapsed since the contact numbers had been provided, it is understandable that so many of these numbers proved to be useless.
In an attempt to make contact with the remaining 368 candidates, telegrams were sent to the addresses provided in the medical records. The content of the telegram requested the caregiver of each potential participant to make telephonic contact with the author at the Hospital. Thirty-two responses were received. The low response rate could again be attributed to the length of time that had elapsed between providing these addresses and the time of sample recruitment. It is also quite likely that many of the potential participants and their families had subsequently relocated and did not receive the telegrams at all. Furthermore, even if a telegram was received, it may not
have been possible for the candidate to reach a telephone in order to make contact with me. Again, these speculations are consistent with the impoverished socio-economic environment in which the burned child is likely to live (De Kock, 1979). Further speculation as to the social fate of those children who did not reply to the telegrams is discussed in Chapter Four.
Once telephonic contact was established, the caregivers of the participants were informed of the nature and purpose of the study and that they would be financially reimbursed for any travel expenses incurred in making the trip to the Hospital where the study was conducted. All those caregivers who responded to the telegrams were enthusiastic about the study and there were no refusals. This means that every potential participant with whom contact was established was included in the study.
It is perhaps worth noting that from the time that the admission records were obtained to the time that the sample was finally recruited spanned a period of five months. Thus, although strictly speaking a convenience sampling approach was used to locate the participants for the study, it is clear that this is a misnomer in terms of the lengthy, expensive and tedious process that was involved. The difficulties encountered in the terms of recruiting participants as evidenced here may be what accounts for the burned population being understudied despite the magnitude of the problem. This challenge appears to be inherent in this type of research but also points the enormous necessity and practical value of conducting research of this nature.
**PROCEDURE**
Data was collected from the medical records of each participant and by conducting semi-structured individual interviews with each of the 40 participants and their respective caregivers. Many of the medical records were incomplete or illegible but provided at least some information regarding the participants’ socio-demographic background, the aetiology, size and locus of the burn injury, and the participants’ hospitalization and post-discharge treatment. The interviews were structured according to a *pro forma* questionnaire that included both open-ended and close-ended items. The interviews took the form of an informal conversation so as to minimize respondent anxiety. The measures are described in detail below.
The respondents who had been successfully recruited, whether via telephone or telegram, were informed that the study was to take place at the Hospital. The respondents were told that the interviews with the caregivers and the participants would take no longer than two hours and were urged to suggest days and times that were convenient for them. The decision to conduct the interviews at the Hospital was informed by the experience of De Wet et al. (1979), who, in order to collect data for the only other empirical study on the psychosocial adjustment of South African paediatric burn survivors, traveled distances of up to 600 kilometres in order to trace children who had been treated for burns at the Hospital. De Wet (personal communication, June 2000) described these trips to rural areas as dangerous in terms of physical safety and inordinately time-consuming. As such, the majority of the interviews were conducted in a private interviewing room in the Burns Unit at the Hospital. An exception to this standardized interview environment was made in the case of the four participants from St Joseph’s Home who were not interviewed at the Hospital, but in a similarly private room at the Home. This arrangement was made to accommodate the fact that the caregivers of these children were nurses whose professional obligations did not permit them to leave the Home in order to be interviewed at the Hospital.
The interviews took place between 30 May 2001 and 24 July 2001. When necessary, letters were provided to explain an absence from school or employment. The duration of the interviews ranged from 30 to 90 minutes depending on the willingness of the participant and the caregiver to volunteer information and speak spontaneously. Consent to participate in the study was taken (see below). All the interviews were conducted in the mother tongue of the participants with the exception of the interviews with home language Xhosa speaking participants, which were conducted in English or Afrikaans if either language was well understood and frequently spoken by these persons. The assistance of a translator was not required. No attempt was made to standardize the language used in the interviews, and instead every effort was made to use register appropriate for the social and educational needs of the respondents.
The interviews were audiotaped using a standard cassette recorder. The decision to audiotape the interviews was taken since it was thought to be insensitive for the author to be writing while the respondents revealed their thoughts and experiences on such a sensitive topic. Photographs were taken of the burn-injured areas of the participant’s body. It was explained to the respondents that these photographs would be useful both for comparative purposes if further surgery were to be undertaken and for the purposes of the present research. Several of these photographs are reproduced in Chapter Three with the permission of the respondents.
When possible and with the permission of the respondents, participants and their caregivers were interviewed separately. The rationale here was that caregivers often feel more at ease discussing their children and family background when the children are not present (Lavigne & Burns, 1981). Furthermore, by separating child and caregiver, the child could be spared from the exposure of intense criticism that often results from the tendency for caregivers to be unrelentingly critical when talking about their children. Separate interviewing was also thought to be more feasible in terms of facilitating disclosure on behalf of the child participants, particularly the adolescents, who may have felt awkward discussing sensitive subjects in the presence of their caregivers. In the case of younger children or those who appeared anxious, participants were not separated from their caregivers during the interview. Instead, these participants were supplied with drawing materials with which to occupy themselves during the interview with their caregivers.
**Ethical considerations**
**Institutional review board approval**
The necessary ethical approval to conduct the study was obtained from the Research Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Cape Town. This approval allowed access to both the admission records (required for sample recruitment) and the individual medical records. A copy of the official documentation to this effect can be found in Appendix B.
Informed consent to participation in the research
Informed consent has been isolated as the basic requirement for ethical practice in research (Carroll, Schneider & Wesley, 1985; Francis, 1999; Sieber, 1992) and is based on the ethical principles of autonomy, beneficence, non-malificence and justice (Englehardt, 1996; Kahn, Mastroianni & Sugarman, 1998). Since children under the age of 18 years are considered legally incapable of providing informed consent, consent had to be obtained from the caregivers not only for their own participation in the research but also, in their capacity as legal guardians, on behalf of their children (unless the children were of legal majority). Nonetheless, assent was obtained from the participant children since their meaningful understanding and co-operation was considered important.
In order to obtain the necessary assent and informed consent, the nature and purpose of the study was explained to the caregivers and to the participants. They were told that interviews were to be conducted with the aim of establishing the psychosocial adjustment of children who have sustained burn injuries in order to facilitate the development of a comprehensive rehabilitation programme for these young survivors. It was explained that it was possible to withdraw from the research at any time without incurring a penalty. This explanation was given to the caregivers twice: once telephonically when the original contact was established, and again directly before the interview commenced. In the second instance, the caregivers were asked to sign a document granting consent to their own participation in the research and to the participation of their children. Obtaining assent from the participant children took place at the interview only, however, when originally contacted, the caregivers were asked to discuss participation in the research with their children. This request was thought to encourage voluntary and willing participation in the research.
In the case of the four participants from St Joseph’s Home, consent was obtained only telephonically from their legal guardians. Additional consent was obtained from the social worker at the Home.
Consent was given by both the caregiver and the participant to audiotape the interview and to take photographs of the burn-injured areas of the participant’s body. It was
explained that these photographs become the property of the Hospital once the study is completed although copies would be available on request. There were no objections to audiotaping the interviews, but one participant refused to be photographed despite her mother's consent and encouragement.
A copy of the consent document signed by the caregivers and the participants who had attained majority status is contained in Appendix B.
**Confidentiality**
To protect the privacy of the participants under empirical scrutiny, both the participants and their caregivers were assured of the confidentiality of their disclosures. The names of the participants were replaced with pseudonyms and in terms of the photographs of participants reproduced in this thesis, every attempt has been made to obscure identifying features.
**Responsibilities to the participants**
Apart from providing payment to the caregivers for any travel expenses incurred in making the trip to the Hospital, every effort was made to provide the participants and their caregivers with as many benefits as possible arising from the research. The participants and their caregivers were informed that feedback regarding the research findings would be available in six months. Contact details were furnished for this purpose. It was also agreed that any problems reported by the caregivers or the participants at the time of the interview would be dealt with by the Hospital, if possible. In light of this agreement, when necessary, referrals were made by the author to the appropriate outpatient facilities either at the Hospital (if the participant was younger than 13 years) or if the participant was older than 13 years, to Groote Schuur Hospital or Tygerberg Hospital. It emerged that almost all the participants would benefit from some manner of formal intervention and as such a total of 43 referral appointments were made. All referrals were arranged personally by the author by making telephonic appointments with the relevant clinic staff. These appointments were made at the time that the interviews were conducted. Twenty six participants were referred for plastic surgery assessment where cosmetic scar revision or the release of contractures was required. Nine participants were referred for
scholastic/remedial assessment in cases where academic lag was evident. Eight participants who were thought to exhibit emotional and/or behavioural disturbances were referred for psychological/psychiatric evaluation.
MEASURES
As mentioned above, data was collected from three sources: the medical folders of the participants, the participants themselves and the participants’ caregivers. The use of multiple sources has proved useful in other research of this nature (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; Meyer et al., 1995) and allowed for the verification of information in two ways. Firstly, although the medical folders were often incomplete, they did provide documented information regarding the nature of the participant’s burn injury and hospitalization and post-discharge treatment that could be checked against the claims made in the interviews. Secondly, the participant’s understanding of events could be compared with the caregiver’s version, providing a more comprehensive overall impression.
The choice of a semi-structured, face-to-face interview with the participant and the participant’s caregiver was thought to be the most appropriate method of data collection for this study. Although the vast majority of research conducted on the adjustment of paediatric burn survivors has relied on questionnaires such as the Child Behaviour Checklist, the Youth Self Report, the Teacher Report Form and various self-esteem inventories (e.g. Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; LeDoux et al., 1996; Meyer et al., 1995; Moore et al., 1996), these instruments were deemed unsuitable for the present study. These standardized instruments were rejected for the purposes of this research because they are self-administered reports that require a high degree of literacy and sophistication on the part of the respondents. Given the educational and socio-economic status of the population being investigated in this study, it follows that the requirements for competent instrument completion would not be fulfilled. The choice of individual interviews is supported by the finding that many illiterate or partially literate respondents would prefer to complete a self-administered questionnaire rather than admit to their reading problems, resulting in a complete but meaningless set of information (Tripodi & Epstein, 1980). Similarly, this type of
instrument requires not only literacy on the part of the respondent, but a certain degree of fluency in the language in which the questionnaire is written.
The semi-structured interview schedule devized for the present research was structured in the sense that in order to answer the research question, the respondents were presented with specific questions representative of content areas that needed to be explored. Simultaneously, the interview was unstructured in that many open-ended questions were asked. This semi-structured approach was particularly useful for an in-depth investigation of a largely unexplored and sensitive subject. Questions could be rephrased in order to encourage, facilitate and guide the respondents to provide unbiased answers to necessary questions. This method was also suitably flexible to allow for probing and clarification questions that were required in order to elicit information from a socially unsophisticated population, whose literacy and confidence levels were likely to be low and who would perhaps be unaccustomed to self-reflection in the presence of a stranger.
The first component of the interview comprised the collecting of socio-demographic information about both the caregiver and the participant so as to establish a clear idea of the social and familial environment. A detailed medical history was taken in order to determine the existence of pre-morbid pathology. Participants and caregivers were also asked about the participants’ current somatic complaints. The focus then turned to the burn injury with detailed questions being asked about the events surrounding the injury, the nature of the burn injury, the hospitalization period following the injury with its attendant surgical procedures, and any subsequent hospitalization for further surgery. Questions were also asked about compliance with post-discharge treatment in terms of attending outpatient’s clinics and making use of pressure garments and splints, if these were indicated. Participants and caregivers were asked to elaborate on particular difficulties encountered with any of these aspects of the treatment process as well as to comment on what could have been done to assist them in overcoming these obstacles.
The section of the interview aimed specifically at eliciting information regarding the participants’ current emotional and behavioural adjustment was partly informed by
literature on the subject and also loosely based on the Rutter Scale for Children (Rutter, 1967; Rutter, Tizard & Whitmore, 1970) and the Kiddie-Sads-Present and Lifetime Version (K-SADS-PL) Interview, as both instruments are widely used for this purpose (e.g. Kaplan, Sadock & Grebb, 1994; McGee, Williams, Bradshaw, Chapel, Robins & Silva, 1985; Schachar, Rutter & Smith, 1981; Venables, Fletcher, Dalais, Mitchell, Schlesinger & Mednick, 1983). Neither of the aforementioned instruments was used in their standardized format for two reasons. Firstly, both instruments are international in origin and have not been normed on the population being studied in this thesis. To this end, it was necessary to adapt the content to achieve contextual relevance. Secondly, the intended purpose of both these instruments is to provide clinical diagnoses with reference to a wide range of psychological and psychiatric disorders, ultimately for comparison with the normative population. These diagnoses are obtained by scoring the instruments in the prescribed manner which yields quantitative data in numerical form. However, the aim of the present study was not to formulate clinical diagnoses of psychosocial pathology, or to compare the findings to established norms, but rather to provide a detailed narrative description of adjustment following paediatric burn injury. Thus the nature of the information required would not be obtained by administering a questionnaire with a close-ended response format. Instead, open-ended questions that would encourage rich qualitative data were put to the respondents.
The abovementioned component of the interview focused on emotional and behavioural indicators of distress on the part of the participants. As such content areas included questions regarding the participants’ mood, anxiety levels, control of bladder and bowel functions, sleeping and eating patterns, general anti-social conduct and scholastic progress. Questions were also asked regarding the extent and nature of formal psychosocial counseling received by the participants.
Participants and caregivers were also questioned about the participants’ use of social support networks in terms of peer groups, the family and participation in recreational, sporting and religious activities. These questioned were informed by the emphasis in the literature on the importance of social support in promoting the successful
psychosocial adaptation of paediatric burn survivors (Blakeney et al., 1988; Blakeney et al., 1990; LeDoux et al., 1998).
The identification of social support as the most significant factor in facilitating adjustment also provided the rationale for questioning caregivers and participants about the impact of the burn injury on family and sibling relationships. The extent to which social resources were available to and utilized by caregivers was also explored. As discussed in Chapter One, paediatric burn injury is increasingly being understood as a traumatic assault not only on the burned child, but on the family as a unit. It was thought that information obtained from the responses to these questions would be useful in formulating future interventions aimed at assisting the family in its entirety.
Much attention was paid to understanding the participants’ attitudes towards their scars, how others react to the disfigurement and how the participants respond to these reactions. Equally, the actions of the caregivers in terms of encouraging the child and dealing with negative social interactions were probed. The effect of disfigurement and physical disability as a result of the burn injury on the participants’ lifestyle and relationships was also explored. These questions were aimed at eliciting information on the effect of cosmetic disfigurement on psychosocial adjustment. Responses to these questions are of particular value since, as explained in Chapter One, the cosmetic disfigurement that is arguably the most significant legacy of a burn injury, has rarely been discussed in the literature on burns.
The interview concluded with a discussion of the participants’ future prospects. Participants were asked about their employment and career aspirations as well as what they would wish for if they were granted any three wishes. Both the participants’ and the caregivers’ concerns for the future and their advice to those in a similar situation were explored. It was thought that this information would be useful in terms of formulating future therapeutic interventions and research projects.
A copy of the interview schedule is attached in Appendix C.
DATA ANALYSIS
Analysis of quantitative data
Since the vast majority of data in the study is not of a quantitative type, and those variables which are quantitative are continuous in nature, well known statistical measures of central tendency such as mean and standard deviation are thought to adequately reflect the nature of the spread of this data. The statistical software programme STATISTICA was used for these basic descriptive statistics.
Analysis of qualitative data
A process of thematic analysis (Bussis, Chittenden, Amarel & Carini, 1978; Ely, 1991) was used to analyze the qualitative data in this study. A theme can be defined as a statement of meaning that runs through all or most of the pertinent data, or one in the minority that carries substantial emotional or factual impact (Ely, 1991). The extraction of themes from the raw data can be understood as the researcher's inferred statement that highlights explicit or implicit attitudes toward life, behaviour or understandings of people and experiences.
The process of the thematic analysis began with the transcribing of the verbatim narrative of the interviews. Once transcribed, the raw data was read and re-read so as to develop a detailed, intimate knowledge of the nature of the data. During this phase, initial impressions and tentative analytic categories that emerged from the data were listed in the form of marginal notes. These categories and impressions were then refined by re-reading the entire body of raw data. The next step involved grouping data into themes both according to these tentative categories and according to the delineated content areas of the interview schedule described above. As such, both a 'bottom-up' and a 'top-down' approach were employed to extract themes from the data. The data was then reviewed for statements that were particularly revealing or expressive of the themes. These extracts of verbatim narrative were selected from the raw data and linked to the themes. The narrative that is reproduced in Chapter Three has been retained in its original form and excerpts taken from interviews with Afrikaans speaking respondents have not been translated into English. This is thought to be appropriate since the present study is targeted at a local audience. The findings
for each person were integrated and then compared to discover commonalities, patterns, differences and unique perspectives.
The mixture of monosyllabic responses to some questions and attempts made to keep the tone of the interview informal, thereby encouraging spontaneous discussion, served to complicate the analysis. Also, since the sample was relatively small, but the nature of the information elicited was in-depth, the analysis was a hybrid of survey type analysis and case study analysis. This means that while every effort was made to demonstrate the patterns common to the sample, it was equally important to reflect individually diverse experiences as authentic and valid in their own right. The responses of the caregivers and the participants were analyzed as a whole and only separated where a difference of opinion emerged.
CHAPTER THREE
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
INTRODUCTION
This chapter comprises a combined Results and Discussion section that is organized both along thematic lines and in the chronological order of the interview schedule described in Chapter Two. The chapter begins with a discussion of the nature of the burn injury itself and includes several photographs illustrative of the cosmetic and physical sequelae of thermal injury as evidenced by the participants in this study. In order to contextualize the emotionally traumatic effect of a paediatric burn injury on the family, the experiences of the caregivers and the participants during the hospitalization period and upon returning home after discharge are explored. The findings relating to the participants’ post-discharge treatment in terms of compliance with aftercare and subsequent corrective surgery are also reviewed. The remainder of the chapter follows the format of the interview schedule described in Chapter Two. This schedule is attached in Appendix C.
THE BURN INJURY
Aetiology of the burn injury
Twelve participants sustained scalds, eleven of which were accidental. The twelfth participant sustained a 50% total body surface area (TBSA) scald as a result of parental abuse. Two participants sustained contact burns by falling into hot coals or ash while playing outside. The remaining 26 participants sustained flame burns of various origins. In eleven cases, all of which were presumably accidental, a flammable liquid such as methylated spirits, petrol or turpentine was added to a wood fire in order to facilitate combustion, resulting in an explosion. Six participants were burned as a result of overturned candles; two participants were burned in paraffin-stove explosions and three participants sustained burns in shack fires of unknown origin. In terms of non-accidental flame burns, one participant was burned in a petrol bombing, two participants were burned as a result of the pyromania of a family member, and finally, one participant survived an attempt on her life after her father doused her in petrol and set her alight.
It is an interesting finding that the majority of participants in the present study had sustained flame burns as the incidence of scalds treated at the Hospital is generally much higher. For example, in the 12 months from January to December 2000, 684 children were admitted to the Burns Unit at the Hospital, 602 (88%) of whom had sustained scalds and only 76 (11%) flame burns. Similarly, the most recent statistics available from the Child Accident Prevention Foundation of South Africa indicate that of the 718 children seen at the Trauma Unit at the Hospital during 1999, 497 (69%) had sustained scalds and only 119 (17%) flame burns (N. du Toit, personal communication, August 2001). The most likely explanation for the preponderance of flame burn injuries in the sample is that this nature of burn causes more extensive tissue damage than a scald, resulting in more severe disfigurement (Morrow, Smith, Cairns, Howell, Nakayama & Peterson, 1996). It is quite possible that caregivers responded to telegrams based on the cosmetic appearance of the burn-injured child.
Locus of the burn injury
Table 1 reflects the breakdown of locus to burn injury to number of participants.
Table 1. Locus of the burn injury
| Locus of burn injury | Number of participants |
|----------------------|------------------------|
| Face | 24 |
| Arm | 22 |
| Leg | 19 |
| Hand | 16 |
| Chest | 15 |
| Scalp | 12 |
| Stomach | 11 |
| Back | 10 |
| Perineum | 8 |
| Foot | 5 |
| Buttocks | 3 |
Participants rarely sustained burns to only one area of the body. The higher incidence of burns to the face, arms, legs and hands is understandable in the sense that these areas are the most exposed (Cooper & Fenton, 1996). Unfortunately the resulting cosmetic deformity is therefore also very visible.
Scarring, skin grafts, tissue expanders\(^{11}\) and amputations
The nature of the burn injuries sustained was such that all the participants were cosmetically disfigured by hypertrophic and/or keloid scars. Overleaf, Figure 1 of Greg and Figure 2 of Ncanisa are respectively illustrative of these types of scarring.
\(^{11}\) A tissue expander is an inflatable balloon surgically buried under the skin and inflated over a period of months. The newly expanded overlying tissue is then moved to a tissue deficient area.
Figure 1. Greg: Hypertrophic scarring
Figure 2. Ncanisa: Keloid scarring
All but four of the participants required skin grafting for their burn injuries. The aesthetic effect of a skin graft is depicted below in Figure 3 of Neville.
Figure 3. Neville: The aesthetic effect of a skin graft
Subsequent to sustaining the burn injury, eight participants had had a tissue expander implanted at least once. Figure 4 below of Sipho provides a graphic illustration of the nature of a tissue expander.
**Figure 4. Sipho: A tissue expander**
In terms of amputations, one participant had multiple limb amputations, three participants had at least one amputated limb and six participants had at least three digits amputated. None of the participants with extremity amputations had prostheses of any form although at the time of data collection, the Hospital had embarked on a fund raising venture to provide feet prostheses for the participant with multiple limb amputations (H. Rode, personal communication, September 2001).
Figure 5 below of Busisiwe shows a multiple digit amputation and Figure 6 below of Shannon depicts the amputation of both his legs.
**Figure 5. Busisiwe: Multiple digit amputations**
**Figure 6. Shannon: Multiple limb amputations**
Seven participants could be described as having been visibly deformed by the amputation of skin appendages: four by the loss of their ears, and three by the loss of their noses. Figure 7 below of Busiswe illustrates the visible loss of her ear as well as the cosmetic effect of burn alopecia\(^{12}\). It is interesting to note how the distortion of Busisiwe’s facial features create a difficulty in identifying her gender.
**Figure 7.** Busisiwe: The cosmetic effect of skin appendage amputation and alopecia
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**The hospitalization period**
Less than a quarter (n=7) of the participants could remember being in hospital since most were too young at the time. Those who did have memories of being in hospital, like Charlton quoted overleaf, described their daily debridements\(^{13}\) as the worst part of the experience.
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\(^{12}\) Alopecia is the loss of hair growth that results from damage to the hair follicles of the burned tissue.
\(^{13}\) Debridement involves the clearing of dead tissue, old creams and secretions from the burn wound.
All the caregivers, on the other hand, could recall the period of initial hospitalization with great clarity, regardless of how much time had subsequently elapsed. It was clear from these accounts that visits to the hospital were traumatic, both for the caregivers and for their children. Caregivers were unprepared for what they were confronted with on the ward, and reported being overwhelmed by the levels of activity and the unrelenting crying. Greg’s mother describes her visits to the hospital below:
“I think I was most affected by his pain. It was terrible. The ward was too full and there was so much noise from the crying. There was children from the shack fires here that was totally burned. He didn’t want to lay here – he screamed – he was scared – he didn’t want to lay with the other children because they were so very bad. I came every day. He would run after me screaming because he did not want to lay here. And one day the nurse was cleaning him and I saw underneath the bandages. It was raw meat. It was terrible.”
Greg’s mother
The distress of the burn-injured child as observed by caregivers can be accounted for by several factors: the acute stress of constant pain, fever and disturbance of body chemistry (Kibbee, 1981); the suddenness of the transition from family to hospital environment; the severity of the physical trauma associated with the burn accident and the acute hospitalization; and the long duration of hospitalization (Knudson-Cooper, 1988). Furthermore, given that three quarters of the participants were pre-schoolers at the time of the burn (half of whom were younger than two years), separation anxiety was likely to play a significant role in the burned child’s suffering. During this developmental stage children fear abandonment by the caregiver and are upset by the fact that the caregiver, who has always been the primary source of protection and control, is no longer in control (Knudson-Cooper & Thomas, 1988). The separation brought about by the hospitalization and the constant infliction of painful procedures by strangers may be viewed by the young child as a betrayal or as a punishment (Kibbee, 1981). The caregivers of older participants in the present study reported unusually immature behaviour on the part of their children during the hospitalization period. This can be explained by the widely recognized tendency for burned children
to regress during the acute hospitalization period (Knudson-Cooper & Thomas, 1988; Tucker, 1986).
**The importance of visiting**
The combination of serious thermal injury and the sense of abandonment that the burned child may experience during protracted hospitalization may have fatal results. Benians (1988) describes how regular visits from caregivers can literally make the difference between a burned child’s decision to live or die. To this end it is imperative that caregiver visits be maintained on a prolonged and daily basis. In the present study, although all the caregivers said that the participants in their care had visitors while they were in hospital, ten caregivers emphasized the difficulties they encountered with obtaining transport to the hospital, taking time off from work and leaving their other children unattended. Some caregivers, like Donovan’s mother quoted below, compensated for not being able to visit as often as she would have liked to by alternating between phone calls and visits.
“Ek het nie aspris weggebly nie. Ek moes reël vir die kleintjie om by die buurmense te bly. Ek het gekom toe ek geld gehad het of ek het gebel. Ek het geld geleen by die werk en naweke kom kuier, as ek kon.”
Donovan’s mother
Although the Hospital allows caregivers to remain with their children through the night and provides accommodation in the adjacent nursing residence for those caregivers who reside outside of Cape Town, it would be useful if a contingency fund were established to supplement the travel expenses incurred in making daily visits to the Hospital. This is especially necessary when one considers the caregivers’ limited income (as described in Chapter Two) which necessitates a heavy reliance on public transport.
Only one of the ten participants who were already attending school was visited by his teachers and classmates while in hospital. For school-going children, regular contact with their peers is important in that it encourages a sense of peer empathy and facilitates a less traumatic return to school (Blakeney & Meyer, 1996). This points to the need for a strong hospital-school liaison that begins at the time of the child’s
admission to the hospital (Blakeney, 1995). The importance of this form of cooperation in terms of ensuring the successful social reintegration of the burned child is discussed later on in this chapter.
**Caregivers’ guilt**
All caregivers reported feeling guilty about the burn accident, whether they were actually involved or not. The literature on burn injury reiterates the finding that guilt is one of the main sources of emotional distress for caregivers of burned children (Bloomberg, 1998; Cromes, 1984; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; Rivlin, 1988). Possibly caregivers feel guilty that somehow they have failed in their role as the protector of the child. Caregivers like Leanne’s mother quoted below may also harbour anger towards those responsible for the accident, feelings that have the potential to result in additional stress at home. The caregivers are going through a process of imagining what they could have done, or not done, that could have prevented the accident. Having to observe their children in pain and being powerless to put an end to it, accompanied by the knowledge that their children will be permanently disfigured and possibly disabled, compounds the caregivers’ guilt. Francois’ and Leanne’s mother respectively describe their guilt about the burn accident:
“Dit was moeilik, nie om hom te behandel nie, maar omdat ek myself nie kon vergewe nie. Ek het skuldig gevoel want ek het nou nie geglo my kind gaan so ’n groot scar hê. Ek was mos nie by die huis nie. Ek moes werk en ek het nie ’n ander keuse gehad nie.”
Francois’ mother
“Daar was baie stryd in die woning na die ongeluk. Ek kon nie met my man oor die weg kom nie - elke keer wat ek na hom kyk sien ek net die vlamme. En nou dat hy die vuur gemaak het het Leanne nie maklik na hom gegaan nie. Sy het heeltyd gesê ‘dit is mos pappie se skuld’.”
Leanne’s mother
**RETURNING HOME WITH THE BURNED CHILD**
During the hospitalization period, burned children and their families have barely begun to deal with the meaning of the injury. This is partly because the hospital environment is a microcosm unto itself, a safe cocoon in comparison to the real work
of adjustment that begins when the child is discharged (Knudson-Cooper, 1984). While in hospital, the burned child’s scars and injuries are not a subject of interest, remark or question. The outside world from which the patient has been insulated is a very different matter. Clearly both the burn-injured child and the caregivers need appropriate preparation for the challenges of returning home – both emotionally and practically in terms of continued burn care. Unfortunately, the lack of resources available to the Hospital means that none of the caregivers in this study received any form of instruction to this effect and were thus unprepared for the discharge phase. The resulting feelings of inadequacy as a caregiver, anger at the hospital staff and general distress are well illustrated by Greg and Olivia’s mothers respectively:
“Taking his bandages off, the screaming. I also felt the pain that he was going through and then I hated the hospital and thought they should be doing this – I am not a nurse I can’t even do this. I think I had a small breakdown or something”.
Greg’s mother
“Die eerste keer wat Olivia huistoe gekom het vir ‘n naweek was terrible. Ek het vir hulle by St Joseph’s gesê ek sal probeer om haar die behandeling te gee wat hulle vir haar gee maar ek is mos nie ‘n verpleegster nie. Nou moet jy weet, wanneer sy die pressure garment by haar gesig afneem moes ek eers toilet toe jaag - toe sy die ding afhaal toe kom die velle so saam. Ek het my oë toegemaak en uitgejaag. Ek het so gehuil. Dit het vir my gelyk ek kan nie na my eie kind kyk nie. Ek kon dit nie hanteer nie en sy kon dit nie aanvaar nie. Dit was die moeilikste.”
Olivia’s mother
It is clear then that the caregiver and family of the burn-injured child experience a great deal of emotional turmoil both during the hospitalization period and once the child has been discharged. It is thought that these difficulties should be addressed as soon as possible to prevent these stresses from spilling over into the more challenging period of long-term adjustment that follows the hospitalization phase. Again, the scarcity of resources at the Hospital excluded the possibility of providing the caregivers in the present study with any form of psychosocial intervention at any stage during this ordeal. This is significant because taking the time to treat the family is of critical importance to the future of the burned child who needs expressions of care by loved ones (Blakeney & Meyer, 1996). A group therapy forum for caregivers in which
they can safely express their confusion, guilt and repulsion at the sight of the child’s injuries as well as explore new ways of coping with the situation would be useful in normalizing the caregiver’s distress (Rivlin, Forshaw, Polowyj & Woodruff, 1986). This recommendation is discussed in greater detail in Chapter Four.
**POST-DISCHARGE TREATMENT**
**Compliance with clinic appointments**
According to the medical folders, only ten of the 40 participants were compliant with their post-discharge treatment. This means that only ten patients attended the necessary follow-up outpatient burn, plastic surgery, occupational therapy and physiotherapy clinics for the required duration. Four of these ten were chronic patients at St Joseph’s Home and two other participants had remained at the Home for this precise reason. There is no apparent common denominator in the remaining four compliant participants.
Interestingly, all but three caregivers claimed that they had kept every clinic appointment. Although it is possible that some of these caregivers were mistaken, this finding is more likely a reflection of social desirability bias. Caregivers like Tracey’s mother quoted below who admitted to not keeping the clinic appointments cited reasons such as financial constraints and difficulties with transport:
“Ons moes teruggegaan het Oktobermaand maar met vervoer en finansies en so aan het dit bietjie moeilik gegaan, verstaan jy? Dis nou die rede daar ons nie by die hospitaal uitgekom het om die kliniek by te woon nie.”
Tracey’s mother
One mother added that she could see no reason to continue attending the clinics as her daughter was not in pain. This comment represents what is conventional wisdom in medical practice: patients discontinue treatment when their symptoms disappear, regardless of whether further treatment is required (H. Rode, personal communication, July 2001).
Compliance with wearing pressure garments and splints
According to the medical folders, the majority of the participants (n=35) required pressure garments and nearly three-quarters (n=27) required splints due to the nature and locus of their burns. Although most caregivers claimed that the participants in their care had complied with the necessary wearing of their pressure garments and splints, information gleaned from the medical records revealed this to be untrue. The few caregivers that admitted to non-compliance reported that they had not forced their children to wear the garments and splints because these were uncomfortable and evoked social ridicule. This comment from Bradley’s sister illustrates this sentiment:
“Hy het gehuil en gesê hy wil dit nie dra nie want dit is styf en ongemaklik en dit jik en die kinders giggel agter hom as hy dit dra. Hy het net geweier en ek het hom nie gedwing nie.”
Bradley’s sister
Failure to comply with post-discharge treatment regimens prolongs the burned child’s physical and emotional adjustment (Stern and Davey, 1985). To this end, these authors have suggested that the best way to hasten the burned child’s physical and emotional rehabilitation is by early transfer from the Burns Unit to a homelike residential facility that embraces a multi-disciplinary team approach. This approach has been adopted in Adelaide, Australia with children from sparsely populated rural areas who will not receive the necessary post-discharge treatment in their local communities in terms of pressure garments, exercise and psychosocial stimulation. The intensive occupational and physical therapy offered at this facility results in significantly less hypertrophied scars and contractures and the children therefore require less corrective surgery. This in turn facilitates emotional adjustment. The local equivalent of the centre in Adelaide is the St Joseph’s Home, however, this Home is not presently equipped to deal with the large numbers of burned children that would benefit from its services. It may be a worthwhile undertaking to determine the feasibility of improving the facilities as St Joseph’s Home in the manner described here.
Subsequent plastic surgery
More than half (n=23) of the participants had returned for at least one plastic surgery procedure subsequent to their initial discharge. This may seem an impressive finding,
however, according to the medical records, only three participants had been formally discharged from the plastic surgery clinic. Furthermore, at the interview, 19 participants presented with contractures that were restricting mobility and required surgical correction. These contractures are the result of poor compliance with post-discharge treatment following either the initial hospitalization period, or a subsequent admission for plastic surgery. Figure 8 below of Shannon depicts the amputation of one of his hands and the digit contractures of the other, which prevent him from being able to straighten his fingers.
**Figure 8. Shannon: Limb amputation and digit contractures**
Figure 9 below of Nomawetu illustrates the nature of axilla contractures that prevent Nomawetu from raising her arms to 180 degrees above her head. The aesthetic effect of hypertrophic scarring is also well illustrated in Figure 9.
**Figure 9. Nomawetu: Axilla contractures**
Eleven year old Ncanisa serves as a good example of the importance of post-discharge compliance. Ncanisa, who sustained a 20% TBSA scald to the legs and feet when she was a year old, presented at the interview with contractures of the dorsum of both feet, causing her toes to be hyperextended. This hyperextension means that Ncanisa has to place all her weight on the balls of her feet when walking, resulting in an unnatural gait. When asked why she had not brought her daughter back to the hospital, Ncanisa’s mother, like many other caregivers, cited financial reasons:
"On the leg she has some rough meat that needs to be cut and she is walking on her toes. She is crying that her skin is not smooth and it is pulling her. Then I tell her that to make it smooth sometimes baby is going to cost a lot of money and so long as she is better. Maybe if we can have money we can have it fixed one day."
Ncanisa’s mother
Although it was not discussed in the interview, it is doubtful whether Ncanisa’s mother is aware that such severe burns to the feet can disturb the growth of the feet. Thus, both ignorance of the potential harm that can result from poor compliance and limited financial resources are at play in Ncanisa’s case. The same can most probably be said of the majority of cases. The need to educate caregivers of burned children as
well as the children themselves regarding the importance of compliance is therefore an important aspect of burn care rehabilitation. This point is discussed in more detail elsewhere in this chapter.
**Referrals**
The 19 participants who required contracture release as well as another seven participants who would benefit from cosmetic scar revision, were referred by the author to the appropriate outpatient plastic surgery units.
**The reality of ongoing corrective surgery**
With the exception of the four children at St Joseph’s Home, only five other participants have been involved in the process of ongoing corrective surgery. All these children sustained burns to the face and hands. Although these children and their caregivers noted the improvements that had been made, they also expressed disillusionment and impatience with the lengthy process. Leanne, Lizette and James complained that after each surgical correction of their hands, they had to relearn use of the ‘improved’ hand. For them, the frustration involved in this process was more significant than the benefits derived from the surgery. Caroline, who has undergone 16 years of facial reconstructive surgery, is now demoralized and has lost faith in the power of plastic surgery:
“This name-calling makes me feel bad and sore and when I just think like I had such a lot of operations. They say they are going to take it away, you know, but by taking it away they just make another scar every time. In June 1999 I had a tissue expander here in my head but the skin wasn’t enough or something and they ended up ruining my hairline as you can see. So every time they try and do something good, they just put another line or mark there. It is like everything is still the same. Every time I have an operation on my face its like I don’t see a difference man. Look, like they reimplanted eyebrows for me and it didn’t grow as they said it would and so I tweeze it with a tweezer. Then I thought fuck you, it is enough. The scars are not reduced”.
Caroline
Busisiwe and Shannon, both residents of St Joseph’s Home, spoke of their weariness of being “siek”, of living in a place “waar net siek kinders bly” and of their overwhelming desire to return to their parents – and presumably to some semblance of
normal living: free of hospitals, operations and pressure garments. None of the participants from St Joseph’s could recall the nature or purpose of their most recent surgical procedure, or had any indication of what the future held in terms of treatment. Moreover, not one of the four children would concede an improvement in their appearance or an enhancement of functionality.
The caregivers spoke of the necessity to provide their children with additional encouragement whenever the date for another surgical procedure approached. The participants described the days prior to surgery as being filled with apprehension of the impending physical discomfort and a preoccupation with thoughts of the cosmetic outcome of the procedure. According to the caregivers, the children become more withdrawn and depressed during this time resulting in parental doubt about the appropriateness of ongoing surgery. Lizette’s mother articulated these sentiments:
“Die Sondag voor die operasie is sy nou weer depressief en teruggetrokke en toe sê sy ‘Mammie, nie alweer’ en toe sê ek vir haar ‘Ons is nou daarin en ons moet daar uitkom. Alles het goed afgeloop, kyk die verbetering’. Ek weet self hulle kan dinge verbeter maar lyk vir my is dit die beste as hulle dit so los soos dit is. Ek voel sy het al so baie geopereer en dit is genoeg. Sy sê baie sy wil nie eintlik hê hulle moet haar hand regmaak nie want sy ken ‘n kind wat net een vinger het en hy kom goed reg. Nou sê sy sy het nie nog operasies nodig. Ek wil altyd hê hulle moet vir haar ook vra”.
Lizette’s mother
Thus it would seem that the very recipients of the surgery, the children, are seldom, if ever, meaningfully consulted about whether or not they actually wish to continue with reconstructive surgery. Equally, the extent to which the caregivers of these children actively participate in decisions and are informed as to the long-term surgical treatment plan is doubtful. It is suggested that an interplay of at least three different dynamics is responsible for bringing about this situation. The first is the undeniable existence of an overwhelming power differential between doctor and caregiver: while the doctor is educated and in possession of the technical expertise needed to treat the child, the caregiver is from a socially disadvantaged background and is poorly educated. Moreover, as the doctor has been socialized into a dominant role (Lidz, Meisel, Zerubavel, Carter, Sestak & Roth, 1984) in which he or she does what is
considered to be in the best interests of the disfigured child; the caregiver assumes a passive role, entrusting his or her child to the care of the doctor who it is believed will exercise the most appropriate remedy. Although it is not being suggested that medical professionals regularly exploit this differential, it would be naïve not to recognize that the act of intervention is a fundamental component of surgical training and practice, and doctors are more likely to encourage than advise against it.
The second factor is an unwritten assumption that disfigured persons will continue with plastic surgery until as much as possible of their previous visage is recaptured. In a society that prizes attractive appearance, it is incomprehensible to many that a disfigured person would elect to forego further surgery. This assumption draws power from the widespread misconception that advances in reconstructive surgery are such that even the most unsightly blemishes and asymmetries that are the legacy of a burn injury can be erased (Partridge, 1999). This remark by Caroline illustrates the perpetuation of this myth:
"You watch the movies and you see all the technology and I wonder man, why don't they just use a laboratory that grows skin, like different colours of skin and then at a certain age they can use that skin and then at a certain age they can use those lasers and take the marks away."
Caroline
The third factor is one of parental responsibility to a child: A caregiver like Lizette’s mother quoted above who has misgivings about the appropriateness of ongoing surgery echoed the fear that if she decided (on behalf of her child) to forego further cosmetic surgery, then she would effectively be denying her child the opportunity of social acceptance. Consequently, she would be blamed for any subsequent social rejection that the child would experience as a result of her disfigurement:
"Dit is mos nie lekker om so in die wêreld te gaan, so geskend. Ek wil nie eendag vorentoe hê sy moet my blame, of by my kom kla oor hoe sy lyk en ek het niks daaroor gedoen nie."
Lizette’s mother
The point is that reconstructive surgery is a long-term treatment process, particularly in the South African context where waiting lists are long and very small areas are corrected at any one time. If disfigured children grow up to believe that their social acceptance is dependent on recapturing their good looks, the possibility exists that the crusade for a surgically repaired appearance will supercede meaningful attempts at social rehabilitation (Partridge, 1990). Once surgery is completed to restore the child to maximum functionality, continued cosmetic surgery is a choice that can only be made if there is a communicative relationship between the burned child, the child’s caregivers and the surgical team. The benefits and disadvantages of any proposed surgery need to be discussed openly and realistically in terms of what can be done and the resulting drain on time, lifestyle and finances. It may be useful to commit to a phase of surgical procedures towards a particular end point. The psychosocial aspects of continuing surgery should ideally be discussed with a social worker or psychologist who has experience in burns. It is interesting that burned children tend to be better adjusted when their surgery is completed: Giljohann (1979) found that whilst surgery is still being planned, burned children and their families entertain unrealistic fantasies that the scars will magically be replaced by ‘normal’ skin, but when no further surgery is contemplated, there is no room for such fantasies. It may also be useful to consult with other burn survivors and their caregivers in order to benefit from their experiences. This form of networking would need to be facilitated by the Hospital.
**The need for education regarding the nature and consequences of burn injury**
The findings presented above relating to poor compliance with post-discharge treatment highlight two points: the first is the financial expense incurred, and the second is a lack of education regarding the importance of such compliance. While knowledge cannot compensate for inadequate funds, information about the long-term benefits of compliance with exercise, positioning and pressure garments may serve as much needed motivation. It is likely that once the burned child has been discharged from hospital and the trauma of the acute phase of treatment has passed, caregivers assume the worst part to be over and that any follow-up treatment is of relatively minor importance. Information regarding compliance should therefore be emphasized not only upon discharge, and at any subsequent clinic appointments, but should also be available during the inpatient phase. Posters or pamphlets could be used for this
purpose. Ideally, caregivers should be given verbal information regarding continuing burn care and the importance of post-discharge compliance, perhaps within the forum of a caregiver support group (Quay & Alexander, 1982) as discussed in Chapter Four.
The need for quite basic education regarding the nature of burn injuries and their consequences for the burned person was highlighted by three cases in particular. Rasheeda and Taryn, both of whom sustained burns to the lower abdomen believe that they will be unable to tolerate pregnancy as their ‘skin will tear open’. Perhaps more disturbing is that Rasheeda and Taryn’s respective caregivers share this erroneous belief. Another participant, Leanne, was apprehensive that her children would inherit her disfiguring marks, a concern reiterated by her mother, quoted below:
“Leanne het vir my gevra na een van die operasies toe sy by die huis kom of sy eendag kinders gaan kry wat merke het – toe dink ek daaroor vir die eerste keer en toe sê ek, ek sal maar dink dit is die geval maar ons moet maar die dokter vra of die kinders ook hierdie lelike letsels gaan hé.”
Leanne’s mother
**Paediatric Burn Injury and the Family**
**Caregivers’ levels of education and socio-economic status**
As per the socio-demographic information provided in Chapter Two, the caregivers of the participants are poorly educated group with a limited source of income. This information is in keeping with the findings of De Kock (1979) who reported that the incidence of paediatric thermal injury is higher in deprived families. The sociodemographic characteristics of the caregivers as evidenced in this study are important in light of the empirical literature that the most psychosocially competent burn-injured children are those from families of higher socio-economic status in which there is an intellectual or cultural emphasis (Browne et al., 1980; Byrne et al., 1986). Thus, if levels of caregiver education and socio-economic status are to be used as predictors of the long-term adjustment of the participants in the present study, it is likely that such psychosocial adaptation will be poor.
Family environment
The family backgrounds of the participants were notable in the sense that few conformed to the conventional notion of a stable family structure. Excluding the four participants from St Joseph’s Home, only 10 of the participants were from two-parent homes. In five cases, the father of the participant was deceased, in 16 cases the whereabouts of the father were unknown and in a further three cases the father of the participant had no contact with his child although his whereabouts were known. In the case of two siblings, the mother of the participants was deceased (she had been killed in the fire that injured her children) and the participants resided with their grandmother. In three cases the whereabouts of the participants’ mothers were unknown: two of these women were described as suffering from a mental illness and one from alcohol and drug addiction. As a result, one participant lived with her grandaunt, another with her grandmother and a third was in foster care. One other participant lived with his grandaunt, as his mother is mentally handicapped.
Within these family structures, nine caregivers described their home environment as affected by the alcoholic problems or abusive behaviour of one member of the family, usually the participant’s father.
The above description of the participants’ caregivers resonates with the finding that parents of burned children have a substantially high rate of dysfunction as defined by a history of psychiatric disturbance, substance abuse or involvement with child welfare services (Kendall-Grove, Ehde, Patterson & Johnson, 1998). Furthermore, in light of the research that the psychosocial adjustment of the burned child is best predicted by a stable home environment (Saywer et al. 1982) in which conflict is low and commitment and cohesion are high (Blakeney et al. 1990; Byrne et al. 1986; LeDoux et al. 1998), the prospects for the participants in the present study appear rather bleak.
Caregivers’ use of social resources
According to the empirical literature the psychosocial adjustment of the burned child depends largely on the caregiver’s adjustment and use of social resources in terms of
participation in social, recreational and religious activities (Browne et al., 1980; Byrne et al., 1986; LeDoux et al., 1998). To this end, caregivers were asked about the extent to which they have access to and utilize social support networks, whether these are within the family or external i.e. friends and religious and recreational organizations.
Eleven caregivers said that they could rely on at least one person in their family for support, and in two cases friends were cited as the main source of support. Seventeen caregivers said that their source of support was religious belief, although only two had received direct assistance from their respective religious communities. Only one caregiver had a recreational interest outside of the home. The remaining caregivers, it seems, are without any form of social support. Germaine’s mother is one such caregiver and she describes her feelings of isolation below:
“Ek kan met niemand gesels oor die ding. Om so alleenig te wees kan maar moeilik wees, ek moet sê.”
Germaine’s mother
The majority of caregivers reported being supported during the crisis of the admission period, but that this support waned when the child returned home and life continued. The lack of support experienced by the caregivers was evidenced in that eight caregivers expressed their gratitude for having been contacted to participate in the study. It seems that these caregivers took heart in the continued interest of the Hospital in the recovery of their children, even though in some cases the burn accident had occurred several years before. The interviews provided a forum for these caregivers to express their concerns about the emotional and behavioural problems that they perceive their children to have. Neisha and Hassiem’s grandmother summarized these sentiments:
“Af en toe wonder ek wat gaan gebeur met hierdie twee. Daar is soveel probleme en niemand stel eintlik belang nie. Mense het mos lank gelede vergeet dat hulle ma dood is en so aan. Ek was dankbaar toe Lesley gebel het want ek het weer moed geskep. Ek het gedink Lesley sal vir my kan sê wat om met hulle te maak nou dat hulle so anders is.”
Neisha and Hassiem’s grandmother
Burn-injured children rely on their caregivers for support and encouragement throughout the recovery process. The stress of caring for a burned child must not be underestimated, particularly where limited social support is available. Given the paucity of such support as evidenced in this study and the importance of the caregiver’s emotional state in facilitating psychosocial adjustment (Blakeney et al., 1993; Meyer et al., 1994; Saywer et al., 1982), the implications for the child’s psychosocial recovery are once again presented as bleak. The need for some form of intervention to assist caregivers is well illustrated by this comment from Olivia’s mother:
“Daar is tye waar Olivia nie so goed voel nie en daar is tye waar ek self nie so goed voel nie. Dis die stress. Kyk sy kry behandeling, maar ek kry nie behandeling om vir haar te help nie.”
Olivia’s mother
**The effect of the burn injury on the siblings of the burned child**
Eight caregivers reported having difficulties with their other children as a result of the burn injury sustained by the participant. According to these caregivers, the siblings of the participant complain that the burned child receives more attention from the caregiver, or that the siblings are required to adjust their lifestyles in order to accommodate the needs of the burned child. Lizette’s mother describes the challenge of caring for a burned child without depriving the child’s siblings of affection:
“Dit is moeilik by die huis met drie kinders en werk en so aan en Lizette voel sy kry te min aandag. Dan moet sy iets probeer doen om aandag te kry en dit is nie die geval - sy kry baie aandag. Die punt is die ander kinders sê ons skenk meer aandag aan haar as aan hulle en dan sê ek vir die anders hulle verbeel hulle net. Ek probeer al drie kinders dieselfde hanteer.”
Lizette’s mother
In the case of Tracey, who has an identical twin sister, the effect of the burn injury on the other twin was particularly interesting. It seems that Tracey’s twin identified strongly with her sister’s pain during the hospitalization period and subsequently developed academic problems. In addition, the tendency for twins to dress in the same way is problematic for Tracey’s sister since Tracey refuses to wear clothes that would
expose her burn scars. Tracey’s mother describes the unburned twin’s reaction to Tracey’s burn injury:
“Die ander tweeling het baie erg gereageer. Toe Tracey in die hospitaal was het die ander een by die huis gelê en aan pyn gely. En met die skoolwerk, presteer Tracey beter as die ling wat nie gebrand het nie. Daai een het gedruip na die brand. En nou met klere koop, kan ons mos nie shorts of ‘n mini koop want Tracey sal dit nie dra nie. So die ander ling moet maar by die een inval. Dit is nogal ‘n probleem.”
Tracey’s mother
Although Blakeney et al. (1993) reported parents of paediatric burn survivors being stressed by their concern for their unburned children, the feelings and reactions of siblings have rarely been examined in the empirical literature on burns. It is clear from these accounts that the siblings of the burned child may feel neglected and excluded or that they occupy a peripheral position within the family. When one considers the impact of a burn injury on the family as a unit, it seems that an investigation of this aspect of psychosocial recovery will yield interesting findings.
EMOTIONAL AND BEHAVIOURAL INDICATORS OF DISTRESS
In keeping with the suggestion made by Patterson et al. (1993), the psychological sequelae of burn injuries as established in this study are not defined using narrow clinical diagnoses, but instead are more broadly conceptualized as emotions or behaviours that cause distress (Albee, 1980) or suffering (Cassell, 1982) to the burn survivor. Conceptualizing the psychological sequelae in this form means that the findings of the present study cannot meaningfully be compared to the research results discussed in Chapter One since those findings relied on pre-established, clearly defined diagnostic criteria. Similarly, clinical terms have not been used to present the findings here as the information is intended to be descriptive rather than diagnostic.
Depressive behaviour
The majority of participants (n=28) described themselves or were described by their caregivers as depressed, withdrawn, irritable and unhappy. The following extracts from the interviews with Tracey’s mother, Charlton’s mother, Katrina and Carla respectively are examples of behaviour and emotion categorized as depressive:
"Tracey het uitbarstings. Ek kan nie eintlik verduidelik nie, maar sy raak so gefrustreerd oor enige iets en dan huil sy vreeslik."
Tracey’s mother
"Hy is baie kort van draad vanaf die brand. Charlton was nooit so nie. Hy is baie gespanne. En hy skryf maklik mense af want hy is kleinlik."
Charlton’s mother
"Ek weet ek is depressief. Daar is net tye wanneer ek nie lus is om met ander mense te wees nie. Ek sal liewers alleen wees. Dis maar hoe dit is."
Katrina
"Ek voel deurmekaar en ongelukkig. Miskien is dit as gevolg van my letsels maar ek weet ook nie meer nie."
Carla
Since participants and caregivers were asked about current behaviour and changes in behaviour subsequent to the burn injury, it is assumed that this depressive behaviour is as a result of the burn injury and its subsequent disfigurement. Of course it is not possible to exclude the effects of pre-existing symptomology, a problem common to research of this nature (Patterson et al., 1993). Also, it must be borne in mind that since more than half (n=21) of the participants were three years old or younger at the time of the burn, it was not possible for the caregivers of these participants to speculate on their behaviour prior to the burn injury.
**Suicidal behaviour**
In some cases, the depressive behaviours and emotions described above have culminated in suicidal thoughts: three participants reported that they have contemplated killing themselves although their caregivers are not aware of these sentiments. More dramatically, two other participants have attempted suicide, one by throwing himself on the railway tracks and the other by taking an overdose. Caroline describes her attempt to end her life as follows:
"I tried to commit suicide when I was 11 or 12. I drank my mother's asthma tablets. She came into the room and I was vomiting and then she saw the tablets. She took me to the hospital and they gave me charcoal and it made me vomit. I just felt like giving up man, every day it was a battle from the morning I got up till I got home from school - it was just every day a battle and I just couldn't handle it anymore."
Caroline
Changes in eating behaviour
All the participants were described as having a healthy appetite before the burn injury and changes in eating patterns were reported by the caregivers of only three participants. These three participants were also described as depressed as per the above section. In the case of two participants, caregivers reported a diminished appetite and steady weight loss since the burn injury. Both participants are reported to eat only under protest and one caregiver has threatened to admit her child to hospital. The third participant, Rasheeda, has steadily gained weight since the burn injury. Rasheeda admits that she seldom leaves the house or exercises and that she eats to console herself when she is lonely:
"Ek suppose ek eet om myself te troos. Ek weet ek is vet en my ma sê altyd ek moet gewig verloor, maar daar is niks wat ek daaraan kan doen nie because why ek oefen nie eintlik nie. Ek bly meestal by die huis."
Rasheeda
Control of bladder and bowel functions
Five participants suffered from loss of control of their bladder functions and one experienced lack of control of both his bladder and bowel functions after returning home from the hospital. Mostly, these symptoms disappeared within several months. However, two participants still do not have control over their bladder functions even though several years have elapsed since the burn injury. Twelve year old Celine, who was a year old when she sustained a 10% TBSA flame burn to her feet, is one such participant and describes her poor bladder control as follows:
"My ma sê altyd ek moet probeer om wakker te skrik of iets of haar roep as ek toilet toe wil gaan maar ek maak nogsteeds my kooi nat en dit gebeur ook in die dag by die skool. Sê nou ek moet skryf, dan kan ek die pie net nie inhou."
Celine
**Disturbed sleeping behaviour**
More than half of the participants (n=22) suffered disturbances of their sleeping behaviour following the burn injury. Nightmares, day napping, talking, shouting, crying or shivering during sleep appear to be common sequelae of paediatric burn injury. As in the Kravitz et al. (1993) study, the dream content of the participants' nightmares related to the actual burn incident and its social consequences thereby supporting the notion that sleep is a coping mechanism during which cognitive processing of emotional stressors occurs. The following excerpts illustrate these sleep disturbances as well as the ways in which aspects of the burn incident are relived during sleep:
"Sy het baie sleg geslaap vir drie of vier maande – so gebewe en geruk. Een aand het sy geskree 'ek wil nie brand nie'."
Anthea's mother
"Hy het nie mooi geslaap nie. Hy het in die nag geskree en nou nogsteeds. Hy skree name uit as hy slaap, dis name wat die kinders vir hom sê."
Karl's mother
"She has nightmares. She used to scream in the night and cry 'dit brand, dit brand'- but not anymore."
Nina's fostermother
"Ek het gereeld nagmerries oor my pa. Ek droom hy kom terug en brand ons weer."
Olivia
"Sy slaap onsettend baie in die middae en sy praat ook onsettend baie in haar slaap in die nag - sy praat volle sinne. Dan huil sy ook in haar slaap, soort van 'n huil-snik. Ek maak haar altyd wakker as dit gebeur."
Olivia's mother
"Sy het baie in haar slaap gehuil en as ek haar wakker maak dan hou sy aan met huil - sy het omtrent elke nag so huilgeslaap. In haar slaap ruk en bewe sy nogsteeds."
Leanne’s mother
**Situation specific anxiety**
In terms of situation specific anxious behaviour, eight participants have a fear of fire since the burn injury and seven participants are afraid of the dark, insisting on sleeping with a caregiver or a sibling, even though in most cases such behaviour is not age appropriate. Refusing to sleep alone may be interpreted as a continued form of separation anxiety that also manifests in reluctance to part from the caregiver in other situations, such as attending school. (The reluctance to attend school as a response to disfigurement is discussed elsewhere in this chapter). Indeed, four caregivers reported unusually clinging behaviour on the part of the participant after the burn injury. The following quotes illustrate the situation specific anxiety experienced by the participants:
"Hy sal nie eers die vlam van 'n kers doodmaak. As ons buite vuurmaak, dan sal hy hele nag binne sit en by die gordyne uitloer".
Andrew’s mother
"Ek is vreeslik bang vir vuur. Ek is bang vir die donker en ek wil nie alleen wees nie. Ek wil nie alleen slaap nie. Die deur moet altyd oop wees, en ek gaan ook nie alleen in die nag toilet nie".
Rasheeda
"Leanne het op die ou end weer soos 'n baby geraak. Ek moes haar orals rond dra net soos toe sy 'n baby was. As ek haar gelos het dan het sy eers begin te skree."
Leanne’s mother
Seven participants reported becoming extremely anxious when meeting new people, an understandable reaction considering the high incidence of social ridicule evoked by the disfigurement of the participants as discussed later in this chapter. Dion describes his fearful feelings when confronted with meeting strangers:
"Ek is bang om nuwe mense te ontmoet want hulle sal miskien nie van my hou nie omdat ek gebrand is, ek is nie dieselfde as hulle, ek is maar altyd eenkant."
Dion
Caregivers’ concerns about general antisocial conduct/delinquency
In terms of other antisocial conduct, the caregivers of four participants reported that since the burn injury, their children have taken to telling lies more frequently. Furthermore, three participants have stolen money from their caregivers on at least one occasion and one child has stolen goods from a convenience store. One mother described her son’s tendency to break and destroy toys and furniture without any apparent provocation. Another caregiver reported that since the burn injury, her son has developed a violent temper, threatening to kill his parents when they scold him. This particular child has also developed a fascination with fire and in response to being reprimanded for disobedience, has set various objects alight. Neville’s mother describes this delinquent behaviour:
“Lyk vir my Neville is baie, baie deurmekaar. Hy is so aggressief. As iemand hom iets gemaak of as ek of sy pa vir hom sê hy moet nie iets doen nie dan vat hy sommer ‘n mes en sê hy gaan ons doodmaak. Hy maak ook aanmekaar vuur – hy is soos die duiwel met die vuur sodra ons hom uitskel vir stoutigheid. Hy het onlangs amper weer gebrand.”
Neville’s mother
The caregivers of two participants voiced the concern that their teenage daughters are engaging in sexually promiscuous behaviour. Fifteen year old Katrina left school in grade seven because she did not want to wear a skirt to school as it exposed her scarred legs and now, according to her mother, she has befriended a group of girls several years her senior and wanders around at night. Similarly, Celine’s mother complains that her 12 year old daughter goes out at night without giving an indication of where she is going, and only returns in the morning before school. She claims that Celine likes to wear “kaal klere” to show off her body despite her scars. Unfortunately, Celine’s mother responds to this conduct with violence:
It is suggested that the reason for the behaviour described here is related to the need for attention expressed in a defiant and provocative fashion. It is clear from this study that these paediatric burn survivors are regularly subjected to social ridicule and peer rejection, no doubt resulting in feelings of isolation. It may well be that these children, by acting out as they do, are only seeking to compensate for that humiliation. De Wet et al. (1979) and Giljohann (1979) similarly found that promiscuous behaviour in adolescents burned as children is related to insecurity about appearance and sexual desirability, and to a poor self-image related to disfigurement.
Perhaps the most distinct case of attention-seeking behaviour as compensation for emotional and social distress is that of Nina, who, as an infant sustained a 50% TBSA scald when her alcoholic mother plunged her into boiling water. Nina’s current fostermother describes her defiant and aggressive behaviour as follows:
"Nina is very aggressive. Most of the time we find the dolls without heads and now she attacks the legs as well. You know the Barbie dolls heads don’t come off – she cuts them off... She likes to show her scars to shock strangers – she will show them when strangers are in the house because she thrives on the attention. She shows everybody who hasn’t already seen it and she likes to say that her mother burned her on purpose and that she was in hospital. She loves the attention. Dinnertime is the time for attention – she will put all her food in her mouth at one time and then she will start laughing. She laughs when there is no joke and she won’t stop laughing. It is like she doesn’t allow herself to feel something sad. She says she wants to be a model. She wants to be in that environment with all that attention focused just on her."
Nina’s fostermother
Nina’s psychosocial reality is undoubtedly influenced by her deprived social background and the fact that her previous foster environment was cruel and punitive. It is not unreasonable to imagine that a person who has suffered a traumatic burn injury resulting in permanent scarring and who is victimized again through social rejection in so many forms, would seek attention of whatever nature. Nina appears to be mutilating the dolls according to her own image, by attacking their faces and legs,
the loci of her own burn disfigurement. Similarly, Nina expresses the wish that others should suffer as she has: when asked how she responds when other children tease her about her burn scars, she replied that she tells them "eendag gaan jy groot raak en dan gaan jy ook jou kinders brand."
In a similar way, the participants who have taken to violent behaviour may well be influenced by the cultural norms of the communities in which they live. The Cape Flats, the area in which most participants reside, is a notoriously crime-infested area in which violence is a widely used method of problem solving. It is understandable that children exposed to aggression on a daily basis should model these behaviours in their own interactions.
**Professional psychological counselling**
Despite the problems described above, and the clear need for therapeutic intervention, the majority of participants have never received any professional psychological counseling to deal with the trauma of the burn injury and its consequent disfigurement. There are, however, a number of exceptions: The four participants from St Joseph's Home presumably benefit from the services of the Home's resident social worker, although the extent and nature of the attention that they receive is unknown. Furthermore, according to the medical records, five participants were referred to the Child and Family Unit affiliated to the Hospital at some stage during their treatment. The records indicate only that these participants required evaluation for 'suspected conduct disorder'. Unfortunately, two participants did not follow through with these referrals and the remaining three made short term use of the Unit's services. Two of these participants were given prescription medication, one for hyperactivity (Ritalin) and the other for depression (Fluoxetine), and continue to take this medication even though such use is dangerously unsupervised. One participant received counseling from a psychiatric registrar for a period of three years, although it is unclear how this arrangement came into existence. The only other participant who has received professional counseling consulted a private occupational therapist, but this arrangement was short lived due to financial constraints.
Referrals
In cases where the participants presented with suspected behavioural or emotional pathology, the author made referrals for psychiatric/psychological evaluation. A total of eight participants were referred either to the Child and Family Unit at the Hospital, or to the Department of Psychiatry at Tygerberg Hospital. It seems that several of the participants with their efforts to avoid situations related to trauma, nightmares, irritability or outbursts of anger, social impairment, and difficulty concentrating would meet the diagnostic criteria for Post Traumatic Stress Disorder.
SOMATIC COMPLAINTS
Participants and caregivers were asked about the participant’s general health and medical history. All but seven participants had unremarkable medical histories. The exceptions were single cases of congenital syphilis, meningoccal septicaemia, exomphalos minor, club foot and enlarged liver. Two participants suffer from congenital hearing problems. In terms of current somatic complaints, ten participants complained of itching in the areas in which they have scars. Itching is a normal consequence of scarring since grafted skin has no oil glands (Cooper & Fenton, 1996). Unfortunately there is no cream or ointment that offers complete relief from this discomfort. Four participants complained that their scars ‘leak’. This poor reabsorption of fluid is as a result of damage to the normal lymphatic drainage system and little improvement can be expected (Warden, 1996). Three participants reported experiencing pain when undertaking physical activity, one of whom had formerly been diagnosed with an enlarged liver, which would account for his discomfort. The other two participants have severe contractures of the feet with resultant loss of joint range of motion, thereby accounting for their pain. One participant was described by his mother as having a poor appetite, sweating excessively and coughing. This participant was referred to the medical outpatient’s clinic for suspected tuberculosis.
SCHOLASTIC PERFORMANCE
Although there is a small body of research on behavioural problems of burned children at school (Sawyer et al., 1982), scholastic performance has received relatively little attention in the empirical literature (Blakeney et al., 1998; De Wet et al., 1979; Giljohann, 1979; Moore et al., 1996). An overwhelming finding of the
present study is that more than a third (n=15) of the participants have failed at least one grade at school. The extended period of hospitalization required following the burn injury accounted for five of the ten participants who were of school going age at the time of the burn having to repeat a grade at school. The academic lag experienced by the remaining ten participants could not be justified by lengthy absences from school, indeed, seven of these participants were toddlers at the time of the burn injury. The poor progress at school was explained by participants and their caregivers in terms of having difficulty concentrating in class and/or understanding instructions. These quotes from Gershwin, Natalie and Germaine’s mothers respectively illustrate the remedial problems experienced by these participants:
“Hy sukkel baie by die skool. Hy was twee jaar in Sub A en dan twee jaar in Sub B en toe plaas hulle hom oor. Dit lyk vir my hy wil die ding doen, maar sy konsentrasie is sleg. Ek sal iets sê en dan sal hy terug kom en vra ‘wat het mammie gesê ek moet doen?’ Ek moet drie of vier keer vir hom iets sê voor hy dit doen.”
Gershwin’s mother
“Sy is baie swak by die skool met lees en so aan. I will say to her ‘here is the word picnic. Now write it down ten times and say each time picnic’. Then she will do that, ‘picnic, picnic’. En dan na ‘n tyd vra ek haar weer. ‘What is this word? ’ En dan sê sy sy weet nie. Lyk my sy leer nie so then I make her write it fifty times so aaneen – picnic, picnic, picnic, en dan vergeet sy sommer. Sy is baie agter so.”
Natalie’s mother
“Hy is baie stadig in die skool. Hy druip elke keer. Hy sit twee keer in elke standerd en dan stoot hulle hom vorentoe.”
Germaine’s mother
**Hyperactivity**
Six caregivers described their children as having a short attention span, constantly fidgeting, easily distracted, impulsive and reluctant to remain seated. One participant has been formally diagnosed as hyperactive and had been transferred to a remedial school. This participant’s problem came to light when he was admitted for a contracture release that had to be abandoned when the wardstaff could not restrain him.
Preventing academic lag
Although difficult, it is not impossible for burned children to cope academically even if they miss lengthy periods of school or have to be admitted to hospital on a regular basis. However, to accomplish this, a strong liaison is needed between the school, the hospital and the child’s caregiver. While it is unfeasible for children to be tutored during the hospitalization period, they should be kept informed of happenings at school; and once they return home, their homework should be brought to them to prevent unnecessary academic lag. Although only one participant had contact with his classmates during the initial admission period, three participants maintained their scholastic performance by having schoolwork brought to their homes. Thirteen year old Leanne, who sustained a 30% TBSA flame burn when she was in Grade 1, was hospitalized initially for five weeks and has subsequently been admitted several times for corrective surgery. Nonetheless, according to her mother, Leanne is progressing well at school:
“Oor die jare het sy baie skool gemis maar sy vang gou aan en sy bly nie agter nie. Die juffrou of die kinders bring haar werk vir haar huistoe. Ek sal sê dis die rede waarom sy nog nooit ‘n standerd gedruip het nie.”
Leanne’s mother
The option of having a child institutionalized in a residence such as St Joseph’s Home where he or she can receive ongoing care is not a decision to be made easily or taken lightly, and this alternative is rarely exercised. However, one of the merits of this arrangement is that residents receive specialized academic attention to compensate for their ongoing admissions to hospital, thereby preventing academic lag. Two participants, James and Olivia, lived at St Joseph’s Home for several years before returning home and attending regular schools. Both agreed that although living at the Home was difficult in other aspects, the schooling system was preferable to their current arrangement. Seventeen year old James who attended the Astra School at the Home for four years explains as follows:
"Dit was aanvanklik moeilik by die nuwe skool. Nie net omdat ek al een wat gebrand is, maar omdat by Astra, as ek skool misgeloop het, was dit nie 'n probleem nie want die onderwysers het seker gemaak dat ek alles inhaal. Hulle het tyd gehad vir sulke goed. Daar was spesiale aandag. Nou as ek skool mis moet ek maar alleen sukkel as ek iets nie verstaan nie."
James
Thus, the attention required by a burned child who has to attend hospital on a regular basis and may have to wear splints and pressure garments for protracted periods must be carefully negotiated with the child’s school. The need for a formal, organized school entry or reintegration programme for the burned child is discussed below.
**Referrals**
Nine participants were referred by the author to the Child and Family Unit for remedial assessment. These referrals were made on the basis of inexplicably poor scholastic performance or a suspected learning disability. A comprehensive developmental evaluation would also serve to determine whether the academic difficulties experienced by the burn-injured child are partly determined by a family history of learning disability, an aspect which was not explored in this study.
**The impact of disfigurement**
In McGregor’s (1974) terms, many disfigured individuals are consigned to a ‘social death’ because of the poor quality of their social interactions. The negative impact of disfigurement on the burned child was clearly evidenced in this study.
**Social ridicule: teasing, name-calling and bullying**
Perhaps the most significant finding of the present research is that survivors of paediatric burn injury are subjected to persistent social ridicule in the form of teasing and name-calling, regardless of the severity or visibility of their disfigurement. Although peers are the main culprits, two participants have been ridiculed by adults (both of whom are the respective participants’ teachers) and five participants are also teased by their siblings. Five participants are not only humiliated with name-calling, but are physically bullied by other children. Even the four children who reside permanently at St Joseph’s Home where each child is disabled or disfigured in some form or another, were not exempt from this form of social humiliation. The most
popular names for children who are disfigured by a burn injury are ‘kentucky’, ‘KFC’, ‘gebrande chicken’ and ‘gebrande ding’.
**School as the site of social ridicule**
Attending school is problematic for the participants as this is where the most social ridicule is endured. Three participants have changed schools for this reason and three have dropped out because they could not tolerate the teasing any longer. Below, Caroline, Anthea, Natalie and Greg’s mother provide descriptions of the distress and humiliation that burn-disfigured children experience at the hands of their peers:
“Primary school was the worst years of my life. I had to go to school with a tissue expander in my head and people used to stare at me and call me names like ‘chicken’ and ‘burned thing’ and things like that. When you with your friends and now people say horrible things I felt so embarrassed. No matter where I am there is always that certain amount of people that will mock and growing up until the age of 15 was the toughest time.”
Caroline
“Ek hou niks van skool nie want elke dag by die skool skree die kinders vir my name soos ‘gebrande chicken’, of ‘Kentucky’ of ‘gebrande nar’.”
Anthea
“Die kinders by die skool en in die pad stamp my en slat aan my. Hulle skree vir my name soos ‘gebrande nek’, ‘KFC’, ‘gebrande chip’ en sulke goed.”
Natalie
“The big problem is other children. At his school there is children from preschool to standard five and mostly the standard fours and fives starting calling him names like ‘alien from Mars’ and ‘bubblegum neck’ and when school comes out, hitting at him and smashing him against the poles. Twice already we had to buy him new bicycles because it was folded in half.”
Greg’s mother
It seems that this victimization does not dissipate with time, although several of the older participants reported that others do become accustomed to their disfigured appearances. Nonetheless, as Olivia indicates, this does not signal an end to the ridicule:
"Die kinders raak gewoond aan jou. Dis net as die nuwe standerd sesse begin, dan begin die hele ding van vooraf."
Olivia
Introducing a formal school entry/reintegration programme
Outside of the family, school is the community that dominates a child’s life and it is in this domain that the child develops socially appropriate behaviour, academic skills and a sense of self-worth. It is clear from these accounts that the participants are not receiving the feedback necessary to reassure them of their value and competence. The combined effect of both academic lag and peer rejection on the burned child’s self-esteem must surely be overwhelming. Knudson-Cooper (1984) describes a vicious cycle in which the child’s declining scholastic prowess results in feelings of low self-worth which compound the loss of self-confidence that results from teasing, causing the child to become less motivated to ‘catch up’ at school. It seems that a formal school entry or reintegration programme for burned children is urgently required to alleviate the situation.
Three participants benefitted from some form of school reintegration programme. In Leanne’s case, her persistent complaints of teasing resulted in the psychiatric registrar writing a letter to the school principal. Leanne reports that school life was much improved afterwards. In Greg’s case, the principal of the school addressed all the learners before Greg’s return to school. As Greg’s mother explains, the effects were positive.
“When Greg went home the first time we still lived in Ottery and the children from his school came to visit him here at the hospital. The teacher organized this visit. Even the principal in the big hall spoke to everybody and to the whole school to tell them what happened to him and they were very nice. Greg had no teasing when he went back to his old school.”
Greg’s mother
However, Greg’s move to a new school where the principal was not as co-operative or understanding proved to be quite traumatic, as his mother explains:
"About a year after Greg burned we moved to Parow and Greg went to a new school. Now that is when the shit with the other children started. And that I think we have got a big mistake because they also hit at him and he was only in standard two and I said 'if they smack or hit you, hit them back – don't just stand still'. So after that there has been lots of fighting. I did speak to the new principal and asked him what Ottery school done to speak to the whole school but he never done that neither. He says they are children and children are like that."
Greg's mother
The reaction of the principal of Greg’s school is disappointing, but similar reactions have been reported in other research (Cahners, 1979). It is likely that school personnel, like most other people, have no information about or experience with burn injury and recovery and they are susceptible to all the fears, anxieties and failings of human beings. Like the child’s home caregivers, teachers no doubt have concerns about the specialized attention that a burned child will require and that they will be inadequate in meeting the child’s needs. Teachers may choose to distance themselves from the problem as Greg’s principal did. On the other hand, even with the best intentions, this uncertainty and lack of instruction on the part of teachers may translate into an inappropriate handle on the situation, as is illustrated in Bradley’s case:
"Ek het met die onderwyser gaan praat en verduidelik die kind het gebrand en hy moet gereeld hospitaal toe gaan en so aan. En die onderwyser het meer tyd vir hom gehad en die kinders het hom een kan gesit en toe begin hy nou die bed nataak."
Bradley’s sister
The consequences of ‘being put aside’ as described above by Bradley’s sister may be dramatic: Not only has Bradley failed two grades, but he also is one of three other participants who dropped out of school citing their reason as being unable to cope with the persistent teasing that their disfigurement evoked. It is clear then that teachers need to be equipped with the necessary information and skills to address both the burned child’s anxieties and to deal with the social ridicule that the child’s disfigurement evokes from others.
In order to prepare burn-injured children, their caregivers, classmates and teachers for school, a variety of formal school reintegration programmes have been implemented
with great success in the United States and Australia (Blakeney, 1995; Doctor, 1992). Regardless of the context in which these programmes are implemented, the content remains consistent and serves three basic aims: The first aim involves providing burned children with an opportunity to deal with their fears and anxieties about returning to school, such as the reaction of classmates, perceptions of body image and participation in schoolwork and sporting activities. Secondly, these programmes provide school peers and personnel with a forum in which to express their concerns and feelings about the returning learner’s injury, hospital experience and likely expectations of the future. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, a comprehensive school reintegration programme comprises an educational component dealing with burn care, pressure garments, splints and perhaps most importantly, the need to prevent burn injuries.
Sandra King (personal communication, May 2001), President of the Australia New Zealand Burns Association and a pioneer in paediatric burn care in Australia, explains that a successful programme is one that facilitates empathy on the part of the burned child’s peers, satisfying their curiosity in such a way that acceptance of the burned child is encouraged. In the absence of medical contraindications, the idea is not to secure specialized treatment for the burned child which would undoubtedly lead to a sense of entitlement (Shields, Abrams & Stuart, 1985). As a valued and contributing member of society, the child cannot shirk academic or social responsibilities. This attitude is endorsed by Olivia’s mother in her explanation of Olivia’s informal school reintegration programme:
“Ek en die psigiatriese verpleegster het vooraf met die hoof gaan praat en vir hulle gesê waardeur sy gegaan het en waardeur sy nog moet gaan, en voor die skool begin het het hy met die kinders en die onderwysers gesels en vir hulle alles verduidelik. Dit is belangrik dat hulle besef dat Olivia nie spesiale behandeling kry nie – sy moet haar werk doen, sy moet haarself gedra soos tevore, maar daar is een juffrou wat haar hanteer as daar enige probleme is met die kinders of die ander onderwysers. Natuurlik is daar kinders wat vir haar name skree, maar sy hanteer dit nou beter.”
Olivia’s mother
In the local context, Horwitz (1998) has developed and evaluated a pilot school reintegration programme for use in South African primary schools. This programme was designed to meet the three basic aims outlined above as well as to be resource-efficient, flexible and compatible with the Outcome Based Education (OBE) principles as set out in Curriculum 2005. The efficiency of the project was evaluated through an embedded case study of a single 11 year old burn-injured child with a mild disfigurement. Horwitz (1998) found that the programme and its accompanying manual served to engage the learners and the burn-injured child in such a way that the incidence of social ridicule decreased. Unfortunately, the implementation of the programme did not prevent academic lag. Nonetheless, Horwitz’s (1998) study provides a good example of the way in which limited resources can be creatively utilized to bring about a more positive process of school reintegration for the burn-injured child.
A final observation on the subject of school reintegration programmes: It is interesting that the literature has concentrated on those children re-entering school after a burn injury to the exclusion of those children who have a pre-existing disfigurement as a result of a burn injury sustained as a toddler. Contrary to Giljohann’s (1979) finding, the present study revealed that children injured at an earlier age are no less distressed by their scars than those injured in middle childhood. As counter-intuitive as it seems, the participants in the present study who grew up with the scars being a familiar part of their body and had no recollection of their pre-burn appearance experienced as many difficulties at school as those injured at a later age. This means that even if a disfiguring burn is sustained during infancy, a similar school programme is required for when the child enters school albeit that this is several years later. Such a programme would be particularly useful if the child is engaged in a long-term process of corrective surgery as it would encourage post-discharge compliance. The upshot is that contact between the caregivers and the hospital must ongoing so that the issue of school entry can be dealt with as it arises. In instances where the child is already at school when the burn injury is sustained, a strong hospital-school liaison is an essential part of post-discharge planning and is required to facilitate the transition back to school (Blakeney, 1995).
Given the limited resources available to the Hospital, a contextually appropriate school reintegration programme will require the support of the local education administration. Suggestions to this end are described in greater detail in Chapter Four.
**Participants’ immediate reactions to teasing**
The participants respond inconsistently to the name-calling and bullying and with a variety of reactions. Fourteen respond by remaining silent or walking away, six respond by crying, seven react with swearing and 13 participants resort to aggressive behaviour such as hitting. Five of these participants rely exclusively on violent means to deal with teasing. In two cases, the preferred mode of retaliation is stabbing: one participant has stabbed his brother twice. Three quarters of the participants said that they tell their caregivers when they are teased and 16 said they report the teasing to their teachers. Natalie’s response to how she deals with teasing illustrates that participants do not rely on a single organized strategy:
“Somtyds huil ek of ek bly stil, of ek los hulle en ek sê my ma of ek sê die juffrou dan skel sy hulle.”
Natalie
Only six participants respond to teasing with a straightforward answer, five of whom say that they adopted this approach only after several years of responding in the ways described above. Three of these participants, Anthea, Caroline and Francois, describe how their reactions to teasing evolved:
“In die begin het ek gehuil of geskel maar nie meer nie. As kinders nou met my soek dan sê ek vir hulle ‘los my uit ek kan dit nie help dat ek gebrand het nie. Ek is nie so gebore nie en ek het nie daarvoor gevra nie’.”
Anthea
"When I was younger I was always fighting or crying. In high school sometimes I used to walk away and sometimes I used to backchat and say that 'I might be burned but I am cleverer than you' or things like that. They would shout names at me and I would say 'if it makes you feel better than you must say those things'. With age I am very straight with people, very honest. I am who I am. It's funny because some of those people that were so nasty now want to be my friend. I will greet them, but I don't need them."
Caroline
"Toe ek jonger was het ek baie baklei maar ons was almal jonk en ek neem daai kinders nie kwalik nie. Ek kan eerlik sê ek het baie geleer. Deesdae sal ek sê 'ek het jou gehoor en ek het jou gesê ek het gebrand', en as hulle aangaan dan raak ek eers kwaad. Mense sal nie maklik met my soek nie, en daar is baie wat my gespot het wat nou my vriende wil wees."
Francois
It is interesting that both Francois and Caroline remark on how children who once ridiculed them now wish to befriend them. It is suggested that the reason for this change in the attitude of others is that Caroline and Francois have accepted their 'different' appearance. This acceptance leads to a decrease in preoccupation with the possible effect of their appearance on social interactions. Rumsey, Bull and Gahagen (1986) have discussed the possibility that disfigured people themselves are in part responsible for the problems encountered during social interaction. By harbouring the belief that they are the object of unwelcome attention and in anticipation of negative reactions from others, disfigured persons can behave defensively, in an aggressive or a shy manner. These communication patterns tend to elicit negative behaviour from others (Snyder, Tanke & Berscheid, 1977). The idea that others perceive disfigured people in a negative way is therefore reinforced and a cycle of spiraling problems may begin.
Robinson et al. (1996) suggest that disfigured people can achieve more satisfying social interactions by strengthening their social skills, which is precisely what Caroline and Francois have done over the years: their strategy has evolved to one in which they challenge remarks, stand up for themselves and give straight-forward answers to questions about their disfigurement. This new repertoire of social skills
elicits a more positive response from others and the resulting feedback bolsters self-esteem. This in turn is rewarded with more effective social behaviour.
The lesson to be learned here is that the burn-disfigured child must be formally taught how to deal with the staring and teasing that accompany disfigurement. This is particularly true of the participants in this study as few evidenced an organized strategy for coping with negative social feedback. As Goffman (1963, p. 104) suggests: “Individuals with a stigma may have to learn about the structure of interaction if they are to minimize the obtrusiveness of their stigma.” Similarly, Partridge (1990) has proposed that since disfigurement is a social handicap, the onus is on the disfigured person to adopt new strategies in order to relieve the strain of social interactions.
**Participants’ general strategies for coping with disfigurement**
**Camouflage**
The most popular strategy employed by the participants for coping with disfigurement is camouflage, a finding that is supported by the empirical literature on disfigurement (Harris, 1982). Nearly all the participants were markedly self-conscious of their burn scars and took steps to avoid exposing the disfigurement to others, in some cases, even to family and friends. Six participants who sustained burns to the scalp resulting in alopecia, wear caps and scarves to disguise their uneven hairlines and bald heads. Francois’ mother explains:
“Francois steek die ding weg. Niemand kan dit sien nie. Hy sê mense sal skrik as hulle dit sien. Hy dra ‘n cap - hy raak onsteld as hy nie die hoed aan het nie. Hy is nie gewoond om uit te stap by die deur sonder die hoed aan nie.”
Francois’s mother
Two participants have experimented with different hairstyles to hide their facial scars and one participant wears a concealing foundation.
Nine participants with burn scars on the trunk or limbs, wear long sleeves and/or pants when participating in sports or going to the beach. In more extreme cases of selfconscious behaviour, some participants will not remove their camouflaging clothing or reveal their disfigurements even in front of their families and close friends.
Wearing a skirt to school proves to be extremely stressful for the girls who sustained burns to their legs. Most adapt to this situation by wearing two pairs of pantyhose with their uniforms, however, in one case, the headmaster of the school would not allow this concession and the participant cites this as the reason that she dropped out of school.
While it may seem discouraging that so many participants use camouflaging techniques to avoid exposing their scars, it is also possible that this strategy is a healthy and acceptable response in that acknowledges the scar (Harris, 1982).
**Non-avoidant cognitive coping strategies: positive self-talk and social comparison**
Three participants used non-avoidant cognitive strategies such as positive self-talk and making social comparisons about how much worse off they could have been. According to Janoff-Bulman (1992), the benefit of social comparison is that it allows burn survivors to minimize the threat and malevolence of their own trauma experiences. The participants who made use of these strategies, Francois, Caroline and James, were mature, both in age and in outlook on the burn and its consequences:
"Ek het vir myself gesê die merk is klaar daar. Of die merk kan my afhou of ek kan van myself hou en verby die merk kyk. Toe besluit ek dat ek van myself hou en ek gaan verby die merk kyk. As ek op myself afkyk, sal ander mense ook op my afkyk."
Francois
"You know I would never want to change what I am and who I am. I have a nice job and a supportive boyfriend and a baby that is so beautiful. The only thing I would like to change is the scars, just to have it gone, or it can still be there, but just be lighter so that people can't much notice it."
Caroline
"Ek vertel myself gereeld dat dit maak nie saak wat mense van my dink nie, dit is net belangrik wat ek van myself dink. Ek het by St Joseph's geleer daar is nie so 'n ding soos kan nie – 'n mens moet altyd probeer."
James
Although these three participants are in the minority in the present study, they provide testament to the notion that it is quite possible to survive a disfiguring burn trauma and still create a meaningful life. Too often the negative images of burn survivors perpetuated by popular culture allow one to lose sight of this possibility. As Petro and Salzberg (1992) point out, the burn injured person is conceptualized in one of four ways in prevailing discourse: He is alternatively evil personified; the arch enemy opposing the hero; a tragic figure whose injury transforms him into something less than entirely evil; or a victim. In terms of the latter, burn related academic literature and empirical reports are also often guilty of referring to the burn survivor as a victim, (e.g. see Kibbee, 1981; Tucker, 1986) thereby implying weakness and helplessness. By adopting the understanding of the burn injured person as a victim, someone who is not responsible for himself, burn care professionals unconsciously support the rejection of the individual as reflected in the inadequate progress of burn rehabilitation.
James Partridge (1999), a burn survivor himself and founder of Changing Faces, a London based organization devoted to promoting the general well-being of the facially disfigured, argues that use of the word ‘victim’ negates the possibility of personal growth after a major trauma. He asserts that the loss of one’s good looks, like any other loss, can result in a sense of positive personal evolution. Similarly, Giljohann (1979) found that the participants in her study of adolescents burned as children felt some resistance to being placed in a subgroup of ‘burn victims’. Instead, they preferred to see themselves as normal individuals and the fact that they had been burned as no longer being a central theme in their lives.
Although most participants could not think of any redeeming features of being burned and tended to focus on their losses, again Francois, Caroline and James offered a refreshing perspective and were able to conceptualize their unusual appearances not only in deficit terms. Both Caroline and Francois said that their life-long
disfigurement has made them less judgemental and more empathetic in their approach to others. James remarked that if he had not been burned, his social circumstances would most likely have culminated in him becoming a gangster. Francois and James’ sentiments are presented below:
“Ek suppose die scar het my iets geleer. As ‘n mens te perfek is sien jy nie baie dinge nie. Jy kan nie ‘n mens wat minder bevoorreg is verstaan nie. Jy kan beter oor die weg kom met anders as jy nie perfek is nie.”
Francois
“Miskien gaan dit nou snaaks vir Lesley klink, maar as ek rondkyk na die ander seuns wat in my nabyheid woon besef ek dat as ek nie gebrand het nie sal ek seker ‘n gangster of iets gewees het. Ek sal seker rof gewees het soos die ander.”
James
**Avoidant coping strategies: Social withdrawal and shrinking from contact**
Eight participants cope with their disfigurement by withdrawing socially, for example, staying indoors and avoiding meeting new people. Leanne’s mother describes how Leanne reacts when visitors come to their home:
“Sy is baie mens-sku, so teruggetrokke en in haar dop. Sy sal nog agter my rug sit as daar mense is al sê ek vir haar sy moet uitkom. Dit neem tyd om gewoond te raak aan mense, om met mense te meng.”
Leanne’s mother
Situations such as going swimming or participating in sporting activities that would draw attention to disfiguring marks are avoided in the case of four participants. Since school is the primary location in which the participants interact and the source of the majority of social distress, it follows that reluctance to attend school is common. Indeed, in 16 cases caregivers reported that the participants report somatic complaints such as headaches, stomachaches and leg cramps in the mornings before school. Karl’s case represents a good example of this form of school reluctance, and the reasons behind it.
“Karl kom sê vir my die kinders terg hom en slat aan hom. Hy kom altyd dit vir my sê. Hy wil nie skool toe gaan nie. As ek vir hom sê hy moet skool toe gaan dan sê hy sy maag pyn of iets en dan begin hy te huil en dan somtyds los ek hom of somtyds vat ek hom self skool toe. Ek vat hom na die hek toe en dan gaan hy maar huil-huil skool toe.”
Karl’s mother
As discussed elsewhere, three of the four participants who have dropped out of school – the ultimate form of school refusal – cite their reason as an inability to cope with the persistent teasing and name-calling that their disfigurement evoked. It is intended that the school entry/reintegration programme outlined above would deal with these issues.
Caregivers’ reactions to disfigurement
Caregivers’ immediate reactions to teasing
A minority of caregivers was unaware of the social problems that their children experience. Those who were aware of the situation reacted to reports of teasing in several ways, none of which were resorted to exclusively. Five caregivers had sought out the parents of the offending children and explained the situation to them. Six caregivers had been to the child’s school and addressed the matter with the participants’ teachers. Twelve caregivers have chosen to deal with the offending children themselves, either by hitting them (in four cases) or like Greg’s mother quoted below, by speaking to them:
“Once I went to the school and I was just fed up and so I was cross and so I called all the children and explained to them what happened and they said ‘I’m sorry auntie, we won’t call him that again’.”
Greg’s mother
Five caregivers reported taking no action and cited their reason as ‘children being children’. Only two parents had specifically instructed their children as to how to deal with teasing for example, by ignoring or challenging remarks or explaining the cause of the disfigurement.
Caregivers’ general strategies for coping with the participants’ disfigurement
Encouragement and reassurance
In terms of more general strategies for coping with the child’s disfigurement, most caregivers reported having to reassure and encourage the child on a regular basis. The nature of this reassurance takes a variety of forms. Some caregivers employ social comparison arguments to emphasize that the disfigurement could have been worse. Many caregivers often remind their children that the burn injury was accidental, that they are not blame for it and should therefore not be embarrassed. A few caregivers reassure the children that they are loved and still beautiful to their caregivers. These quotes from Francois and Zolani’s mothers respectively illustrate the nature of the encouragement given to their children:
“Ek sê vir hom elke dag hy is ‘n baie mooi kind. Ek sê vir hom hy het baie om voor dankbaar te wees want die scar kon soveel erger gewees het. Ek sê vir hom hy moet gewoond daaraan raak want die mense sal nie gewoond daaraan raak nie as jy nie self dit doen nie.”
Francois’ mother
“When I walk around with him in town or something people and children like look at him, especially the children, and they call him ‘chicken thing’, and he feels different from the other children. I say he must not mind because he is still beautiful like he is and he is my son and I love him. He didn’t make himself to be like this, it was just an accident.”
Zolani’s mother
Restricting social interaction and encouraging camouflage
The caregivers of six participants thought it more appropriate for their children to conceal their disfigurement when in public and a further four caregivers actively restricted the child’s social activities (e.g. keeping the participant indoors after school). The reasons given were the need to protect the participant from social ridicule and to avoid insensitive questions from other adults who would assume that the disfigurement is as a result of negligence on the caregiver’s behalf. This rationale is demonstrated in the following excerpts from the interviews with Olivia and Celine’s mothers respectively:
"Ek weet ek kan mos nie my eie kind wegsteek nie maar ek wou Olivia nie saam dorp toe neem nie omdat mense so kyk en die kinders giggel agter haar en ek kry seer vir haar. As ek sy was sal ek baie skaam gewees het, eerlik waar."
Olivia’s mother
"Ek sê gedurig vir haar sy moet die goed toemaak. Die mense is bietjie grillerig as hulle dit sien en 'n paar het my al gevra of ek nie my eie kind kan oppas nie."
Celine’s mother
The tendency for caregivers to be overprotective of the burned child finds support in the empirical literature (Knudson-Cooper, 1981). Adriaessens et al. (1987) describe how caregivers feel embarrassed by the child’s appearance and withdraw socially to avoid hostility from the outside world. Unfortunately, this approach does little to facilitate positive adjustment since a good recovery depends on both internal acceptance and a pro-active external participation in society (Knudson-Cooper, 1981; Sheridan et al., 2000). Neither goal can be attained if the child’s social activities are restricted and the child’s appearance is made out to be a source of shame.
**Forming romantic relationships**
Forming romantic relationships is a dominant theme in the lives of most adolescents. Given that even healthy adolescents are insecure about the normal changes that are happening to their bodies as they begin to develop secondary sex characteristics, it follows that disfigured teenagers have many complex body image issues to resolve especially because they are at a high risk for social exclusion. The literature on disfigurement points to a process of downgrading the self-concept resulting in disfigured adolescents viewing themselves as unlovable (Harris, 1982). To this end the effect of the disfiguring scars on sexuality and the formation of romantic relationships was explored with the adolescent participants and their caregivers. Although most participants were non-committal at best and defensive at least while discussing the topic, the information gleaned did reveal a variety of perspectives.
The most significant example of perceived attractiveness providing an obstacle to developing a romantic liaison was Rasheeda, a 20 year old young woman who sustained a 50% TBSA flame burn when she was nine years old. Rasheeda’s problem
is a multi-faceted one: she believes that she has suffered internal injuries that would render her incapable of conceiving a child and as discussed elsewhere, she believes that her skin will ‘tear open’ if she does fall pregnant. She is also self-conscious about her weight and the fact that her breasts are asymmetrical and disfigured as a result of the burn injury. Moreover, Rasheeda feels unduly pressurized to find a partner as she is from a devout Muslim family in which she is the only unmarried person of her age. This combination of factors has culminated in Rasheeda taking a dim view of her romantic prospects:
“Al wat ek weet is dat ek nooit gaan trou nie en ek sal ook nie kinders kry nie. Ek wil nie ‘n man hê omdat ek gebrand het. Ek is veronderstel om al getroud te wees maar hulle verstaan nie. Ek wil nie eendag trou nie. Ek kan nie. Ek sal nooit ‘n outjie kry.”
Rasheeda
Eighteen year old Francois’ approach to members of the opposite sex is cautious but sensible.
“Ek kom goed met meisies oor die weg maar ek sal nie sommer met ‘n meisie praat. Ek sal wag. Ek sy my nog so kyk en sy weet ek het die merk, dan sal ek met haar praat. Dan weet ek sy weet ek het nie ‘n karakterfout nie.”
Francois
Social comparison with other adolescents can be painful for the burn-disfigured teenager. Olivia’s mother describes her 17 year old daughter’s eager attempts at forging a romantic relationship as awkward and inappropriate.
“Sy sal nou byvoorbeeld sê die kinders van haar ouderdom het almal outjies en dan vergelyk sy haarself met hulle. Daar het ‘n jong man by haar kom kuiër maar ek dink sy was ‘n bietjie ernstig of miskien ‘n bietjie te haastig. Sy het sommer op sy skouer gelê. Hy is nie terug nie. Ek weet nie of die brand hom afgeskrik het nie of hy net nuuskierig was of wat. Ek kry haar maar jammer want hy kom nie meer nie.”
Olivia’s mother
These sorts of rejecting experiences must be dealt with tactfully and carefully to avoid the teenager spiralling into a depression as result of poor self-esteem. Burn-disfigured
children must be reminded that they too are capable of developing loving relationships with suitable partners. For instance, Caroline, the oldest participant in the sample has a devoted boyfriend and a two year old child. Individuals such as Caroline are a useful resource in terms of motivating other young people to believe in their potential for happiness, perhaps by addressing disfigured teenagers in the safe forum of a support group. This suggestion is explored in Chapter Four.
A final word on the emerging sexuality of disfigured teenagers: Anecdotal evidence suggests that young women disfigured by burns will seek affection by whatever means, including resorting to prostitution (R. Albertyn, personal communication, January 2001). This is similar though not identical to the defiant and provocative behaviour that disfigurement can produce as was discussed earlier on in the cases of Katrina and Celine. It follows that these young people need reassurance regarding their dignity and self-respect, and that loving contact can be achieved through less desperate avenues.
The effect of disfigurement on sexuality is a largely unexplored area of research and further investigation in this field is likely to yield lucrative results.
**PARTICIPANTS’ USE OF SOCIAL SUPPORT**
Given the emphasis in the literature on the importance of social support in facilitating the long-term psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors (Blakeney et al., 1988; Blakeney et al., 1990; Bowden et al., 1980; Browne et al., 1985; Byrne et al., 1986; Davidson et al., 1981; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; LeDoux et al., 1998; Sawyer et al., 1982), participants were questioned about their access to and use of social support resources.
**Religious support**
Religious belief is an important source of strength for five participants, particularly where the participant is involved in a church youth group. This sort of involvement can open doors for friendship, encourage acceptance from peers and in doing so, facilitate self-esteem. Olivia’s mother describes the boost in self-confidence that catechism has brought to her daughter:
"In die begin was daar tye waar sy net in die huis gesit het, maar nou met die katkiseer en die jeuggroep het dit vir haar baie self vertroue gegee."
Olivia’s mother
Recreational activities and sports
Most of the participants reported involvement in some sort of sporting activity at school or have an extra mural activity. Few participants refrain from these activities because of their disfigurements. The importance of recreational activities is that they can be a great source of satisfaction for the disfigured child, providing an opportunity to socialize with non-disfigured children and to experience a sense of accomplishment from participating in activities like other unburned children. Francois, who is an avid dancer, describes the sense of fulfillment that he derives from dancing and how it detracts from his disfigurement:
"Ek weet ek is 'n goeie danser. Dit gee my sterkte want ek doen iets wat anders nie kan nie al het ek 'n swakpunt."
Francois
The value of emphasizing positive personal traits and abilities while simultaneously diminishing the value ascribed to disfigurement has been recognized as facilitating self-esteem and adjustment (Robert et al., 1999). It follows that it is important for caregivers to encourage their burn-disfigured children to attempt new activities in order for these children to discover their own talents.
Peer support
Although most participants reported having friends, either from school or from participation in extra mural activities, only ten participants said that they could rely on support from their friends in dealing with their problems. Anthea is one such participant:
"Ek praat met my vriende as ek unhappy is. Hulle sê vir my altyd ek moet myself nooit so aftrek nie en ek moet vorentoe kyk en nie dink aan wat ander mense sê of dink nie."
Anthea
Interestingly, excluding the participants from St Joseph’s Home, two participants are friendly with other burn-disfigured children and two others have friends that are physically handicapped by congenital conditions. While it is understandably safer to be surrounded by those who are also ‘different’ in one way or another, this form of socialization does not encourage normalization or acceptance.
The reticence of burn-disfigured children to interact with other children is well founded, particularly in the case of adolescents. The importance of physical appearance during this developmental stage is such that any adolescent who detracts from the perceived attractiveness of the group is a threat to each individual in the group and is therefore likely to be excluded. To this end, it may be a worthwhile exercise for volunteers who are close in age to the burned adolescent to join in support groups and express their willingness to socialize with these children. This is particularly so in light of the finding that peer support is likely to be more important than family support when dealing with adolescents since teenagers are especially susceptible to the positive and negative influences of their peers (Orr et al., 1989).
**Family support**
Most participants said that they could speak a member of their family if they were troubled. Given the importance of family support in facilitating psychosocial adjustment (Blakeney et al., 1988; Blakeney et al., 1990; Bowden et al., 1980; Browne et al., 1985; Byrne et al., 1986; Davidson, Bowden & Tholen, 1981; Knudson-Cooper, 1984; LeDoux et al., 1998; Sawyer et al., 1982), this is a heartening finding. This quote from Caroline succinctly illustrates the value of family support:
"My mom, she always stood by me, this is one thing that I can remember. I could always turn to her and I know that if she weren't in my life to stand by me and talk courage into me I would not have been what I am today. I can honestly say thank you to my mother for always being there for me, especially during school years."
Caroline
**The pitfalls of seeking support**
Although the value of social support from friends and family is important, it must simultaneously be recognized that the burn-injured child may become weary of
turning to others for help. Indeed, ten participants said that they would not talk to anyone about their problems and would prefer to deal with these issues themselves because of the fuss and embarrassment that results from complaining. Caroline, who conceded to making extensive use of her mother's advice explains why social support is not an infallible approach to dealing with problems:
"I did have my mommy and the teachers were also aware because it was such a big thing at school. But there also came a time when I didn't tell anybody what was happening because I wanted to avoid all the trouble and problems it caused. The thing with people sticking up for me is that then I feel like they are pitying me and I always tell them that 'I don't want your pity and I don't want you to feel sorry for me. I want you to like me for who I am'. If people stick up for you all the time then there comes a time when you are so dependent on them and you feel that you cannot defend yourself and people will think you are a scaredy cat or things like that. It is so complicated you can't actually really explain it."
Caroline
FACING THE FUTURE
Employment and career aspirations
Empirical research on the employment and career aspirations of paediatric burn survivors is meagre and possibly outdated. Nonetheless, this research indicates that burn-injured adolescents evidence lower vocational aspirations, poor career planning and a lack of confidence in success at work (Chang & Herzog, 1976; Goldberg, 1974). In the present study, many of the younger participants had not devoted much thought to a career choice, but responses from the older participants reiterated Rivlin's (1988) finding that vocational aspirations can be profoundly affected by disfigurement. More than a third (n=15) of the participants said that they would choose law or medicine as a career and usually cited their reasons as wanting to be of some form of assistance to others. A possible interpretation of this finding is that the participants have developed empathy as a result of their traumatic experiences. These quotes from Olivia and Yolanda respectively would certainly support such an interpretation:
"Eendag wil ek 'n laywer wees. Ek wil vir die judge sê van die kinders wat in rolstoele is en dan skel die mense hulle in die winkels."
Olivia
"Ek wil 'n dokter wees om die gebrande kinders te help."
Yolanda
Advice for other caregivers of burn-injured children
Both the caregivers and the older participants were asked to share their thoughts on how other caregivers should approach the problem of a burn injury in the family. There was consensus that caregivers must exercise patience with burn-injured children, reassure them of their worth and remind them often that they are loved, irrespective of their appearance. Some caregivers emphasized the importance of reminding burn-disfigured children that the burn accident was not their fault and that they should not be ashamed of their looks. A few caregivers responded that the only course of action is prayer. These various viewpoints are expressed by Leanne, Natalie, Taryn and Donovan’s mothers respectively:
"Ek sal sê gee hulle baie liefde want dit is al wat hulle kan help."
Leanne’s mother
"Hulle moet baie patience hê met hulle kinders. Hulle moet baie moed inpraat en vir die kind sê dis nie haar skuld dat sy gebrand het, dis mos 'n ongeluk wat sy nie kon help. Sy is mos nie so gebore nie."
Natalie’s mother
"I would say that as a parent make sure that your child stays happy and doesn’t feel self-conscious and the best way to do this is to show them that you care and that you love them and make them feel loved irrespective, make them feel as though what they look like is not what is going to make them as a person – it is what is inside of them and how they deal and feel about other people – that is what is ultimately going to make them as a person. But it is very difficult to teach children that because children haven’t reached that level of maturity to know that what is inside that counts- but I think constantly you have to instill in them a positive outlook – that is what I have been doing with Taryn."
Taryn’s mother
"Ek sal sê die hele ding is net 'n gebedsaak. Jy raak moedeloos en jy wonder hoekom en waarom, maar met geloof in die Here kom jy maar deur."
Donovan's mother
One participant, Francois, raised an important point in his advice about caring for the burn-injured child:
"Hulle moet nie vir hom hanteer asof hy gebrand het nie because why as jy iemand hanteer teenoor die fout wat hy het dan kyk hy baie terug op die fout - hy sal altyd dink dat hy verkeerd kan doen omdat hy gebrand het – 'hulle sal verstaan, ek het gebrand, ek is mos nie perfek nie'. Sy ouers moet hom presies dieselfde hanteer soos die ander kinders wat perfek is. Soos my ouers - hulle het baie omgegee oor die brandwond, maar as ek verkeerd was het ek pak gekry soos die anders - ek het nie spesiale behandeling gekry nie."
Francois
Francois' insightful comment highlights the dangers of human response to ill or injured children - to shower them with attention and special privileges in an effort to compensate for their suffering. An unfortunate consequence of this behaviour, if it is not time limited, is the possible creation of a sense of entitlement. Instead, burn-injured children, like other children should be encouraged to develop independence, autonomy and the self-actualization of their potential. As mentioned elsewhere, if one is treated as a victim, one will never learn to take responsibility for one's life.
Advice for other paediatric burn survivors
While health professionals may aid in the process of successful adjustment, it has been suggested that the burn survivors themselves are the experts on post-burn concerns (Robert, Berton, Moore, Murphy, Meyer, Blakeney & Herndon, 1997). As such, the participants were asked to dispense advice that they thought would be useful for other paediatric burn survivors. The responses yielded two extreme perspectives: while most participants focused on the negative aspects of their experiences and felt that other burned children should be warned of the social humiliation that awaits them, others were more positive in outlook and emphasized the importance of self-acceptance. These two viewpoints are expressed by Rasheeda and Caroline respectively:
"Ek sal vir hulle sê hoe dit gaan wees met die lelike goed wat kinders vir jou skree en die hartseer. Mense moet gewoond aan jou raak. Die hartseer is daar as jy ouer is, maar dit is nie so erg nie."
Rasheeda
"Dealing with it and coping with it and accepting it is most probably the best remedy that there is. As long as you don't deal with it and talk about it, it is a living hell. You must talk about it. You must express yourself as much as possible. You don't need to speak to a shrink, speak to a friend or to a teddy bear, or like I used to express my feelings by writing, just to get that heavy load off my shoulders. Do whatever, just to get that off and once that is off, just accepting it really helps. You must make the most out of life. If you don't do it, nobody else will."
Caroline
Of course, care should be taken not to overgeneralize post-burn response patterns at the expense of an individual's personal experience. Nonetheless, the words of advice quoted above succinctly summarize the different ways in which children learn to cope with disfigurement.
**Caregivers' concerns for the future of the participant**
All the caregivers were asked about their primary concerns regarding the future of the participants in their care. In the five cases where the caregiver was older than 65 years or in frail health, the chief concern was expressed as there being nobody to take care of the participant in the event of the caregiver's death. This sentiment is reflected in a comment by Rasheeda's mother:
"Ek is bekommerd oor Rasheeda se toekoms. Wat gaan eendag gebeur as ek doodgaan? Wat gaan van haar word? Wie sal vir haar sorg? Sien, sy is nooit weg van my af nie - waar ek is in die huis, is sy."
Rasheeda's mother
Eight caregivers reported financial concerns such as providing food, housing and education as being of the utmost importance. For example, even though 13 year old Nomawetu is both severely physically disfigured and presents with many behavioural problems, her mother did not mention these issues as a concern:
"My only worry is that I am struggling because there is no father so I am really struggling with the money. I owe the school the school fees and I can't afford and I must eat and I must pay for the bus for school and I am really struggling. We need another place to live also because in our shack in Nyanga you don't know if it can happen again."
Nomawetu's mother
This finding can be interpreted as a simple operationalization of Maslow's (1970) hierarchy of needs. It is understandable why Nomawetu's mother, a single parent with a menial job who lives in abject poverty in a criminally violent informal settlement, would emphasize fundamental physiological needs and the need for safety and security, rather than focus on the needs for social acceptance or self-esteem. Once more one is reminded of the stark reality of the South African socio-economic situation and the many obstacles that need to be overcome before issues of tertiary health can be adequately addressed.
Only in seven cases was the burn injury the focus of the caregiver's concern. These concerns centred mainly around the participant's disfigurement and the effect that it will have on feelings of self-consciousness, social acceptance, finding employment and forming romantic relationships. Zolani's mother is one caregiver who harbours these apprehensions:
"I think his face is the only problem. I don't know, but I am thinking maybe he won't have any girlfriends when he is big because he has got a burned face. Maybe he will not get a job because the people think he is ugly."
Zolani's mother
Two caregivers were worried that their children would hold them responsible for the disfigurement later on in life. In terms of behavioural concerns, two caregivers voiced their fears that their respective children's aggression and promiscuity would ultimately result in criminal activity.
Only three caregivers were optimistic about the future and could not see their children being held back by their disfigurement. Anthea's mother remarked:
"Anthea het groot drome. Sy sal nie maklik opgee nie – ek gun haar dit. Niks gaan haar terughou nie."
Anthea’s mother
The general lack of optimism portrayed here highlights the necessity to encourage both participants and caregivers to have faith in a good outcome. A positive attitude towards the future enables burned children to focus their energies on pursuing the goal of successful adjustment (Beard et al. 1989). However, if the child’s caregivers are bereft of hope for the future, it follows that the child’s potential sources from which to garner strength are diminished.
**Sophistication, passivity and complacency**
One quarter of the caregivers declared that they have no concerns for the future of the participant in their care. This finding was somewhat surprising, particularly since the caregivers who claimed to have no real apprehensions were mostly those who had attributed many emotional and behavioural problems to their children. This finding is open to at least two interpretations. The first is that the caregivers and I do not share a common understanding of what constitutes problematic behaviour. The second, more interesting interpretation is based on the overall passivity reflected by the caregivers during the interviews. Few caregivers volunteered information to general questions or spoke spontaneously. In some cases, caregivers seemed to know very little about the children in their care. The following is taken from the interview with Shane’s mother and demonstrates this pattern of complacency:
Lesley: "Is daar enige iets oor Shane se gedrag wat mevrou pla?"
Shane’s mother: "Nie einlik."
Lesley: "Dink mevrou hy sou anders gewees het as hy nie gebrand het nie?"
Shane’s mother: "Ek sal self nie kan sê nie."
Lesley: "Dink mevrou hy is 'n gelukkige kind?"
Shane’s mother: "Ek weet ook nie."
Lesley: "Het Shane probleme by die skool met sy onderwysers of sy skoolwerk?"
Shane’s mother: "Ek weet self nie wat by die skool alles aangaan nie."
Lesley: "Het hy vriende by die skool of in die buurt waar mevrou-hulle woon?"
Shane’s mother: "Lesley moet hom maar self vra."
Lesley: "Is mevrou bekommerd oor Shane se toekoms?"
Perhaps the perceived passivity can be attributed to feelings of anxiety arising from being interviewed or the fact that the population under empirical scrutiny is not one that is accustomed to self-reflection, particularly in the presence of a stranger (Bulmer, 1993; Mitchell, 1993). It is also possible that the historical context of racial subjugation and differential power relations may have contributed to the apparent complacency of the respondents.
According to Bulmer (1993), the difficulties encountered in the present study in terms of passivity on the part of the participants are common to the process of conducting social research in developing countries with an unsophisticated population. In poor and uneducated communities, social research is not well established, requests for interviews are rare, and the problems of illiteracy and cultural differences between the researcher and the respondent render the latter quite ignorant of the activity of social research and the role of the interviewer. This lack of familiarity with the interview process means that the respondents are unlikely to have an understanding of what is being asked of them. In addition, Bulmer (1993) argues that respondents are often not particularly interested in providing accurate answers since the benefits of the research are not apparent to them. In the present research, it is hoped that the aims and benefits of the research were explained sufficiently well to the respondents to minimize this sort of bias.
Furthermore, one could speculate that some caregivers deliberately chose not to disclose their concerns regarding the participants’ psychosocial problems, perhaps thinking that such disclosure would introduce the threat of intervention by a social welfare agency.
**Wishful thinking**
At the conclusion of the interviews, participants were asked what they would wish for if they had any three wishes. The purpose of this question was to assess the relative impact and importance of the burn injury and its subsequent disfigurement on the participant’s daily functioning. With few exceptions, and regardless of the visibility of the scarring, the participants wished that the burn had never happened, that the scars
would disappear and that they could be 'normal'. These quotes from Greg, Caroline, Carla and Nina illustrate the nature of this wishful thinking:
"I wish that my burn would go away then I wouldn't be affected by the look of it. I would have more friends because people wouldn't mock me and things like that."
Greg
"I would wish for the scars to go away. Sometimes I look in the mirror and I don't see the scars anymore, but I still wish, even if it is just for a minute or for a day, that I could live a normal life. A normal life without burns, even if it is just for a day so that I can feel what it feels like to be without burns. The burns covers a part of me that I will never be able to uncover and sometimes I just wish I could wake up and it will all be gone."
Caroline
"Ek sal wens die brand gaan weg en dan sal ek 'n mooi meisie wees. Ek kan sien van die fotos hoe ek sou gelyk het. Ek wens ek kan sommer oorsee gaan om net weg to gaan van almal. Ek wil nie tussen mense wees nie want ek wil nie he mense moet my pla nie. Ek wil op my eie wees, alleen."
Carla
"Ek sal wens ek het my regte bene gehad. Dan sal ek 'n skirt skool toe kan dra met sokkies. Niemand sal vir my iets kan sê nie."
Nina
These excerpts express a form of whimsical nostalgia reminiscent of a grieving process in which the children mourn the loss of their natural good looks and normal social interaction. However, as in the discussion with the caregivers regarding their concerns for the future, the participants' responses also revealed the relative insignificance of the burn injury and its disfigurement in comparison to other, more pressing psychosocial problems. For instance, the four children from St Joseph's Home wished that they could return to their families. Nomawetu, who lives in Nyanga wished that she could live elsewhere because it is "dirty and scary outside in Nyanga". Yolanda, who lives with her grandaunt because her mother suffers from mental illness, wished for her mother's health, and that they could be reunited.
CHAPTER FOUR
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
CONCLUSION
According to the limited epidemiological information available, paediatric burn injury represents a significant social problem in South Africa. Despite the magnitude of the problem and its potentially devastating physical, psychological and social consequences, the plight of burn-injured children in the local context is an unrecognized one, and has thus escaped empirical scrutiny to date. The purpose of this study has therefore been to explore the long-term psychosocial sequelae of children who survive thermal injuries with a view to determining their obstacles to optimal psychological functioning and social integration. It is intended that the findings of this research be utilized in the development of a contextually appropriate rehabilitation programme for these children.
The literature reviewed in Chapter One represents the state of empirical knowledge of the psychosocial adjustment that follows thermal injury suffered in childhood. The general consensus appears to be that such adjustment is positive (Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1993; Blakeney et al., 1998; Herndon et al., 1986; LeDoux et al., 1996; Moore et al., 1996; Zeitlin, 1997), regardless of whether it is conceptualized in terms of psychological disorders (Campbell et al., 1987; Stoddard et al., 1989; Stoddard et al., 1989), global variables such as self-esteem (Bowden et al., 1980; Orr et al., 1989) or in terms of social competence and functional behaviour (Blakeney et al., 1993; Byrne et al., 1986; Moore et al., 1996). However, the methodological flaws common to this body of research as discussed in Chapter One and the fact that only one South African study has been conducted on the subject, call for prudence when interpreting and generalizing these findings to the local context.
The respondents interviewed in the present study chronicled many difficulties with post-burn adjustment, both psychologically and socially. The emotional and behavioural difficulties experienced by most of the burn-injured child include depressive, suicidal and anxious behaviour; changes in sleeping patterns; lack of bladder and bowel control; and general delinquent conduct such as lying, stealing and
promiscuity. Furthermore, many participants in the present study evidenced poor scholastic adjustment and significant academic lag. The abovementioned problems are no doubt compounded by the enduring barrage of social ridicule experienced by the participants in response to their disfiguring burn scars, and their lack of adaptive strategies for coping with these strained social interactions.
The many challenges faced by burned children and their families in adjusting to paediatric burn injury were also demonstrated by the caregivers interviewed in the present study. The traumatic nature of the hospitalization period and the emotionally daunting task of caring for a burn-disfigured child in the long-term are complicated by the limited social resources available to these caregivers. The responses of the caregivers in this research provide testament to the notion that paediatric burn injury is an assault on the family as a unit, and has ramifications that extend beyond the burned child. Such a burn injury is a drain on an already limited income and has psychosocial consequences for the siblings of the burn survivor.
The findings of the present research therefore clearly indicate that children who sustain burns as well as their caregivers are a population greatly in need of intervention. This is particularly so in light of the fact that to date the paucity of resources at the Hospital’s disposal has meant that no formal psychosocial assistance has been available to these children or their caregivers. Thus, while medical and surgical advances in the management of paediatric burns have progressed to such an extent that even extensive burns are no longer necessarily fatal, burn survivors, their families and society at large are inadequately prepared for the psychosocial consequences of such an injury. It is in light of these considerations that burn care professionals at the Hospital have embarked on a psychosocial rehabilitation initiative that is aimed at promoting the acceptance of the burn-disfigured child into the wider community. Such a process requires a mutuality that includes the openness and responsiveness of the society into which the burn survivor attempts re-entry, and mental and emotional preparedness on the part of the child and his or her caregivers (Doctor, 1992).
The process of facilitating the successful psychological adjustment and social reintegration of the burn-injured child in the South African context is likely to be fraught with difficulties. The complications encountered in recruiting and interviewing the sample of the present study are indicative of the challenges inherent in conducting social research in developing countries like South Africa. Simultaneously, however, these difficulties highlight the very necessity of such research in that the importance of understanding the experiences of the poor and less educated population likely to be affected by burn injury is emphasized. It is only by achieving a rich, contextualized understanding of the reality of the problem of paediatric burn injury as voiced by those afflicted that meaningful and appropriate steps can be taken to alleviate the situation. For this reason the present research is thought to be of practical and empirical value.
The combined effect of the magnitude of the problem, the scarcity of resources available to health care professionals in order to deal with the problem and the impoverished socio-economic nature of the population that is affected by burn injury mean that recommendations that could be implemented with relative ease in more developed countries, present a formidable challenge in the local context. Thus, any recommendations for improving the plight of the burned child will have to be addressed with a great deal of effort and creativity.
In light of these considerations, the following recommendations are thought to represent a realistic response to the problems experienced by the paediatric burn survivors as described in this thesis. These suggestions are intended to facilitate both increased environmental receptivity to burn-disfigured children and to encourage these children to present themselves to others with more confidence.
**RECOMMENDATIONS**
**Recommendations for policy and practice**
*Support for the burn-injured and disfigured child*
The need to provide support for the burn-injured child during hospitalization and particularly once the reality of disfigurement has set in, is clearly evidenced in this study. While little can be done with young children in terms of ‘talking cures’ and
interventions are confined to (play therapy), once the child reaches adolescence, the need for support is likely to increase. To this end it is proposed that support groups be made accessible to adolescents with disfiguring scars. As the Hospital only treats children up until the age of 13 years, such as group would be best accommodated at Tygerberg or Groote Schuur Hospital. To promote a viable referral process this means that contact between the child and the Hospital must be maintained in the years following the burn accident.
Little has been written about the impact of having a burns support group attached to the Burns Unit. Partridge and Robinson (1995) advocate the value of such a support group, whether as a supplement to individual counseling or as a stand-alone intervention. The significance of such a group is the facilitation of the flow of empathy and experience from one burn survivor to another. It is thought that within the safety of such a group, those attending can normalize their feelings and reactions and gain self-esteem and confidence. Ultimately, the idea is to reduce the sense of isolation and its related anxiety as experienced by the participants in this study. The setting of such a support group would also be an appropriate forum in which burn survivors who have created meaningful lives subsequent to sustaining their injuries are able to provide comfort and advice to those less experienced (Pearson, 1984). An individual such as Caroline, the 21 year old participant in the present study who is frequently quoted in Chapter Three, would be ideal for this purpose.
In addition, a variety of group social activities can flow from such support groups. This occurs as members of the group develop informal networks of support outside of the group setting (Munster, 1993).
In light of the singular paucity of organized strategies for dealing with social situations as evidenced in this study, it is clear that the disfigured child must be taught a repertoire of socially appropriate skills for handling difficult situations. Changing Faces, a British based support programme for disfigured individuals has developed the REACH OUT model, an acronym of eight skills devized to facilitate social interaction between disfigured persons and others (Barbour, 1996; Barbour, 1997; Barbour, 1999). These strategies are explained below:
1. *Reassuring others* with a smile, nod or eye contact allows the disfigured person to appear more confident and to feel in control of the social interaction.
2. *Engaging with others* in a general conversation beginning with an open-ended question shifts the focus away from the awkwardness of being confronted by a disfigured person. Open-ended questions are those that begin with words like ‘how’, ‘where’, ‘when’, ‘what’ and ‘who’. These types of questions encourage others to elaborate and continue talking to the disfigured person by giving them an opportunity to talk about themselves.
3. *Asserting oneself* with confidence means that the disfigured person must accept that being disfigured is not a reason to be apologetic towards others. Without adopting an aggressive stance, the disfigured individual should relay to others that their staring is inappropriate or hurtful.
4. *Courage* is undoubtedly required in order for the disfigured person to overcome the obstacles of low self-esteem and heightened self-consciousness that accompany a disfiguring injury. It is important for disfigured individuals to recognize that they have been presented with a challenge and that it is appropriate to congratulate themselves each time they succeed in tackling a difficult social situation.
5. *Humour* is a powerful tool for the disfigured individual. Being able to laugh at oneself and treating one’s disfigurement in a light-hearted fashion puts others at ease by making them realize that the disfigured person is comfortable with his or her appearance.
6. *Over to you* is a skill that the disfigured person should employ to shift the attention to other people in the social group by encouraging them to talk about their own interests.
7. *Understanding* that others are naturally curious about unfamiliar appearances is an important skill for the disfigured person. The best way to overcome the awkwardness created by this lack of experience with people who look ‘different’ is for the disfigured person to put others at ease and allow them permission to ask about the cause of the disfigurement. Direct references such as “I noticed you looking at my hands. You are probably wondering what happened to me” are
appropriate for dealing with the uncertainty that is likely to arise when a disfigured person encounters a new social contact.
8. *Trying again* is an important skill for the disfigured person. Not every social encounter is a success. The importance of this skill is that disfigured persons must give themselves credit for having attempted a difficult task and not blame themselves for failing to engage others in conversation.
Other useful skills suggested by Changing Faces include rehearsing one or more simple explanations for the cause of the disfigurement that can be readily called upon when others ask about what happened to cause the scars (Barbour, 1996). The constant use of positive self-talk is also suggested as a useful strategy in dealing with disfigurement (Barbour, 1997). The underlying theme of these skills is the recognition on behalf of the disfigured child that disfigurement is a social handicap with which the majority of the population has little experience. In a sense, the onus is shifted to the disfigured person who has more experience with these situations.
The implementation of these strategies requires a great deal of effort on behalf of the disfigured child and will initially have to be practiced first in the confines of a safe environment. If it is not possible to teach and rehearse these skills on a one to one basis due to limited staff resources, then the group forum described above would be an ideal setting in which to practice these new behaviours. The assistance of caregivers in this regard is also important. This point is reiterated later on in this chapter.
**Burn-disfigured versus disfigured**
In terms of the social problems that result from disfigurement as described in Chapter Three, there seems little point in drawing a distinction between children disfigured by burns and those who have been disfigured by other causes e.g. congenital craniofacial abnormalites, port wine stains, motor vehicle accidents or other traumatic events. While children who are disfigured by means other than burns do not have medical and surgical procedures in common, the fact that they too look ‘different’ would mean that they too are stigmatized. The suggestion to include children with other forms of visible disfigurement in a support group is proposed in that it may seem more
financially feasible to potential fund-raising ventures if a more diverse population is seen to benefit.
**Caregiver support groups**
Given the influential role of caregivers in the emotional recovery of the burned child, it is necessary to help caregivers cope with their children’s reactions. To gain strength though, caregivers first need to deal with their own situation and feelings of guilt, anger, shock, fear, and helplessness (Blumenfield & Schoeps, 1992). At a later stage, they must come to terms with their own and the community’s reaction to the child’s disfigurement. Simultaneously, caregivers need to be aware of the importance of post-discharge compliance in terms of attending outpatient clinics, wearing pressure garments and splints, and the likely changes in behaviour that can be expected from the child as a result of the burn injury.
In recognition of these issues it is suggested that a support group be established for the caregivers of burned children. It is recommended that caregivers would have access to these groups during the inpatient phase. The availability of caregiver support groups have been found to be useful in facilitating adjustment to the child’s burn-injury (Broadland & Andreason, 1979; Rivlin et al., 1986; Rizzone, Stoddard, Murphy & Kruger, 1994). These groups are an effective forum for educating families to cope with the new situation that they face by enabling caregivers to realize that they have common concerns and by providing the stimulation and support that individual counseling cannot offer (Rivlin et al., 1986). Input from caregivers whose children sustained burn injuries in the past and who have coped successfully with the experience has also been found to constitute a valuable contribution to such caregiver groups (Pearson, 1984). The group process enables caregivers to develop positive attitudes and abilities that would assist in the child’s adjustment (Doctor, 1992). Simultaneously, the caregiver group is an ideal setting in which to provide information about the surgical and medical treatment of the burned child and the nature of continued care that will be required once the child is discharged from hospital (Munster, 1993).
The context of the caregiver group is also a suitable forum in which to discuss the REACH OUT model described above and the ways in which caregivers can reinforce the principles of this model. Caregivers of burn-disfigured children need advice on how to listen to, spend time with, comfort and praise their children in ways that bolster their self-esteem and diminish self-consciousness (Barbour, 1997; Robert et al., 1999). Rehearsing explanations about the cause of the disfigurement and learning ways in which to discuss the burn injury and its consequences in an honest fashion are also issues that can be addressed within a caregiver support group.
Ideally, support groups are facilitated by a psychologist or social worker (Munster, 1993). However, the caregiver group is different from therapy in structure and purpose since no contractual obligations or requirements for consistent attendance are necessary (Fowler, 1979). Another difference is that such support groups are not intended to work out the complicated roots of underlying feelings, but are aimed at dealing with the crisis of the burn injury. It is thought that the introduction of a caregiver support group would also relieve the boredom of the protracted hospitalization period as well as provide an opportunity for informal support networks to develop (Munster, 1993).
**The need for education and burns awareness**
The need for education in terms of the significance of compliance with post-discharge treatment was discussed in Chapter Three. It is thought that caregiver support groups will fulfill this function, however, failing that, it is the responsibility of burn care professionals to specifically instruct caregivers as to the importance and proper use of pressure garments and splints. If personal instruction is not possible, posters and pamphlets should be available both during the inpatient phase and at subsequent outpatient clinics. It is thought that once caregivers are aware of the serious nature of the problem, they will be more likely to comply with post-discharge regimens.
Given the magnitude of the problem as described in Chapter One, education regarding the prevention of burn injuries is clearly a priority. At present, the Child Accident Prevention Foundation of South Africa does provide a service to schools and other community organizations which focuses on burn prevention. However, staff at the
Foundation is limited and it is therefore suggested that local education departments enlist the assistance of municipal fire departments to become involved in this endeavour.
**Debunking disfigurement**
Education is also required in order to address society’s collective beliefs about the life prospects of a person with disfiguring scars and the way in which these myths serve to stigmatize members of the disfigured population. Popular culture as perpetuated through the media encourage the notions that plastic surgery can miraculously correct any cosmetic imperfection and that one’s physical appearance is intricately linked to one’s personality and future success (Partridge, 1990). These uninformed viewpoints are dangerous for disfigured people as they may become self-fulfilling prophecies (Barbour, 1999) thereby exacerbating the social withdrawal, self-consciousness and pessimistic worldviews that were evidenced by the participants in the present study. To this end, it is suggested that those involved in the visual media be encouraged not only to refrain from perpetuating these myths, but also to make a concerted effort to dispel them by shifting away from stereotypical casting. Similarly, school education should comprise more scope for appearance issues (Barbour, 1997). The pervasive problem of school as the site of social ridicule as highlighted in this study point to the need to introduce anti-bullying policies (Partridge, 1990). Such a step is intended to convey the message that prejudice and discrimination on the basis of appearance is unacceptable behaviour in a humane society. Public campaigns aimed at perpetuating a more comprehensive ethos of fairness are required if the environment into which the burn-disfigured child is to be reintegrated is to be truly receptive.
**School entry/reintegration programme**
The importance of infrastructure and organization in terms of the burned child’s school entry or reintegration is described in Chapter Three along with the basic principles of such a programme. However, given the limited resources available to the Hospital, a local programme is unlikely to take the form of similar programmes developed elsewhere in the world. For instance, it would not be possible for a social worker, nurse or doctor from the Burns Unit to visit the school personally at the time
that the programme is launched. Nonetheless, the same content can be conveyed to the school authorities in writing, by telephone, or on videotape.
A useful suggestion is to obtain the endorsement of the local education authorities in such a way that teachers are able to facilitate the school reintegration programme (Horwitz, 1999). Posters, handmade puppets and other materials can be employed to effectively communicate the nature of the returning learner’s burn injury, the significance of pressure garments, splints and other appliances, and the importance of preventing burn injuries.
It is important to bear in mind that the child should return to school as soon as possible to prevent unnecessary academic lag and that the caregivers should be empowered to actively participate as appropriate advocates for their child. While in hospital, burn-injured children should be treated as though they will return to school on discharge (Doctor, 1992). To achieve maximum benefit, schools should be contacted when one of their learners is hospitalized for a burn injury so that peer visits can be arranged and other preparations can begin. Where the child is not of school going age at the time of the burn, a strong hospital-school liaison is necessary so that the burns team can be alerted when the disfigured child is ready for school entrance.
**Burn camps**
Regular outpatient follow-up may be supplemented with recreational camps for burn-injured children. Numerous camps have been developed in the United States, Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Australia and Belgium (Munster, 1993). These camps provide continuity of care and support to facilitate post-burn adaptation, particularly for children who have limited access to psychosocial support systems because of geographical constraints – a typical problem in the South African setting.
Specialized camps for children with specific diagnoses have been in existence for many years (Doctor, 1992). Each camp has taken the basic premise and tailored a programme unique to the talents and creativity of the staff members and the particular resources of the community. The goals of treatment are consistent at burn camps,
regardless of the setting in which they take place. The programme aims to provide a safe and supportive environment where the development of self-esteem, a sense of community and the importance of peer support are the primary foci (S. King, personal communication, May 2001). With the encouragement of caring and knowledgeable staff, children at the camp are exposed to challenging physical and social situations. These activities allow burn-injured children to overcome their frustrations and fears and to maximize their potential. It is theorized that success in one arena, the camp, can be translated into success into the more significant environments of home and school.
It is believed that for many burned children, the camping experience represents the only opportunity to openly share the true depth of their feelings with individuals, peers and counselors who can tolerate and understand the intensity of their emotional responses. Shields et al. (1985) describe a camp for children with cancer and state that they do not attempt to compensate for what cancer has brought to the lives of these children or treat them as if they are special or different from the rest of their peer group. Instead the programme is designed to overcome preoccupation with illness and feelings of isolation thereby providing these children with an opportunity to experience as many aspects of normal childhood development as possible.
Campers are encouraged to develop their independence, autonomy and self-actualization (Doctor, 1992). The environment should be designed in such a way that no one is isolated, shamed or ridiculed because of disfiguring scars or physical disability. Campers should be encouraged to challenge previously conceived limitations: the idea is for burn-injured children to risk ‘failure’, learn new social skills, and reach beyond their own pain to help one another.
The staff contingency of the burn camp should ideally comprise a multi-disciplinary team. Staff need to be carefully selected and may include fire fighters, psychologists, social workers, nurses, doctors, occupational therapists, physiotherapists and those trained in facilitating particular activities (Munster, 1993).
An expected reaction to the suggestion of a burn camp is the financial cost involved. Clearly it would be unreasonable to expect the families of the children to pay for the camping experience given the already limited income on which they subsist. However, this is no different to the situation in the United States and Australia where burn camps are funded by hospital affiliations, private donations and grants. It is suggested that what is required in order to fulfil the goal of a burn camp is creativity and motivated fundraising. Local community organizations such as the Lions and Rotary Clubs, the Freemason Lodges, religious organizations and private individuals should be approached with suitable funding proposals aimed at eliciting sponsorship for burn-disfigured children to attend these therapeutic excursions. It is believed that once the wider community is made aware of the significant social problem of paediatric burn injury in South Africa and the fact that the affected population is characterized by poverty, these organizations would willingly direct funds towards this cause.
The creation of a full-time post for a psychologist/social worker in the Burns Unit
In order to actualize the recommendations suggested above, it is strongly urged that a full time post in the Burns Unit be created for a psychologist or a social worker. The role of this person would be both therapeutic and administrative and would include co-ordinating the many aspects of rehabilitation described above. As such the job description of the psychologist or social worker would include:
- Maintaining long-term contact with patients treated at the Hospital so as to monitor their progress and deal with problems as soon as they arise (this would include discussion regarding the benefits and disadvantages of further corrective surgery)
- Being available to reassure and encourage both children and caregivers during the inpatient phase
- Being available to provide psychosocial support to the nursing staff in the Burns Unit
- Developing a range of posters and pamphlets that contain information regarding the correct use of pressure garments and splints, the importance of post-discharge compliance and advice on what can be expected when the child is discharged
• Monitoring the post-discharge compliance of the patients who have been treated at the Unit
• Organizing and facilitating support groups for the older burn-injured children and adolescents in which coping issues are explored and social skills are taught
• Organizing and facilitating support groups for caregivers during the inpatient phase
• Inviting those burn-injured children and their caregivers who have coped successfully with the psychosocial challenges of post-burn adjustment to address the respective support groups
• Developing and co-ordinating fundraising and sponsorship proposals to local community organizations in order to finance activities such as outings into the community, burns camps and a transport contingency fund to assist caregivers while their children are in hospital
• Developing and co-ordinating a contextually appropriate burn camp
• Developing and co-ordinating a contextually appropriate school re-entry programme
• Creating and maintaining a strong hospital-school liaison in order to organize peer visits to the hospital, the school reintegration programme, and ongoing availability to deal with issues as they arise at school
• Recruiting and training volunteers to assist with burn camps, school reintegration visits and excursions into the community.
**Recommendations for further research**
The findings of the present research present several opportunities for further research. On a lesser scale, further investigation into the psychosocial effect of paediatric burn injury on the siblings of the burned child is required, as is an examination of the way in which disfigured adolescents perceive and negotiate their emerging sexuality. It may also be useful to explore the possibility of improving the facilities at the St Joseph’s Home in such a way that more burn-injured children can be accommodated in a residential facility that will meet their physical and psychosocial needs.
On a larger scale, the paucity of epidemiological information regarding paediatric burn injuries calls for researchers to turn their attention to collecting and
disseminating this kind of data. Although the present study was not epidemiological in nature, information regarding the incidence, distribution and control of burn injuries in the South African population would have been most useful as a starting point for the study. Regional burns units such as the one at the Red Cross Children’s Hospital as well as community day hospitals will be required to co-operate in this process.
As a final recommendation for research, it is suggested that an ideal study of the long-term psychosocial adjustment of paediatric burn survivors would most likely be a prospective, longitudinal investigation of burn-injured children of varying developmental ages. Such a study will yield the kind of information that is necessary to design a comprehensive psychosocial rehabilitation programme aimed at promoting the optimal recovery of the young burns survivor. Unfortunately, the resources required to conduct a study of this nature were well beyond the scope of the present study, both in terms of time frame and with regards to locating participants. It is recommended, however, that further research on this topic should include the following methodological considerations in order to maximize the usefulness of the findings. Firstly, the inception cohort of participants would have to be early, say at the time of admission, and at a uniform point in time. Secondly, the follow-up of the participants must account for all persons. Hopefully, with an improved regimen of post-discharge compliance (as recommended above), less burn-injured children will be ‘lost to follow-up’. Thirdly, in terms of assessing the outcome of the participants’ adjustment, the clinical status of the participants needs to be known and the criteria used to judge their psychosocial adaptation must be replicable and accurate. These criteria must also be amenable to blind assessment and adjustment for extraneous variables (e.g. severity of the burn and the time elapsed since the burn injury was sustained).
**CHALLENGES**
Conducting this research was challenging in several aspects. I believe, however, that the lessons learned are valuable personally and professionally in terms of informing future interventions and research practices.
Recruiting the participants
As has been emphasized elsewhere in this thesis, the process of recruiting the participants was lengthy, tedious and expensive. The resulting response rate was both disappointing and disconcerting given the magnitude of the problem and the nature of its consequences that have been described in the present study. Chapter Two contains several thoughts on the whereabouts of the non-respondents in terms of not having received the recruitment telegrams due to relocation or being unable to make contact with the Hospital. More disturbing though, is the speculation of the burn care staff at the Hospital regarding the fate of the children who escaped the empirical scrutiny of this study: anecdotal evidence suggests that many burn-disfigured children commit suicide (H. Rode, personal communication, August 2000), leave home or resort to prostitution in response to their social rejection (R. Albertyn, personal communication, August 2000). To this end, it is hoped that by imposing a more stringent post-discharge regimen, the number of children who are ‘lost to follow-up’ will be reduced.
Striking a balance between empathy and detached inquiry
Perhaps the most challenging aspect of the present research was the data collection phase. Although rewarding, the interviews with both the caregivers and the participants were emotionally exhausting. The mental strain that I experienced was no doubt as a result of the disclosures of human suffering and cruelty that were revealed during the interviews. Many interviewees cried throughout their interviews and despite my intentions, I found myself moved to tears on several occasions.
At these times, it was difficult to retain my composure. I realized that the balance between empathy and detached inquiry is not easily attained when dealing with such a sensitive issue. It occurred to me that my post-graduate training in research psychology had not adequately prepared me for this eventuality and that this should perhaps be amended in future curricula. It seems that research psychologists need some instruction in basic counseling skills in that it is surely unethical to elicit a participant’s painful memories and yet, have limited means with which to provide closure. Similarly, I too was personally affected by the content of the interviews and considered the possibility of debriefing. Unfortunately, research psychologists do not
benefit from the supervision that clinical psychologists do, and perhaps this is an issue that needs to be further explored.
**LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY**
The present study is hampered by at least two limitations. Firstly, the sample size was relatively small. However, given that every attempt was made to contact potential participants as detailed in Chapter Two, it is difficult to suggest ways in which this situation could have been remedied. Furthermore, it is thought that in light of the socio-demographic characteristics of the population most likely to be affected by paediatric burn injury as described elsewhere in this study, those respondents who did participate in the research reflect an adequate representation of the larger population. It must also be noted though, that despite the small number of participants, the sample was large enough to allow for trends to emerge. At the same time, the sample was small enough to permit a rich and contextualized analysis of individual diversity.
Secondly, the investigation into the psychosocial sequelae was limited in that it was purely descriptive and failed to quantify problems in terms of their frequency, duration and precipitating factors. This was intentional in the sense that the aim of the research was not to provide psychiatric diagnoses of the participants or to compare their functioning to a norm-referenced population. However, the lack of clear diagnostic outcomes means that the findings of the present study cannot be compared to the research findings of previous work conducted on this topic.
Nonetheless, this thesis provided an opportunity to work with members of an impoverished community whose difficulties have hitherto been ignored. Every effort has been made to report the participants’ stories and social contexts in the way that they are lived and understood by these individuals. Furthermore, it is believed that this study provided a valuable opportunity for the participants to benefit from the research process in that the majority received referrals for much needed surgical and/or psychological intervention. It is therefore argued that the manner in which this research was conducted was appropriate for the local context, the purpose and scope of the study and the available resources.
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APPENDIX A
THE PARTICIPANTS
THE PARTICIPANTS
This appendix contains a brief summary of each participant detailing information such as current age, age at the time of the burn injury, the aetiology of the burn injury and any other remarkable aspects of the participant. The participants are discussed in alphabetical order.
Andrew
Andrew is a 12 year old boy who sustained a 35% TBSA flame burn to his face, scalp, back and arms when he was nine years old. Andrew and his cousin Charlton (discussed below) were burned when the latter’s three year old brother set fire to the mattress on which they were sleeping. Since the burn injury, Andrew has run away from home on several occasions, truants regularly and has been caught shoplifting.
Anthea
Anthea is a 15 year old girl who sustained a 12% TBSA flame burn to her face and hands when she was three years old. Anthea was burned when gangsters (who are now incarcerated) threw a petrol bomb into a shebeen that her mother was frequenting. Anthea’s mother sustained very serious burns in the attack. Anthea is markedly self-conscious about her scars, particularly those on her face, and is very socially withdrawn. Unfortunately, Anthea’s adjustment is hampered by the knowledge that her father deserted her mother as a result of the burn injury because he was ashamed of his wife’s appearance. Anthea has not seen her father for 12 years.
Bradley
Bradley, a Tygerberg Hospital recruit, is a 15 year old boy who sustained a 15% TBSA scald to his arm, hand and chest when he was five years old. The scald occurred when Bradley pulled a pot of boiling water off the stove. Bradley’s primary caregiver is his older sister and he appears to relate to her as his mother. Bradley suffered from a lack of bladder and bowel control for six years following the burn injury. He is also a good example of a child for whom a burn injury and its subsequent disfigurement has lasting implications for scholastic progress: he has failed two grades at school, the first because of his initial hospitalization and the second because
he had to return to hospital to repair a torn skin graft. Bradley has subsequently dropped out of school because he could not tolerate the ongoing teasing and name-calling, although he has deceived his family into believing that he still attends school.
**Bridget**
Bridget, a Tygerberg Hospital recruit, is a 12 year old girl who sustained a 1% TBSA contact burn (hot coal) to her hand when she was four years old. Bridget’s hand is severely contracted and she is not able to straighten her fingers, thereby hampering the use of her hand. Bridget’s father is deceased and she lives with her mother and older sister.
**Busisiwe**
Busisiwe is a ten year old girl who sustained a 35% TBSA flame burn when she was three years old. The burn injury was as a result of a shack fire of undetermined origin. Busisiwe sustained burns to her face, scalp, neck, hands, stomach and legs. The burns to her hands were so deep that all her digits had to be amputated. Her facial features have been severely distorted and she also has alopecia as a result of the burn to her scalp. Busisiwe has had several dozen surgical procedures for cosmetic and functional purposes and has been living at St Joseph’s Home for seven years.
**Carla**
Carla is a 15 year old girl who sustained a 25% TBSA flame burn to her face, hands and arms when she was five years old. The fire occurred when a candle fell over and set a carpet alight in the room in which Carla was sleeping. Carla is struggling academically and has failed a grade at school. Her mother describes her as an aggressive and defiant child. Carla claims that her scars do not worry her, but admits that she swims in a tracksuit. Carla is the only participant who refused to be photographed.
**Caroline**
Caroline is a 21 year old young woman who sustained a 30% TBSA flame burn to the face, scalp, hands and arms at age two years. The fire occurred when a candle fell over and set light to the room in which Caroline was sleeping. Caroline is the oldest
participant in the sample and has lived with the sequelae of the burn injury for 19 years. To this end she proved to be a wealth of information. Caroline has undergone many surgical procedures and has now lost faith in the power of plastic surgery to improve her appearance. Depression has been a lifelong problem for Caroline. She attributes this to her appearance and the social ridicule that it evokes. Caroline attempted suicide as a teenager when she felt that she could no longer cope with the constant barrage of name-calling. She works as a security guard, has a son of two years old, and is unmarried.
**Celine**
Celine, a recruit from Tygerberg Hospital, is a 12 year old girl who sustained a 10% TBSA contact burn to both feet when she was a year old. The burn injury occurred when Celine walked into a pile of hot ash in order to retrieve a toy. Celine has not yet gained control over her bladder function and has therefore been suffering from enuresis for 11 years. Furthermore, Celine’s mother is concerned that her daughter is engaging in sexually promiscuous behaviour as she wanders around late at night without disclosing her whereabouts. Academically, Celine is struggling although she has not failed a grade. Unfortunately Celine’s mother responds with physical violence to what she perceives as laziness on her daughter’s behalf.
**Chantal**
Chantal, a Tygerberg Hospital recruit, is an 11 year old girl who sustained a 12% TBSA scald when she was three years old. The burn injury arose when Chantal pulled a kettle of boiling water off the kitchen counter. Her back and buttocks were burned. Chantal’s is currently living with her grandmother as her parents have been declared unfit to raise her (both suffer from alcohol and drug addictions and have been physically violent towards Chantal in the past). Chantal is an interesting instance of a child in denial about the extent of her disfigurement: her career ambition is to be a photographic model.
**Charlton**
Charlton is a 16 year old boy who sustained a 26% TBSA flame burn to his face, back and both arms when he was 13 years old. Charlton and his cousin Andrew (discussed
above) were burned when the former's three year old brother set fire to the mattress on which they were sleeping. Charlton seems to be making good progress at school, but the extent of his self-consciousness regarding his scars is such that he will not wear a short sleeve even in front of his family.
**Dion**
Dion, a Tygerberg Hospital recruit, is a 16 year old boy who sustained a 15% TBSA scald to his face, neck, arm, chest and stomach when he was a year old. The burn occurred when Dion pulled a jug of boiling water off a table. Dion was the only participant who was accompanied by his father to the interview. Academically, Dion is struggling and has failed two grades. Furthermore, he wants to drop out of school because he feels that he cannot cope with the constant teasing and name-calling that his disfigured appearance evokes.
**Donovan**
Donovan is a nine year old boy who sustained a 35% TBSA scald to his face, chest, stomach and both hands when he was two years old. Donovan sustained the scald when he pulled a kettle of boiling water off the stove. He presents with serious contractures in both hands that require surgical correction as he is unable to straighten his fingers and cannot make full use of either hand. Donovan has had no plastic surgery in the past.
**Francois**
Francois is an 18 year old boy who sustained a 2% TBSA scald (hot oil) to the scalp when he was eight years old. The scald was a result of an accident in the kitchen. Francois is one of the few participants who did not require skin grafting for his burn, but has undergone other cosmetic and corrective surgery. As one of the older participants in the study, Francois provided a uniquely mature perspective on the life of a paediatric burn survivor.
**Germaine**
Germaine is a 14 year old boy who sustained a 14% TBSA flame burn to his stomach, leg and arm when he was nine years old. The burn injury occurred when methylated
spirits was thrown on a fire in order to facilitate combustion. Germaine is struggling at school and truants on a regular basis. He also appears to be depressed and recently attempted suicide by throwing himself onto the railway tracks near to his home.
**Gershwin**
Gershwin is a ten year old boy who sustained a 36% TBSA flame burn to his face, back and both arms when he was three years old. Gershwin was burned when a neighbour made a fire in a used glue pot, resulting in an explosion. Gershwin frequently refuses to go to school because of the teasing that he is subjected to. He also suffers from disturbed sleeping behaviour and has fears of being alone, the dark and fire. Furthermore, Gershwin has been caught stealing money from school.
**Greg**
Greg is a 12 year old boy who sustained a 27% TBSA flame burn to his face, neck, chest, arm and back at age seven years. The fire occurred when petrol was thrown onto a fire to encourage combustion, resulting in an explosion. Greg is a good example of the benefits of an informal school reintegration programme: his classmates and teacher visited him in hospital and the headmaster prepared the school for his return. As such Greg experienced very little teasing or name-calling when he returned to school and even though he missed six months of school, he still managed to achieve good marks at the end of the year. However, since Greg has moved to another school where no such arrangements were made in advance, he has been bullied and teased about his disfiguring scars and his grades have deteriorated.
**Hassiem**
Hassiem is an eight year old boy who sustained a 30% TBSA flame burn to his hands, scalp, face, legs, arms and face when he was two years old. The burn injury occurred when a candle fell over setting fire to the room in which Hassiem, his sister Neisha (discussed below) and their mother were sleeping. Neisha was also burned in the fire and their mother died in hospital as a result of her burn injuries. Hassiem has had several digits on his one hand amputated and has alopecia as a result of his scalp burns. He is a hyperactive child (he is currently taking Ritalin) and has serious
learning problems, resulting in his transfer to a remedial school. Hassiem is in the care of his grandmother.
**James**
James is a 17 year old boy who sustained a 13% TBSA flame burn to his face, scalp and both hands when he was a year old. The fire occurred when a candle fell over, setting fire to the room in which James was sleeping alight. James’ face is badly scarred and he has had several digits on both hands amputated. James’ familial background is a troubled one: his mother is mute and was raped by his father, who despite knowing James, rejected him after the burn accident. Due to these circumstances James was a permanent resident at St Joseph’s Home for ten years (an arrangement that enabled him to continue with much needed surgery) before being transferred to the care of his grand-aunt.
**Karl**
Karl is an eight year old boy who sustained a 25% TBSA flame burn to his face, scalp, back and both arms when he was three years old. Karl was burned when petrol was thrown onto a fire to encourage combustion, resulting in an explosion. His mother describes Karl as an aggressive, nervous and hyperactive child. His sleeping behaviour is disturbed in that he screams in his sleep since the burn injury. Karl is reluctant to attend school because of the teasing that his appearance evokes. It became apparent during the interview that Karl was suffering from tuberculosis. His mother admitted that her two younger children are receiving treatment for tuberculosis, but since Karl is over the age of five and therefore does not qualify for free medical care at the clinic, his mother had decided to leave the condition untreated.
**Katrina**
Katrina, a Tygerberg Hospital recruit, is a 15 year old girl who sustained a 3% TBSA burn to both feet when she was a year old. Katrina was burned when a candle fell over and set fire to the curtains in the room in which she was asleep. Katrina’s self-consciousness about her scars is such that she has dropped out of school because she refused to wear a skirt to school (as this exposed her disfigurement), and the principal of the school would not grant her a concession to wear pants. Katrina’s mother is
concerned that her daughter is engaging in sexually promiscuous behaviour because since she has left school, she has befriended girls several years her senior and she wanders around at night without disclosing her whereabouts.
**Leanne**
Leanne is a 13 year old girl who sustained a 30% TBSA flame burn to her face, chest, stomach and buttocks when she was six years old. The burn occurred when Leanne’s father poured turpentine onto the fire to encourage combustion, resulting in an explosion. Leanne is one of the few participants who had the benefit of several years of psychiatric counseling, although it is unclear as to how the psychiatrist came to be involved in Leanne’s case. Leanne’s parents describe her as a socially withdrawn, depressed and distrustful child since the burn injury. She also cries in her sleep. Leanne is one of the few participants from a two parent home, and the only participant to be accompanied by both parents to the interview.
**Lizette**
Lizette is a nine year old girl who sustained a 48% TBSA flame burn to her face, scalp, back, chest, stomach and both hands when she was five years old. Lizette was burned when petrol was thrown onto a fire in order to facilitate combustion, resulting in an explosion. Lizette has undergone numerous surgical procedures over the last four years and is beginning to tire of the process. Lizette has not had control of her bladder function since the burn injury. Her mother describes Lizette as both attention seeking and socially withdrawn since the burn injury, behavioural changes which she attributes to the social ridicule that Lizette’s appearance evokes.
**Loyiso**
Loyiso is a 12 year old boy who sustained a 28% TBSA flame burn in a paraffin stove explosion when he was two years old. Loyiso burned his face, scalp, chest and both hands. The burns to the scalp have resulted in alopecia, and Loyiso’s facial features are grossly distorted. He has undergone many surgical procedures and has been a permanent resident at St Joseph’s Home for ten years.
Natalie
Natalie is an 11 year old girl who sustained a 10% TBSA scald to her neck, chest, face and arm when she was two years old. The scald occurred when Natalie pulled a pot of tea off a table. Natalie has an interesting medical history in that she was born with exomphalus minor, a rare condition where the internal organs are outside of the body, requiring protracted hospitalization for bowel derotation and closure.
Ncanisa
Ncanisa is an 11 year old girl who sustained a 20% TBSA scald to her legs and feet when she was a year old. The scald occurred as a result of a primus stove explosion. Ncanisa’s legs and feet are badly scarred and she has contractures over her ankles. Ncanisa’s hypertrophic and keloid scarring is no doubt compounded by the fact that she did not wear the pressure garments that were made for her. Ncanisa presents a good example of an instance in which larger concerns supercede the burn injury and its subsequent disfigurement: she and her mother live in abject poverty in a squatter camp and much of the content of their disclosures during the interview focused on financial and safety worries. As such, the burn injury appears to be of secondary importance to their basic survival needs.
Neisha
Neisha is an 11 year old girl who sustained a 40% TBSA flame burn when she was five years old. Her face, feet, legs and chest were burned in the fire. The burn injury occurred when a candle fell over and set fire to the room in which Neisha, her younger brother Hassiem (discussed above) and their mother were sleeping. Neisha’s mother died in hospital as a result of her burn injuries. Like Hassiem, Neisha lives with her grandmother as the whereabouts of her father are unknown.
Neville
Neville is an 11 year old boy who sustained a 40% TBSA flame burn to his back, buttocks and both arms when he was five years old. The burn injury occurred when petrol was thrown onto a dying fire in order to facilitate combustion. Neville is a
short-tempered child with violent tendencies: he has threatened to stab his mother several times. Neville has become a pyromaniac since the burn injury and truants on a regular basis.
**Nina**
Nina is a nine year old girl who at age one, sustained a 50% TBSA scald to both legs. The burn arose as a result of parental neglect: her mother (who was allegedly under the influence of alcohol at the time) plunged the infant into a bath of boiling water without checking the temperature. Nina was only taken to hospital some nine hours after the incident and was subsequently removed from her mother's care. Nina is currently in a loving foster home, although she spent six years in an abusive foster care environment. The whereabouts of her biological parents is not known. Nina displays a variety of serious emotional and behavioural disturbances and appears to have significant remedial problems.
**Nomawetu**
Nomawetu is a 13 year old girl who sustained a 40% TBSA flame burn to her stomach, chest, arms and face when she was 11 years old. The burn occurred as a result of a paraffin stove explosion. Nomawetu is severely disfigured by the burn injury and according to her mother, has subsequently taken to lying and stealing on a regular basis. Nomawetu and her mother live in conditions of dire poverty, so much so that their primary concerns relate to moving from their shack in Nyanga to a safer home, with electricity, rather than taking action to alleviate Nomawetu’s objectively hideous disfigurement.
**Olivia**
Olivia is a 17 year old girl who sustained a 14% TBSA flame burn to her face, scalp and both hands when she was six years old. Olivia’s burns were the result of an attempted family murder in which her father doused her, her infant brother, her grandparents and two cousins in petrol before setting them alight. Olivia and her brother survived, although both were severely burned. Her father, grandparents and cousins died in the fire. Olivia’s face is grossly disfigured as a result of the burn and she also has alopecia. Several digits have been amputated from both hands. Since
Olivia comes from Worcester, she resided at St Joseph’s Home for eight years following the burn injury in order to receive the treatment that she needed. She has been at home with her mother for the past three years.
**Rasheeda**
Rasheeda is a 20 year old young woman who sustained a 50% TBSA flame burn to her chest, stomach and arms when she was nine years old. Rasheeda was burned when petrol was thrown onto a braai to facilitate combustion. The burn and subsequent disfigurement have had a profound impact on Rasheeda. She is preoccupied with thoughts that she will never marry because of her scars, and that if she does marry, she will not be able to bear children. In terms of the latter, Rasheeda and her family believe (falsely) that she sustained internal burns to her reproductive organs and that her skin is not sufficiently elastic to tolerate a pregnancy. Rasheeda has limited social skills and shrinks from human contact. She is anxious and depressed, so much so that she admits to contemplating suicide on a daily basis.
**Richard**
Richard is a 12 year old boy who sustained a 40% TBSA scald to his face, back and both arms when he was four years old. Richard sustained the scald when he fell into a tub of boiling water. Richard has a marked fear of fire and is described as an aggressive child. He has stabbed his older brother twice in response to name-calling about his burn scars. Richard has also threatened to kill himself.
**Shane**
Shane is an eight year old boy who sustained a 24% TBSA scald to his chest, stomach and arms when he was a year old. The scald occurred when Shane pulled a jug of boiling water off a table. Shane did not require skin grafting for his scald. The most remarkable aspect of the interview with Shane’s mother is her overwhelming passivity: although Shane reported teasing and bullying at school, and showed a marked self-consciousness regarding his disfigurement, his mother was not aware of any such problems and claimed that Shane’s social adjustment is entirely normal.
Shannon
Shannon is an 11 year old boy who was burned in a shack fire at age one. He sustained a serious 35% TBSA burn to his face, hands, feet, legs, stomach and arms, resulting in the amputation of both feet and one hand. Shannon’s face is also severely disfigured and he has lost several facial features as a result of his injuries. Shannon is confined to a wheelchair and is awaiting prostheses for his feet. He has undergone countless surgical procedures and has been a resident of St Joseph’s Home for ten years.
Sipho
Sipho is an 11 year old boy who sustained a 35% TBSA flame burn when he was three years old. He was burned in a shack fire of unknown origin and sustained circumferential burns to both hands, and to his face, neck and scalp. Sipho’s face is significantly asymmetrical as a result of the burn injury and he has alopecia. He has undergone several dozen corrective procedures and has been a permanent resident of St Joseph’s Home for the past eight years.
Taryn
Taryn is ten year old girl who sustained a 35% TBSA scald to her buttocks, chest, stomach, arms and legs at age two years. Taryn sustained her scald when she fell into a basin of boiling water. She is one of the few participants who did not require skin grafting as a result of her burn and her cosmetic disfigurement is minimal. Taryn was born with a congenital bilateral hearing problem, resulting in slow progress at school.
Tracey
Tracey is a 14 year old girl who sustained a 12% TBSA circumferential flame burn to both thighs when she was ten years old. The burn injury occurred when methylated spirits was thrown onto a braai to facilitate combustion. Several people were injured, but Tracey sustained the most serious burn. Interestingly, Tracey’s twin sister who was not home at the time of the burn accident, complained of pain in her legs throughout Tracey’s hospitalization.
Wayne
Wayne is a nine year old boy who sustained a 30% TBSA scald to his neck, arm, chest and back when he was a year old. The burn injury occurred when Wayne pulled a kettle of boiling water down onto himself. As a result of the boiling water penetrating his left tympanic membrane, Wayne is partially deaf in one ear and suffers from continuous ear infections. His mother describes him as a destructive and aggressive child.
Yolanda
Yolanda, a Tygerberg Hospital recruit, is a 12 year old girl who sustained a 1% TBSA contact burn (hot ash) to her hand at age three years. Yolanda is in the care of her great-aunt as her own mother is described as an alcoholic vagrant who is suffering from mental illness. The whereabouts of her father are unknown. Yolanda’s hand appeared badly contracted at the interview and she was not able to straighten her fingers or use her hand at all. By special arrangement with Prof. Rode, Head of the Department of Paediatric Surgery at the Red Cross Children’s Hospital, Yolanda was admitted for a contracture release and skin graft immediately after the interview.
Zolani
Zolani is an 11 year old boy who sustained a 35% TBSA flame burn to his face, scalp, arms, chest and hands when he was five years old. The burn injury came about when Zolani’s neighbour made a fire in a used paint tin and added turpentine to facilitate combustion, resulting in an explosion. Zolani’s face is severely scarred and he is the object of much social ridicule. Zolani started school late as a result of the burn and has subsequently failed two grades at school. His father, whom he did not know, is deceased, and Zolani lives with his mother.
APPENDIX B
ETHICAL DOCUMENTATION
14 August 2000
REC REF: 191/2000
Ms L Liebowitz
Psychology
Dear Ms Liebowitz
DETERMINING THE PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL SEQUELAE OF THERMAL INJURY SUFFERED IN CHILDHOOD: TOWARDS A COMPREHENSIVE REHABILITATION PROGRAMME FOR PAEDIATRIC BURN SURVIVORS
Thank you for your application submitted to the Research Ethics Committee on 28 July 2000.
I have pleasure in informing you that the Research Ethics Committee has formally approved the above study 11 July 2000.
You may proceed with the trial once the financial agreement/contract and protocol have been processed through the department of Research Development and duly signed by the authorised University of Cape Town signatories.
Included is a list of Research Ethics Committee Members who have formally approved your protocol.
Please quote the above Reference number in all correspondence.
Yours sincerely
PROFESSOR DM DENT
ACTING-CHAIRPERSON
1. **CHAIR:**
Professor P I Follb (Male)
MBChB, MD, FRCP, FCP (SA)
Professor of Pharmacology; Director: World Health Organization Collaborating Centre for Drug Policy
2. **EX-OFFICIO:**
Professor N Padayachee (Male)
MBChB, MMED (COMM HEALTH) DTM&H DPH DOH DHSM FRSH MIPH
Dean of Health Sciences Faculty
3. **EX-OFFICIO:**
Professor A A Forder (Male)
MBChB, Mmed (Microbiology) Pathology
Professor Medical Microbiology & Deputy Dean of Medicine
4. **EX-OFFICIO:**
Dr P Mitchell (Male)
MBChB, FCP (SA)
Chief Medical Superintendent
5. **MEMBER:**
Professor D Beatty (Male)
MBChB, MD, FCP (Paed) (SA)
Professor and Head of Department of Paediatrics & Child Health
6. **MEMBER:**
Professor SR Benatar (Male)
MBChB, FFA (SA), MRCP (UK), FRCP (London) FACP (Hons)
Professor and Head of Department of Medicine, Director of UCT Bioethics Centre
7. **MEMBER:**
Professor DM Dent (Male)
MBChB, CHM, FRCS (UK), FCS (SA)
Professor of Surgery
8. **MEMBER:**
Professor R Kirsch (Male)
MBChB, MD, Dsc (Med), FCP (SA)
Professor of Medicine, Executive Director of MRC/UCT Liver Research Centre
9. **MEMBER:**
Sr L Mtwisha (Female)
BA, Diploma in Nursing: Theatre Technique
Matron – Groote Schuur Hospital (Theatre) (Female)
10. **MEMBER:**
Dr AH Robins (Male)
MBChB, DPM, MD, MRC (Psych)
Senior Lecturer in Department of Pharmacology (Male)
11. MEMBER: Ms V Stacey (Female)
Anglican Chaplain - GSH
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATION IN RESEARCH
I, the undersigned _______________________________ (full name)
mother/father/guardian of ____________________________ (child’s name)
hereby grant permission to the researcher, Lesley Liebowitz, to use the information disclosed by myself and my child on the terms discussed and for the purposes explained above, provided that this information remains confidential. I understand that the photographs of my child will become the property of the Red Cross Children’s Hospital to be used at their discretion and that I cannot make any claim whatsoever on the Hospital or the Cape Provincial Administration as a result of publicity in this connection.
I declare that I understand the nature and purpose of my own and my child’s participation in this research and consent to such participation.
Signature: _______________________________________
Date: ___________________________________________
FOR OFFICE USE ONLY
Parent’s initials: ______________ Parent participant #: ______________
Child’s initials: ______________ Child participant #: ______________
Contact telephone number: ____________________________________
Comments
____________________________________________________________________
APPENDIX C
THE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
1. DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION (CHILD)
1.1 Date of birth
1.2 Present age
1.3 Age at time of burn
1.4 Residential area
1.5 Home language
1.6 Interview language
1.7 Racial classification as per medical folder
1.8 Family structure – siblings, parents, extended family
1.9 Living arrangements
1.10 School attendance (if eligible)
1.11 Grade/standard at school
1.12 Employment status (if eligible)
2. DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION (CAREGIVER)
2.1 Date of birth
2.2 Present age
2.3 Home language
2.4 Interview language
2.5 Race as per medical folder
2.6 Educational status
2.7 Employment status
2.8 Living arrangements
2.9 Monthly income
2.10 Relationship to child
2.11 Marital status
2.12 Number of dependents
2.13 Medical history
3. MEDICAL HISTORY AND INFORMATION RELATING TO BURN INJURY
3.1 Cause of burn injury
| Question | Description |
|----------|-------------|
| 3.2 | Description of events surrounding burn injury |
| 3.3 | Fatalities or other injuries arising from incident |
| 3.4 | First aid administered |
| 3.5 | Length of time since burn injury |
| 3.6 | Locus of burn |
| 3.7 | Severity of burn |
| 3.8 | Skin grafting or other surgery during initial hospitalization |
| 3.9 | Subsequent hospitalization for further plastic surgery |
| 3.10 | Post-discharge treatment: clinic attendance, pressure garments and splints |
| 3.11 | Most recent clinic visit |
| 3.12 | Use of local doctor or clinic |
| 3.13 | Other medical history |
**4. THE BURN INJURY (CHILD)**
| Question | Description |
|----------|-------------|
| 4.1 | Can you tell me what happened when you got burned? |
| 4.2 | How did you feel? |
| 4.3 | What did you do? |
| 4.4 | Who helped you? |
| 4.5 | Do you still think about it? |
**(CAREGIVER)**
| Question | Description |
|----------|-------------|
| 4.6 | Do you remember what happened when the child was burned? |
| 4.7 | How did you feel? |
| 4.8 | What did you do? |
| 4.9 | Who helped you? |
| 4.10 | Do you still think about it? |
**5. HOSPITALIZATION EXPERIENCE (CHILD)**
| Question | Description |
|----------|-------------|
| 5.1 | Tell me about the experience of being in hospital for your burn |
| 5.2 | Do you remember the hospital? |
| 5.3 | What happened to you while you were in hospital? |
| 5.4 | How did you feel? |
| 5.5 | Did your parents come and visit you? |
| 5.6 | Did your friends visit you? |
5.7 Did you like that?
5.8 What did you like the least about the hospital?
(CAREGIVER)
5.9 Tell me about the time when your child was in hospital.
5.10 How long did she stay for?
5.11 How did you feel?
5.12 What worried you the most?
5.13 Did you visit your child? How often?
5.14 Did other members of the family visit your child? How often?
5.15 If not, why not?
5.16 Did the child’s friends visit her in hospital? How often?
5.17 If not, why not?
5.18 Did the child have any contact with his school friends and teacher while he was in hospital?
5.19 How was this arranged?
5.20 Did your child have to have operations? What kind?
5.21 Did your child have to go to Sarah Fox after the hospital?
5.22 For how long?
5.23 Did your child go to St Joseph’s Home? For how long?
6. RETURNING HOME (CHILD)
6.1 Do you remember going home from the hospital?
6.2 How did you feel? Were you scared? Why?
6.3 Did you have to wear pressure garments and splints?
6.4 Did you use them?
6.5 Did you have exercises to do?
6.6 Did you do them? Why not?
6.7 How did your family react when you got home?
6.8 How did your friends react when you got home?
6.9 Did they come and visit you?
6.10 Did they say anything that made you feel sad or happy?
6.11 What did you do those first few weeks that you were at home?
(CAREGIVER)
6.12 Tell me about taking your child home. How did you feel?
6.13 What was worrying you the most?
6.14 How did the rest of the family react?
6.15 How did your friends react?
6.16 How did the child’s friends react?
6.17 Did you have splints and pressure garments to take home for him to wear?
6.18 Did you use them? Why not?
6.19 Did you have exercises for him to do?
6.20 Did you do them? Why not?
6.21 What was your child’s behaviour like those first few weeks that he was at home?
6.22 Did you have to make new arrangements for your work and your living arrangements to accommodate looking after your child?
6.23 How did this affect you?
6.24 Did you have support from the community during this time?
6.25 How did the child keep up with her schoolwork?
7. RETURNING TO SCHOOL (CHILD)
7.1 Do you remember going back to school?
7.1 Did you miss a lot of work?
7.2 What was it like being back at school?
7.3 Did anybody tease you or bully you?
7.4 Did you get help from your teacher?
(CAREGIVER)
7.5 Tell me about your child going back to school.
7.6 How long after the burn injury did he go back?
7.7 What happened?
7.8 Was he teased or bullied?
7.9 How did he react to this?
7.10 Did you get help from the child’s teacher or the principal?
7.11 Did the teacher ever tell you that anything was wrong with the child?
7.12 Did you do anything about the teasing e.g. talking to other parents
7.13 Did your child refuse to go to school?
8. DISFIGUREMENT (CHILD)
8.1 Tell me about your scars from the burn?
8.2 Do they worry you?
8.3 Why?
8.4 What worries you about them?
8.5 Do people say nasty things to you?
8.6 Who? Friends, family, strangers?
8.7 What sorts of things do they say?
8.8 How do you react?
8.9 Do you think that the scars are improving?
8.10 Have you had plastic surgery for the scars?
8.11 Would you like to have more surgery?
8.12 Which part of the scars are the worst for you?
8.13 Why?
8.14 Do the scars prevent you from wearing certain clothes or swimming?
8.15 Do they prevent you from taking part in sports?
8.16 Are you embarrassed to show other people your scars?
8.17 Who are you embarrassed in front of?
8.18 Do you mind if someone asks to see your scars?
8.19 Do you mind if someone asks you what happened to you?
8.20 What do you say?
8.21 Do people stare? Who? When?
8.22 Do you say anything? What?
(CAREGIVER)
8.23 Tell me about the child’s scars from the burn.
8.24 Do they worry you? In what way?
8.25 Do they worry him? In what way?
8.26 How do people react to the scars? (Family, friends and strangers)
8.27 What sorts of things do they say?
8.28 What do you say when this happens? How do you react?
8.29 Do you think that the scars are improving?
8.30 Do you think that he should have (more) plastic surgery?
8.31 Which part of the scars do you think are the worst?
8.32 Why?
8.33 How do you think your child feels about these scars?
8.34 Do the scars prevent him from playing sports or swimming or wearing certain clothes?
8.35 Are you embarrassed when people ask what happened? How have you told him to react?
8.36 How does he react?
8.37 What would you say if someone asked to see his scars or asked what happened?
8.38 Do people stare?
8.39 Do they say anything in response? How do you react in this sort of situation?
8.40 Have you taught your child to handle these situations in any specific way?
9. PHYSICAL DISABILITY (CHILD)
9.1 How has your burn injury affected what you can and cannot do in terms of sport or hobbies or dressing yourself or going out?
9.2 Can you look after yourself or do you need to be looked after?
(CAREGIVER)
9.3 Has the burn injury affected the kind of activities that your child can participate in?
9.4 Does he need to be looked after all the time?
10. BEHAVIOURAL AND EMOTIONAL PROBLEMS (CHILD)
10.1 Have you had any counseling or help about how to deal with your scars and burn injury?
10.2 From whom?
10.3 When?
10.4 What were you told?
10.5 Did it help?
10.6 What sorts of difficulties do you have?
10.7 Examples, frequency, severity of problem, approximation of onset, possible precipitators
10.8 How do you cope/what do you do when this happens?
10.9 What makes it better?
10.10 Who do you talk to now if something is bothering you?
10.11 Sleeping Behaviour
- Do you sleep through the night?
- Do you have nightmares?
- What are they about?
- What do you do?
- Do you sleepwalk?
- Do you take naps during the day?
- Do you have difficulty falling asleep at night?
10.12 Bladder and Bowel Control
- Do you wet your bed? And during the day?
- Do you soil your pants? And during the day?
10.13 Eating Behaviour
- Do you eat well? Have you got a good appetite?
- Have you put on weight? Or lost weight?
- Do you eat a lot of junk food?
10.14 Nervous Behaviour
- Do you bite your nails?
• Do you stutter or stammer?
• Do you fidget?
• What is your concentration like?
• Are you restless or overactive? Do you have problems sitting still?
• Do you suck your thumb?
10.15 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR - PEERS
• Tell me about your friends.
• Do you have friends at school?
• In the neighbourhood?
• Do your peers tease you?
• Do your peers bully you?
• Do you think that you are lonely? Why?
• Do you bully other children? When? Why? Which children?
• Do you play sports at school?
• Do you have hobbies?
• Do you belong to any organizations?
• Who is your best friend?
• What do you do together?
10.16 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR - SIBLINGS
• How do you get along with your siblings?
• Do you fight? Why?
• How are these issues resolved?
10.17 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR – TEACHERS
• Do you get on with your teachers?
• Are there problems at school?
• What? How do you deal with these problems?
10.18 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR - PARENTS
- How do you get along with your parents?
- Are you obedient or defiant?
- Are you close to them?
- Would you tell them if you had a problem?
- Who would you tell?
- What are the problems?
10.19 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR – OTHER
- Are there any other adults that you are close to?
- Would you confide in them?
10.20 EMOTIONAL INDICATORS
- Are you a happy child?
- Are you often miserable?
- What makes you miserable/happy?
- How do you show it?
- Do you think that people are against you?
- Do you have self-confidence?
- Do you get worried easily?
- What worries you?
- Do you have temper tantrums?
- Are you fussy about having clean hands, or having anything in a particular order?
- What are you scared of? Dogs? Night time? Changing in front of others? Crowds?
- What do you do in these situations?
- Do you have a problem meeting new people?
- Are you afraid to be left alone in the house?
- Are you destructive? What do you destroy?
- Do you tell lies?
- Do you steal?
• Do you drink?
• Do you take drugs?
• Do you smoke cigarettes?
• Do you bunk school?
• Have you ever run away from home?
• Do you ever get into fights?
• Do you ever talk about killing yourself or dying?
• Have you ever tried to kill yourself?
• Is there any physical or sexual abuse in the family?
• Have you ever been in another accident or witnessed one?
• Or a crime?
• Do you have somatic complaints like headaches or stomach aches?
• Do you express fears that something terrible will happen to you or the people that you love?
• Do you hear voices or see things that no one else can hear or see?
• Who would you go to if you had a problem?
10.21 REPEAT AND REPHRASE ALL QUESTIONS FROM 10.1 TO 10.20 FOR CAREGIVER
• Add in questions about caregiver’s reactions to each of the emotional or behavioural problems with which the child presents
11. SELF PERCEPTION (CHILD)
11.1 How do you feel about yourself?
11.2 What do you like about yourself?
11.3 What do you not like about yourself?
11.4 What do you wish you could change?
11.5 If you had three wishes what would they be?
11.6 What do you wish for your future?
11.7 Do you have any concerns about your future?
11.8 What career would you like to follow one day? Why?
12. SEXUAL AND ROMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS (CHILD – IF APPROPRIATE)
12.1 Do you have a boyfriend or girlfriend?
12.2 What do you do together?
12.3 How did you meet?
12.4 Are there problems in your relationship? What are they?
12.5 Do your problems have to do with your scars?
12.6 Do you think that you will marry some day?
12.7 Do you want to have children?
(CAREGIVER)
12.8 REPEAT AND REPHRASE ALL QUESTIONS FROM 11.1 TO 11.7 FOR CAREGIVER AND ENCOURAGE DISCUSSION AROUND CHILD’S FEELINGS ABOUT HIS/HER BODY
13. SOCIAL SUPPORT (CHILD AND CAREGIVER)
13.1 Who does the child talk to if he has a problem?
13.2 Who does the caregiver talk to if she has a problem?
13.3 What is the marital relationship like?
13.4 Is there any extended social support network?
13.5 Is there any community support?
13.6 Is the family religious? Do they get support from the church?
13.7 Does the family participate in recreational activities?
13.8 Who would the family turn to if they needed assistance?
14. THE FUTURE (CHILD AND CAREGIVER)
14.1 What would have made this ordeal easier for you?
14.2 What do you need to help you now?
14.3 What advice would you give to other children who have been burned?
14.4 What advice would you give to the parents of other children who have been burned?
14.5 What sort of future do you think your child has?
14.6 What is your biggest concern about the future?
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INDUSTRIAL TECHNOLOGY
MECHANICAL ENGINEERING
LEVEL 7
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------------|-------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Introduction to Mechanical | | History of industries, types of industries. | Recognize importance of Mechanical Engineering | Appreciate the importance of Mechanical Engineering Technology in our | Classes of workers | Invite students to express their understanding of industries. With students | Written:- Students write three sentences to describe each class of workers. Oral questioning Written assignment. | Mathematics Science Physics Reading |
| Engineering Technology | | Careers corners in Engineering Mechanical Technology e.g. | Technology Industries. | society. | • Unskilled • Semi-skilled • Skilled • Technician | involvement teacher lists on chalkboard some industries -large and small in Guyana. Teacher explains and lists types of materials and the industries. | | |
| | | • Lathe | | | | | | |
| | | • Milling machine operator | | | | | | |
| | | • Layout worker | | | | | | |
| | | • Plumber fitter | | | | | | |
| | | • Welder | | | | | | |
| | | • Mechanical technician | | | | | | |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-------|--------|-----------|---------------|----------|---------|-------------------|------------|---------------------|
| Safety | Correct use of layout tools - rule - scriber scratch awl - dividers - square | - Explain the difference between personal safety and protection against personal injuries. - Environmental safety i.e materials are placed on rack, on oil and grease spill on floor. Explain what is meant by good housekeeping -Material storage after lessons. -Storage of tools -Material storage -Cleaning up after classes -Storage of tools. | The need for protection against personal injury. The necessity to act safely in the workshop. | Follow correct work procedures and work well with other students Strict adherence to safety rules. -Place metals to their proper storage rack immediately after use. -Return tools to cupboard at the end of each period. - Wipe tools to remove grease/dirt before and after use - Place metals to their proper storage rack immediately after use. Return tools to cupboard at the end of each period. -Wipe tools to remove grease/dirt before and after use. | - Difference between personal and environmental safety. Personal clothing, goggles and acceptable behaviour in workshop. Good housekeeping - Storage of materials. - Storage of tools. - Cleaning up i.e clearing scrap materials from floor. - Cleaning up oil spoil and grease from floor.. | Teacher displays photographs on how to dress safely. 1. Teacher explains each aspect of safety. 2. Organise video show on safety in the workshop. | Paper and pencil test. Questioning – oral Observe students while they work and point out what is safe and unsafe practices. | Health Education Environmental Studies Integrated Science. |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|-------------------------------|-------------------------|----------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Measuring Tools | Identify measuring tools | Identify measuring tools| Relationship between millimeters and centimeters. | Appreciate that accurate measurement (straight line) is the key to the production of metal products. | Graduations on engineer’s rule
- Steel rule | - Steel rule
- Steel tape | - Steel tape | | ▪ Whole millimeters
▪ Half millimeters
▪ Centimeters | Use and care of:
▪ engineers rule
▪ steel tape | Show students large diagram of steel rule with the various gradations.
Teacher marked off specific lengths using the scales
▪ half mm
▪ whole mm
▪ centimeters | Students were given various lengths of scrap material (sheet metal to measure). | Mathematics |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|---------------|---------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Layout Out Tools | Select the correct/best tool for the specific job. | State the names of four laying out tools. | Tools are classified according to their uses. | Appreciate that each tool has specific use. | Define the term laying out tools. Names of (5) five laying out tools: - | i) Teacher show students each tool. ii) Demonstrates the use of each tool. Students sketch tool and label the parts. | List basic laying out tools and their uses. Students demonstrate use of tools. | Technical Drawing Wood work |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Sheet Metal Cutting Tools | To use snips to cut sheet metal straight. | 1. List the various types of snips. | Recognise that snips are used to cut sheet metal 20 gauge or thinner. | Carry out safe work practices when using snips and punches. | Types of snips -use of various snips. | 1. Display the cutting tools. | Questioning after discussion and demonstration. | Craft |
| -Hand Shears or Snips | Using the hollow punch to cut large holes in (thin) sheet metal. | 2. Describe various snips used in metal work. | Recognise that hollow punches are used for cutting holes in sheet metal. | -use of hollow punch. | 2. Chart showing types of snips and the hollow punch. | 3. Demonstrate how to use the tools. | Let students make sketches of the tools. | Mathematics |
| | | 3. Give the use of hollow punch. | | -safety precautions associated with snips and punches. | 4. Allow students to use the tools on scrap pieces of metals. | 5. Let students make notes on snips and punches. | Let students demonstrate the use of the tools. | Agriculture Science |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------|
| Bend Cutting Tools | | | | | | | | |
| Hacksaw | 1. Using the hacksaw to cut metal. | Describe the parts of the hacksaw, name the kinds of cold chisels. | Recognise how to use the hacksaw and cold chisel. | Work safely with cutting tools. | Types of hacksaw, parts of the hacksaw, use of hacksaw, kinds of cold chisel, use and care of cold chisel. | 1. Discussion | Ask questions, let students demonstrate. Let students draw the tools. | Agriculture Science |
| Cold Chisels | 2. Using the flat cold chisel to cut sheet metal chisel. | Define a chisel. | Safely precautions associated with the cutting tools. | Taking care of the tools after use. | | 2. Demonstrate how the hacksaw and cold chisel are used. | | Integrated Science |
| | 3. Free hand sketching the punch, snips, hacksaw. | | How the tools cut metals. | | | 3. Let students use the tools. | | Mathematics |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|------------|---------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Cold Chisel| Shearing of sheet metal. Sketch each chisel.| The head of a chisel is not hardened. | Explain the use of cold chisels. Angle of cutting edge is dependent on metal being cut. | Appreciate that cold chisels have their use in mechanical engineering technology. | Sizes of Cold Chisels
- angle of cutting edge
- sharpening cold chisels
- purpose of cold chisel i.e. shearing. | Demonstrate how chisel should be held. | Display chisels on chalkboard and let students write the names of each chisel. | |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-------------------------------------------|--------------|-------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Files e.g - Flat file | Sketch files | Identify parts of a file. | Describe a file. | Care of files. | Parts of a file: tang, point heel, edge, safe edge. | Teacher displays labelled diagram with file and show students a real file. | Sketch file on chalkboard and allow students to identify parts. | |
| - Square files | | State use of file. | The file is the main cutting tool used by the fitter. | Accept that the file is a hardened tool except the tang. | Safety in the use of file. | | Students will sketch cross section (shape) of files. | |
| - Round files | | File cut all metals except hardened steel. | | Ensure that file is fitted with handle when being used. | Shapes of file, use of file. | | | |
| - Three square file | | | | | Grades rough, second cut, smooth, gastard. | | | |
| - Hardened file | | | | | Names of files:- Flat, hand files, round, half round file, 3-square and square file. | | | |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|--------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Sources of Ferrous Metal | | List sources of ferrous metal. | The object of all manufacturing is to start with a raw material in this case iron-ore e.g. | Appreciate that metals are important elements in the life of society. | Sources and types of iron-ore Haematite-Spain, Canada, USSR, USA. | Map showing sources of iron ore. View slides and other visual materials if available. Display various types of metals. | Oral:- students will be asked to name types of iron ores and their sources. | Reading Integrated Science |
- haematite
- magnetite
- limonite and goethite.
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|--------|------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Classification of Metals-Ferrous | | Name the classes of metal that contain iron:- | There are three (3) types of ferrous metal | Appreciate the importance of metals as it relates to industries and in the home. | Define ferrous metals state the different classes; Wrought iron Cast iron Steel iron | Initiate discussion on things in and out of the home. | Oral:- Explain the term ferrous metal. | |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Non-Ferrous Metals (N.F.M) | Make simple chart of (N.F.M)
- using and specimen and label.
- Using cardboard and marker and labelled specimen | ▪ Define non-ferrous metals.
▪ List the various groups of non-ferrous metals.
▪ List the characteristics of non-ferrous metals.
▪ Identify aluminium, copper, lead.
▪ List sources of non-ferrous metals.
▪ List uses of non-ferrous.
▪ Describe how aluminium lead, copper, tin and zinc are obtained. | ▪ Become aware of characteristic of N.F.M.
▪ Recognize that N.F.M. are used for domestic and industrial purposes. | ▪ Willingness to participate in group activities.
▪ Inculcate safe work habits when using non-ferrous metal. | Definition of N.F.M.
Groups of N.F.M.
Characteristics of N.F.M
Common types of N.F.M
Sources of N.F.M
Uses of N.F.M. | ▪ Discussion
Prepare chart of N.F.M
▪ World map showing sources of N.F.M.
▪ Display specimen of N.F.M.
▪ Project of N.F.M (ferrous used for each production) | Set appropriate questions to aid to topic review. | Integrated Science
Agricultural Science
Home Economics
Geography
Wood Work
Electricity |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Holding Tools, Bench Vice, Hand Vice, Tool Maker’s Clamp (Slip Joint), Slide Cutting | ▪ Sketching and labelling holding tools
▪ Holding/clamping working vices in clamps or marking out or cutting. | ▪ Identify common holding tools.
▪ List common holding tools
▪ Describe common holding tools. e.g. bench vice, hand vice, slip-joint pliers, side cutting pliers. | Become aware that a variety of devices are used to hold work pieces. Recognise that the use of holding tools help to make some operations easier and safer. | Willingness to contribute and participate in group activities. Inculcate safe work habit when using holding tools. | ▪ Definition of holding tool.
▪ Some common holding tools.
▪ Parts of holding tools.
▪ Specific use of holding tools.
▪ Sketching of holding tools. | ▪ Discussion
▪ Demonstration
▪ Displaying sketches actual tools.
▪ “Hands on” use of holding tools. | ▪ Project on holding tools.
▪ Set appropriate questions to aid in review or example sketch both. | Wood work
Technical Drawing
Electricity |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Bending Sheet Metal by Hand, Folding Bars, Stakes used for Bending, Methods used for Bending | Make safe edges both single and double (using cardboard). Make safe edges using folding bar and mallet. Bending safe edges using stakes and mallets. | Identify folding bars. Identify stakes and mallets. Name stake and mallets. List types of stakes and mallets. List types of stakes and mallets. Define and identify “safe edges”. | Recognise that Sheet metal edges are dangerously sharp therefore safe edges are made to prevent injuries. Safe edges are also used to strengthen the edge. | Apply safety rules when working with sheet metal. Show awareness for the care of others. | Definition of safe edge. Types of safe edges. Types of: - Mallets - Stakes Mallets - Tinman’s - Rawhide - Bossing - Raising Stakes - blow horn - beak horn - creasing - box/square | Discussion on use of - folding bar - stakes - mallets - safe edges - wire gauge Let students sketch various stakes and mallets. | Test students by using oral and written questions. Set written assignment for students. | Mathematics Agricultural Science Home Economics Technical Drawing Art/Craft |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Safe Edges Hems, False Bead Wire Edge | Make false bead using folding bar and mallets. Sketch diagrams of ▪ folding bar | List types of safe edges. Identify hems. Identify and list types of hems. State uses of hems. Identify and state the use ▪ folding bar ▪ beak horn stake ▪ blow horn stake ▪ square stake identify and state specific use of each type of mallet. | Stakes and mallets are made in a variety of shapes and are used for different purposes. These tools are used to carry out basic bending operations on sheet meal. Mallets are used for flattening and bending sheet metal over the various stakes. Raw or cut edges of sheet metal is danger. | Show appreciation for group participation. Appreciate the bending of sheet metal using hand bending process. Appreciate that mallets are used on soft metals and finished surfaces to prevent indentation or damage. | Stakes ▪ conductor ▪ blow horn ▪ hatchet ▪ beak horn stake use of the bench plate mallets: wood, rubber, raw hide plastic and special shaped mallets. Safe edges ▪ hem ▪ false bead ▪ wire edge | Let students make hems and false beads using cardboard & scotch tape. Let students make hems and false beads using folding bar. Teacher shows students various sizes of folding bars. The beak horn blow horn square stake protect stake stand for holding stakes - bench plate. | Let students explain/ Discuss the procedure for making hems and false beads. Demonstration on the ashes of the wire gauge. | Building Technology Home Economics |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|---------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------|----------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Safe Edges Hems, False Bead Wire | Make safe edges
- hem
- false bead for sheet metal projects. | State uses and importance of safe edges
- hem
- false bead
- wire edge | | | Organise tour for students to visit sheet metal establishment where they will observe safe edges seams being made and equipment used. | Teacher explains general purpose for having stakes and demonstrates specific use of each stake.
Teacher shows students projects with each of the safe edges. | Content: Multiple choice and restricted response.
Paper and pencil test extended response and objective performance
- students will make will edge:
- hem and false geak. | | | | | | | |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|
| Joining (parts of a) Sheet Metal Using Seams Wired Edge | 1. make sheet metal seams.
2. g eak sheet metal to make seam using stakes.
3. sketch seams
1. sketch wired edge.
2. calculate allowance to form wired edge. | Identify sheet metal seams.
List various type seams
- plain lap seam
- grooved seam
- double seam
- standing seam select seam that is most appropriate for a specific purpose.
State the importance of a wired edge. | Allowance for seams must be accurately calculated.
In may cases sheet metal parts are connected/assembled with seams.
Purpose of a wire edge.
Calculating allowance to form wire edge.
Forming/making a wire edge. | Appreciate the importance of safety when working with sheet metal. | Description of each seam:
- plain lap seam
- folded seam
- grooved seam
- double seam
- standing seam
appropriate use of each of the above seams.
Teacher shows students projects with different seams also diagram.
Students make seam under the supervision and direction of teacher.
Teacher shows students a project with a wired edge, a labelled diagram of a wired edge and discusses its purpose.
Students make seams under supervision and direction of teacher. | Teacher explains general purpose of seams which allow students to ask questions for clarity.
Teacher shows students projects with different seams also diagram.
Students make seam under the supervision and direction of teacher.
Teacher shows students a project with a wired edge, a labelled diagram of a wired edge and discusses its purpose.
Students make seams under supervision and direction of teacher. | Assignment to make seams using cardboard and scotch tape.
Oral questioning paper and pencil test; M/C essay type question.
Performance test.
Oral questioning paper and pencil test M/C and essay type. | Mathematics
Home Economics
Technical Drawing |
| Topic | Skills | Knowledge | Understanding | Attitude | Content | Method/Strategies | Evaluation | Area of Integration |
|-----------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Practical Sheet Metal | Making two or more designs of a project. | Select the best design. | Recognise the stages for making a good project. | Appreciate the value of good craftsmanship. | The various designs and selection made by students. | Discussion on designs made by students. | Students designs. | Technical Drawing |
| | Prepare material list for project. | Explain reason(s) for preparing material list. | | | Preparation of materials cutting list, steps of procedure tools used | Explanation on reasons for preparing material cutting list and steps of procedure teacher gives written examples. | Ask students to explain importance of cutting list, steps of procedures completed plan sheets which students submitted. | Building Technology |
| | Make cardboard template of project ▪ sheet metal | State use of template. | The marking out procedure and the accuracy which goes with it. | Appreciate that safe work habit should be practiced continuously in Mechanical Engineering Technology. | preparation/making template. measure work and cut making hem and false seam using stake(s) | Teacher demonstrates use of tools rule, shears, scribe. | Performance test: Re-finish projects. | Mathematics |
| | | Select the appropriate stake(s) to form hem and false bead. | | | | | | Home Economics |
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RCIA assessment
As we move toward the conclusion of our RCIA program for the year, our students are studying for their final assessment to determine whether they are sufficiently prepared to receive the Sacraments of Initiation. The following is a summary of what they are expected to understand about the Catholic Faith.
**Prayers to be memorized:**
Our Father, Hail Mary, Glory be..., Hail Holy Queen, Saint Michael, Apostles Creed, Nicene Creed, Act of Contrition, Grace before and after meals. Other: Seven sacraments and their purpose/effect, 10 commandments, 5 precepts
**Basics for Class 2:** Three questions. Understanding that Jesus established the Catholic Church on Peter (MT 16:16), that there has been a continuous succession of popes since Peter, and that the Church in the world today that is Jesus’/God’s church is the Catholic Church. Difference between Catholic and non-Catholic Christian churches (seven sacraments, Eucharist, priesthood, Bible, interpretation of Scripture, pope)
**Basics for Class 3:** Revelation, Scripture and Tradition (and tradition). Understanding that God has revealed Himself through the Scriptures and the Tradition. Difference between Tradition and tradition. Who is the final interpreter of Scripture? Basic understanding of the Bible as a collection of books, difference between OT and NT (Pre-Jesus, post-Jesus)
**Basics for Class 4:** Adam and Eve; Be able to tell briefly the story. What was Adam and Eve’s sin in one word. What was the result of their sin (expulsion from Paradise/heaven), original sin transmitted to all by generation. Original sin taken away by baptism.
**Basics for Class 5:** Sin and grace. Definition of sin. Clear understanding of mortal (3 conditions) and venial sin. Need for Sacrament of Confession for mortal sin. Definition of grace. How do we get grace, how do we lose grace? Communion with God=heaven=state of grace. Understand the need to be in a state of grace.
**Basics for Class 6 and 7:** Baptism and Confession. Understand how to baptize in emergency. Water, words. Two effects of baptism (member of the Church=Body of Christ=Communion with God, takes away sins) be able to explain how one goes to confession, act of contrition memorized.
**Basics for Class 8:** 10 commandments, 5 Precepts, All Souls/All Saints. Explain the difference between All Souls Day/Purgatory and All Saints Day/heaven. 10 commandments memorized and ability to give basic explanation of their relevance to the candidate (age appropriate). Five Precepts memorized and explained as 10 Commandments above.
**Basics for Class 9-11:** Life of Christ. Ability to give a broad description of the Life of Christ from Nativity, Epiphany, Finding in the Temple, Hidden Years, Baptism, Public Ministry, Holy Week, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost. Situation in history (what, when, where, why, how). Understanding that Jesus is God having become man to give Himself as a sacrifice for our sins. Basic understanding of the Trinity as one God and Three Persons.
**Basics for Class 12:** Advent, death, judgment, heaven, hell. Understanding of Advent Season as four weeks of preparation for Christmas. Appropriate liturgical changes. Understanding and definitions of heaven, hell, and purgatory.
Basics for Class 13: Marian Doctrines. Ability to explain Immaculate Conception and distinguish between the virginal conception of Jesus and the I.C. of Mary. Ability to explain the Assumption of Mary and the difference between Jesus’ Ascension and Mary’s Assumption. Mary’s perpetual virginity and sinlessness. Basic story (and effect) of Our Lady of Guadalupe.
Basics for Class 14 and 15: Christmas and Epiphany, tour of the church. Ability to tell Christmas and Epiphany stories with sufficient detail Tour of the church essentials include nave, sanctuary, altar, tabernacle, crucifix (INRI), baptismal font.
Basics for Class 16-18: Mass, Eucharist. Basic understanding of the Exodus and the Passover Lamb as foreshadowing of Lamb of God, institution of the Mass at the Last Supper, Transubstantiation, Christ’s real presence in the Eucharist (protestants do not have the real presence because they don’t have Holy Orders/Priesthood, sacrament and sacrifice, two actions of the Mass, who can receive and when, how to receive, comportment during Mass
Basics for Class 19: Confirmation. Familiarity with the seven gifts, institution at Pentecost, purpose of the Sacrament as strengthening for Christian witness, age of reception does not matter, willingness to live the Catholic life does matter.
Basics for Class 20: Creeds. Memorized. Difference between the two, basic understanding of the articles
Basics for Class 21: Ash Wed., Lent. Lenten season as penitential season, biblical significance of 40 days, examples. Why we do penance, ashes not a Sacrament but sacramental.
Basics for Class 22-23: Matrimony. Matter, form (vows), three intentions (age appropriate), annulment, consequences of marriage outside the Church, contraception/NFP, permanence, fidelity, openness to life
Basics for Class 24-25: Prolife issues (age appropriate) abortion, contraception, euthanasia, suicide, just war, capital punishment, self-defense, same sex attraction, same sex marriage.
Basics for Class 26: Confession night with visiting priests, assessments, interviews
Basics for Class 27: Holy Week. Identify and explain the events and meaning of Holy Thursday, Good Friday, Easter Vigil, Easter Sunday
Basics for Class 28: Holy Orders, religious life, Last Rites/anointing. Difference between bishop, priest, deacon; reason for existence of religious orders of men and women, active vs. contemplative life, poverty, chastity, obedience, variety of charisms/apostolates
Basics for Class 29: anointing, funeral rites. Purpose and effect of anointing, when to call the priest, funeral Mass as offering of Christ’s sacrifice for the purification of the deceased (repose of the soul) NOT a celebration of life. | <urn:uuid:7039dde2-1539-4bc3-8ed3-8dae74fb8160> | CC-MAIN-2019-13 | http://www.stmarynorwalk.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/RCIA-summary.pdf | 2019-03-26T19:22:08Z | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-13/segments/1552912205600.75/warc/CC-MAIN-20190326180238-20190326202238-00151.warc.gz | 357,554,671 | 1,357 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.976956 | eng_Latn | 0.978486 | [
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Lisa Goldman
Enriching Lives Through Music
WHAT IS A KIDNEY STONE?
Kidney stones are hard deposits of minerals that form inside the kidney. Usually this occurs when the concentration of these minerals in the urine becomes too high. The increased concentration can be due to dietary causes, genetic factors, certain diseases or dehydration.
WHAT ARE THE SIGNS AND SYMPTOMS?
Kidney stones typically cause excruciating pain in the back, side, abdomen or groin. This is often described as one of the worst pains one can experience. This pain occurs due to the stone being caught in the ureter, the narrow tube that connects the kidney to the bladder. Additionally, this pain is often accompanied by nausea and vomiting. People with stones may also notice blood in the urine, as well as more frequent urination and an increased sense of urgency to urinate. At times, a stone may not cause pain but is diagnosed when the obstructing stone leads to a severe infection or damage to the kidney.
HOW IS A KIDNEY STONE DIAGNOSED?
Though the signs and symptoms usually indicate when a stone is present, radiologic studies are used to definitively diagnose a stone. A CT scan of the abdomen and pelvis is the diagnostic treatment of choice to diagnose a stone in the urinary tract. Additionally, ultrasound or plain X-rays of the abdomen can be used to determine the presence of a stone.
HOW ARE KIDNEY STONES TREATED?
Initially, it is important to treat the pain associated with passing a stone. This often requires very powerful medications to minimize the pain. Fluids and, on occasion, antibiotics are needed. Some stones can be treated conservatively and will pass on their own, often with the use of medications that can help to facilitate stone passage. Other stones will require intervention to remove them. Such procedures include non-invasive shockwave lithotripsy, where shock waves are aimed at stones to fragment them, or through the use of scopes and lasers placed into the urinary tract to directly break the stones. Rarely, conventional or robotic surgery is needed.
CAN KIDNEY STONES BE PREVENTED?
Yes. Increasing fluids, especially water, is the primary way to decrease stone formation. In addition, dietary modifications and medications can be used to lessen the chance of new stones. Certain blood and urine tests, as well as analyzing prior stone composition, can be used to determine a treatment plan.
At the Lake Health Beachwood Medical Center Kidney Stone Center we are uniquely able to expedite the evaluation and treatment of kidney stone patients. Understanding the pain and distress that kidney stones cause, we will fast track the initial physician evaluation and get pain medications and fluids started quickly. X-rays will be performed to confirm the presence of a stone and then a treatment plan will be created. If surgical treatment is needed, this can often be performed the same day and certainly within 24 hours.
As another month passes, my thoughts continue to focus on the power of attraction and framing. Whatever our circumstances, we each have the ability to frame situations and make choices that will serve us well when we look back from the perspective of our future self.
Framing relates to the law of attraction, or belief that positive or negative thoughts bring positive or negative experiences into a person’s life. When you think creatively, more creative thoughts come your way. When you think of safe, social-distancing possibilities, more ideas may come to you. When you think about isolation, more isolated or depressed feelings may appear, or when you think doom-and-gloom, clouds may continue to loom above.
How are you coping during this pandemic? Do you view each day with things you can do, or things you can’t? How are you internalizing today’s realities, and what stories are you telling yourself?
It’s fair to say that most people are unhappy with what’s going on in the world today, but we can still make the best of each day and find something for which to be grateful. We may not be able to control the surrounding circumstances, but we can control our reactions. What actions do you take each day for which your future self will thank you, and how do you define success?
If you like to cook, try a new recipe. Exercise? Add a few minutes to a routine. Working from home? Take a break every hour to move around or stretch. Garden? Pull some weeds or adorn your home with fresh flowers. Lose weight? Limit calories. The list goes on.
When this pandemic started, a meme was circulating on social media that read: Lockdown can go three ways. You either come out as a hunk, chunk, or drunk.
“Wow!” I exclaimed to myself. That really struck a chord! I was already tipping the scale toward “chunk,” and I do like my wine! Although “hunk” is never a word I’d use to describe myself, it does rhyme. I made a snap decision and immediately joined Noom, a weight-loss, lifestyle program.
Every day, I log exercise and meals, read articles that are posted on the app, and communicate online with a coach, individually or in a group. I began this program in May and am confident that my future self will thank me.
One of the lessons that stuck with me included a simple illustration that read: trigger, thought, action, consequence. This concept brings to the surface everything we do. Something triggers us, we think about it, act, and receive positive or negative consequences.
If we visualize what a consequence may be before it happens, we may re-evaluate our thought processes and actions so they align with what we want: Positive thoughts create positive actions, which create positive consequences. Repeat.
Social distancing is hard, but it’s much easier now than it will be when the temperature drops, so you may want to step outdoors, breathe deep, and enjoy the beauty of nature. My bet is that, if you do, positive benefits will follow.
Adaptation is the key to success. When our triggers lead to positive consequences, the world around us becomes brighter.
Sadly, many people are struggling with issues that make it hard to reframe their circumstances. If you or a loved one need help, I encourage you to reach out. The Center for Disease Control provides resources at tinyurl.com/copingCDC.
Busting 5 myths about concussions, kids and sports.
Richard Figler, MD
Cleveland Clinic
Beachwood and Solon family health centers
While more student athletes participate in sports than ever before, awareness and understanding of concussions – and the consequences if they go untreated – has advanced.
“It’s important to educate parents, coaches and kids about concussion,” says Richard Figler, MD, a sports medicine specialist at Cleveland Clinic Beachwood and Solon family health centers.
Dr. Figler addresses some common misconceptions about youth sports and concussions.
**Myth 1: Concussions are only a football problem.**
Football is the most common sport in which kids experience concussions, but other sports – soccer, gymnastics, hockey, lacrosse, basketball, volleyball and more – can involve concussions.
**Myth 2: Headaches are the only symptoms of concussion.**
Headaches are common with concussion, but other symptoms include light sensitivity, fatigue, poor school performance, dizziness, sleep disruption and nausea.
**Myth 3: You always lose consciousness with a concussion.**
Even a mild bump to the head can be serious. If a child gets hit in the head and presents with symptoms, he or she has a concussion.
**Myth 4: You must go to the emergency department for a concussion.**
In most cases, you can take your child to a primary care doctor — or a concussion specialist if needed. But Dr. Figler cautions to watch for red flags – complaints of the worst possible headache, vomiting, unequal pupils or other neurological concerns may warrant a trip to the emergency department.
**Myth 5: Concussion treatments are all the same.**
Concussion requires individualized treatment, Dr. Figler says. Some patients may need physical therapy for neck pain, while others may need speech therapy to deal with cognitive deficits or sleep therapy for problems sleeping. That’s why it’s especially important to see a doctor and craft the right plan for recovery.
To schedule an appointment with Dr. Figler or another Sports Medicine concussion specialist, call 877.440.TEAM (8326). To learn more about concussions, visit ClevelandClinic.org/Concussion.
Welcome Caitlin Lewis, MD
Caitlin Lewis, MD, is a staff physician in the Cleveland Clinic Center for Sports Medicine. She sees patients at Cleveland Clinic Beachwood and Independence family health centers, as well as the Sports Health Center in Garfield Heights. In addition, Dr. Lewis serves as the primary care team physician for Notre Dame College.
To schedule an appointment with Dr. Lewis or another sports medicine specialist, call 877.440.TEAM (8326). To learn more about services offered, visit ClevelandClinic.org/SportsMedicine.
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Because the world class care you deserve is close to home, at Cleveland Clinic Hillcrest Hospital.
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Lisa Goldman • Enriching Lives Through Music
Some of the first tunes that Lisa Goldman remembers hearing as a child were the piccolo parts to Bartok’s Concerto for Orchestra and Tchaikovsky’s 4th Symphony. Her parents, Ethan and Fredda Stang, both musicians, raised their three children with music as a second language. Dad, a piccolo player, was a member of the Pittsburgh Symphony for 44 years. Previously, he attended Juilliard and played in The United States Navy Band during World War II, when he was not in a submarine in the Pacific theater. Mom, a viola player, was an itinerant instrumental music teacher, covering seven public schools weekly in the Pittsburgh City School district.
Complete story starts on page 7.
Cover and article photos by Scott Morrison, Discovery Photo.
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Clevelanders, where are you?
Since May, I have spent multiple Sunday mornings feeding my passion for gardening at the Hebrew Cultural Garden, one of the 40 gardens that make up the Cleveland Cultural Gardens.
The Cultural Gardens are a tribute to the vision of Leo Weidenthal, a newspaper editor and founder of the Cleveland Cultural Gardens Federation. Situated between East Boulevard and Martin Luther King Drive, the Hebrew Garden features a fountain, shady areas to sit and meditate, stone staircases, and monuments to the first Zionists, Jewish poets, philosophers, scientists, and artists. A stone path, in the shape of a Star of David, surrounds the fountain and leads to each of the monuments.
While working, I have often engaged in conversation with people walking through and exploring the gardens. What surprises me is that a good majority of these people are not Clevelanders. They are people here for a convention (pre-COVID), or passing through to destinations east or west and have found a recommendation to see the Gardens on TripAdvisor. So where are the Clevelanders? We have this gem in our community and most Clevelanders have never taken the time to walk through and enjoy it.
So where are the Clevelanders? We have this gem in our community and most Clevelanders have never taken the time to walk through and enjoy it.
Just a few weeks ago, six of us gathered at the Hebrew Garden to continue its ongoing cleanup, a labor of love that never ends. We were greeted by a bench that had been crushed by a very large branch that had fallen from one of the mature trees.
We moved the branch and readjusted the stone bench so that one could sit on it. Under the branch, we found a clip with $100. Attached was a note that read, “Please could you use this money to help this garden. Someone would appreciate it and I would too.”
It filled my heart to know that someone was so willing to make this contribution without any thought of getting something in return – the highest form of charity (tzedakah). This just goes to show what a special place we have in the Garden and how it has touched so many people.
So, I invite you to come take a look. What a great thing to do while still maintaining social distancing. If the spirit moves you and you would like to help maintain the Garden, either financially or with your labor, please give me a call at 216.407.6949.
Both the Hebrew and the Italian Cultural Gardens were designed by Burton Ashburton Tripp, a distinguished Cleveland landscape architect. First dedicated in 1926, the Hebrew Cultural Garden was most recently renovated in 2016 and is the only site in the city of Cleveland where the Israeli flag is flown. The Jewish Federation of Cleveland sponsors the Garden, but all the labor that keeps it looking its best is done by volunteers.
Sincerely,
Sheila Allenick (pictured)
Some of the first tunes that Lisa Goldman remembers hearing as a child were the piccolo parts to Bartok’s Concerto for Orchestra and Tchaikovsky’s 4th Symphony. Her parents, Ethan and Fredda Stang, both musicians, raised their three children with music as a second language. Dad, a piccolo player, was a member of the Pittsburgh Symphony for 44 years. Previously, he attended Juilliard and played in The United States Navy Band during World War II, when he was not in a submarine in the Pacific theater. Mom, a viola player, was an itinerant instrumental music teacher, covering seven public schools weekly in the Pittsburgh City School district.
A violin was first put in Lisa’s hands when she was four. She and her two brothers, both lawyers today, were all required to musically participate in “something” until they graduated high school. She continued with violin, it was mandatory and there was no discussion.
Lisa enjoyed the musical aspects of her upbringing. At times there was some pushback, but overall, it served her well. “When I talk about what I do, with adults, they often say, ‘I wish my parents didn’t let me quit. I’m so sorry that I did,’ or, ‘I played an instrument in middle school, I can’t believe my parents let me quit before graduating.’
“Playing instruments was what we did. I have a fun photo in my classroom of me playing a violin when I was four years old. I don’t tell students who it is unless they ask. Then, when I tell them, they say, ‘It’s so cool! They have trouble picturing me that young.’”
After high school graduation, Lisa attended The University of Cincinnati College–Conservatory of Music, where it was a requirement to study various additional instruments for her degree. She says she would have been a good French horn player because she’s physically better suited, but violin remained the major instrument.
Lisa graduated in 1982, then earned her master’s at the Conservatory in ’85 with emphasis on String Pedagogy. She continued graduate studies in Viola and Eurhythmics at Carnegie Mellon University, followed by additional Suzuki training and an apprenticeship at Cleveland Institute of Music.
Lisa’s career took her to the Cleveland Institute of Music, coordinating their Suzuki program in the ’80s and implementing orchestras through their Preparatory
“We’re here to make wonderful, kind individuals with a guided music experience as our tool. Not everyone will come out as a fantastic player, but all will come out with appreciation, understanding, and a more enriched life to live.”
— Lisa Goldman
Standout Moments
• EVERY FALL staring at a new group of future musicians, age 10, who have never held an instrument before.
• BHS opening auditorium event with The Cleveland Orchestra side-by-side portion.
• Any and all overseas tours. The transformation of the ensemble as both individuals and musicians from beginning preparations to arriving back home are simply incredible to observe.
• 2019 shared concert with CWRU.
• Kids’ performances with the Cleveland POPS, too many to list!
• Ohio String Teachers Association, 2017 Teacher of the Year Award.
• When a kid randomly knocks on your door at home and politely asks to have their instrument tuned so they can practice.
• When the kids organize a concert on their own over the summer, “just because” and invite me!
• Musical interactions with colleagues anywhere and everywhere.
• Chamber music in the garden to onstage at Severance Hall.
• Invitation to watch a student perform or receive a special honor (Solo with an orchestra, perform at Carnegie Hall, conduct a piece of music they wrote with a professional ensemble…).
Department. Lisa also taught at Cleveland School of the Arts, and Case Western Reserve University Music Education Department, where she taught strings, string pedagogy, and string methods for music educators. This was followed by starting a program at the Fairmount Fine Arts Center in Bainbridge that quickly expanded to include 200+ families. By then, Lisa and Mort had their own family of five, and she accepted a position as orchestra director for grades 4-12 at Beachwood City Schools.
We asked what motivated her to pursue this position, and she told us, “I was a musician, living here in Beachwood. My kids played string instruments, and there was no orchestra program for my own children.”
Her oldest son, Michael, was in 5th grade at the time. Lisa stepped forward with her talents, voiced her concerns, and was hired by then-superintendent Paul Williams to create a Suzuki-based orchestra program from the bottom up. The Suzuki method combines music with a philosophy on learning, communicating, and motivating that embraces the total development of the child. Dr. Shinichi
Lisa and Mort met in 8th grade orchestra, married in 1982, and still play duets in their beautiful home garden. They have three children: Michael, Molly, and Sam.
**Mort**
Mort, a senior consultant at Pharmacy Consulting International, plays cello. He enjoys community theater and is part of River Side Valley Players Improv group (RSVP), which performs at Chagrin Valley Little Theater.
**Michael (BHS Class of 2006)**
Michael played the cello through college and enjoys music on a daily basis. He is currently working on a set of songs that teach science concepts to children. He served in the Peace Corps for 2+ years, stationed in West Africa; earned his master’s degree from SUNY Cortland; and worked for the National Audubon Society. He lives in Columbus.
**Molly (BHS Class of 2009)**
Molly plays violin and viola. She earned her Bachelor of Music in Applied Music and Music Education with certification from the Eastman School of Music, and her Master of Music in performance from the Juilliard School. She obtained her Suzuki Certification at the School for Strings. Molly is a Broadway musician, teaches at Silver Music, and participates in recitals and other musical events throughout the country. She lives in New York City.
**Sam (BHS Class of 2012)**
Sam played violin through college at Ohio State (Biomedical Engineering) and served as concertmaster for the Buckeye Philharmonic Orchestra. He is currently a Mechanical Engineering PhD candidate at the University of Southern California, majoring in vibrations. Sam has a fiancée who is patiently waiting for him to finish soon! They live in Pasadena, CA.
Suzuki, founder of this method, was a violinist, educator, philosopher, and humanitarian who based his approach to education on the belief that, “Musical ability is not an inborn talent, but an ability that can be developed. Any child who is properly trained can develop musical ability, just as all children develop the ability to speak their mother tongue. The potential of every child is unlimited.”
Within this unique approach to music education, children develop confidence, self-esteem, discipline, concentration, and the determination to try difficult things. In addition, children participating in this method develop a lasting enjoyment in all genres of music.
Dr. Suzuki’s primary goal was never to just teach young people how to play musical instruments. Instead, he championed the unique contribution music can make to the total learning process, not just for music, but in all areas of learning and education. He believed that with the proper environment, educational process, and through the medium of music, sensitivity and understanding may be nurtured in all children, creating a better world for each child.
When Lisa walked in the door, there was a total of seven kids throughout the district, K-12, playing a string instrument. Two were hers, and three more lived next door (Yutaka, Nizomi and Emi Hitomi). The first year, 1998/1999, that the orchestra program was offered to all 4th-graders, forty signed on. The following year, the program was offered to 4th and 5th-graders. Each year thereafter, another grade was added, until the program spanned from 4th through 12th grades.
“The program is strong today because of continued support since it was started,” Lisa recalled gratefully.
We talked with Superintendent Bob Hardis, who is very proud of the district’s music program. “Lisa is a treasure for our district,” he said. “She inspires our students to be excellent, not only individually, but as a musical team.”
Lisa continues to tap into the great resources we have in our community to expand learning experiences. Her dedication plays a large role as to why Beachwood Schools continues to be recognized as one of the Top 100 in Music Education from The NAMM Foundation, and regularly receives awards. Lisa also served as the district’s fine arts subjects coordinator for 13 years.
Six-year-old Lisa practicing violin.
“There are so many talented musicians in and around our community who are willing to work with our students, and so many opportunities to hear them play. Suburban Symphony Orchestra, based at Beachwood High School, for example, plays five free concerts every year. I’m so appreciative to everyone who has worked with us.”
Lisa collaborates with CWRU, Baldwin Wallace, The Cleveland Orchestra, Cleveland Pops Orchestra, and a number of individuals to provide learning opportunities for students. “I’m so grateful to all the adults who share their time, expertise, knowledge, and passion to create something substantial with these kids. While it gives the appearance of being fun and easy, truthfully, it’s a lot more than just showing up. For each interaction, we develop an idea, plan, timelines, framework, budget, assessments and resources.”
Last February, Lisa’s daughter, Molly, a Broadway musician who was touring with the Miss Saigon National Tour, came back to BHS when the play performed at Playhouse Square to offer students an opportunity to play alongside her co-working professionals and get insight on a musician’s life.
“Bringing Miss Saigon to BHS was incredibly special to me. Growing up, I saw my mom build the Beachwood Orchestra program from the ground up, and to be able to share my own music as a professional and collaborate with her and her students was a big moment. The experience brought me a lot of pride: pride in BHS, my own work, and of course my mom!”
Students have performed side-by-side events with Cleveland POPS Orchestra, The Cleveland Orchestra, and most recently a collaborative concert with the orchestra at CWRU. They’ve performed at venues that include Severance Hall, the Connor Palace Theater, State Theater, Tower City, Cleveland Metroparks Zoo, Legacy Village, and Fox 8. They’ve also performed at many community and civic events, and many international tours.
Noël DeViney, assistant director, provides tremendous support in planning and implementing opportunities, which include overseas trips. Students have participated in performance tours to London, Paris, Italy, Vienna, Spain, and Budapest, with help from a tour company that helps Lisa nail down the details.
“These are exceptional learning experiences, and it’s really fun to take 60 to 70 teenagers overseas,” Lisa said. “Watching the kids experience a new country as musical ambassadors is truly a fantastic experience. The schools are supportive by allowing our students to have these travel experiences, which provide an education above and beyond what they learn in a classroom. Friends of the Beachwood Orchestras, our booster group, and student fundraising efforts fund these opportunities. We have great parent support, and the performances are truly standout moments.
“Students have performed with other schools’ groups on friendship tours, in hospitals, and grand cathedrals. People show up!
“These opportunities culminate many years of students’ being in this orchestra program,” Lisa said. “Our goals, both in and out of the classroom, are based on much more than what musically comes out of the instrument. Instruments and music, within the Suzuki learning foundation, are tools to teaching students how to focus, learn, and be team players. Our program bridges social behaviors and work ethic, while providing a platform in which to learn about personal feedback and critique. In a string setting, students are placed two to a music stand, based on a combination of age and ability, and they must cooperate. We are constantly
“I love being in the yard. Plants make me feel good, and my garden is a great place to be during this pandemic. There’s always something happening, and always something new. I love the way everything changes throughout the seasons. There’s always something interesting.”
– Lisa Goldman
Advice to Parents:
• Make music or another art form a part of your life.
• Provide kids with small steps they can master.
• Be encouraging!
• Small successes lead to larger ones, larger success leads to long-term satisfaction.
• Stay positive, no matter what you hear come out of an instrument. All learning begins somewhere!
• Don’t be afraid to play classical music, and include a wide variety.
• Take your kids to concerts.
• Make music part of home/life as regular, expected, and unexpected experiences.
• Seek opportunities that are above and beyond.
• Encourage your kids stay the long course and play through high school. You won’t see the best rewards until then.
• Keep it going!
resetting the bar individually and as a group; everyone has a chance to continuously succeed in his or her own cycle. That’s where the real growth comes in.”
Friends of the Beachwood Orchestra (FOBO) is a cooperative effort between parent volunteers and the Beachwood School District orchestra staff to help support all orchestra members in grades 4-12. It raises funds through annual memberships and fundraisers, which directly help the students. The organization provides music camp scholarships, instruments, funds for competitions, an annual scholarship for a graduating senior, and pretty much anything outside the normal bounds of what is done to support music during the school day.
The senior scholarship is awarded to a student who answers a prompted essay question that pertains to how the music learning process prepared them for future career goals.
“Responses are truly outstanding, and they have nothing to do with how to play an instrument,” Lisa said. “The instrument is a tool that provides a guided learning process, and through music, allows students to be better listeners, communicators, and team players. The process provides them with social/emotional connections and bridge gaps of a personal nature.”
One of Lisa’s greatest joys today is when she runs into former students and parents at concerts. “Starting in ninth grade, I assign each student to select a concert, attend, and write a guided critical review. Since some don’t have their driver’s licenses, they will often go with parents. When I run into families at concerts whose children have long-ago graduated, they tell me that their enjoyment of attending concerts began with this assignment. It’s rewarding to hear how this has impacted families, and how it brings music into their homes. Even if they only go to that one concert, it’s one more than they may have attended without the assignment. It’s so great to receive feedback of how this assignment opened doors to additional musical experiences – and to see people at concerts enjoying the experiences!”
Orchestra members across all grades participate in a number of summer festivals, and members of the Beachwood Orchestra are routinely accepted in top-ranked conservatories throughout the country in the areas of performance, music education, arts advocacy, audio engineering, composition, and more. Students from Beachwood have gone on to attend the Eastman School, Juilliard, Curtis, and Berkeley, to name a few.
We asked Lisa what she feels is her greatest achievement. She said: “On a personal level, my family. They are my number one favorite people.” She paused, then added, “Professionally, it’s the scope of this overall program. It’s bandwidth, the experiences we have been able to bring to the community, and how it reaches what I set out to accomplish. We’re here to make wonderful, kind individuals with a guided music experience as our tool. Not everyone will come out as fantastic player, but all will come out with appreciation, understanding, and a more enriched life to live.”
She concluded by saying, “I still have a lot of energy to push toward this program and am grateful for continued opportunities.”
Lisa enjoys using non-traditional containers for planters, including these wooden shoes that Lisa’s grandmother brought from Holland while immigrating from Russia.
More About Lisa:
• Lisa is a founding member of Cleveland Pops Orchestra and has been playing with them since 1999.
• 2017 Teacher of the Year, Ohio String Teachers Association.
• Lisa previously published articles related to motivation and learning.
• She enjoys gardening and has a story behind each plant and container.
• She likes to plant flowers in untraditional pots.
• Lisa is a landscape painter. She dabbles in various media, and currently enjoys palette painting in acrylics. She has many floral photos as references to utilize once the weather breaks.
• Most of Lisa’s plants were acquired through trades.
• Lisa has blue forget-me-not flowers in her garden that she got from a CIM friend who has since passed away. Unknown to the receiver, when the woman’s daughter settles in her home, Lisa will gift her a clump to replant.
• She has served as clinician, speaker (motivational and keynote), adjudicator, and conductor for several local and national organizations, including Suzuki Association of the Americas, OMEA, American String Teachers Association, International Suzuki Festival, and MENC.
• She was an orchestra mentor for Music Educators National Conference.
Lee Rosenberg has been struggling with chronic kidney disease for five years. A year ago, her kidneys began to fail, which led to dialysis, three four-hour sessions per week.
Since this is a degenerative disease, Lee needs a kidney transplant. She solicited for a live donor, found one, and was scheduled for surgery three times. Each time, after being admitted and having bloodwork done, surgery was cancelled.
“These incidents were very hard to process,” Lee shared, “I’m thankful to have such a wonderful support team of family and friends, because I’ve been extremely let down each time. I was told the procedures were cancelled, but was never told why.”
Lee is now working with a new team of physicians and is once again looking for a live donor, which presents the best-case scenario for positive, long-term results.
She first went to family members, but none were a match, so Lee is now putting the word out there to find a live donor who becomes a match who is willing to donate.
We talked with Debbie Rothschild, vice president, Menorah Park Foundation, who donated a kidney to her friend, Dave Meyerson, six years ago. “After Dave’s family members were disqualified as donors, I said, ‘it’s my turn,’ and had a good feeling about this from the start. Dave’s wife, and my childhood friend, Cathy, told me not to set my heart on this, yet I knew it would happen.
“I encourage anyone who is considering donating to take the steps and make it happen. Not only are you caring for someone else in an important way, but you also help yourself. Knowing you can save a life or improve the quality of someone’s life who is on dialysis or living with illness is not only a gift to them, but one to yourself.
“Short of birthing my children, this is probably the most gratifying thing I’ve ever done. The goodness you feel inside is very personal and very strong. It’s a wonderful feeling. The truth is, although it is a surgery and a lot to put yourself through, the recovery is pretty quick. It’s about a month, and in the big picture, what’s that? You may feel lousy for a week or two.”
“The gift I’ve given myself, as well as Dave, is life changing. I’m so grateful to have had this opportunity.”
– Debbie Rothschild
Debbie’s husband, Barry, was supportive from the start. “He threw out some what ifs, and I said, ‘I don’t live my life for what ifs. My what if was: what if I don’t do this and he can’t find a kidney?’”
Debbie will never forget the day she got the call saying they could schedule the surgery. She called Cathy and Dave and said, “Let’s do this.”
“The gift I’ve given myself, as well as Dave, is life changing. I’m so grateful to have had this opportunity,” Debbie said. “When I talked to my twins about this, then nine years old, my son, Bradley, said, ‘Mom, if you couldn’t do this, I would.’ Although he didn’t know the scope of what I was actually doing, the lesson that it showed my kids about stepping up to be there for someone was unbelievable.
“I encourage anyone considering this to do it,” Debbie added. “You’ll never be sorry.”
Kim Farkas, a Judaica teacher at Mandel JDS and director of the mini-mussar program with Jewish Family Experience (JFX), was also a donor. When her father, Dr. Lee Weisberg, needed a kidney, Kim and her brother, Michael Weisberg, went to get tested behind his back, since he said he wouldn’t take a kidney from a child. Kim was a match.
Her husband, Bryan, was 100% supportive of Kim’s decision to donate a kidney.
“My dad didn’t want a kidney from me, and shared his concerns with Rabbi Chaiken. The Rabbi said, ‘You gave her life, and it’s a gift for her to be able to give life back to you.’ This comment made the switch in my dad’s head.
“It’s a gift and a blessing to be able to donate a kidney and I’m grateful to have been able to do this,” Kim said. “Our three children, Shoshana, Jacob, and Eliana, were in elementary school at the time. The night before I went to the hospital, my middle son, Jacob, 9 years old at the time, asked if I was going to be ok. I responded by saying God gives us two kidneys, one to keep and one to give.
“This is the bravest thing I’ve ever done,” Kim said. “And it made it all worth the while when the doctor walked in after surgery and said, ‘I just want you to be the first one to know, you saved your father’s life. It took right away.’
“If someone is able, healthy, and has the mindset, it’s a gift.”
Lee has an urgent need. If you’re thinking about being a donor, please step up. She comes from a family of survivors and knows she will come out of this stronger. Her parents were Holocaust survivors whose strength, resilience, and fortitude have kept her going.
“I’ve always been an involved member of this community, giving back and helping out in any way that I can,” Lee said. She was an event planner for years, working for Party 411 for a decade before going out on her own.
“This is the bravest thing I’ve ever done, and it made it all worth the while when the doctor walked in after surgery and said, ‘I just want you to be the first one to know, you saved your father’s life. It took right away.’”
– Kim Farkas
“I have an upbeat, strong, loving, giving family that takes care of each other,” she said. “With their support, I know I will bounce back after surgery. I ask everyone who reads this to talk with family, neighbors, friends, and groups to find a donor. At the end of this year, Cleveland Clinic will have performed 300 transplants in 2020. I hope to be included in that number.”
Lee’s journey has been long, hard, and tiring. “I’m fortunate, though,” she said. “I’ve been suffering with chronic kidney disease for five years and qualify for a transplant. I’m confident that I will find a live donor because I have a lot of life to live! I want to do this now, and will be so grateful to anyone who calls to get more information.”
“I’m confident that I will find a live donor because I have a lot of life to live!”
– Lee Rosenberg
If you are interested in learning more, please call the Cleveland Clinic Living Donor office at 216.445.3150 and mention Lee’s name. She is currently on their transplant list, a list that may take two-to-six years for her name to get to the top. You may also obtain information about being a donor from the National Kidney Foundation at kidney.org.
The Jewish Federation of Cleveland recently announced that the Jack, Joseph and Morton Mandel Foundation has created a special matching gift program for the 2021 Campaign for Jewish Needs, the Federation’s annual fundraising campaign for the Jewish community.
Through this program – known as the “Mandel Match” – for every new or increased gift to the Federation’s 2021 Campaign, the Mandel Foundation will make a donation to the Federation’s Coronavirus Emergency Relief Fund in the amount of the new gift or the amount last year’s gift is increased. This matching gift program is part of the Foundation’s $5 million donation to the relief fund, which will provide the dollars necessary to address the needs of people who find themselves newly vulnerable – financially, emotionally, or otherwise – because of the pandemic, as well as those who were already vulnerable and now face even greater challenges.
“The needs of our community were great long before it was confronted with the Coronavirus pandemic,” said Stephen H. Hoffman, chairman, the Jack, Joseph and Morton Mandel Foundation. “Through the Federation’s annual Campaign, Jewish Clevelanders help to ensure we are all able to live in an open, safe, and vibrant community – one that addresses near-term issues and thoughtfully plans for future needs.”
“By creating this match, we are helping to ensure that the agencies and institutions that are so critical to meeting the needs of individuals and families throughout Jewish Cleveland are able to serve the community during this time of crisis,” added Dr. Jehuda Reinhartz, the Foundation’s president and chief executive officer.
“We are incredibly grateful for the ongoing and generous support and leadership the Mandel Foundation has provided to Federation over the years,” said J. David Heller, Federation board chair. “I cannot thank Jehuda, Steve, and the entire Mandel Foundation Board enough for their generosity at this critical time in our community’s history.”
“Cleveland is known as one of the most caring Jewish communities in the world and actions like this by the Mandel Foundation make it easy to see why,” said Bradley A. Sherman, general chair of the Federation’s 2021 Campaign. “Through the Mandel Match, we are now in a position to overcome a once-in-a-generation challenge without having to sacrifice the future potential of Jewish Cleveland.”
“Through the Federation’s annual Campaign, Jewish Clevelanders help to ensure we are all able to live in an open, safe, and vibrant community . . .”
Stephen H. Hoffman
The 2021 Campaign runs through December 9, 2020. For more information, visit jewishcleveland.org.
Have Confidence with Your Home Care.
When you choose JFSA as your home care provider, you not only receive the highest quality care and plenty of services to choose from, you get something extra: Confidence.
Our nurses and home health aides want you to be as independent as possible and enjoy the confidence you gain when working with our supportive and caring staff.
• Skilled Nursing
• Medical Social Worker
• Physical, Occupational & Speech Therapy
• Home Health Aides
• Medication Management
• Lifeline Medical Alert
• Home Cleaning
• Kosher Home Delivered Meals
• Holocaust Survivor Support Services
• JFSA Shuttle On-The-Go! Free Transportation
Call 216.378.8660
JEWISH FAMILY SERVICE ASSOCIATION of Cleveland
jfsa-cleveland.org
Medicare, Medicaid and most insurance accepted.
SHANA TOVA!
Teri Rube Hochberg
Director of Education at Park Synagogue
KITCHEN UPDATES IN 1-5 DAYS
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Since arriving at Beachwood High School thirteen years ago, marketing teacher Greg Perry watched his colleague, science teacher Joe Burwell, tend the Karin Kushnir Memorial Garden. Karin was a Beachwood High School freshman in 1997 when she was tragically killed while riding her bicycle on Shaker Boulevard, heading to a friend’s home. The first iteration of the four-sided glassed garden with a pond emerged a few years later, prior to when Karin would have graduated in 2000.
Joe maintained the garden from the start. He was a BHS Ecology Club advisor and Ben Kushnir’s soccer coach (Karin’s younger brother). When he and former teacher and Ecology Club co-advisor Kim Hill counted several of Karin’s friends in the club, the idea to redesign the atrium blossomed. “Karin wasn’t one of my students, but I remember her from her freshman year,” Joe recalled. “It turns out I knew her father, Ori, from our participation in local men’s soccer leagues. Then, when Ben got to BHS, I got to know him as a member of the high school’s soccer team.
“When we chose to renovate the garden, the Kushnirs provided funds to support Ecology Club purchases of plants, fish, and pump supplies,” Joe added.
In 2006, Joe and his team also received a PTO grant to further spruce up the space. He and Mark Howdieshell (BHS deaf education specialist) put in a lot of sweat equity, and Sheila Heyman (former BHS drama teacher) provided plants and inspiration. This redesign included a newer version of the pond, replacing the shallow, fiberglass pond that would freeze every winter.
“Working in the garden provided quality time with students and an opportunity to strengthen my connection with Ben,” Joe said. “As we worked together, it became easier for Ben to open up and talk about Karin.”
When Ben graduated in 2007, he continued to return to Beachwood over the summers to help Joe tend the space and get it ready for the opening of another school year.
“So many people lent a hand to the space on behalf of my sister’s memory,” Ben told us. “It’s hard, so many years later, to even talk out loud about the accident, but know that our family is forever grateful to those who cared enough about Karin to help in some way.”
When the High School was renovated and reopened in 2013, signage for the garden was rehung, and the atrium became a natural centerpiece of the building. Joe would retire from teaching two years later, passing the baton for garden maintenance to the Ecology Club and district grounds crew employees. In 2020, marketing teacher Greg Perry and his students saw an opportunity and stepped up.
Greg’s classes are based on entrepreneurship, and there is always a Junior Achievement Company component. Each year, students create an exposition based on sustainability and ecology, and raise money by selling goods or services.
When COVID hit the country in January, Greg and his 40 students realized it was unlikely that they were going to have their annual expo or class trip that was planned to follow. They had been successful in promoting
their student company, Northern Comfort, and raising money through sales of blankets, sherpas, and bajas, so they chose to fund an overhaul of the Karin Kushnir Memorial Garden, turning it into a living legacy of a young girl whose life was taken much too soon.
The classroom commissioned Falling Waters Ohio to create what is now a spectacular space. Drs. Ori and Yael Kushnir were invited to view plans of the overhaul and give their blessings, and were then invited back last month for the garden’s unveiling.
Sheila, Joe, Greg, and all four CEOs from last year’s marketing program: Lucilla Thal, James Flowers, Claudia Casey, and Conor Brosnan, were with the Kushnirs at the unveiling, and each reflected on his or her role and history with the space. All in attendance stood in the high school atrium and looked out at the beautiful garden as the sky opened up with rain pouring down, so much rain that it flooded into the building. As thunder crackled, hopes of seeing a rainbow on this heartfelt day disappeared.
“The new garden is fantastic. I was honored to see the completed project at its unveiling with the Kushnirs,” Joe said. “Greg and his students have done something that will have a long-lasting impact on BHS, and the friends and family of Karin.”
Greg reflected on this project, saying, “This is a representation of life, beauty, and excitement that students unselfishly gave to the community. When I look at the garden, it will be a daily reminder of how students from the Class of 2020 gave of themselves.
“This is incredibly rewarding,” Greg added. “As a young teacher, Joe’s maintenance of the garden made a lasting impression on me. I hope to further inspire those who see and maintain this space in the future. Every class coming forward will share the responsibility of maintaining the garden, making it a lasting legacy.”
Greg’s marketing class is part of Excel TECC, welcoming students from different high schools. When the idea of renovating the garden was presented, Claudia and her fellow non-Beachwood classmates were eagerly onboard. “Covid started, and our expo and trip were cancelled,” she said. “We raised a lot of money, and all agreed with the direction we took. The garden needed a revamp, and this was an easy decision to make. It’s located in the heart of the school, and truly is the light of the school. It’s a bright spot for the community, school, and Kushnir family.”
Lucila continued, “Renovating the garden was a great decision because it brings the community together and provides an opportunity for future classes to be involved. For many years, a handful of teachers and students maintained the garden, but people who saw it didn’t really know its back story or why it existed. We’ve bridged that gap, met her parents, and continue to keep Karin’s memory alive.”
“Although it’s been nearly 25 years since Karin’s accident, there isn’t a day that goes by that we don’t think of her,” Rona Salomon, Karin’s sister, said during a phone call. “It feels like it’s been ten lifetimes since she left us, but the rawness never goes away. Everything that celebrates beauty, life, and joy reminds us of Karin.”
Rona, a pediatric dentist who lives in Brooklyn, New York, with her husband, Andrew, and two daughters, two and four years of age, looks forward to returning to Northeast Ohio to spend time in the high school garden. Ben, also a dentist, lives in the Columbus area. He, too, plans to reconnect soon with the space that bears his oldest sister’s name.
“The fact that Beachwood has remained steadfast in keeping Karin’s memorial alive makes me proud to be a product of this school system,” Ben shared. “It will forever be emotionally challenging to discuss her life but it gives me pride and honor to keep her memory alive.”
Once Beachwood High School reopens to the public, community members will be welcome to explore and enjoy the Karin Kushnir Memorial Garden.
What’s Inside the Garden?
A horticulturist at heart, Greg was incredibly thoughtful as he selected specimens for placement in the garden.
“I wanted to ensure a selection of evergreens to help maintain a structure all year long, along with early, mid, and late-season bloomers,” Greg enthused.
The garden will have three blooming seasons: spring, summer, and early fall. Five waterfalls can run continuously, all year long. The top of the garden is open, so the foliage selected is sturdy enough to hold a snow cap. There are eight spotlights, which are set to light the garden from dusk to dawn.
The following specimens have been planted:
- Weeping hemlock
- Japanese maple
- Crab apple tree
- Dwarf whip cords
- Dwarf hydrangeas
- Three varieties of choral bells
- Cone flowers
- Coral drift roses
- Rhododendrons
- Taxus
- Variegated Japanese iris
All of the rocks from the original pond were re-used, boulders were added, and a statue that Karin’s brother, Ben, had placed in the original garden was returned to a prominent spot, watching over his sister’s memorial.
Project costs, generously provided by the Beachwood Marketing Junior Achievement Class of 2020, exceeded $15,000.
The Death of an Angel
by Allie Kushnir, Karin’s cousin, March 8, 2002
Beautiful and loving, caring and great
Worthy of everything, not knowing her fate
Working and achieving, succeeding at her goal
Making one mistake that in my heart left a hole
Using her mind to decide what is right
Not knowing what would be the outcome,
she entered a tunnel with no light
Peddling and riding with the wind at her back
The bright world lied ahead,
but soon everything turned black
Looking and watching for what was coming her way
Not paying attention, this was her last day
Quickly crossing, her last steps lay ahead
Tonight she would be sleeping in a much different bed
Crashing and screaming, harsh sounds filled the air
Everything that happened just didn’t seem fair
Flushing and helping, people gather all around
Nothing can help her as she lies on the ground
Lying in the hospital, loved ones watching her sleep
Praying she will soon awake,
but her slumber is too deep
Days passing, not knowing what to do
When she didn’t wake up, no one believed it was true
Instantly gone forever, in heaven she would be
But I would not accept this,
why would God take her from me?
Years passing, still she’s away
I’m always wondering why things ended this way
Once a living angel, but now she’s above
I know she’ll always watch me, with a heart full of love
Karin had a sensitive and artistic soul. She expressed herself beautifully through poetry and writing. She was kind, generous and down to earth. She loved nature and animals. She had a curious and exploratory perspective on life. We hope that her spirit and energy can inspire future students and that her name lives on in this beautiful atrium for years to come.
– The Kushnir Family
This monarch butterfly, a spiritual symbol for life after death because of its metamorphosis, flew into the garden on the day of its unveiling.
Photos by Scott Morrison, Discovery Photo
We are living in unpredictable, surreal times. Many of us are feeling uncertain, isolated, agitated, and even hopeless at times.
When will we be able to go to work, school, out with friends? When will we be able to hug, grocery shop, or get gas without worry?
Covid is making many feel stuck, isolated, frustrated and angry. Powerless.
It is human nature to want control, or to believe we have control. We are learning with each passing day that the only control we have is how we respond in the face of uncertainty.
This truth can feel overwhelming, and this reality can most certainly be a trigger. When triggered, we have a choice: to react or to respond.
When we react, we do so impulsively, emotionally, and often with little regard for how our reactions might impact others. We react without restraint. Without filter. We become impatient, wanting or needing immediate relief from our burdens, frustrations, and fears.
When we respond, we do so with intention, awareness, accountability, and mindfulness. There is an awareness that words and actions can negatively or positively impact our current situation and others. We rely on facts, not fears, and recognize that our power exists in choice.
Congressman John Lewis died recently. He embodied responsiveness. He embodied purposeful intention and courage. Whether you agreed or disagreed with his politics, few can deny his courage. His life represented the best in moral courage. He embraced the responsibility of standing up, speaking out, and intelligently and passionately advocating for change. He dedicated his life to protecting human rights. His commitment to leading with high ethical standards and moral principles was recognized, appreciated, and respected by all who worked beside him (Republicans and Democrats alike). He was referred to as the conscience of the U.S. Congress.
This article is not about politics. This article is about moral courage and obligation.
We have an obligation to leave our world and the people in it better than when we arrived. We cannot achieve this through ambivalence. We have an obligation and a righteous purpose to be the change. Vote.
Congressman Lewis was the director of the Voter Education Project, adding nearly four million minorities to the voter rolls. He understood the importance, power, and necessity of voting.
Covid-19 cases continue to rise, therefore we must be proactive and timely in requesting absentee ballots. It is imperative to request your mail in ballot as soon as possible. Absentee ballots must be received (not just postmarked) by the deadline. Requesting an absentee ballot is straightforward and easy and can be done from your home.
It takes less than two minutes to register to vote. Go to Vote.org and register to vote today. To submit your application, you need some personal information, like your:
• Full name
• Date of birth
• Social Security Number (SSN)
• Address
Your completed absentee ballot (in person, online, or by mail) must be received 30 days prior to election day. There is no time to procrastinate. With covid-19, the mail service may be overwhelmed, causing delays.
Deadlines are as follows:
• Voter Registration
Monday, October 5, 2020
• Absentee Ballot Requests
Must be received by Saturday, October 31, 2020, 12 pm.
• Absentee Ballot Return
Postmarked by Monday, November 2, 2020
• If Delivered In Person
Tuesday, November 3, 2020, 7:30 pm
• Ohio General Election
Tuesday, November 3, 2020
We have an obligation to leave our world and the people in it better than when we arrived. We cannot achieve this through ambivalence. We have an obligation and a righteous purpose to be the change. Vote.
If you see something that is not right, not fair, or not just, you have a moral obligation to do something about it.
Jennifer Stern, LISW, is a Loss and Bereavement Specialist at Ellen F. Casper, PH.D and Associates in Beachwood. For more information, call 216.464.4243. Visit her website, transformativegrief.com, and sign up for monthly posts.
Virtual Finals Performance & Competition!
Live-Streamed on Sunday, September 13, at 7 pm
Free and open to the community!
You can be part of this extraordinary event! Shining Star CLE, in its fourth year, is a unique high school solo-singing competition where the most talented students in Northeast Ohio put on performances of their lifetimes and compete for college scholarships. This year’s event will be live-streamed so everyone can watch in the comfort of their own home!
On Sunday, September 13 at 7 pm, sit back and watch this high energy, 90-minute show of amazing talent and excitement. The top four finalists will be selected by celebrity judges. All viewers, along with the judges, will then vote to determine the placement of the top four vocalists. For details on how to watch the show, visit shiningstarcle.org. Shining Star CLE is a benefit for memory care programs offered by Menorah Park across the campus and in the community.
Congratulations Menorah Park
Congratulations Menorah Park on being named the 2020 recipient of the Bronze National Quality Award from the American Healthcare Association National Center for Assisted Living.
Community Invited to Bring Cheer and Holiday Wishes
The Menorah Park campus is reaching out to our community with a request to create handmade High Holiday and Sukkot decorations, drawings, and cards to help enhance the spirit of the holidays for residents. All items may be dropped off at the main entrance of Menorah Park or Montefiore, to the attention of Life Enrichment/Activities.
Thank you in advance for your contributions.
“Adopt the pace of nature. Her secret is patience.”
– Ralph Waldo Emerson
Now One
IN EXCELLENCE IN CARING
What does this new affiliation mean for you and your loved one?
Now you have even more choices and opportunities to support your goals of living empowered, living better and becoming inspired by all the possibilities life presents. Serving you through a broader array of services on our campuses and in the community.
Post-Hospital Care
Rehabilitation Therapies including Aquatics
Assisted & Independent Living
Memory Care Assisted Living, In-Home Memory Care & Brain Health*
Long-Term Care
Home Health Services
Adult Day Care*
Hospice & Palliative Care
To learn more, we invite you to visit MenorahPark.org or call us at 216.831.6500.
* Some services are limited due to the current COVID-19 pandemic.
In 1998, the elder Pistones were ready to retire, and the siblings were ready for a change. They had been serving lawyers, judges, and other professionals for years in this popular hot spot where many deals went down, and they wanted to bring their talents closer to home to better fit their families’ lives. They sold the downtown business and, in 2000, opened J.Pistone Market and Gathering Place, which is now called J. Pistone One World Market to better reflect its offerings.
J. Pistone’s is a warm, friendly, neighborhood market that offers chef-prepared foods, a patisserie, take-out items, and catering. The Pistones built their strong reputation by providing quality foods with only the freshest ingredients, along with excellent customer service.
“When we opened, we offered prepared meals-to-go at restaurant-level quality,” Joan explained. “Nobody in Cleveland was doing that at the time. We grew up in Beachwood and knew the market. Plus, a lot of our downtown customers lived here. We learned that they wanted fast, fresh food, and we delivered.”
As the business grew, so did the market’s offerings. “We expanded services to meet our clients’ needs,” John told us. “We now offer beer, wine, local groceries, baskets, and catering. We’ve created a destination where people can come in and get what they need, at any time of the day.”
“Our well-focused, international wine selection makes it easy to choose a bottle for a picnic, dinner, or dessert,” said Mark Shary, J. Pistone’s general manager. “Plus, I offer personal attention to my clients with recommendations that will appeal to their palate, which include very interesting wines not usually available in the grocery store. We can order any wines available in the State of Ohio and have them for you in just a couple days.”
The Pistones had to alter their business plan to safely serve customers since the start of the pandemic. “We needed to adapt to serve customers within their comfort zones,” John told us. “To do so, we’ve implemented curbside pickup, delivery for our café-menu items, and online ordering, which we believe will be the wave of the future.”
All food items are made in house, from scratch, including their baked goods. “We are now in our 20th year and have only had three pastry chefs,” she said. “Overall, our turnover is low. We invest in people, which is why they stay. Colleen Taylor has been our chef since Day One, and Mark has been with us for 16 years.”
Ari Zion, J. Pistone’s most recent hire, is the magic behind the baked goods. His secret sauce is that every ingredient has to be flavor forward.
“People trust what we do here. We don’t skimp,” John said. “They trust quality, and that’s what we serve. We’re grateful to have hired back our entire staff, people who have been here for years. They’re very loyal to us and we reciprocate. We brought them back with reduced hours, but they’re hanging in there and we know that business will continue to pick up.”
Joan and John are hands-on. John, a chef who attended culinary school, is behind the recipes, quality control, and ordering; and Joan oversees catering and customer service. They collaborate when it comes to staffing. Favorite dishes include Asian noodles with spicy peanut sauce, pesto pasta with artichoke hearts, lobster bisque, fried chicken, soups, marinara sauce, baked pasta, and key lime pie. On the healthier side, the restaurant has been selling salads with quinoa and faro since before they became popular.
“Because of the talent in our kitchen, we often try new recipes,” John said. “If they work, great. If not, we laugh it off and move on to the next thing. We’re an international kitchen, which is reflected in many of our dishes, including jambalaya and paella. Once we perfect a recipe, we follow it. It’s important for customers to receive consistent quality.
“A small business is only as good as its community support and it takes a village to keep it going. Local businesses are community assets, and it’s important to realize that if they’re not supported, they will go away,” John added. “We’re all in this together, and we’re grateful for continued support.”
As an afterthought, Joan said, “We’re known for our cookies! They’re amazing. And we’re doing a big business now with individual boxed meals and appetizer boxes. They’re great for carry out, and safe for social distance gatherings.”
J. Pistone World One Market is now open seven days a week, and to celebrate 20 years, they offer a 20% discount on Sundays between 2 and 3 pm.
Joan is married to Gene Hauck, and they have two children, Ben (BHS Class of 2005) and Justin (BHS Class of 2008). John is the father of twin boys, Jack and Miles. For more information, visit jpistone.com.
Ari Zion was born in Beachwood, moved to Miami when he was just a year old, moved back when he was in middle school, and graduated from BHS in 1994. He then attended Rochester Institute of Technology and majored in psychology.
For the next decade, Ari sustained himself by selling electric guitars through eBay. Once the recession hit and disposable income dried up, he started to consider other career options, during which time he often surfed cooking shows on the Food Network.
“I became fascinated and started cooking on my own,” he recalled. “Before that, even the idea of putting together a box of Kraft Mac and Cheese was too daunting, so it was quite the transformation.”
When Ari started culinary school at Art Institute of Hollywood in 2013, his ambitions were relatively subdued due to the perception of deaf people in the industry. He often thought he would open a savory-based catering business and go from there.
“I did well in culinary school and graduated as valedictorian of my class,” he told us.
Ari decided to try fine-dining pastry after an internship in a Santa Monica restaurant. After several frustrating interviews, he was hired at Osteria Mozza in Los Angeles, under Chef Nancy Silverton. In a year and a half, he was able to seize upon an opportunity to become a sous chef.
“That was the proudest moment of my career,” he said. “At that point, I had 14 people working under me and I was supervising the pastry department for the three restaurants operating under the same roof. It was a brutal job with 60-hour-week shifts, but I loved that I was surrounded by so much talent and prestige. Despite many challenges, I have no regrets. I learned so much and it really made me feel as though I was a chef – something I thought would never happen.”
“There’s surprisingly little overlap between restaurant and bakery work other than the love and discipline needed,” he said. “With a restaurant dish, you’re thinking about how many elements can come together harmoniously. My plated dishes often had six or more components. With bakery work, you’re thinking more about that single-serving treat. There’s no place to hide a weak component so everything needs to be flavor forward and delicious.”
Admittedly, Ari struggled a bit in the beginning because he wanted to do so much more with everything. Once he adopted a simple and elegant approach, it became much easier. Now, he just tries to do the best versions of classic desserts that everyone knows and loves.
The bulk of Ari’s culinary awakening was in Los Angeles, where he started his career. He used to go to the luxurious French bakeries just to sample their macarons. When he became a baker, that was the first thing he really wanted to conquer.
“Macarons have a well-deserved reputation for being a challenge,” he said. “That was probably one of my most exciting moments as a fledgling baker. Seeing those macarons come out of the oven with perfectly formed shells, and that elusive chew and crunch, was quite a point of pride for me.”
At J. Pistone, there’s a wide variety of desserts that change through the seasons. The top sellers can vary, but cookies have always done well. Key lime pie has also been a consistent and strong seller.
“It’s a personal favorite of mine as I grew up in Miami. It was particularly important to me that our key lime pie be able to stand amongst the best (and it does).
Ari’s biggest challenge has always been related to his deafness. The kitchen can be a loud and chaotic place. “I’ve actually been able to evolve my career to the point where the challenges are mostly negated,” he said. “The trio of restaurants I worked for in Los Angeles often had 75 or more people at one time. It took every ounce of my focus just to function and lead within that kitchen, which was exhausting. When I returned to Cleveland, I worked for Trentina in University Circle. It was a very small restaurant, with just a few people in the kitchen, much like J. Pistone.”
Key lime pie has also been a consistent and strong seller. “It’s a personal favorite of mine as I grew up in Miami. It was particularly important to me that our key lime pie be able to stand amongst the best (and it does).
When Trentina closed down, Ari started looking for bakery work as he preferred the hours. He was referred to Joan and John by his cousin, and accepted the job during his interview. “I thought they ran the restaurant very well,” Ari said. “There have been a few times in the past where I’ve had to deal with incompetence and unfriendly co-workers. There is none of that at J. Pistone. There hasn’t been a single uncomfortable moment for me, and the Pistones treat their employees like family, which I genuinely appreciate.”
Since the pandemic started, Ari has faced new challenges. “I cannot understand anything that a person with a face mask is saying,” he told us. “Usually basic pantomime is necessary, or moving to a place where social distancing is possible and removing the masks.”
Ari’s long-term goal is to have his own donut shop. “Since the market is so volatile right now, I haven’t been thinking about that as much as before,” he said. “I’m essentially waiting to see how the restaurant industry evolves and I’ll evolve with it.”
Continued on next page.
Ari's Advice to Someone Who Wants to be a Chef
Someone would first need to know the distinction between being a chef and a cook: If you want to be a chef, which is a management position, I definitely recommend taking classes on cost management and menu development. The actual cooking can mostly be learned on the job. I acquired 90 percent of my pastry knowledge via work or on my own. However, I am very thankful for the management classes as they allowed me to get promoted quickly.
Passion and a strong work ethic are essential. Hours are long and may sometimes be thankless. Even so, if a person has the right mentality for kitchen work, there are few things more satisfying and enjoyable.
Passion and a strong work ethic are essential. Hours are long and may sometimes be thankless. Even so, if a person has the right mentality for kitchen work, there are few things more satisfying and enjoyable.
Ari's Coconut Macaroons
4 cups Coconut Flakes
1 1/4 cups Condensed Milk
1/2 Teaspoon Vanilla Extract
1/4 Teaspoon Coconut Extract (optional)
Pinch Salt
2 Egg Whites
1. In a large bowl, fold and combine the first five ingredients by hand or with a spatula.
2. Using a mixer with whisk attachment, whip egg whites to stiff peaks
3. Fold egg whites into coconut mixture just until well combined.
4. Using a cookie scoop, scoop out mounds of coconut macaroons onto a well-greased and lined cookie sheet (a silicone mat is best for this).
5. Bake at 325 degrees for approximately 15 minutes or until the macaroons are GBD (golden brown and delicious).
Note: Due to oven variations and cookie sizes, the timing may vary. Visual inspection is the best way to know that they're finished.
Optional: Dunk the bottom of each macaroon in chocolate. A 60-70 percent cocoa dark chocolate will offset the sweetness wonderfully. Microwave the chocolate in 20-second bursts and stir after each, until chocolate is properly melted. You don’t want to let it get too hot.
“Live out of your imagination, not your history.”
– Stephen R. Covey
Ohio Must Have A Clean Energy Future
by State Representative Kent Smith
Since our last Statehouse update, we have changed Speakers in the Ohio House because Larry Householder has been accused of engaging in what the US Attorney for the Southern District of Ohio described as, “Likely the largest bribery, money laundering scheme ever” in Ohio history.
At the heart of the $60 million dollar bribery charges is an apparent dirty deal to bail out unprofitable FirstEnergy nuclear and coal plants through legislation titled House Bill 6.
An extensive overview of HB 6 can be found at tinyurl.com/HouseBill6. Beyond this most recent Statehouse scandal, I argue that a clean energy future is critical to Ohio. The question Ohioans need to ask themselves is, “Do you want clean energy to power our economic future, or do you want to remain in the smog age?”
To illustrate that point, I offer the theory of ‘sunrise industry vs. sunset industry’.
The Japanese used this illustration to describe what is a growing economic sector versus a declining economic sector. We all know that economies and markets change, and we want to be where the economy is growing. It is perilous for our region to be dominated by sunset industries.
One of the best examples of the sunrise vs. sunset analogy is Fortune 500 lists. Who is on it now, who was on it 30 years ago, who will be on it 30 years in the future?
The need for electricity will not decrease as Earth’s population grows. The economic opportunity of renewable power, a more flexible grid, and clean transportation are limitless. These markets should be pursued not shunned. Ohio currently trails our Midwest neighbors by a factor of 3x or 4x in wind-power wattage. The wind industry believes Ohio has 10 times the capacity than what we are currently producing. That’s $3 billion dollars’ worth of paychecks NOT being cashed in Ohio. These expanding sunrise markets would create employment growth. The Bureau of Labor Statistics says two of the biggest job-growth occupations in the next ten years will be wind turbine tech and solar panel installations. Future Fortune 500 lists will be powered by clean energy, and Ohio companies need to be on that list.
State Representative Kent Smith represents Ohio’s 8th House District which includes Beachwood, Euclid, South Euclid, Richmond Heights, East Cleveland, Woodmere Village, and a little bit of the City of Cleveland.
Masks Required Indoors & Outdoors
The Ohio Department of Health and the City of Beachwood both mandate the wearing of facial coverings (masks) in public indoor and outdoor gathering areas.
“This is a public health requirement in the midst of the largest public health crisis of our lifetime,” said Council President James Pasch. “Science shows that a simple face mask helps blunt the spread of the virus. If we all wear masks, we will all be safer.”
Please be sure to wear your mask at Barkwood Dog Park and the City Playground. This also applies to Beachwood City Park when you are in a group or unable to maintain at least six feet of social distance: for example, while passing others on the path. By wearing a mask, we not only protect ourselves, we protect those around us: family, friends, co-workers, and customers.
Wanted: Original Recipes from Garden
If you have created an original recipe around one of your Beachwood veggie harvests, send it to the City. We will assemble all the submissions in a booklet to be shared on our website. Please send your recipes to email@example.com.
Deadline: September 15
Special Notice
Due to the Labor Day holiday on Monday, September 7, rubbish pick-ups will be delayed one day throughout the week.
HOUSEHOLD HAZARDOUS WASTE DISPOSAL PROGRAM
To help residents dispose of oil-based paint, pesticides, automotive fluids and other hazardous products found in the home, the Solid Waste District offers a countywide Household Hazardous Waste Disposal Program. Beachwood residents may deliver their Household Hazardous Waste year-round to:
Public Works Department
23355 Mercantile Road
Monday - Friday, 7:30 AM - 3:30 PM
The City of Beachwood can only accept hazardous materials that originate from a household. Examples of household hazardous waste include oil-based paint, solvents, used motor oil, automotive fluids, aerosols, lawn and garden products, pesticides, pool chemicals and household cleaners. Latex paint is not accepted.
Dried-out paint cans, empty aerosol cans and other empty containers can be placed in the regular trash for disposal. Empty motor oil and antifreeze jugs may have residue of the hazardous materials they held and should be placed in the trash, not recycling, for proper disposal.
Before disposing of products, consider donating usable materials to a friend, neighbor or organization.
FALL LEAF PICK-UP
Loose-leaf pick-up begins this month and (weather permitting) runs through mid-December.
• Leaves need to be raked into piles on the tree-lawn
• Keep piles free from other debris such as grass, trees or branches
• Vehicles parked on the street may impede the City’s ability to collect leaves
Public City meetings are now held online and can be viewed on the City website. For information on how to participate or submit a comment, please email firstname.lastname@example.org. For information about Planning & Zoning and the Architectural Board of Review, please email email@example.com.
50-YEAR RESIDENTS
Have you been a Beachwood resident for 50 years? Let us honor you! We will deliver a special gift to your home.
Please call 216.595.3733
AMERICAN RED CROSS BLOOD DRIVE
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 25
1:00 – 7:00 PM
Beachwood Community Center
Call 1.800.RED CROSS for an appointment
UPCOMING MEETINGS
CITY COUNCIL
Tuesday, September 8 at 7:00 PM
Monday, September 21 at 7:00 PM
Questions? Call 216.595.5462
PLANNING & ZONING COMMISSION
Thursday, September 24 at 4:00 PM
Questions? Call 216.292.1914
ARCHITECTURAL BOARD OF REVIEW
Tuesday, September 8 at 4:00 PM
Monday, September 21 at 4:00 PM
Questions? Call 216.292.1914
REDUCE WILDLIFE CONFLICT ON YOUR PROPERTY
Don’t feed wildlife; it is the law (BCO 618.12). If you choose to feed the birds, please place the feeder where it is inaccessible to other wildlife species.
- Keep pet food inside
- Store garbage in containers with tight-fitting lids and keep in a garage or shed
- Clean the drip pan of your grill and remove any other attractions from your yard
SENIOR RUBBISH ASSISTANCE
Are you 80+ years of age or disabled with no one in your single-family home to assist you with your rubbish & recycling bins? We can help. Call 216.292.1922 to register.
RECYCLE RIGHT
Learn best practices for recycling in Cuyahoga County and how your actions can make a meaningful difference in our community. Get answers to questions about curbside recycling and discuss what, where, how and when to recycle other items you need to part with.
To register, visit: tinyurl.com/CCSWDweb.
Thursday, September 17
Webinar • 2:00 PM
Thursday, September 24
Webinar • 6:00 PM
Ask Me a Recycling Question!
CuyahogaRecycles.org
STORYWALK IN THE PARK
StoryWalk® was created by the Beachwood Branch of Cuyahoga County Public Library to help build children’s interest in reading while also encouraging healthy activity. Follow the StoryWalk® path and talk about the story as you go.
The new book for September is “The Truth About Grandparents,” by Elina Ellis.
City Insider
SUBSCRIBE NOW!
Should urgent City news require your attention, we want to let you know immediately.
In addition, you will be kept up-to-date on City programs and events.
Stay informed and register TODAY.
BEACHWOOD: Help Us Keep You Informed!
There has never been a more important time for you to register for City of Beachwood notifications. If there is a City emergency that requires your attention, we want you to know immediately. As we look to the future, we will let you know as City programs resume and businesses reopen. The City of Beachwood is committed to reaching every resident by email and/or text message.
Register today with your email and mobile number one of three ways:
1. ONLINE at www.beachwoodohio.com by clicking Notify Me at the Alert Center and registering for BEACHWOOD eLIST
2. By VOICEMAIL MESSAGE at 216-292-1905; or
3. EMAIL the information to: firstname.lastname@example.org
Your information will not be shared.
Martin S. Horwitz, Mayor
RX DRUG DROP BOX
A prescription drug drop-off box is located in the Police Department lobby. Residents can deposit unused, unwanted or expired prescription pills at the Drug Drop Box at the Police Department, Monday through Friday between 8:00 AM and 4:30 PM. No liquids or needles.
NO COOK FOOD TRUCK SUNDAY
Facial covering and social distancing mandatory
Presented by City of Beachwood and Beachwood Chamber of Commerce
Beachwood City Hall Parking Lot
25325 Fairmount Blvd, Beachwood
Sunday September 13, 2020
COCKY'S BAGELS • TASTE OF NAWLNS • FOOD DEPOT SAUCED PIZZERIA • SIGNATURE SLUSH & CREAM
Eat onsite or take to go!
11 AM to 2 PM
BEACHWOOD VAN SERVICE
The Beachwood Community Services Department continues to provide van service to resident seniors and residents with disabilities to get to medical appointments, or to pick up pre-paid grocery and pharmacy orders. For more information, please call 216.292.1971.
PICK UP AFTER YOUR DOG
It's the law!
(Beachwood City Ordinance 618.12)
Trucks are on the move!
HONKIN HAULIN TRUCK PARADE
- Sunday, October 18
- Starts at 1:00 PM
- Parade Route at: www.beachwoodohio.com
It’s a parade of your favorite big trucks driving right past you!
Free goody bags!
City of Beachwood
WWW.BEACHWOODOHIO.COM
Questions? (216) 292-1970
FREE BUILD A SCARECROW!
You provide the creativity, clothes, and accessories. We provide the scarecrow mounting, straw and twine.
Sunday, October 11
NOON - 2:00 PM
Beachwood City Park East
Registration is FREE but required by October 5
Perfect family and group activity
Register at: www.beachwoodohio.com/registration
Questions? 216.292.1970
Presented by City of Beachwood, Beachwood Historical Society & Beachwood Arts Council
FOLLOW US Details regarding the effects of COVID-19 are changing on a daily basis. Stay informed by following the City of Beachwood online:
• WWW.BEACHWOODOHIO.COM
• FACEBOOK.COM/BEACHWOODOH
• TWITTER.COM/BEACHWOODOH
We continue to encourage residents to claim a free CodeRED emergency communications account. Click the red circle icon on the left-hand side of www.BeachwoodOhio.com
The Beachwood High School Class of 2020 graduated in a drive-in ceremony that took place on a blustery Sunday morning, August 2nd. Nothing, however, could dampen the excitement of our Seniors as they crossed this milestone! For more information, see page 36.
**Summer Projects**
Members of our facilities staff, led by Supervisor of Facilities & Grounds Brian Koss, have worked their summer magic again, this time making over each of our school buildings to support physical distancing in our classrooms, ubiquitous hand sanitizing, and a host of other precautions we will take once we (finally!) welcome our students back to school in person! Thank you to all these hard-working staff members!
**Capital Improvement Projects Update**
Before the 2021-2022 school year begins, a variety of important capital improvement projects will be completed around the high school including a redesign of our high school parking lot to enhance safety and efficiency, a long-overdue renovation to our natatorium, and the building of a softball stadium. Recent developments for these projects include:
- Hired Owner’s Representative - CT Consultants
- Hired Design Firm - Strollo Architects
- Construction Manager at Risk Interviews in late-August
- Met with Community Stakeholder Committees
- Natatorium Renovation
- Softball Stadium
- High School Parking Lot Renovation
Welcome Back! Sort of…
Beachwood Schools began the school year the way we left the last school year -- online. No matter the format for learning, our district’s undivided attention is on achieving EDUCATIONAL EQUITY. We are doing so by making progress in three intersecting areas of focus:
- Student Achievement
- Intercultural Awareness
- Mental Health
Our district is committed to taking major strides forward toward educational equity right now -- not in spite of COVID-19, but because this pandemic exposes and increases inequity more than ever before. We have an opportunity, in this highly unique time, to change what we do, how we do it, and why we do it. Our staff have been encouraged to use the FREEDOM afforded by our current challenges to REINVENT our district.
Also, many current staff have changed their assignments this year in order to best meet the needs of our students during the pandemic. Thanks to each of these staff members for their flexibility and dedication in making the shifts necessary to help our entire school community get through difficult circumstances.
2020-2021 Fun Facts
Enrollment: approx. 1480
New Families to Beachwood Schools: 85
Demographics
| Percentage | Race/ethnicity |
|------------|----------------------|
| 49% | Caucasian |
| 21% | Asian |
| 20% | African American |
| 6% | Mixed Race |
| 4% | Hispanic |
| 1% | American Indian |
23 different languages spoken in Beachwood homes
The Beachwood Chamber of Commerce welcomes Kathy Seeley as its new executive director. We had an opportunity to talk with Kathy about her vision for the Chamber, and how her skillset will benefit members and the organization’s growth.
Kathy entered the financial industry in 2002. She started in mortgage sales, in Wadsworth, Ohio. Her path led her to Geauga County, where she worked as assistant vice president and corporate secretary at Geauga Savings Bank. When the bank opened a Beachwood branch, Kathy relocated.
In 2019, Kathy joined the Chamber’s board of directors and saw growth opportunities within the organization. She then interviewed for the position of executive director, because she felt confident that she could use her sales, project management, and customer service skills to further the organization’s mission.
Kathy’s plans are threefold: To connect and engage with the Beachwood business community, to offer value to members, and to increase participation. She plans to do so through programming, by listening to members’ needs, by utilizing her strong communications skills, and by connecting members with each other, and to resources that will strengthen their businesses.
Her biggest challenge is to keep membership engaged. “Like many other businesses right now, we have had to adapt by making changes, adjust to daily challenges, and get creative to best determine how to carry on with our mission,” Kathy said. “I’m grateful for our member volunteers and the creativity they bring to our committees. As a result, we continue to offer virtual programs with topics that are current and relevant, providing value for all who participate.”
Kathy explained how small and large businesses both benefit from Chamber memberships. “We offer programs and services to reduce operating costs, such as health benefits, technology, office supplies, and energy costs,” she said. “Our benefits are for all of our members, regardless of business size. In addition to cost savings, we invite members to advertise open positions, create networking programs, and introduce sales people and decision makers.”
To maximize business memberships, Kathy’s advice is to become involved, attend events, and join a committee. “People like to do business with people who they know, like, and trust,” she said.
The Beachwood Chamber welcomes businesses from Beachwood and beyond – anyone who wants to do business in and around Beachwood. All the members Kathy’s met so far have been welcoming and a pleasure to work with.
“I’m working with board members and membership to spread the word about all that the Chamber has to offer, and our efforts are paying off with new people joining us at our virtual events,” Kathy said. “I encourage current and potential members to join us at an online event, which takes up less time, is productive, and delivers strong benefits. Plus, it will provide potential members with an opportunity to see the value of becoming a member. It’s rewarding to have opportunities to make an immediate impact in this challenging environment.”
“It’s rewarding to have opportunities to make an immediate impact in this challenging environment.”
To provide continued value to members, the Chamber offers networking opportunities throughout the month. For complete information, visit beachwood.org, or check their social media platforms on Facebook, Instagram, and LinkedIn.
Kathy and her husband, Victor, have two children, a crazy cat, and big, sweet dog. Her biggest passion is the safety and health of their children, and all the world’s children. She is also passionate about food with clean ingredients. Admittedly, her favorite TV show is the Real Housewives of Beverly Hills. One of her favorite places to visit (frequently) is Marblehead, Ohio. Kathy’s aunt has a home there, and they enjoy boating, jet skiing, and playing fetch with Cooper on the beach.
Photo by Scott Morrison, Discovery Photo.
Join us
Visit us at www.beachwood.org or on social media:
Facebook @BeachwoodCOC
Instagram @beachwoodchamber
LinkedIn @beachwoodcoc
ENGAGING TOPICS
Well-known Business Owners
Health/Wellness
Energy Efficiency
State of the City
Columnists
Entrepreneurship
How to Increase Sales
Structured Networking
Cleveland Attractions
Real Estate
Sports
Learn to Network
You can expect to see these topics and more at our FREE virtual events.
See something missing?
Become involved by joining a committee to make your voice heard!
Congratulations BHS Graduates!
On August 2, graduates from the Beachwood High School Class of 2020 received their diplomas at a drive-up graduation ceremony.
At 9 am, seniors were invited to view Senior Superlatives, a video that featured seniors who were voted by their classmates to fit specific descriptions – such as most creative, best eyes, best smile – and a Senior Slideshow. At 10 am, seniors and their families began arriving for the 10:30 am graduation ceremony. All family members remained in their cars, except for when the students walked across the stage to receive their diplomas.
The ceremony began with Eric Golovan’s rendition of The Star-Spangled Banner, followed by Principal Paul Chase’s welcome comments. Mr. Chase talked about some of this year’s “firsts,” including the first graduation parade, first graduation sign delivery program, and first drive-up graduation.
He then said, “Kindness has the power to solve almost every problem. Kindness creates opportunities in a person’s life. Kindness can heal a person almost instantly. Kindness can pull a person through a pandemic.” He continued, “Never underestimate smiling or just saying hello to someone. Never pass up an opportunity to hold a door for someone. Never underestimate the moment you seized to give a complete stranger a compliment. Never pass up on an opportunity to feed the hungry or clothe the homeless. Kindness can change the world.”
Mr. Chase then announced Magna Cum Laude graduates, and turned the microphone over to School Board President Brian Weiss, who incorporated in his speech vintage video clips that were used at drive-in theaters back in the ‘60s. Dr. Weiss also threw in some humor before delivering his message.
“Graduates, each one of you was planted here about 18 years ago. Some of you have been transplanted. Much like a tree that is planted or transplanted, with proper nurturing, it continues to grow and thrive. As it grows, its branches begin to spread out and go in different directions, but the roots remain. We hope that as each of you continues to go in different directions, you will remember and return to your roots, at least to visit, if not to live, raise, and educate your families. Remember, you are always welcome in Beachwood! We wish all of our graduates success, happiness, and a bright future. Congratulations Class of 2020!”
Senior Class presenters included Cassidy Gilliam and Carly Petti. Excerpts from their speeches follow.
It Always Seems Impossible Until It’s Done
By Cassidy Gilliam
A great leader by the name of Nelson Mandela said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” We entered high school in 2016, and I think it’s safe to say we’ve become something close to a family. We have experienced many memorable moments and some of the most important times in life.
As we move forward, there will be many bumps in the road, but we have been given the proper tools to know how to fix those bumps and help others along the way. One of my biggest regrets in high school was not cherishing the time I spent with my classmates and some of the best teachers in the world.
Beachwood is one of the best places to be able to call home. To any teacher, administrator, or coach who has taken the chance to listen or support the members of my class and me, thank you for your hard work and dedication. Some of you have brightened up sad days, taught me the importance and strength of using my voice, listened, stayed after school to help me, and served as mentors to guide me through life. To our wonderful parents, thank you. I thank my parents for being my Number One fans no matter the circumstances, for breathing life into my confidence and dreams, and for helping me to realize my place as an African American woman in school and society.
The last words Mr. Gugick told my junior year math class before leaving for spring break in 2019 were, “Learn to treat each other better despite your differences.”
There will be tough times, but soon you’ll see the rainbow after the storm. My strongest advice is to surround yourself with dreamers, believers and, most importantly, surround yourself with those who see your greatness, even when your vision may not be so clear.
My strongest advice is to surround yourself with dreamers, believers and, most importantly, surround yourself with those who see your greatness, even when your vision may not be so clear.
– Cassidy Gilliam
I thank Beachwood for making me the person I am today, a leader who lives by Malcom X’s famous quote, “Stand for something, or you’ll fall for anything.”
High School has tested me, taught me, and cultivated me, which has allowed me to feel free to learn more about myself and, most importantly, allowed me to realize the importance of using my voice, despite the opinion of others.
Last but not least, for the Class of 2020, I’m upset that our time was cut short, but thank you for the memories that I’ll cherish forever. In the words of Dr. Hardis, “Remember to stay Bison strong!”
Our Big Finish
By Carly Petti
After 1,348 three-o’clock bells, 68 pre-soccer-game huddles, 4 rivalry football games and endless memories, the Class of 2020’s high school experience is coming to a close. As our year has been unexpectedly cut short, it’s clear now how important it is to make each and every day count. There are moments we’ll never get to experience as planned, but as artist Morgan Harper Nichols said, “Going through things you never thought you’d go through will only take you to places you never thought you’d get to.”
As a member of the 2020 senior class, I’ve learned to entirely take advantage of each opportunity life throws me and to never take it for granted. I’ve learned that the scariest moment is always just before you start. High school and life are full of firsts and new experiences. It’s not the experience that matters, it’s what you choose to gain from the experience. Seize the moment, because you never know when a lifelong memory could be made or an important lesson could be learned.
Although the list of people who have influenced me could go on for miles, the valuable lessons I learned from my soccer coach, Jon Kostoff, have impacted me beyond measure. He pushed us to be the best version of ourselves on and off the field. He exemplified someone with a true team spirit and dedication, and he taught me that with passion and belief in myself, I can do anything that I set my mind to do.
Today, I reflect and feel strongly that I’ve made the most of my time, grown positively as an individual, helped others grow, and pushed my limits for the better. I’ve found that staying in my comfort zone doesn’t create memories, growth, or new experiences; and that stepping out and letting others into your world can be life changing.
Even in the midst of a hard time, never forget that you control your reaction. It will always be your story, feel free to hit everyone with a plot twist at any moment.
– Carly Petti
Following Carly’s speech, Class President Zyad Shehadeh presented the class gift, saying, “The Class of 2020 gift will be a plaque that commemorates and honors the custodial and cleaning staff, the unsung heroes who maintain the Beachwood High School facilities. The plaque will be hung in the cafeteria and shall serve as a lasting reminder to thank them for their hard work.”
Next, Mr. Chase, Superintendent Dr. Bob Hardis, and School Board Vice President Maria Bennett announced Certification, Presentation, and Acceptance of the Class of 2020, respectively; followed by a congratulatory message that Mrs. Bennett shared via video.
Dr. Brian Weiss, Maria Bennett, Jillian DeLong, Joshua Mintz, and Megan Walsh conferred diplomas.
As the ceremony was winding down, a special video production of the School’s Alma Mater, “White and Gold,” with original music by Alex Shapiro, was shown on the screen. This musical production was created by Orchestra Director Lisa Goldman and Emily Axel, and performed by teachers, students, musicians, and graduates.
Zyad Shehadeh then led the turning of the tassel, which was followed by the recessional.
Congratulations Class of 2020!
Pictured from top:
School Board President Dr. Brian Weiss
Honors Choir Student Eric Golovan
Student Council President Zyad Shehadeh
Art and Nature Help Young Residents Make a Difference
When seven-year-old Laya Viswanath saw the sign that read “8:46” on the cover of the July issue of Beachwood Buzz, she asked her mother, Ramya Ramadurai, what it meant. She and her family then discussed COVID-19, the importance of wearing masks, and Black Lives Matter. On that magazine cover, Laya saw people coming together to have their voices heard and wanted to do something to raise awareness about PPE and the Black Lives Matter’s movement.
She chose to set up an art stand and sell paintings, but then decided to call it a gift shop, since she also wanted to sell clippings from house plants and harvested lavender. She and her five-year-old brother, Kedar, set up shop on July 18 and sold out in five hours. They raised $500, and donated $250 to GetUsPPE.org, an organization that acquires and distributes PPE to front-line healthcare workers; and $250 to The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which exists to preserve and protect the liberties and privileges guaranteed to each individual by the Bill of Rights.
“I’m proud of Laya and Kedar for working together to help others,” said Ramya. “Beachwood Schools encourages this type of volunteerism and ability to do good things. When someone reads about what other students are doing, it inspires them to do something to serve our community as well.”
“My friends want to do similar things because of what I did,” Laya added.
We asked Kedar how he helped his sister with her gift shop, and he said, “Hand over the cash!”
On that magazine cover, Laya saw people coming together to have their voices heard and wanted to do something to raise awareness about PPE and the Black Lives Matter’s movement.
Beachwood Historical Society Road Rally
On July 26, the Beachwood Historical Society hosted a Road Rally. Participants named their cars and drove around Beachwood and the shores of Lake Erie, while answering trivia questions along the way. Questions and clues were provided and teams were timed. A delicious luncheon was then served on the beautiful outdoor patio of Cavotta Garden Center and Urban Farm, located on Nottingham Road.
Winners were announced, trophies were distributed, social distancing was observed, and fun was had by all!
“Educating participants about our city’s rich history is one of our missions,” said Rosemary Nemeth, Beachwood Historical Society president. “Thanks to all participants and congratulations to all rally winners!”
1st-place • Rapp Mobile
Helen, Janie and Ed Rapp
2nd Place • Three Generations
Lana Zachlin, Molly Zachlin, and Shirley Caserta
3rd Place • The Doctors
Dr. Mark Nosin, Dr. Evan Buller, and Wendy Leonard
Honorable Mention
Team Lighthouse
Emma Polly and Nora Joyce
Beachwood History Book Club
The Beachwood History Book Club is thriving despite the pandemic. Meetings continue to be held via Zoom. This Club is free and open to all. New members are always welcome! Please email Margaret Reardon at email@example.com to receive the login information. You can also reach out with questions, and to be put on the Club’s mailing list, by emailing or calling 440.292.7739.
Thursday, September 24 • 7 pm
Begin Again: James Baldwin’s America and Its Urgent Lessons for Our Own, by Eric S. Glaude Jr.
Thursday, November 5 • 7 pm
Olive the Lionheart: Lost Loves, Imperial Spies and One Woman’s Journey into the Heart of Africa, by Brad Ricca
Nicki Adler and Renee Heller have been friends since they were three years old. They both grew up in Cleveland Heights, graduated from Cleveland Heights High School in 1972, and completed an adult B’Nai Mitzvah program in 1989.
A few years ago, when Renee was putting her granddaughter to bed, she was too lazy to get up and select a book to read as a bedtime story. Instead, she made one up. Later, she thought, “That was a cute story,” so she bounced it around the family and then modified it.
She then asked Nicki, a lifelong artist, if she would be interested in illustrating it.
“Nicki is an unbelievable artist,” Renee shared. “When my kids ran for student council, she created their posters, which looked like they had been done at a professional agency.”
Nicki read the story and started to visualize the characters that would make it come to life. She had been taking art classes since childhood, attended classes at the Cleveland Museum of Art, and then went to Cooper School of Art. Her mother, also an artist, influenced Nicki’s love of different art media.
“The story’s characters are mice, so I did some research to get a better understanding of what they may look like, came up with two characters, and enjoyed replicating them throughout the book,” Nicki told us. She used colored pencils as her medium and created 18 drawings.
The book, titled *Hide and Seek*, is about Esther and Elle, who are the best of friends. The characters were named after two of Renee’s grandchildren, Esther and Danielle (Elle), who laugh and play together every day.
The duo enjoys drawing pictures and singing songs, but their favorite game is hide and seek. It’s Esther’s turn to hide and she finds a most unusual spot in the kitchen. Elle searches everywhere. Where can Esther be? This picture book for children shares a whimsical story about friendship, and an interesting game of hide and seek.
Once the story and drawings were completed, Renee chose to self-publish the book through Archway Publishing, a subsidiary of Simon-Schuster. She chose this route so that she and Nicki would have more creative control with illustrations, the title, deadlines, and format, which Nicki also designed.
The project took about two years from start to finish. In the story, Esther says, “Tee, hee, hee, can’t find me.” If you want to read Renee’s creative story, see Nicki’s beautiful illustrations that bring the characters to life, and find this magical hiding place. *Hide and Seek* is now available on Amazon, and at Barnes and Noble and Target.
“I’m so proud that we saw this through, and that Nicki and I can now hold *Hide and Seek* and call it our own,” said Renee. “Nicki was great to work with and we’re still friends!”
Renee and Nicki share this message with the community: If something inspires you, write it down, let it blossom, and follow through! If you have an idea, whatever it may be, go with it. You’ll never know where it may take you!
Renee, a practicing attorney, is married to Brian. They have three children, Michelle (Rothbaum, BHS Class of ’97), Scott (BHS Class of ’99), and Jeffrey (BHS Class of ’01); and seven grandchildren.
Nicki, a Beachwood resident, is married to Gabe. They have two daughters, Jessica (Ganzer, BHS Class of ’98) and Abby (Mandel, BHS Class of 2000); and three grandchildren.
For more information, email Renee at firstname.lastname@example.org or Nicki at email@example.com.
Civista Bank Supports Customers in Challenging Times
Civista Bank has enjoyed a warm welcome from the Beachwood community since opening a local branch in late October. Now in the midst of a pandemic, Civista has stepped up to help Beachwood businesses and families navigate their financial challenges during a time of unprecedented uncertainty.
In the last few months alone, Civista has helped more than 2,000 community businesses secure over $260 million in the Small Business Administration’s (SBA) Paycheck Protection Program. Those funds have helped support more than 35,000 employees across the Civista footprint.
The Bank’s supportive services extend well beyond that much-needed funding. As a full-service commercial bank, Civista offers highly individualized personal, business, mortgage, wealth management, and private banking services. They have been serving communities like Beachwood and building local relationships since 1884. In fact, relationship banking is at the core of their mission.
Civista employees take that community commitment to heart, supporting local organizations through corporate donations, matching gifts, and volunteering.
Because Civista is a community bank, business and personal loan decisions are made locally by loan specialists who stay with each loan customer from application to final payment. Their business lenders understand the Beachwood market and tailor loans to meet specific local needs. Whether a customer is financing a development project or business expansion, purchasing new inventory or covering unexpected expenses, Civista’s experienced commercial lenders can customize solutions and provide prompt answers.
From mortgages and home equity lines of credit to a variety of checking options, Civista offers individuals and families the financial tools they need to weather these unprecedented times. This includes highly competitive rates and terms to help them realize their dreams, from tuition and home improvements to new vehicles and refinancing. All Civista checking, savings, and CD accounts are FDIC insured.
Civista also offers online courses to assist individuals and families in how to better understand and manage their finances, as well as special programs for first-time home buyers. The bank is an equal housing lender.
Civista has a number of special offers to welcome new personal and business checking customers. If you would like more information about these Civista offerings, you may schedule an appointment by calling 216.342.7150.
For more information, visit civista.bank/reward.
Make a rewarding checking move and get $200.
Open a new Civista Bank personal checking account at the Beachwood branch and ask about your $200 reward with qualifying activities. Make your move to relationship banking focused on you!
HURRY, OFFER ENDS SEPTEMBER 30.
Learn more at civista.bank/reward.
3723 Park East Drive
216.342.7150
*Make qualified new money deposits totaling $500.00 or more and 10 debit card purchases posted to a qualified checking account within 90 days of account opening. Personal Checking Accounts include choice of Star Compass, Free, One Choice Checking or Student Free Checking. Minimum opening deposit is $50.00. eStatements are available upon request. Optional paper statement may be substituted upon request but would disqualify account holder from this promotion. A paper statement option charge may apply. Qualifying new money is limited to not more than 2 Civista Bank accounts, transactions with another Civista Bank account. Account must be opened 90 days to be eligible for reward. Offer valid only at Beachwood branch for new Civista customers and excludes existing Civista personal checking account owners and those closed within the past six months. Employees of Civista Bank are not eligible. Offer cannot be combined with any other offer and limited to one per household (same last name and address).
Even a pandemic could not break the indelible bonds linking members of the Park Synagogue Sisterhood. But those bonds were tested when COVID-19 forced the weekly sisterhood meetings to go virtual. Rising to the challenge, newly elected sisterhood president Linda Wolf was determined not to leave any sisterhood member behind – not on her watch.
Since the 200-member sisterhood leans older demographically, Linda, herself a 30-year sisterhood member, knew the answer was to Zoom their weekly meetings. “But teaching our elderly members how to use the Internet effectively and to understand Zoom instructions was going to take work,” said Linda.
Luckily, Linda had the credentials and technical ability to face the biggest challenge of her fledgling presidency. As a PhD., RN, CNS, CNE-Ret, the retired Cleveland State University School of Nursing Associate Professor Emerita put her tech, communication, and organizational skills to good use. She devised ways to teach older sisterhood members how to use their iPhones or home computers to attend virtual meetings.
Linda called sisterhood members and personally gave them Zoom tutorials over the phone. She also reached out to their family members, asking them to help in the training process. For members who live in community housing, like R.H. Myers on the Menorah Park campus, on-site staff members helped the women learn how to connect.
All that hard work paid off. Linda now has an involved, eager membership attending the one-hour virtual meetings on Tuesdays. Members include women in their 70s who have transitioned from baby boomers to sisterhood Zoomers, and, miraculously, women in their 90s who can now Zoom with the best of them.
“The need to connect with sisterhood is a very powerful motivator,” said Linda. “In the past, our Tuesday meetings always included education, socialization, a hearty lunch, and entertainment. It would have been unconscionable not to find a way to continue that tradition, especially now, when so many of us are experiencing social isolation and a loss of community.”
The Zoom meetings have been so good, women want more. “After our one-hour meetings many women don’t sign out,” said Linda. “They stay on the screen and kibbitz with each other. Even if they are only seeing their dear friends virtually, it has a powerful impact.”
Beachwood resident and Park Sisterhood treasurer Sandee Baumel is grateful that Linda encouraged “old timers like me to learn to Zoom,” she said. “After my husband passed away, sisterhood became a lifeline for me. The camaraderie and the mental stimulation have kept me going. Now I can still look forward to sisterhood meetings, even if they’re in a different format.”
Linda feels her presidency is off to a good start. “I feel honored to work with these amazing ladies,” she said. “Our members are so bright. They ask deep and probing questions on every subject, ranging from Judaism to current events. Even though our schedule of events has been scaled back, we still make the most of our time together.”
“It would have been unconscionable not to find a way to continue that tradition, especially now, when so many of us are experiencing social isolation and a loss of community.”
Along with Sisterhood, Linda and her husband, Clifford, are actively involved in the broader community. They are parents of Rachel and Aaron. Aaron and his wife, Anne, have their three children, Devora, Yael, and Shira; and a soon-to-arrive fourth child. The couple made Aliyah last year and live in Tel Mond, Israel.
Because of COVID, Linda, Cliff, and Rachel have had to postpone their trip to Israel three times. But they are able to connect with their Israeli children weekly with – you guessed it – Zoom.
To contact Linda Wolf, you may email her at firstname.lastname@example.org.
Comments from the Park Synagogue Sisterhood Zoom meeting on Tuesday, August 11
“I drove by the synagogue today, it’s still there waiting for us to return.”
“I don’t know how I got on to this meeting. I just kept pressing buttons.”
“Do you think we will ever play mahj jong again?”
“How do we do that?”
“Just be quiet and let Linda talk.”
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✉️ email@example.com
RE/MAX TRADITIONS
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IT TAKES
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With flexible financing options, it's easy to invest in a new heating or cooling comfort system or an unexpected repair, without breaking your budget. For a limited time, take advantage of our special financing for 36-72 months* on select Bryant® high efficiency equipment. We make it easy for your family to stay comfortable all year long.
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The Beachwood Historical Society is committed to preserving the dynamic history of Beachwood, educating people of all ages, and sharing historic collections. It preserves and promotes artifacts, documents and photographs; educates people about the history of Beachwood, from “Beechwood” to Beachwood; sponsors events; and researches and archives information.
**This month’s challenge:**
This building used to be called home by one of our country’s largest retailers. Name that Company.
Please email answers to firstname.lastname@example.org with the words “Beachwood Historical Society Challenge” on the subject line. All correct answers received by September 10 will be entered in a raffle for a $50 gift card.
**Last month’s question:**
Where was this bell originally located?
**Answer:**
This 400 pound cast bronze bell, made in 1844, was originally located in the Centenary Church, which later housed the Beachwood Fire Department. When the new Beachwood Municipal Complex opened in 2005, the bell was placed in storage. In April 2017, the restored bell was placed on display outside the Beachwood Community Center, adjacent to Beachwood City Hall.
Congratulations to our winner, Joel Edelstein will receive a $50 gift card!
The decision to use in-home care during COVID-19 is a personal one that is dependent on many factors, including the determination of whether or not visits are beneficial during this pandemic.
Because of the nature of this business and fear around bringing a stranger into the home, we talked with Nadine Glatley, owner of Rent a Daughter, a local home health care company, for insight. She told us that her team is constantly assessing which in-person home visits are essential and which ones aren’t.
“We provide a personalized care plan for each person’s needs,” she told us. “Everyone’s health and personal requirements are different, and the decision comes down to the individual or their representative. That’s why we bring our care providers into the conversations and treat clients just like we would treat our own family members.”
How do you screen your caregivers?
During the pandemic, each caregiver is assigned to only one client. Caregivers are always screened with FBI background checks, plus, they are required to wear masks, take their temperature, and wash hands thoroughly. If they have any symptoms, they are immediately required to get a COVID test.
Are there guidelines for clients to protect caregivers?
Since clients are in their own homes, it’s up to them whether or not they wear masks. We follow CDC guidelines.
Is the same caregiver assigned to each client regularly?
We believe in stability because it builds trust, so we send the same caregiver in as often as possible.
Since the pandemic broke out, what new trends do you see?
We see a lot more demand for in-home services.
With more people staying home to socially distance, in-home caregivers need a break. What suggestions do you have for them when older adults refuse outside care?
• Be patient and empathic before forcing care upon a loved one.
• Provide time for your loved one to adjust to someone in the home.
• Start by having someone come in for a few hours to do some tasks and build trust, then add hours as your loved one becomes more comfortable with the person.
• Let your loved one express his or her feelings.
• Frame the situation by telling your loved one that in-home care is to help you, not them. It may help them retain dignity.
• Talk to your loved one’s doctor and ask that he or she recommend in-home care. Your loved one may be more likely to listen to a voice of authority.
• If cost is a factor to your loved one and you are paying, pretend the it’s free.
• Tell your loved one that this is a temporary arrangement.
What tasks do your caregivers provide?
We offer a complete line of services, including companionship, walks, crafts and other activities, laundry, light housework, meal planning, shopping and food prep, pet and plant care, bathroom care with dignity, assistance with bathing and grooming, hygiene and incontinence care, Alzheimer’s and dementia care, assistance with moving/estate sales, convalescence care, medication reminders, transition from hospital to home care, and transportation to outings and errands.
COVID-19 and its spread are scary. Nonetheless, the reality of someone needing care and not receiving it may provide more risks than the virus itself; and when you receive in-home care from a legitimate, accredited agency, it provides peace of mind.
As a young, single mother, Nadine founded Rent a Daughter to follow her passion of caring for others. Since 2004, Rent a Daughter has been caring for seniors in their homes where memories are made. Her mission is to ensure a better quality of life for seniors and their families by providing dependable, affordable care to help people maintain an independent lifestyle, regardless of age and health issues.
If you have questions, please contact Nadine at email@example.com or 216.633.3604.
The Maltz Museum is Now Open
The Maltz Museum of Jewish Heritage, located at 2929 Richmond Road, Beachwood, is now open. Shuttered since March due to COVID-19, the Museum connected with audiences by offering free online programs. Future plans include continuing offerings of free online programs, as well as new digital tours and virtual “Stop the Hate” classroom workshops.
“We are living through a remarkable time in our history,” said David Schafer, managing director of the Maltz Museum. “We are proud to open our doors once again and welcome back visitors into our physical space. Our safety protocols are in place and we are confident that visitors will feel comfortable with the limitations we’ve put on attendance to honor the six feet distancing guidelines. But, if anyone is wary, we’ve got great things happening online, too. There are choices about how to connect to us with online programs, as well as our launch of new digital tours. We hope Northeast Ohio – and beyond – will take advantage of these options.”
The museum is open Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, by advance-purchase, timed-ticket reservation only. You may also shop at the Museum Store (no reservation required).
The Maltz’s first priority is the safety, which is why it has implemented protocols aligned with CDC recommendations.
For more information about these free online resources and updated Museum hours, times, and pricing, please visitmaltzmuseum.org or call 216.593.0575.
Alyssa Rothstein Giterman Joins ORT America Family
Alyssa Rothstein Giterman has been named associate director of the Ohio Region of ORT America. Alyssa comes to ORT from the Downtown Cleveland Alliance where she served as development and corporate relations manager, tasked with engaging young professionals, writing grant proposals, and developing corporate relationships.
Previously, she worked at the Kent State Hillel and Montefiore Foundation, both in the development field. Alyssa has a Bachelor’s in Psychology from The Ohio State University and a Master’s in Public Administration from Cleveland State University.
An Ohio native, Alyssa recently married Alex Giterman and they reside in Ohio City.
“I am excited to join the ORT America family in Cleveland, which has a great base of donors and engaging programming. I am eager to share my experience with the organization to help advance our cause,” said Alyssa.
Greg Marcus, president of the Ohio Region, said, “We are fortunate to have a professional like Alyssa join us and we look forward to working with her. We are confident that she can help energize the Ohio Region, solidifying Ohio’s role in the ORT community.”
Barbara Birch, president and CEO of ORT America, acknowledges the challenge of hiring during a pandemic: “We are delighted to bring Alyssa on board during this time of transition. We feel that she will have a meaningful impact and expand ORT’s presence in Ohio.”
CWRU-Siegel Lifelong Learning Programs
Whole In One:
The WHOLE Bible in ONE Year
Sessions beginning in September and October, 2020
Journey through all twenty-four books of the Jewish Bible, studying them one-by-one, with master teachers as your guides. This unique approach explores the major themes, broad context, and key events of each book. All in an open, thoughtful, participatory atmosphere.
South America’s Marvelous Mammals
Monday, September 14
Noon-1:30 pm
Darin Croft, Paleomammalogist and Professor of Anatomy, CWRU
Location: Online
South America boasts more endemic mammal families than any other continent and was home to an even greater number during the last Ice Age, a mere 12,000 years ago. Further back in time, none of the continent’s mammals were found anywhere else. This presentation will review many of the weird and wonderful mammal groups that have called South America home and provide a paleontological perspective on the development of its modern fauna.
The 2020 Vision of Flannery O’Connor
Monday, September 21
Noon-1:30 pm
Monica Miller, Assistant Professor, Department of English, Middle Georgia State University
In the midst of a global pandemic as well as uprisings protesting race-based violence and police brutality, the fiction of Flannery O’Connor resonates as much now as when it was first written sixty years ago by the Georgia writer, whose life was struck short by lupus at 39. Her life, which she described as a boring one lived “between the house and the chicken yard,” informed a body of work which frequently examined the complexities of race, illness, and place. In this lecture, Monica will examine the ways in which stories such as *The Enduring Chill Good Country People*, *A Circle in the Fire*, and others continue to resonate in our unprecedented times.
For more information and additional courses and lectures, visit case.edu/lifelonglearning or call 216.368.2091.
Local Honey for the Jewish Holidays... SWEET!
Enjoy Kosher Beachwood Honey from Amalia Haas.
For more information, visit mkt.com/honeybeejewish, email firstname.lastname@example.org, or call 330.552.8BEE.
Support your local beekeeper. Wholesale and retail available.
As the community continues to enjoy the sunshine, gears up for the fall season, and school begins, injuries may come up while adults, children and athletes are on-the-go and on the field. University Hospitals has a robust team of orthopedic and sports medicine specialists that combine personalized attention with first-rate medical and surgical expertise to create treatment plans for each patient. Individualized care plans may include a variety of treatments such as physical therapy, medications and/or surgery.
“As sports medicine physicians and orthopedic surgeons, our team treats a variety of injuries on a broad scale,” says James Voos, MD, Medical Director and Chairman of the Department of Orthopedic Surgery at UH. “I think an advantage of taking care of professional and high-level athletes is that we see the most severe of injuries under very high pressure. We take care of those routinely, and are involved in research and development of cutting edge technologies. So, when a 16-year-old soccer player who has torn their ACL comes to UH, it makes the opportunity to take care them much easier.”
Orthopedics and sports injuries UH treats for adults and children include:
- ACL tears/knee pain
- Broken bones
- Dislocations
- Joint injuries
- Muscle injuries
- Sports/Overuse Injuries
- Sprains and strains
- Soft tissue injuries
- Tendon and ligament injuries
- Concussions
“Our UH sports medicine team works in a very collaborative nature,” explains Dr. Voos. “While orthopedic sports medicine is at the core, our primary care sports medicine physicians, athletic trainers, physical therapists, nutritional consultants and concussion experts all work together to assure streamlined care of our athletes. Taking care of patients, and particularly athletes, is really a long-term relationship to create a smooth transition from the doctor’s office back onto the field.”
In addition, if you have a broken bone or an injury that needs immediate attention, UH has four walk-in orthopedic injury clinics located in Northeast Ohio that fast-track your care with one hassle-free visit – and without multiple appointments or a pricey trip to the ER.
UH Orthopedic Injury Clinic offers several features and benefits, including:
- Urgent orthopedic care for children and adults
- Walk-in appointments
- Care delivered by trained orthopedic specialists
- Next-day surgery, if necessary
- Significant cost savings when compared to an ER visit
Walk-in clinics are available at UH Ahuja and UH Geauga Medical Centers Monday through Friday from 8:30 am to 4 pm:
UH Ahuja Medical Center
Kathy Risman Pavilion
3999 Richmond Road
2nd Floor, Suite 210
216.877.9710
UH Geauga Medical Center
13207 Ravenna Road
Chardon, OH 44024
440.569.6742
Virtual Health Talks
UH is bringing health experts to the community through a series of virtual health talks. The seminars include presentations by physicians and specialists who are experts in their field, followed by a Q&A session. By tuning in, you can learn more about a variety of services offered at UH, including orthopedics and sports medicine. These events are free but registration is required.
Visit UHHospitals.org/Health-Talks to learn more, register for upcoming events or watch previously recorded sessions. Orthopedic and sports medicine health talk topics available to view include:
- Orthopedic Injury - Where Should I Go For Care?
- Low Back Pain - Cause, Non-surgical and Surgical Treatments
- Hand & Wrist Pain
- Shoulder Pain
- How to Treat Your Knee and Hip Pain and Get Active Again
- Return to Dance Q&A with Cleveland Ballet and UH Sports Medicine
- COVID-19 – Responsible Restart for Athletics
UH is helping patients and the Northeast Ohio community manage their health and well-being throughout the COVID-19 global pandemic. In addition to in-person appointments, telehealth services, featuring online video and phone appointments, are offered as well. UH is also taking various, additional safety precautions, including universal masking, screening and temperature checks, and frequent cleaning of high-touch surfaces.
To schedule an appointment with a UH orthopedic specialist, call 216.342.2385
For more information about UH Orthopedics, visit UHHospitals.org/services/orthopedic-services.
ASSISTED LIVING
The Fountains at Lyndhurst
ASSISTED LIVING SPECIAL!
Move in by 10/31/20 and get a one bedroom for studio pricing - $1200/month savings!
Call or email Brian Gibson to reserve your spot today: (440) 460-1096
email@example.com
FIND PEACE OF MIND IN A Family Atmosphere
1555 Brainard Road, Lyndhurst, Ohio 44124
THEGREENSANDFOUNTAINS.COM
CLEANING SERVICE
Serving this area for over 20 years. We furnish all supplies. Married couple. Impeccable references. Reasonable rates. Bonded.
Call Maid Convenient
Days 440.213.0850
Eves/Weekends 440.234.0745
HANDYMAN
Morry The Handyman
I Fix Things Around Your House So You Don't Have To
- Home Violation Repair
- Electrical
- Plumbing
- "Honey-Do" Lists
- and more...
Morry Barron
(216) 410-1617
firstname.lastname@example.org
HANDYMAN
Master Handyman for All Your Home Repairs
Carpentry, electrical, gutter cleaning, tv installation, painting, shelving, drywall repairs, odd jobs & much more Fully Insured
Safety precautions are being taken in response to Covid-19
CALL MITCH
Cleveland Handyman LLC
216-224-5750
HOME CARE
Brigitte At Your Service
We offer the highest standard of care since 1980
- Personalized Care
- Hospice Partnership
- Skilled Nursing
- Physical Therapy
- Transportation
- Shopping
- Meal Prep
All shifts available
Screened • Bonded • Insured • References • BBB
216-402-0135
brigitteatyourservice.com
email@example.com
HOME CARE
Right at Home®
In Home Care & Assistance
We Employ Amazing Caregivers & Companions!
Call The Plotkin Family — A Tradition of Caring
216-752-2222
HOME CARE
Soft Touch Home Health Care
In home loving quality care!
15 years experience. References available.
Please call Jean
216-233-4074
HomeCare Services
Helpful Hands HomeCare Services LLC
We Aim To Please Your Caring Needs
Helpful Hands provides experienced reliable and dedicated care to the elderly with physical and cognitive impairments including dementia and Alzheimer’s disease.
Affordable care + LPN’s, STNA’s and home health aides
- We accept insurance and private pay -
216-704-0777
216-331-1094
firstname.lastname@example.org
Tamika Brown
STNA/HHA
HOME CARE
Loving Touch Homecare Service LLC
Jacqueline Taylor
Email:
email@example.com
Phone: 216-816-4803
24 Hr Services
-Companionship
-Light Housekeeping
-Prepare Meals
-Personal Care
-Transportation
INSURANCE
The Benefit Source Inc.
Insurance Solutions with Choices
Medicare • Group Individual & Family
Health • Dental • Vision • Life Accident & Critical Illness & More
firstname.lastname@example.org
www.ebenefitsource.com
P: (216) 595-3300 • F: (216) 595-9658
Beachwood, Ohio
Ronald J. Fleeter
President
PAINTING
Detail Painting Co.
Specializing in Kitchen Cabinet Painting and All Facets of Fine Interior Painting
440-897-4600
Senior Discount
“DETAIL Makes The Difference”
PERSONAL FINANCE
Plan for Today, Plan for Tomorrow, Plan for Generations 计划今天，规划明天，创造传承财富
Helen Hailun Zheng 郑海伦
some services include 部分服务包括
• Disability Insurance • 残障保险
• Life Insurance • 人寿保险
• Long-Term Care Insurance • 慢性病护理保险
• Retirement Income • 退休收入计划
(216) 532 3306
email@example.com
linkedin.com/in/hailunhelenzheng
Helen_Loon
6100 Oak Tree Blvd., Suite 300
Independence, OH 44131
COVID-19 Testing
Drive-thru and walk-up testing available at Tri-C
Cuyahoga Community College (Tri-C®) and Care Alliance Health Center are partnering to bring COVID-19 testing to Tri-C students, faculty, and staff, as well as residents of the surrounding community.
The program offers testing to individuals regardless of their symptom status, insurance status, or ability to pay. Individuals will not be charged for the test.
Drive-thru and walk-up testing dates are being offered at four Tri-C sites on a rotating basis – Eastern Campus in Highland Hills, Metropolitan Campus in Cleveland, Western Campus in Parma and Westshore Campus in Westlake.
Testing hours and dates are posted at tri-c.edu/covidtest. Individuals will be tested on a first-come, first-served basis.
Testing hours and dates are posted at tri-c.edu/covidtest. Individuals will be tested on a first-come, first-served basis.
The program reflects state guidance on testing as classes restart on campuses this fall.
“This COVID-19 testing partnership with Care Alliance is the latest step toward ensuring the safety and well-being of the entire College community,” Tri-C president Alex Johnson said.
Individuals can also schedule a testing appointment at the Care Alliance Central Clinic, located at 2916 Central Ave. in Cleveland. Call 216.317.1250 to get pre-screened before the visit.
Care Alliance is a nonprofit, federally qualified community health center providing comprehensive primary and preventative medical services to residents regardless of their ability to pay. It serves more than 16,000 Clevelanders each year.
“We are committed to the lasting health of all in our community,” said Claude L. Jones, president and CEO of Care Alliance. “With this testing partnership with Tri-C, we hope to better identify, understand and stop the spread of the virus in our neighborhoods.”
At University Hospitals, your health and safety have always come first.
All patients, care providers and staff must wear masks. Everyone is screened for symptoms before entering. Public areas reconfigured for social distancing. Separate Fever Clinics for those with COVID-19 symptoms. More enhanced cleaning of all public areas.
Learn more at UHhospitals.org/Safety or make an appointment at 216-468-5911.
Protecting your health with science and compassion.
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Exhibit A
Class Material
INTERNALIZED
This type of oppression works within the groups who suffer the most from the mistreatment ...
Oppressed people internalize the ideology of inferiority.
They see it reflected in the institutions.
They experience disrespect interpersonally from members of the dominant group.
And they eventually come to internalize the negative messages about themselves.
INTERNALIZED PRIVILEGE
Internalized privilege includes acceptance of a belief in the inherent inferiority of the oppressed group as well and the inherent superiority or normalcy of one’s own privileged group.
This creates an unearned sense of entitlement among the members of the privileged group, and can be expressed as a denial of the existence of oppression and as paternalism.
INSTITUTIONAL EXAMPLES
→ When a woman makes ¾ of what a man makes at the same job...
• That’s institutionalized sexism
→ When 1 out of every 4 black young men is currently in jail, on parole, or on probation...
• That’s institutionalized racism
→ When psychiatric institutions and associations “diagnose” transgender people as having a mental disorder...
• That’s institutionalized gender oppression and transphobia
INSTITUTIONAL
The idea that one group is “better” than another and has the right to control the other gets embedded in the institutions of the society -- the laws, the legal system and police practice, the education system and schools, hiring policies, public policies, housing development, media images, political power.
Does not have to be intentional!
If a policy unintentionally reinforces and creates new inequalities between privileged and non-privileged groups, IT IS STILL CONSIDERED INSTITUTIONAL OPPRESSION.
INSTITUTIONAL EXAMPLES
AIMS
➢ SWBAT define the Four “I”s of oppression
➢ SWBAT give examples for each of the Four “I”s
➢ SWBAT tell the difference between prejudice and racism
➢ SWBAT begin to unlearn what society has made them internalize
IDEOLOGICAL
The gender wage gap is more significant for most women of color
Comparing 2018 median earnings of full-time, year-round workers by race/ethnicity and sex
| Woman’s median earnings | |
|-------------------------|----------|
| White | $0.79 |
| Black | $0.62 |
| Hispanic or Latino | $0.54 |
| Asian | $0.90 |
| American Indian and Alaska Native | $0.57 |
Notes: The gender wage gap is calculated by finding the ratio of women’s and men’s median earnings for full-time, year-round workers and then taking the difference. People who have identified their ethnicity as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Sources: For all groups except American Indian and Alaska Native women, the Center for American Progress calculated the gender wage gap using data from U.S. Census Bureau, “Current Population Survey: FINC-05: Work Experience-People 15 Years Old and Over, by Total Money Earnings, Age, Race, Hispanic Origin, Sex, and Disability Status: 2018,” available at https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/income-poverty/cps-principles-05.html (last accessed March 2020). Specific tables used are on file with the author. CAP calculated the gender wage gap for American Indian and Alaska Native women using U.S. Census Bureau, “Table B20007C: American Indian and Alaska Native alone population, male, female, and total—Native population 16-years and over with earnings in the past 12 months; 2018 American Community Survey (ACS) 1-Year Estimates,” available at https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/ (last accessed March 2020); U.S. Census Bureau, “Table B20007H: White alone, non-Hispanic or Latino population 16-years and over with earnings in the past 12 months; 2018 American Community Survey (ACS) 1-Year Estimates,” available at https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/ (last accessed March 2020).
At the core of any oppressive system there is the idea that one group is somehow better than another.
In order to create this hierarchy, there has to be a measuring system that labels what makes the one group inherently “better” than another.
Examples from our society:
Dominant group characteristics:
- More intelligent, hard working, stronger, more capable, more noble, more deserving, more advanced, chosen, normal, superior, etc.
- This group holds these ideas about themselves
Submissive / oppressed group characteristics:
- Stupid, lazy, weak, incompetent, worthless, less deserving, backward, abnormal, inferior, etc.
- These ideas are pushed onto this group by the dominant group.
REVERSE RACISM IS NOT REAL!
BLACK PREJUDICE DOES NOT AFFECT THE RIGHTS OF WHITE PEOPLE.
SIDE-ISH NOTE …
• Oppressive attitudes and behaviors are backed up by institutional arrangements
• Sure, people of color CAN have prejudices against white people
• HOWEVER
• These prejudices are severely punished
o Police, courts, and or gangs of white people will come crashing down on those who were prejudice against white people
o The reverse is not the same
• Therefore, the oppressed groups do not have the power to enforce prejudices, unlike the dominant group, who does have the power
REAL LIFE INTERPERSONAL OPPRESSION
→ Interpersonal racism is what white people do to people of color close up
◦ The racist jokes
◦ The stereotypes
◦ The beatings and harassments
◦ The threats, etc.
→ Interpersonal sexism is what men do to women
◦ The sexual abuse and harassment
◦ The violence directed at women
◦ The belittling or ignoring of women’s thinking
◦ The sexist jokes, etc.
INTERPERSONAL
The idea that one group is “better” than another and has the right to control the other, which gets structured into institutions, gives permission and reinforcement for individual members of the dominant group to personally disrespect or mistreat individuals in the oppressed group.
Some people in the dominant group are not consciously oppressive. Many have internalized the negative messages about other groups, and consider their attitudes towards the other group quite normal.
Does that make it okay?
NO!
INDEPENDENT REFLECTION PART 2
Now that you have labeled and identified your identity, time to reflect:
➤ Does that part of your identity have privilege or oppression attached to it?
Vocab Reminder
★ Privilege: a special right, advantage, or immunity granted or available only to a particular person or group
★ Oppression: malicious or unjust treatment or exercise of power, often under the guise of governmental authority or cultural opprobrium (harsh criticism or censure)
U.S. incarceration rates by race and ethnicity, 2010
Number of people incarcerated per 100,000 people in each racial or ethnic category
- Asian: 115
- White (not Latinx): 450
- Latinx: 831
- Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander: 1,017
- American Indian or Alaska Native: 1,291
- Black: 2,306
Calculated by the Prison Policy Initiative from U.S. Census 2010 Summary File 1. For the full data set and sourcing details, see www.prisonpolicy.org/data/race_ethnicity_gender_2010.xlsx
INTERSECTIONALITY
The interconnected nature of social categorizations such as race, class, and gender as they apply to a given individual or group, regarded as creating overlapping and interdependent systems of discrimination or disadvantage.
★ Kimberle Crenshaw
○ American lawyer
○ Civil Rights Activist
○ Leading scholar of critical race theory
○ Developed the theory of intersectionality
“THIS IDEA THAT WE ALL HAVE THE SAME LIFE IS FALSE. RACE, CLASS, GENDER COME TOGETHER TO SHAPE THE LIFE CHANCES OF PEOPLE IN VERY DIFFERENT WAYS.”
—Kimberle Crenshaw
TYPES OF INSTITUTIONS
➤ Family
○ First introductions
➤ Education - schools
○ Norms and values reinforced / taught
○ Rewards & punishments system
○ Opportunity gaps
➤ Religion - churches
○ Beliefs, taboos
○ Community watch
➤ Economic - work
○ Mores, folkways, wage gaps, opportunity gaps
➤ Governmental - political affiliations
○ Beliefs, reinforcement of norms nationwide
WHY IS KNOWING YOUR IDENTITY IMPORTANT?
➢ Gives you a sense of who you are based on your group memberships
○ Gives a sense of self
○ Gives a sense of community
■ Safe place
■ Understanding
■ Positive atmosphere surrounding identity
➢ Empowerment
○ Own who you are, every part
○ Who you are gives you power, even when others try to take it away
➢ Gives you power against your oppressors
○ Oppressors try to strip you of your identity and mold you in a way that will benefit them
○ You hold on and remember who you are, you keep your power
➢ Understand your relationship to institutions and society in general
WHY IS KNOWING YOUR IDENTITY IMPORTANT?
➢ Gives you a sense of who you are based on your group memberships
○ Gives a sense of self
○ Gives a sense of community
■ Safe place
■ Understanding
■ Positive atmosphere surrounding identity
➢ Empowerment
○ Own who you are, every part
○ Who you are gives you power, even when others try to take it away
➢ Gives you power against your oppressors
○ Oppressors try to strip you of your identity and mold you in a way that will benefit them
○ You hold on and remember who you are, you keep your power
➢ Understand your relationship to institutions and society in general
Ms. Bass’ Identities
➢ Race / ethnicity / nationality: White, Irish, American citizen
○ Privilege
➢ Gender: Female
○ Oppressive
➢ Socioeconomic status: Working class
○ Oppressive
➢ Sexual Orientation: Bisexual
○ Both Privilege and Oppressive
➢ Disabilities: Mental Health*
○ Both Privilege and Oppressive
➢ Religion: Agnostic
○ Oppressive
➢ Age: 22
○ Both Privilege and Oppressive
➢ Language: English
○ Privilege
AIMS
➢ SWBAT name and understand their identities
➢ SWBAT understand oppression versus privilege
➢ SWBAT understand the concept of intersectionality
DIVERSE
INCLUSIVE
ACCEPTING
WELCOMING
SAFE SPACE
FOR EVERYONE
9.9 - Asynchronous Work
Kathryn Bass • Sep 8
20/20
Due Sep 10, 11:00 AM
1. Watch the video
2. Follow the directions on the accompanying document
*Late policy is enforced!
Email me with any and all questions :)
Symbols, Values & Norms: Cr...
YouTube video 9 minutes
COMMUNICATION NORMS AND EXPECTATIONS
Phone, Email, and Text Windows
Ms. Bass will be available via phone and email from 7:00 AM - 9:00 PM on weeknights. She will not be available on weekends (unless previously arranged privately). There will be a 24 hour turnaround period within which you can expect a response.
- Phone Number: (702) 673-2506
- Email: firstname.lastname@example.org
Leaving Voicemails
If you call and do not leave a voicemail, Ms. Bass WILL NOT return your phone call. You should leave a voicemail with your name, number, and a brief explanation as to why you are calling. If you have a question or concern, DO mention it in your message.
Text Messaging
You are welcome to text, but know that Ms. Bass expects professional language and punctuation in text messages. Be sure you identify yourself as well!
Scheduling Meetings
If you need to schedule a meeting with Ms. Bass, email her AT LEAST 48 hours in advance of your desired meeting time and day. Be sure to give her a day or two and several blocks of time that you are free so you could ensure your schedules match.
Zoom Meetings
Private Zoom Meetings can be arranged with Ms. Bass per scholar’s request since face to face time will be limited in the beginning of the school year. Please do not hesitate to contact Ms. Bass to set up a meeting; she will create the Zoom Meeting, please see the ‘Scheduling Meeting’ format above.
Needing Something From Any Adult In The Building
At some time, you’ll likely need some sort of resource or help from another adult at DPAC pertaining to your CTW project. If this is the case, you MUST think ahead and give them AT LEAST ONE WEEK in which to help you arrange what you need.
BREAKOUT!
➢ You DO NOT have to share your identities!
○ Only share if you feel comfortable and safe enough to do so
➢ Discussion Questions
○ How did this activity make you feel?
○ Did you learn anything about yourself?
○ Were you surprised with the amount of privilege or oppression that you have attached to your identities?
○ Why do you think it is important to learn about your identities?
○ How can identities connect to social movements?
VOCAB LAB
- **Oppression**: (n.) malicious or unjust treatment or exercise of power, often under the guise of governmental authority or cultural opprobrium (harsh criticism or censure)
- **Identity (in social science terms)**: the qualities, beliefs, personality, looks and/or expressions that make a person or group
- A person’s conception and expression of their individuality or group affiliations
RACISM = PREJUDICE + POWER
Therefore, people of color CANNOT be racist.
PRACTICE!
Which of the Four “I”s am I?
1. Stating “Girls are bad drivers” when Ms. Bass crashes her car
a. Answer: Interpersonal
2. Mothers get more maternity leave than Dads get for paternity leave
a. Answer: Institutional
3. The United States of America is more advanced and superior to any other country
a. Answer: Ideological
4. Believing you are beneath someone else because of your identity
a. Answer: Internalized
KEY IDEAS TO NOTE
- **Values** = the norms of a culture, but they are more global and abstract than norms.
- Norms are rules for behavior in specific situations, while values identify what should be judged as good or evil.
- **American culture** = conservative + liberal elements, scientific + religious competitiveness, political structures, risk taking + free expression, materialist + moral elements.
- American culture has a variety of expressions due to its geographical scale and demographic diversity.
- *Since the late 1970’s, the term “traditional values” has become synonymous with “family values” in the U.S., and implies a congruence with mainstream Christianity.*
- However “family values” is arguably a modern politicized subset of traditional values, which is a larger concept.
CULTURE + VALUES = SOCIETY
- Culture - has values that are largely shared by their members
- Values - related to the norms of the culture, just more global and abstract than norms
- Norms - rules for behavior in specific situations
- Values identify what should be judged as good or evil
Ms. Bass' Identities
- Race/ethnicity/nationality: White, Irish, American citizen
- Gender: Female
- Socioeconomic status: Working class
- Sexual Orientation: Bisexual
- Disabilities: Mental Health*
- Religion: Agnostic
- Age: 22
- Language: English
PRIVATE CHAT ME THE ANSWER TO THE FOLLOWING:
1. Which of the following is an example of *institutional* oppression?
a. Stating “All men are trash” after your boyfriend / partner cheated on you
b. The notion that men must show no emotion while women are too emotional
c. I (Ms. Bass) think I shouldn’t speak up because my male coworkers are smarter and will have better ideas - besides, they always talk over me when I try to share out, so my ideas must be dumb
d. A white woman, a black man, and a hispanic woman all have the same job, but the black man is paid more than the women, and the white woman is paid more than the hispanic woman
Hello hello my wonderful social justice warriors!
Your Asynchronous work has been uploaded! See Week 4 for the assignment and instructions.
Reminder: your CTW Project Proposals are due in 13 days!!!! Less than 2 weeks away! You need to contact me if you are still struggling so we can brainstorm together.
Reach out if you need anything, see you all tomorrow in Town Hall :) have a great night!
Institutionalism: is a general approach to governance and social science. It concentrates on institutions and studies them using inductive, historical, and comparative methods. ... Institutions have often been understood as formal organizations governed by written laws or rules.
Ideological
Internalized
Institutional
Interpersonal
In order for ideology to work, there has to be a dominant group who then creates a submissive group.
- **Dominant groups in American culture:**
- White
- Male
- Middle / Upper class
- Heterosexual
- Protestant / Christian
- **Submissive groups in American culture:**
- Everyone else
- Known as marginalized groups (minorities)
- If you do not follow the status quo (norms) of the dominant group, there are consequences.
INDEPENDENT REFLECTION
➢ On the Google Doc write out your own individual identity
○ Race / ethnicity / nationality:
○ Gender:
○ Socioeconomic status:
○ Sexual orientation:
○ Disabilities:
○ Religion:
○ Age:
○ Language:
★ This list is private!
○ Please be honest, no one else will see this
WE HAVE A LOT OF UNLEARNING TO DO
In order to eliminate institutional and ideological oppressions, we must …
- Undo and unlearn internalized beliefs, attitudes, + behaviors that stem from oppression
- Build community among people in its group, support its leaders
- Be proud of history / contributions / potential
- Develop the strength to challenge patterns that hold said group back
- Organize itself into an effective force for social change!!!
Learn Unlearn Relearn
INSTITUTIONS + OPPRESSION
➤ Family
○ Reinforce racist / homophobic prejudices
➤ Education
○ Money inequalities shine through - resources, opportunities
➤ Religion
○ Homophobic prejudices - right versus wrong judgement
➤ Economic
○ Wage gaps, amount of leave for birth of children, promotion opportunities, job availability
➤ Governmental
○ Promote stereotypes + prejudices (normalize it)
■ Laws, law enforcement, who runs this country
INTERNALIZED EXPLAINED
This type of oppression works within the groups who suffer the most from the mistreatment ...
Oppressed people internalize the ideology of inferiority.
They see it reflected in the institutions.
They experience disrespect interpersonally from members of the dominant group.
And they eventually come to internalize the negative messages about themselves.
AIMS
➢ SWBAT gain a deeper understanding in regards to interpersonal & internalized oppressions
➢ SWBAT learn some tools / skills that will help them combat these injustices
➢ SWBAT connect the Four “I”s to themselves and the world in which they live in
INTERNALIZED CONTINUED
May be the hardest one to combat (depends on individual)
- Can’t escape yourself
- “Your own worst enemy” / “You’re your harshest critic”
- Once you begin to believe the negative & invalid messages, they can be hard to erase
ADVICE TO COMBAT YOUR INTERNALIZED VOICES
★ Challenge the thoughts! Fight back!
- I’m not good enough
- I am enough, I am so enough, it is unbelievable how enough I am
- I’m working on myself, and that journey is enough
- I’m not pretty / handsome / attractive
- Who can measure beauty when not one individual is alike
- I am not smart enough
- Education is a journey no one can measure properly
- Did I try, am I still trying, am I more knowledgeable than I was the day before
- I’m not the right size, shape, color, race, age, religion, sexuality, etc.
- I am me, and I am enough just the way I am
- All of the above stated makes me who I am, so how can that be wrong
INTERPERSONAL CONT.
When a group (intentionally or not) hurts another group's image or person
- Hurtful jokes, comments, stereotypes
- Beatings and harassments
- Threats, belittlement, etc.
Hurtful to all parties involved
- Generalizations & prejudices hurt everyone
- No one group is one thing - we are all unique & wonderful in our own ways
- Spreading hate and hurt is corrosive to you
- Often is a reflection of how you feel on the inside & project it outward
- This is why we must love & accept ourselves before we can love & accept others
- Spreading hate and hurt creates division
- We are all humans trying to survive, we should be on the same team
- Someone will always be hurting when there is division
- Lose/Lose
HOW CAN YOU RISE
★ The dominant groups win when you let them make you believe the ideology they created
○ They hate to see you rise above it - that means they have lost
○ Loving yourself & who you are is not a norm in this culture
■ Perfectionism (Western ideal)
● Can never be perfect, therefore you are never satisfied
● Fuels competition & division instead of unity
★ There will always be individuals or things out there that will try to tear you down
○ You must find a way to STAND BACK UP
○ You must find a way to RISE
■ “Survival is not an academic skill” - Audre Lorde
INTERPERSONAL
The idea that one group is “better” than another and has the right to control the other, which gets structured into institutions, gives permission and reinforcement for individual members of the dominant group to personally disrespect or mistreat individuals in the oppressed group.
Some people in the dominant group are not consciously oppressive. Many have internalized the negative messages about other groups, and consider their attitudes towards the other group quite normal.
Does that make it okay?
NO!
Traditional: derived from tradition; communicated from ancestors to descendants by word only
Liberal: open to political or social changes and reforms associated with either classical or modern liberalism
Conservative: a person who favors maintenance of the status quo or reversion to some earlier status
"Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society’s definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference -- those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older -- know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. For the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house."
Audre Lorde
//POC Online Classroom//
EXAMPLES OF U.S. VALUES AND NORMS
➢ Flying the national flag on a national holiday = norm
○ Reflects the value of patriotism
➢ Wearing all black and being solemn = normal behaviors at a funeral
○ Reflects the values of respect and support for friends and family
➢ The Statue of Liberty = symbolizes freedom
○ A fundamental American value
HOW DO WE FIGHT BACK
★ Love & embrace YOU
★ Continue to unlearn & educate yourself
★ Use your voice & have conversations
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| EXAMPLE | EXPLANATION |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| The bank gives you a personal identification number. You should memorize the number. | A noun is first introduced as an indefinite noun. When referring to it again, the definite article the is used. |
| Would you please get the milk out of the refrigerator? | The speaker is referring to a person or an object that is present. |
| The sun is not very bright in the winter. | There is only one in our experience. |
| There are many problems in the world. | |
| Where’s the teacher? I have a question about the homework. | The speaker and the listener share a common experience. Students in the same class talk about the teacher, the homework, the chalkboard. |
| I spent the money you gave me. | The speaker defines or specifies exactly which one. |
| I went to the store for some groceries. | We often use the with certain familiar places and people when we refer to the one that we usually use: |
| I stopped by the bank to get some cash. | the bank the beach the bus |
| | the zoo the post office the train |
| | the park the doctor the store |
**LANGUAGE NOTE:**
We use the definite article the when the speaker and the listener have the same person(s) or objects(s) in mind. The listener knows exactly what the speaker is referring to as in the examples above.
**EXERCISE**
Read the following paragraph. Then fill in each blank with a, an, or the.
Yesterday I decided to find (Example) ______ apartment to rent. So I bought (1) ______ newspaper and found (2) ______ advertisement for (3) ______ one-bedroom apartment that sounded perfect for me. I called (4) ______ number printed in the paper. (5) ______ landlord answered, and he told me about (6) ______ apartment. Today I met (7) ______ landlord at (8) ______ apartment so that I could have a look at it. I liked (9) ______ living room, but (10) ______ bedroom was a little small. I decided to take it anyway.
(11) The apartment isn't furnished, so I'll have to get some furniture. Fortunately, I already have (12) a table and (13) an armchair. I will have to buy (14) a bed. I don't want to sleep on (15) the floor!
**EXERCISE 2** Insert *a*, *an*, *the*, *some*, or *any* wherever they are appropriate.
**Example:** My friends and I took _______ a ______ vacation. _______ The ______ vacation was wonderful.
1. It was _______ a very quiet place.
2. Every day _______ the sun woke us up as it came through _______ the eastern window of _______ the little cabin that we rented.
3. We made _______ a good breakfast and drank _______ some good hot tea with it.
4. There wasn't _______ a telephone or _______ a television in _______ the cabin.
5. For entertainment we took _______ some long walks in _______ the countryside.
6. We had _______ some good conversations.
7. Every day after lunch we wrote _______ some postcards.
8. Then we mailed _______ the postcards at _______ a/the post office.
9. In _______ the evening we watched _______ the moon rise.
10. We looked for _______ the first star.
11. We didn't feel _______ any tension for _______ the whole time that we were there.
12. We still talk about _______ the wonderful time that we had together.
**EXERCISE 3** Unscramble the words to write correct sentences
**Example:** a / the / the / map / city / telephone book / find / of / can / you / in
*You can find a map of the city in the telephone book.*
1. today / a / the / the / is having / on / shop / corner / sale
*The shop on the corner is having a sale today.*
2. teacher / we will have / substitute / so / a / teacher / the / is sick today
*The teacher is sick today, so we will have a substitute.*
3. go to / at / look / zoo / bears / let's / the / the / and
*Let's go to the zoo and look at the bears.*
4. to listen / like / rain / roof / on / the / the / I / to
*I like to listen to the rain on the roof.*
5. dictionary / I / need / that I / to replace / lost / the
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| This week in Year One… | This week we have been continuing our topic of ‘We Are Heroes’. We have spent some time learning about our class tree, labelling the different parts and describing them. The children have also been watching out for signs of Autumn (leaves going brown and the weather getting cooler). |
|------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Reminder | Skylarks will have Forest School on Tuesday next week. Please remember to bring your waterproof clothes and wellies in a bag ready for Forest School.
Please ensure the children are bringing their reading books into school every day. Although we do not change their books daily, the children will still read at school. |
| Maths | In Maths this week we have been concentrating on counting forwards and backwards on a number line up to 10. We have been using lots of manipulatives again this week in order to help us visualise the numbers. We have created number lines using the numicon, as well as creating numbers using counters on a tens frame. We have also been looking at one more and one less – where we add one each time or take one away each time. |
| English | In English this week we have been learning our new oral text ‘How to be a Superhero’. We created our own text map with pictures in order to make it more memorable for the children to remember. We used words such as First, Then, After that, and Finally in order to embed the language used for instructions. The children had great fun creating their own superhero puppet as well as giving instructions to a friend to follow. The children then had a go at sequencing their own set of instructions at the end of the week. |
| Phonics | This week in Phonics we have been recapping our Phase 3 graphemes. We have been applying these graphemes in our writing as well as our reading. As well as recapping our Phase 3 graphemes, we have also been looking at polysyllabic words such as ‘treetop’, ‘starlight’, and ‘floating’. |
This week’s spellings: Our spellings for this week are:
but, back, had, some, come
To support your child’s learning at home this week you could…
To support the learning at home this week you could create your own number line and practice counting forwards and backwards. There are many videos on Youtube which practice counting up to 10 (Alice the Camel).
You could take a trip out to find signs of Autumn. You might like to collect some seasonal treasure such as fallen leaves, conkers, twigs etc. You may even want to draw a picture of them.
You might also like to practice writing out your spellings using different coloured pencils to create your own Rainbow Spellings. | <urn:uuid:d14afdf6-8d69-43f3-a8d5-5f912222d951> | CC-MAIN-2022-33 | https://www.katherinesemar.co.uk/attachments/download.asp?file=264&type=pdf | 2022-08-10T20:28:04+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571210.98/warc/CC-MAIN-20220810191850-20220810221850-00633.warc.gz | 766,493,092 | 567 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.999016 | eng_Latn | 0.999111 | [
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2018
(OPEN ACCESS)
22101390516
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from Wellcome Library
https://archive.org/details/b31354609
LONDON
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
LONDON
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
BY
SIR WALTER BESANT
LONDON
ADAM & CHARLES BLACK
1902
PREFACE
With the accession of the House of Brunswick the necessity of writing a continuous narrative of events in London practically ceases. The Constitution of the City is fixed; there will be no more alterations for a hundred years and more; the points which arise for dispute are of minor importance (such as the question whether the law costs of Aldermen in lawsuits are to be paid out of the City Chest); there will be no more suppressions of the Charter; no more praying the King to grant, out of his great benevolence, a new one; there will be no more putting up, or pulling down, of Mayors and Sheriffs by the King; the rights, privileges, and liberties of the City are secure; and with them those of all other cities in the realm, and those of cities yet unborn.
In religion, toleration at least is won; complete equality has yet to be won. But, on the whole, the old battles are fought out and victory is won. Even George the Third, in his most ambitious dreams of extended prerogative, left the City undisturbed.
The struggle for liberty is not, it is true, completed; the House of Commons has not yet become the voice of the people. But the enemy of liberty is no longer either King or Baron: it is a compact body, part in the Lords, part in the Commons—representing few, indeed, of the old noble houses, which are mostly extinct, but chiefly formed of landowners who, during the last two hundred years, have grown into strength and influence by the growth of their estates, and have become a new aristocracy, not in the least resembling the old class which has passed away.
Another reason why the history of London need be no longer continuous is the changed position of the City with regard to the Crown and politics. The King comes no more to the City for money. Instead of borrowing of the City, he now makes an arrangement with the Bank. This fact, coupled with that of the greatly
increased power of the Lower House, reduces the political importance of the City—if the City could be made to understand this—to the expression of her representatives in the House; the City still preserves her ancient right of approaching the throne, but, as we shall presently learn, that right now conveys with it no power at all, should the King think one way and the City another.
The Survey of London during the eighteenth century may be conveniently divided into subjects. Thus, I have considered the City—(i.) in connection with its extent, its appearance, its streets, its paving, lighting, water supply, means of intercommunication, postal arrangements, improvements, etc.; (ii.) in connection with church and chapel; (iii.) in connection with its government and its trade; (iv.) in connection with its manners and customs; (v.) in connection with society and amusements; and (vi.) in connection with crime, police, punishments, and prisons.
I have then ventured to select from the historical episodes of the century, and the events which belong to the national history, those which more peculiarly belong to London. I hope it will be found that the twenty episodes thus selected do illustrate the condition of civic spirit and opinion. They range from the Accession of George I. in 1715 to the Reform Act of 1832. They are intended to illustrate the advance of trade; the condition of religion, education, and charity; the manners, customs, and ideas of the time; and the attempts made by the citizens to solve certain problems forced upon their consideration in the most disagreeable manner possible. These were problems connected with the order of the City; with the alarming growth of violence, disorder, and lawlessness shown in riots and robberies, outrages in the streets, and house robberies of the most daring kind committed in open day, in the sight of helpless citizens. The prevention of these deeds, the arrest and punishment of the criminals, will occupy a large part of our attention in the following pages.
In short, the conditions of life in this century, with most of its difficulties and anxieties and complaints, were based upon this apparently insuperable trouble of the existence of a mob—brutal beyond all power of words to describe, or imagination to understand: so bestial that one is induced to think there has never been in any town or in any age a population which could compare with them.
The passing of the Reform Bill in 1832, the introduction of steamers on the sea, the beginning of railways on land, make so vast a break between the first third and
the last two-thirds of the nineteenth century, that I feel justified in considering the eighteenth century as lasting down to the year 1837: in other words, there were so few changes, and these so slight, in manners, customs, or prevalent ideas between 1700 and 1837, that we may consider the eighteenth century as continuing down to the beginning of the Victorian era, when change after change—change in the constitution, change in communications, change in the growth and extension of trade, change in religious thought, change in social standards—introduced that new time which we called the Nineteenth Century.
It will perhaps be asked why Literature has no place in these chapters. The answer is that it has been thought best not to confine the survey of literature in London to the eighteenth century, but to devote special chapters to these subjects in a more general manner, including the centuries before and the century after. For, if the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are rich in information and suggestion as to topography, architecture, historical events, literature of all kinds, trade and enterprise, crime and justice, society manners and customs of all kinds, the eighteenth century is far richer. It is now nearly a quarter of a century since I first embodied my studies of this century in fiction (The Chaplain of the Fleet, Besant and Rice, 1877). It is thirty years and more since I began to make notes on the social side of London at this period. If it were required to name authorities for any statement advanced, or to give reasons for any conclusion, I could not, probably, do so, since the authority would lie hidden in some obscure history or some long-forgotten, tedious novel.
I must, however, acknowledge my obligations to the latter—the forgotten, the thrice and four times tedious novel of the eighteenth century. One may look in Fielding and in Smollett in vain for all the details of social life, of manners and customs—details beneath the notice of a pen which sought for broad effects and telling situations, and did not stoop to details of apparent unimportance. These I have found in the "twopenny box"; in the limbo of lost satires, forgotten poems, and novels whose authors are not known to lecturers on the period, nor to professors of literature. Their works fill many shelves, the contents of which have all been marked and noted. There is nothing, I may safely say, more tedious than a bad novel of the eighteenth century. There are many points noted in the following pages for which the authority is an allusion, or a statement, in one of these obscurities.
If one may speak with some attempt at precision, it is necessary to name, first of all, the common and obvious authorities, such as Strype's Stow, Maitland, Harrison, Munday, Noorthouck, Malcolm, Lysons, Pennant; maps such as those of Ogilby, Rocque, and Strype; volumes of special histories such as those of Clerkenwell, Islington, and the suburbs; those of St. Paul's, as Longman and Sparrow Simpson; on Westminster Abbey, as Stanley; of foundations, such as Brownlow on the Foundling, Nichols on St. Katherine's-by-the-Tower, Loftie on the Savoy, Douthwaite on Gray's Inn; those on London as a whole, or in part, by writers of the present century, as J. T. Smith, Leigh Hunt, Colquhoun, Hare, Jesse, Brayley, Britton, Cunningham, J. R. Green, Henry Morley, Mayhew, Thornbury, Walford, Buckle, Rendle, Corner, Milman, Norton; with others still living, as Sharpe, Round, Hales, Wheatley, Loftie, Welch, Philip Norman, Price, Gomme, Ordish, Worth; pamphlets of all kinds; MSS. such as those of Place in the British Museum; drawings and illustrations such as those of Hogarth, Scott, the *Vetusta Monumenta*, Strype, Maitland, Pennant, J. T. Smith, Archer, Wilkinson, the Crace Collection, and collections formed during many years by myself.
These are some of the authorities for a book on the City and its people during the eighteenth century.
If any important work or name is omitted in the above list I beg that the omission may be excused as accidental and not intentional.
I have concluded the survey of the century by a brief Chronicle of the principal events.
WALTER BESANT.
1901.
## CONTENTS
### HISTORICAL NOTES
| 1. The Great Storm of 1703 | 1 |
|----------------------------|---|
| 2. The Accession of George I | 4 |
| 3. The South Sea Bubble | 6 |
| 4. The City and the Constitution | 9 |
| 5. Sale of Places | 14|
| 6. The Rebellion of 1745 | 15|
| 7. London and the Spanish War | 17|
| 8. The Earthquakes of 1750 | 19|
| 9. Death of Byng | 22|
| 10. Test and Corporation Acts | 22|
| 11. John Wilkes and the City | 23|
| 12. Revolt of the Colonies | 31|
| 13. London and the French Revolution | 33|
| 14. The French Refugees | 40|
| 15. London and the Great War | 42|
| 16. London at the end of the Century | 51|
| 17. After the War | 52|
| 18. Queen Caroline | 56|
| 19. The Slave-trade | 60|
| 20. Parliamentary Reform | 63|
### THE CITY AND THE STREETS
| CHAP. | TITLE | PAGE |
|-------|-------|------|
| 1. | The Extent and Aspect of the City | 73 |
| 2. | Ruins in the City | 84 |
| 3. | London Streets | 88 |
| 4. | Inland Communication and Postal Arrangements | 107 |
| 5. | Improvements in the City | 123|
| 6. | Gay’s “Trivia” | 133|
| 7. | A Slum in 1788 | 140|
## CHURCH AND CHAPEL
| Chap. | Title | Page |
|-------|--------------------------------------------|------|
| 1 | The Church and the City | 147 |
| 2 | Church Discipline | 161 |
| 3 | Dissenters | 168 |
| 4 | Superstitions | 181 |
| 5 | Libraries | 192 |
## GOVERNMENT AND TRADE OF THE CITY
| Chap. | Title | Page |
|-------|--------------------------------------------|------|
| 1 | The Temporal Government | 199 |
| 2 | Changes in the Political Power of the City | 210 |
| 3 | Trade | 213 |
| 4 | Trades Unions | 223 |
## MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
| Chap. | Title | Page |
|-------|--------------------------------------------|------|
| 1 | Introductory | 229 |
| 2 | The Daily Life | 236 |
| 3 | The Craftsman | 246 |
| 4 | Dress | 250 |
| 5 | Weddings | 263 |
| 6 | Funerals | 270 |
| 7 | Servants | 273 |
| 8 | Coarseness | 276 |
| 9 | The Position of Women | 278 |
| 10 | Food and Drink | 289 |
| 11 | Cost of Living | 303 |
| 12 | Coffee-houses and Clubs | 308 |
| 13 | Sundry Notes | 337 |
| 14 | The Riverside | 352 |
| 15 | Duelling | 358 |
| 16 | Twice round the Clock | 360 |
| 17 | Medicine | 364 |
| 18 | Bethlehem Royal Hospital | 374 |
| 19 | The Duration of Life | 380 |
| 20 | Indigence | 383 |
| 21 | Trades and Offices | 391 |
## SOCIETY AND AMUSEMENTS
| Chap. | Title | Page |
|-------|--------------------------------------------|------|
| 1 | Society | 399 |
| 2 | The Parks | 407 |
| 3 | Masquerades | 410 |
| 4 | The Wells, Spas, and Pleasure-Gardens | 412 |
| Chap. | Title | Page |
|-------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 5 | The Theatres | 426 |
| 6 | Holidays | 433 |
| 7 | Amusements, Cock-fighting, etc. | 437 |
| 8 | Sights and Places of Amusement | 446 |
| 9 | The Art of Self-defence | 451 |
| 10 | Gambling and Lottery | 455 |
| 11 | Fairs | 465 |
**CRIME, POLICE, JUSTICE, DEBTORS’ PRISONS**
| 1 | The Mob | 475 |
| 2 | Police and Justice | 494 |
| 3 | The London Prisons | 534 |
| 4 | The March to Tyburn | 546 |
| 5 | Debtors’ Prisons | 562 |
**APPENDICES**
| 1 | The Church Services, 1733 | 613 |
| | The Hours of Daily Prayer in and about the City of London | 622 |
| | The Holy Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper administered | 623 |
| | The Lectures in and about the City of London | 624 |
| 2 | Meeting-houses of divers Denominations | 625 |
| 3 | Almshouses | 628 |
| 4 | Taxes and Inferior Offices | 631 |
| 5 | Diseases | 637 |
| 6 | Signs of Taverns | 639 |
**CHRONICLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY**
| | | 641 |
**INDEX**
| | | 653 |
## ILLUSTRATIONS
### PRINTED SEPARATELY FROM THE TEXT
| Illustration | Page |
|--------------------------------------------------|------|
| Sir Walter Besant | Frontispiece |
| The South Sea Bubble | To face page 6 |
| The House of Commons | 64 |
| The Bank of England | 80 |
| Cheapside | 88 |
| St. James's Street | 92 |
| The Swan with Two Necks | 112 |
| Beer Street | 142 |
| The Foundling Hospital | 156 |
| City Feast | 238 |
| Interior of a Weaver's Workshop | 246 |
| Covent Garden at Mid-day | 252 |
| The Humours of Billingsgate | 354 |
| Treatment of the Insane | 376 |
| Captain Thomas Coram | 388 |
| The Stage in the Eighteenth Century | 430 |
| Sport in the Eighteenth Century | 436 |
| Gambling at White's Club | 456 |
| Southwark Fair | 468 |
| A Country Inn Yard | 524 |
| Beating Hemp in Bridewell Prison | 544 |
| On the Road to Tyburn | 548 |
### ILLUSTRATIONS PRINTED IN THE TEXT
| Illustration | Page |
|--------------------------------------------------|------|
| George I. | 5 |
| Sir Robert Walpole | 13 |
| Duke of Cumberland | 16 |
| Lord Mayor Beckford | 25 |
| John Wilkes | 29 |
| Old St. Pancras Churchyard | 41 |
| King's Mews | 43 |
| A Volunteer Encampment | 45 |
| Title | Page |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| Right Hon. Spencer Perceval | 49 |
| Old Palace Yard | 55 |
| Queen Caroline | 59 |
| William Wilberforce | 61 |
| Hackney | 74 |
| Hackney Coach | 82 |
| Fragment of London Wall | 85 |
| Gateway of St. Saviour's, Bermondsey | 86 |
| Old Bell Inn, Holborn | 95 |
| Izaak Walton | 97 |
| "Old Cloaks, Suits, or Coats" | 102 |
| "Buy a Rabbet, a Rabbet" | 102 |
| "A Bed Matt or a Door Matt" | 103 |
| "Buy a Fine Table Basket" | 103 |
| "Fine Duke Cherries" | 104 |
| "Quite Ripe, Sir" | 104 |
| Stage Coach | 109 |
| Piazza in Covent Garden | 115 |
| Mouth of Fleet River | 123 |
| Projecting Houses | 127 |
| St. John's Gate, Clerkenwell | 129 |
| Street Scene | 133 |
| Beaux in a Shop | 136 |
| A Beggar | 157 |
| Thieving Lane, Westminster | 166 |
| King's Weighhouse | 178 |
| Entrance to a Jews' Synagogue | 179 |
| The Guildhall | 203 |
| East India House | 213 |
| Dress in 1745 | 253 |
| Head-dresses | 255 |
| Dress in 1775 | 257 |
| Taking the Air | 260 |
| Meux's Brewery | 289 |
| Old Smithfield Market | 301 |
| Alexander Pope | 309 |
| Sir Richard Steele | 314 |
| John Dryden | 315 |
| William Hogarth | 317 |
| Oliver Goldsmith | 319 |
| Joseph Addison | 321 |
| R. B. Sheridan | 325 |
| Dr. Johnson's House | 326 |
| Dr. Johnson | 327 |
| David Garrick | 329 |
| Shoeblocks | 340 |
| Grosvenor Square | 344 |
| Illustration | Page |
|------------------------------|------|
| Hanover Square | 345 |
| Flogging | 350 |
| St. Bartholomew's | 365 |
| The Anodyne Necklace | 371 |
| William Norris in the Asylum | 375 |
| Second Royal Exchange | 391 |
| Ball at St. James's | 403 |
| Old St. Pancras Church | 413 |
| "A View of Marybone Gardens" | 416 |
| Vauxhall (interior) | 418 |
| " (exterior) | 421 |
| Frost Fair | 443 |
| British Museum | 447 |
| Leadenhall Street | 449 |
| Humphreys and Mendoza | 451 |
| Gordon Riots | 487 |
| Firing Newgate | 490 |
| Jonathan Wild’s House | 499 |
| The Pillory | 520 |
| John Howard | 535 |
| Newgate, Inner Court | 537 |
| The Treadmill | 541 |
| Fleet Prison | 571 |
| Bambridge, Deputy Warden | 576 |
| New Prison, Clerkenwell | 594 |
| Tothill Fields Bridewell | 597 |
HISTORICAL NOTES
HISTORICAL NOTES
Under the head of History or Historical Notes, I have arranged a succession of episodes bearing chiefly on the connection of the City with the political events of the time. The social history of the citizens has been treated in the chapters which follow these political notes.
I.—THE GREAT STORM OF 1703
The Great Storm of November 26-27, 1703, has happily had no successor in violence, as it had no predecessor. The hurricane seems to have been traced right across the continent of Europe. In the words of the historian (1769), it traversed England, France, Germany, and the Baltic, expending itself at last in the icebergs of the north. It is, however, difficult to understand the line which begins with England and goes on "through France and Germany." The compiler of the book before me takes occasion to speak of other great storms: that of 1095, when, it is absurdly said, the beams of the roof of St. Mary-le-Bow—27 feet long—were embedded in the ground 23 feet deep, which is impossible unless Chepe was a quagmire. In 1362 there was a great storm in which many steeples and towers were blown down; in 1566 there was a storm in which the wind blew open the western gates of St. Paul's; in 1607 there was a remarkable rising of the waters and an inundation in the west of England; in 1626 there was a storm of thunder and lightning with a water-spout on the Thames; in 1658, on the day of Oliver Cromwell's death, there was a great storm over the whole of Europe; in 1661 there was another which caused great destruction of property.
The following is the account given by the anonymous writer of *The Storm*¹ in 1703:
"The 26th in the morning it continued to blow exceeding hard, but not to give apprehensions of danger within doors; toward night it increased. About ten the barometers gave information that the night would be very tempestuous, the mercury sinking lower than had been observed before.
¹ Attributed to D. Defoe.
It did not blow so hard, till twelve o'clock at night, but that most families went to bed, though many of them with some concern at the terrible wind; but about one, or at least by two, few people, that were capable of any sense of danger, were so hardy as to lie in bed; the fury of the tempest increased to such degree, that most people expected the fall of their houses.
And yet, in this general apprehension, nobody durst quit their tottering habitations; for whatever the danger was within doors, it was worse without; the bricks, tiles, and stones, from the tops of the houses, flew with such force, and so thick in the streets, that no one thought fit to venture out, though their houses were nearly demolished.
Such a shock was given to a well-built brick house in the skirts of the city, by a stack of chimnies falling on the next houses, that the inhabitants imagined it was just coming down upon their heads; but opening the door to attempt an escape into a garden, the danger was so apparent that they all thought fit to surrender to the disposal of Almighty Providence, and expect their graves in the ruins of their house, rather than meet most certain destruction in the open garden; for, unless they could have gone above 200 yards from any building, there had been no security; for the force of the wind blew the tiles point-blank, though their weight inclined them downward; and in several broad streets, the windows were broken by the flying of tile-sherds from the other side, and, where there was room for them to fly, tiles were blown above 30 or 40 yards, and stuck from 5 to 8 inches into the solid earth. Pieces of timber, iron, and sheets of lead, from higher buildings, were blown much farther.
From two o'clock the storm continued and increased till five in the morning, and from five, till half an hour after six, it blew with the greatest violence. The fury of it was so exceeding great for that particular hour and half, that had it not abated, nothing could have withstood its violence much longer.
'Never was known a night of such distraction,
Noise so confus'd, and dreadful!'—Dryden.
'Fear chills the heart; what heart can fear dissemble
When steeples stagger, and when mountains tremble!'—Hist. App. 315.
In this last part of the time the greatest damage was done. Several ships that rode it out till now gave up all; for no anchor could hold.
Even the ships in the river Thames were all blown from their moorings; from Execution-dock to Limehouse-hole, there were but four ships that rid it out; the rest were driven down into the bite, from Bell-wharf to Limehouse, where they were huddled together and drove on shore, heads and sterns, one upon another, in such a manner as any one would have imagined impossible! The damage was incredible!
Together with the violence of the wind, the darkness of the night added to the terror; as it was just new-moon, the spring-tides being then up about four o'clock,
made the vessels, which were afloat in the river, drive the farther up upon the shore, of all which there were very strange instances!
About eight in the morning it ceased so much that the fears of the people were enough abated to begin to peep out of their doors; but it is impossible to express the concern that appeared in every place! The distraction and fury of the night was visible in every face; and the first business was to visit and enquire after friends and relations. The next day or two was entirely spent in curiosity in viewing the havoc the storm had made, which was universal in London and the out-parts."
He proceeds to speak of the damage done in London:
"The streets were covered with the slates and tiles from the roofs; practically all the roofs in London were stripped of their tiles; so great was the demand that the price of tiles went up from 21s. to 120s. per thousand, while bricklayers' labour rose to 5s. a day. All the winter long a great number of houses remained uncovered and exposed to the wet and cold, while a great many buildings, such as Christ's Hospital, the Temple, Aske's Hospital, Hoxton, and others, were covered with deal boards, and so continued for some years.
An immense number of chimneys were blown down, many of them falling upon the houses and wrecking them; two thousand stacks of chimneys were thus destroyed; about twenty houses were blown down bodily; the lead on the roofs of churches was simply rolled up like skins of parchment; Westminster Abbey, among other churches, thus lost its leaden roof; a great many turrets on churches were blown down; an enormous number of trees; some thirty or forty persons were known to have been killed, and two hundred maimed and wounded; the guard-house at Whitehall was blown down and nine soldiers injured, but none killed. The damage done to the shipping was beyond the power of calculation; in the river the cables and anchors gave way and the ships, breaking loose, drove about the river and against each other, and on shore one upon the other.
The force of the wind had driven them so into one another, and laid them so upon one another, as it were in heaps, that the whole world may be safely defied to do the like. Those who viewed the place and posture of the vessels, the next day, imagined their situation impossible to describe. There lay, by the best account could be taken, near seven hundred sail of ships, some very great ones, between Shadwell and Lime-house inclusive; the posture is not to be imagined but by those who saw it; some vessels lay heeling off, with the bow of another ship over her waist, and the stem of another upon her forecastle; the boltsprits of some drove into the cabin windows of others; some lay with their stems turned up so high, that the tide flowed into their forecastles before they could come to rights; some lay so leaning upon others, that the undermost vessels would sink before the other could float; the number of masts, boltsprits, and yards, split and broke; the staving heads, sterns and carved work; tearing and destruction of rigging; squeezing boats to pieces
between the ships, could not be reckoned. There was hardly a vessel to be seen that had not suffered some damage, in one or all those articles.
Several vessels were sunk in the hurry, but as they were generally light ships, the damage was chiefly to the vessels, but there were two ships sunk with great quantity of goods on board: the Russel galley at Limehouse, laden with bale goods for the Streights, and the Sarah galley laden for Leghorn, sunk at an anchor at Blackwall; she was afterward weighed and brought on shore, yet her back was broke, and so otherwise disabled that she was never afterward fit for the sea. There were several men drowned in the two last-mentioned ships.
Near Gravesend several ships drove on shore below Tilbury-fort, among them, five bound for the West Indies, but as the shore is ousy and soft, the vessels sat upright and easy; the high tides which followed, and were the ruin of so many in other places, were the deliverance of all these ships, whose lading and value were very great, for the tide rising to an unusual height, floated them all off, and the damage was not so great as was expected.
An account of the loss and particulars relating to the small craft in the river, were impossible to collect, otherwise than by generals.
The watermen reckoned above five hundred wherries lost, most of which were not sunk only, but dashed to pieces against each other, or against the ships and shores where they lay. Ship boats without number were driven about in every corner, sunk and staved; of which about three hundred were supposed to be lost. Above sixty barges and lighters were found driven foul of the bridge, and sixty more sunk or staved between the bridge and Hammersmith. Abundance of lighters and barges drove quite through the bridge, and took their fate below, whereof many were lost."
II.—THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE I.
The City received King George on his arrival with loyalty designedly exaggerated, in order to show Jacobites on how solid a foundation the throne rested, their own delusions and illusions notwithstanding. The Jacobites, however, knowing what was coming, were not persuaded. The order of the procession reads like a reception of Richard the Second, so stately and so magnificent was it.
The loyal addresses of the City, and His Majesty's gracious reply, may be taken here as read.
More assurances of loyalty on the one hand, and of grace and favour on the other, followed when, on Lord Mayor's Day, the King and the Prince and Princess of Wales dined with the City at the Guildhall. The King on this occasion gave £1000 for the relief of poor debtors. It was a picturesque form of charity, usual
and expected when the King dined in the City. On January 20, 1715, a day of rejoicing for the King's accession was appointed.
Early in the same year the citizens of London took the very unusual step, which afterwards became more common, of drawing up a table of instructions for their representatives in the House. They were ordered to ask and to ascertain "by whose advice everything had been done during the last five years." It is not, however, stated whether such inquiries resulted in any information, or whether they were ever made. The Rebellion of the same year probably made it inconvenient to raise the question as to the Queen's advisers during the former reign.
There were so many Jacobites, professed or suspected, in the City, that great anxiety prevailed when the Rebellion broke out as to their power and their line of action. The City, through its Corporation, professed a sincere loyalty, and promised to suppress any seditious attempts or tumultuous risings. None, however, of any importance occurred. Probably the Jacobites were cowed by the strength of the Loyalists. Several persons, including the Earl of Oxford, Lord Powis, the Earl of Scarsdale, and Sir William Wyndham, were sent to the Tower, and certain members of the House of Commons were committed to custody. Three men were hanged at Tyburn for enlisting recruits for the Pretender; three more were executed in the same place for high treason. After the suppression of the Rebellion the chief prisoners were brought to London and, being pinioned at Barnet, were ignominiously
led through the streets, to the confusion and rage of the Jacobites. The Lords were sent to the Tower; the rest to Newgate, the Fleet, and the Marshalsea. Lords Derwentwater and Kenmure were executed on 24th February 1716; Lord Nithsdale escaped; General Forster escaped; the estates of Lord Derwentwater were appropriated to Greenwich Hospital.
III.—THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE
The amazing history of the South Sea Bubble has been narrated by many writers. It must be told here with brevity.
What was the South Sea Company, and what were its aims? It was a trading company formed in the year 1711 with the object of trading with Spanish America, i.e. Central and South America, if, which was uncertain, the Spaniards would permit any foreign trade in their possessions. After the Treaty of Utrecht some limited rights of trade were conceded. These rights were so limited that they cannot in the slightest degree account for the madness and blind possession with which the people, like the swine, rushed down a steep place into the sea. Indeed, without the clearest evidence, it would be difficult to believe the wild rush which followed, were it not for the example of a similar rush for shares which happened in France in the year 1719. That rush was followed, as in London, by a panic. But before the panic had well begun in Paris, the French example was followed in London.
Nobody knows exactly what strange exaggerations, what strange beliefs, what rumours and reports, enabled the people to believe in the Mississippi and the South Sea schemes. To the French Company a vast country, called Louisiana, lying west of the Mississippi, was assigned. To the latter, nothing but an extremely limited permission or privilege to trade. Even if we take into account the profound ignorance of Englishmen as to the geography, the extent, the resources, of South America, it is wonderful that they should dream of inexhaustible mines of wealth to be got at when the Spaniards during two hundred years had found no such mines. Probably they did not estimate the South Sea Company in this way; they regarded its shares like the shares of all the smaller bubbles, just as a means of making money by buying cheap and selling dear. The whole world was engaged in a cut-throat conspiracy to run up the prices of shares—of all shares; it was as if we were all, at the present day, to turn gamblers and promoters of bogus companies.
"There is a gulf where thousands fell;
Here all the bold adventurers came;
A narrow sound, though deep in hell;
'Change Alley' is the dreadful name."
All the stocks went up—daily they climbed higher. The South Sea stock led the
THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE
From an engraving of the painting by E. M. Ward, A.R.A.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed in a research study:
- **Quantitative Data**: This type of data is numerical and can be measured or counted. Examples include age, income, and test scores.
- **Qualitative Data**: This type of data is non-numerical and can be described using words. Examples include opinions, feelings, and experiences.
- **Primary Data**: This type of data is collected directly from the source. Examples include surveys, interviews, and experiments.
- **Secondary Data**: This type of data is collected from existing sources. Examples include census data, government reports, and academic journals.
- **Descriptive Data**: This type of data provides information about the characteristics of a population or sample. Examples include mean, median, and mode.
- **Inferential Data**: This type of data allows researchers to make predictions or draw conclusions about a population based on a sample. Examples include t-tests, ANOVA, and regression analysis.
- **Categorical Data**: This type of data is used to classify or group items into categories. Examples include gender, race, and political affiliation.
- **Continuous Data**: This type of data can take on any value within a range. Examples include height, weight, and temperature.
- **Discrete Data**: This type of data can only take on specific values. Examples include number of children, number of cars owned, and number of books read.
- **Nominal Data**: This type of data is used to name or label items. Examples include names, colors, and brands.
- **Ordinal Data**: This type of data is used to rank items in order. Examples include rankings, ratings, and levels of satisfaction.
- **Interval Data**: This type of data is used to measure the difference between two items. Examples include temperature, time, and distance.
- **Ratio Data**: This type of data is used to measure the ratio between two items. Examples include weight, height, and age.
- **Cross-sectional Data**: This type of data is collected at a single point in time. Examples include surveys, interviews, and experiments.
- **Longitudinal Data**: This type of data is collected over a period of time. Examples include longitudinal studies, panel studies, and cohort studies.
- **Panel Data**: This type of data is collected from multiple individuals or groups at different points in time. Examples include panel studies, longitudinal studies, and cohort studies.
- **Time-series Data**: This type of data is collected over a period of time. Examples include time-series analysis, time-series forecasting, and time-series regression.
- **Multivariate Data**: This type of data involves multiple variables. Examples include multivariate regression, multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), and multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA).
- **Univariate Data**: This type of data involves a single variable. Examples include univariate regression, univariate analysis of variance (ANOVA), and univariate analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
- **Bivariate Data**: This type of data involves two variables. Examples include bivariate regression, bivariate analysis of variance (ANOVA), and bivariate analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
- **Multidimensional Data**: This type of data involves multiple dimensions. Examples include multidimensional scaling, multidimensional scaling analysis, and multidimensional scaling regression.
- **Unidimensional Data**: This type of data involves a single dimension. Examples include unidimensional scaling, unidimensional scaling analysis, and unidimensional scaling regression.
- **Multilevel Data**: This type of data involves multiple levels. Examples include multilevel regression, multilevel analysis of variance (ANOVA), and multilevel analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
- **Unilevel Data**: This type of data involves a single level. Examples include unilevel regression, unilevel analysis of variance (ANOVA), and unilevel analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
- **Hierarchical Data**: This type of data involves a hierarchy. Examples include hierarchical regression, hierarchical analysis of variance (ANOVA), and hierarchical analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
- **Non-hierarchical Data**: This type of data does not involve a hierarchy. Examples include non-hierarchical regression, non-hierarchical analysis of variance (ANOVA), and non-hierarchical analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
- **Random Data**: This type of data is generated randomly. Examples include random numbers, random samples, and random variables.
- **Systematic Data**: This type of data is generated systematically. Examples include systematic sampling, systematic regression, and systematic analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Clustered Data**: This type of data is clustered together. Examples include cluster analysis, cluster regression, and cluster analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Stratified Data**: This type of data is stratified into subgroups. Examples include stratified sampling, stratified regression, and stratified analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Clustered Stratified Data**: This type of data is both clustered and stratified. Examples include clustered stratified sampling, clustered stratified regression, and clustered stratified analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Randomized Data**: This type of data is randomized. Examples include randomized sampling, randomized regression, and randomized analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Systematic Randomized Data**: This type of data is both systematic and randomized. Examples include systematic randomized sampling, systematic randomized regression, and systematic randomized analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Clustered Randomized Data**: This type of data is both clustered and randomized. Examples include clustered randomized sampling, clustered randomized regression, and clustered randomized analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Stratified Randomized Data**: This type of data is both stratified and randomized. Examples include stratified randomized sampling, stratified randomized regression, and stratified randomized analysis of variance (ANOVA).
- **Clustered Stratified Randomized Data**: This type of data is all three: clustered, stratified, and randomized. Examples include clustered stratified randomized sampling, clustered stratified randomized regression, and clustered stratified randomized analysis of variance (ANOVA).
way; it rose until it reached and passed 1000. Other shares went up in like manner. All classes rushed headlong into the pursuit of sudden and, if they knew it, ill-gotten wealth. Threadneedle Street and Change Alley were turned into counting-houses and blocked with desks and clerks. It was said that the King himself did not disdain to traffic in the shares; his two mistresses, it was notorious, made fortunes by their gains; the Prince of Wales was Governor of one company, by which he made £60,000; the Dukes of Buckingham and Chandos directed two other companies; noble lords and great ladies jostled petty clerks and hucksters in Threadneedle Street. The usual effects of inflation were observed. Swift is told by the Duchess of Ormond that the King adopts the South Sea and calls it his beloved child... that some of her friends are deep in it, and she wishes that "Swift was too." Prior says: "I am lost in the South Sea; the roaring of the waves and the madness of the people are justly put together. It is all wilder than St. Anthony's dream." Smollett writes: "Luxury, vice, and profligacy increased to a shocking degree. The adventurers, intoxicated by their imaginary wealth, pampered themselves with the rarest dainties and the most costly wines; they purchased the most sumptuous furniture, equipage, and apparel, though with no taste or discernment. Their criminal passions were indulged to a scandalous excess, and their discourse evinced the most disgusting pride, insolence, and ostentation... All party distinctions, religion, sex, character, and position, were swallowed in this yawning abyss, or in some similar money trap. Gambling was the sole profession."
Again, in the *London Journal*, it is stated:
"The hurry of stock-jobbing bubbles has been so great this week as to exceed all ever known. Nothing but running about from coffee-house to coffee-house, and subscribing without knowing what the proposals were. The constant cry was, 'For God's sake let us subscribe to something; we don't care what it is.'"
The craze was not without its satirists and poets:
"In London stands a famous pile,
And near that pile an Alley,
Where merry crowds for riches toil,
And wisdom stoops to folly.
Here stars and garters too appear
Among our herds, the rabble:
To buy and sell, to see and hear,
The Jews and Gentiles squabble.
Our greatest ladies hither come,
And ply in chariots daily:
Or pawn their jewels for a sum
To venture in the Alley.
Longheads may thrive by sober rules
Because they think and drink not;
But headlongs are our thriving fools,
Who only drink and think not."
What need have we of Judean wealth,
Or commerce with our neighbours?
Our constitution is in health,
And riches crown our labours.
Our South Sea ships have golden shrouds,
They bring us wealth—'tis granted;
But lodge these treasures in the clouds,
To hide it till 'tis wanted."
The collapse of everything, when all the bubbles burst at once, and the South Sea stock, which had reached 1100, sunk to 135, was overwhelming. A great national disaster, it was discovered, had been brought about by the madness of that summer. Ruin and bankruptcy were universal. Then came the inevitable cry against the Directors. One does not understand how far they were simply borne along with the stream. Did they by any false representations or needless promises create the rush? Did they by any words of caution try to diminish the madness? No reproaches, however, were too bad for the Directors. Lord Molesworth said in the House that they ought to be tied in a sack and thrown into the sea. Two of them, Jacob Sawbridge and Sir Theodore Janssen, were expelled the House and committed to the Tower, while their firm—Janssen was a partner of Sawbridge—had to disgorge a quarter of a million. The Earl of Sunderland, First Commissioner of the Treasury, resigned on being charged with receiving £50,000 stock without any consideration. Craggs, Secretary of State, and Aislabie, Chancellor of the Exchequer, were convicted of taking bribes. Craggs died of smallpox during the inquiry, but his estate was confiscated. Aislabie was sent to the Tower. Gibbon's grandfather, one of the Directors, had to give up £50,000 out of an estate worth no more than £60,000. The final collapse of the South Sea scheme was really brought about, or hastened, by the action of the Directors themselves in calling for the prosecution of other bubbles. The smaller bubbles burst as soon as they were pricked; with them burst, to their dismay, the great Bubble itself. The Directors fell into poverty and obscurity; some of them into absolute poverty. John Law himself, the great leader of Rainbow Finance, died in want a few years later. Some of them found themselves, after all their grandeur, in a debtor's prison.
"Behold a poor dejected wretch,
Who kept a South Sea coach of late,
And now is glad to humbly catch
A penny at the prison gate.
Fools lost where the Directors won,
And now the poor Directors lose;
And where the South Sea stock will run,
Old Nick, the first projector, knows."
Some, of course, were fortunate in their dealings. Among them was Guy, the bookseller, at the corner of Lombard Street and Cornhill. A part, not all, of his
fortune was made by lucky speculation in this stock. Among those who lost were Gay, the poet, who had £1000 in South Sea stock, which rose to £20,000; he was advised to sell out, but would not, in consequence of which he lost the whole. The Duke of Chandos had £300,000; he, too, lost the whole. Eustace Budgell lost; Prior lost; and "Tom of Ten Thousand" lost not only his shares but also his reason.
The City supported the action of Parliament in a remarkable petition which may be found in full in Sharpe's *London and the Kingdom*.
IV.—THE CITY AND THE CONSTITUTION
Of civil disputes and constitutional questions the eighteenth century furnishes many examples, but not of the vital importance of those we have already considered. Thus, the Corporation Act of 1661 provided that all municipal and other offices should be held on condition of subscribing a declaration against the Solemn League and Covenant. This Act had been practically forgotten or neglected. It was, however, still possible, even for a constitutional king, to raise the point whether things done by officers who had not subscribed this declaration were legal. The citizens therefore petitioned George I. on the subject, and obtained the repeal of the Act.
"I shall be glad," said the King, who knew how to be gracious on occasion, "not only for your sakes, but for my own, if any defects which may touch the rights of my good subjects are discovered in my time, since that will furnish me with the means of giving you and all my people an indisputable proof of my tenderness for their privileges, and how unwilling I shall ever be to take advantage of their mistakes."
Close upon this victory for the City followed the famous case in which the rights of Aldermen and the Common Council in elections and towards each other were brought under the consideration of Parliament. A custom had grown up for the City, in whatever disputes or actions at law the Aldermen were involved, to pay their costs. During the whole of 1718 a case of disputed election occupied the Courts, and in 1719 was going before the House of Lords, when the City agreed to a compromise. The House of Lords, however, passed a resolution to report on the management of the City treasury and to inquire into the jurisdiction possessed by the Common Council in elections.
A Committee was appointed in accordance with this resolution, which presently met, did its work, and reported. The report was to the effect that in eight years the City had paid £2827:10s. on account of law expenses for defending Aldermen. As regards the right of the Common Council to determine matters of disputed elections, the Committee found that such right was based upon a Resolution of January 1642, which had been disclaimed in 1683. Then the House of Lords passed a resolution to the
effect that in maintaining suits at law between citizen and citizen in cases of disputed elections, the Common Council (Sharpe, *London and the Kingdom*, iii. p. 14) had abused their trust, and been guilty of great partiality, and of gross mismanagement of the City treasure, and a violation of the freedom of elections in the City.
This resolution was not passed unchallenged (Sharpe, p. 14). Sixteen peers entered a vigorous protest on the several grounds: (1) that no evidence had been taken on oath, and that without such evidence they conceived that so heavy a censure ought not to be passed on any individual, much less on so important a body as the Common Council of the City, which had done good service on pressing occasions; (2) that the Common Council had not had due notice given them; (3) that the resolution of the House might be construed as prejudging matters which might come before the House judicially; and lastly (4) that had the Common Council been heard they might have shown that the money had been expended in defence of their ancient rights and privileges, and in order to prevent any encroachment thereon.
When, immediately afterwards, the next dispute arose over an election, the Aldermen refused to allow any interference from the Common Council.
Meantime, disputed elections followed each other in quick succession, and there seemed no probability of any settlement by mutual concession and agreement. The citizens therefore presented a petition to the House of Commons in December 1724, setting forth that at elections by the liverymen of the City many voted who had no right to vote; that those who were not freemen claimed the right to vote at Wardmotes on the ground that they contributed to the charges of their respective wards, while they refused to take up their freedom because the customs of the City limited the testamentary power of a freeman—the wife, by the custom of the City, was entitled to have one-third of the personal estate and the children another third; with other points on which they prayed for the relief of the House and the settlement of their rights, privileges, and forms of election. In reply, a Bill was brought in "for regulating of elections within the City of London, and for preserving the peace, good order, and government of the said City."
This Bill was vehemently opposed both by the Aldermen and the Common Council. However, it passed, with some amendments, both Houses, and received the Royal assent. By the Bill the Aldermen were confirmed in their right of veto in Acts of the Common Council; but this right was abolished twenty-one years later. Payment of scot was defined; and the restrictions as to testamentary dispositions were abolished.
After the passing of the Bill by the House of Commons, while the minds of the City were still greatly exercised upon it, an abstract was drawn up and circulated in the City. This abstract, in itself sufficiently long, is preserved in Maitland.
In the year 1722 one of the many alarms which seized the country during the
eighteenth century fell upon London. It was an alarm which had very little foundation. Yet there was some; the Jacobites, among whom were many of the High Church party, all the Nonjurors—and, in the minds of the people at least, all the Catholics,—were ceaseless in their activity, conspiring, devising schemes, reckoning forces, and estimating chances of success. As we can now understand, they never had a chance, not even when Charles Edward got as far as Derby. The Protestant interest in the country all along was strong enough to assure the throne of King George. Still, it is in the nature of a defeated faction to conspire. The Jacobites, looking round them in 1721, the year after the catastrophe of the South Sea Bubble, saw London confused, bewildered, half ruined, not knowing which way to look. This time of confusion appeared to be the Jacobites' opportunity. Moreover, the birth of an heir, Charles Edward, fell happily to fan the party's enthusiasm. They asked the aid of France. The Regent refused. He did more: he informed the English ambassador in France that an invasion was in contemplation. On May 8, 1722, the King informed the Lord Mayor that another rising was contemplated; that the plot was unsupported by any foreign power; that he had little to fear of the results, but that he looked to the Lord Mayor to secure the City. The Court of Aldermen drew up and presented a loyal address. Next, all Papists, reputed Papists, and Nonjurors were ordered to leave the City, and not to reside within twenty miles of it. Pope, in one of his letters, mentions this order, which he, as a Catholic, had to obey. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and troops were kept ready all the summer. So that the conspiracy, for which Bishop Atterbury was arrested, came to nothing.
In 1769 the Common Hall passed instructions to its representatives. These instructions were drawn up under fourteen heads. It will be observed that already, fifty years before the Reform Act of 1832, the City was advocating Reform. The following are the more important points in the "Instructions":—
1. The proceedings in cases of libel and other criminal matters to be confined to Rules of Law, and Constitutional Tribunals.
2. A jealous watch over the Habeas Corpus Act.
3. Privilege of Parliament and Rights of Electors.
4. No meddling with Petitions.
5. No use of public money in Elections.
6. No "constructive" Treason.
7. The interests of Trade.
8. The preservation of Public Faith.
9. The independence of the Magistracy.
10. Jealousy of Military Power.
11. A standing committee on Public Expenditure.
12. Jealousy over the National Debt.
13. Against Placemen in Parliament and the Bribery of Members.
14. Shorter Parliaments.
Similar instructions were drawn up by the electors of Southwark to their representatives. During this year and the next the City was wholly occupied with the case of John Wilkes and the questions arising out of it.
In 1773 the case of the City against certain companies was decided. The goldsmiths, grocers, and weavers refused to obey the Lord Mayor's precept for a Common Hall. The Common Council submitted for counsel's opinion these questions:—(1) The power of the Lord Mayor to call Common Halls; (2) the obligation of companies to obey their precepts; (3) the methods of punishment in case of refusal. The opinion of counsel was wholly in favour of the Lord Mayor's authority. The City solicitor, therefore, filed informations of disfranchisement in the Mayor's Court against the masters and wardens of the three companies concerned. They took the case out of the Mayor's Court and into the Court of the King's Bench. Here Lord Mansfield gave his opinion that every Corporation was the sole judge of its own rights and franchises; and that the Corporation of London had the right of determining the present case solely in its own hands. The City solicitor, therefore, signed judgment of disfranchisement against the masters and wardens of the three companies. The Recorder, however, set the judgment aside, in order to give the parties an opportunity of trying the merits of the case.
On July 14, 1773, the case was heard and decided against the companies. In 1775 this judgment was reversed, and no Lord Mayor has since been able to compel obedience to a summons for a Common Hall.
The agitation against the Excise Bill of Walpole belongs perhaps to this part of civic history. The Bill proposed to change the duty on wine and tobacco from a customs duty, payable on importation, into an excise duty. The goods were to lie in bonded warehouses until taken out for home consumption, when they were to be sold at licensed shops only. Seven revenue officers were to possess the right of search in any house and at any time. This form of tax was peculiarly odious, and met with the most vehement opposition from the citizens of all classes. Walpole himself could not understand the opposition, but then Walpole never could understand the mind of the people. He called their opposition an "epidemic madness," and waited to see it subside as quickly as it had arisen. He was mistaken; this kind of opposition would endure as long as the cause of it. When the mob marched about bawling, "No Slavery; no Excise; no Wooden Shoes," coupling excise with the French and the Pretender, they were capable of going on indefinitely. When the Bill was introduced, the doors of the House were besieged by a noisy crowd whom Walpole, in a moment of irritation, called "sturdy beggars." Sir John Barnard, one of the City members, sprang to his feet to repudiate the charge: "The honourable
gentleman,” said he, “talks of ‘sturdy beggars’; I do not know what sort of people may be now at the door, because I have not lately been out of the House, but I believe they are the same sort of people that were there when I came last into the House, and then I can assure you that I saw none but such as deserve the name of ‘sturdy beggars’ as little as the honourable gentleman himself, or any gentleman whatever.” The Bill was read a first time, but, owing to the clamour which was still maintained, Walpole thought fit to postpone it for two months. On the day of its withdrawal, Walpole was hustled by the crowd, and pretended that it was a
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE
deep-laid scheme for murder. The right of searching private houses was the thing most hateful in excise duties; any one found with dutiable goods in his house was liable to heavy fine and imprisonment. The liberty of the subject, therefore, was practically in the hands of the excise officers, who could swear away a man’s liberty as they chose. Thus it was well known that there was a case in which a man had been confined in a debtors’ prison for forty years—until he died, indeed—for having once been in possession of a few pounds of tea. Presumably he had been fined and had been unable to pay the fine. Hence, a lifelong imprisonment. And yet Walpole could not understand this “epidemic madness” of hatred and rage. Did he think, then, that the people liked imprisonment for life?
Finally the Bill was withdrawn. One good effect was produced by the demonstrations outside the House, viz. the passing of resolutions that it was a high crime and misdemeanour to menace or assault a member on his way to or from the House; or to assemble in a threatening and tumultuous manner outside the House; or to incite to such disorderly assemblage.
V.—SALE OF PLACES
A practice which we have agreed to condemn and to prohibit, or make impossible, that of selling places, largely prevailed during the whole of the eighteenth century. Sharpers advertised places for sale; countrymen were caught by the offers and came up to town with money to buy them,—of course they lost it all. The scandal of Mrs. Clarke and the Duke of York is well known. The Lord Mayor looked to the sale of offices during his year of office to recoup some of his expenses, —e.g. the office of Coal Meter was sometimes sold for as much as £6000. The following story shows how the sale of places was used as a means of fraud and robbery:—
A certain person—he was in holy orders—inserted advertisements in the daily papers, offering to procure comfortable situations under Government, provided he received an adequate reward for his own services and introduction. Though this mode of swindling was not altogether new, the liberal offers of the advertiser procured him a multitude of applications; and for some time he preyed on the credulity of his customers. At last two of the sufferers by the imposture, a Mr. Willy and a Mr. Rolfe, pursued him to Harwich, whence he was about to embark for the Continent, and brought him back, with all his luggage, to the Dundee Arms, Wapping. Mr. Willy stated to the magistrate that the prisoner had promised to procure him a place in the Ordnance Department; that he produced an instrument with fictitious signatures, which he pretended was the warrant for his appointment; and that he actually carried him to the Court of Exchequer, and made him take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance before the Barons, preparatory to entering upon office. Mr. Willy paid the prisoner £212 for this appointment. The complaint of Mr. Rolfe was of the same nature; he had been defrauded of £98 under similar circumstances. The prisoner was a well-known preacher in London.
VI.—THE REBELLION OF 1745
The threatened invasion of 1744 promised to be a far more formidable affair than the actual invasion of 1745.
Dunkirk was the centre of the preparations, the port where the convoys were assembled, the store-ships, the transports, the munitions of war. What assistance the King of France had promised in the form of troops was also to be sent to Dunkirk. The City proved its loyalty again. The merchants, 543 in number, sent in a separate address; the Bishop of London and his clergy an address of their own; and another was sent in by the Nonconformist congregations of London and Westminster. Here we have a remarkable proof of the leading of London. The City magistrates, the leading people, the clergy, the Nonconformists, all hasten to assure the King of their loyalty. Do the magistrates, clergy, and Nonconformists of York and Norwich, of Dublin and Edinburgh, take the same steps? or are they satisfied to let London speak for them?
It promised to be a very serious invasion indeed; an invasion more serious than any in history, except that of Philip with his great fleet. Happily, the elements once more declared for the Protestants. A storm came—an opportune, welcome, and most useful storm, which destroyed the French transports and made the invasion impossible, except at the cost of another fleet of transport and store ships.
We breathed again. We declared war, however, against France; and we waited events. Since Prince Charles could not get French auxiliaries, he would do without. We know what happened in 1745. When news came that the Pretender's standard was hoisted in Scotland, the City again hastened to assure the King of their loyalty. But what else did they do? For the moment, nothing. They trusted, it would appear, in the army under Sir John Cope. The business of Prestonpans settled that illusion; there was a run upon the Bank of England which was only saved by the efforts of the leading merchants; a camp was formed at Finchley (see Hogarth's famous "March"); subscription lists were opened which were not too zealously filled up.
Then the news came that the Pretender was already at Derby, only 150 miles from the capital. This news arrived on Friday, 6th December—"Black Friday." Instantly all became activity and bustle. In case the Duke of Northumberland should fail to intercept the rebels at Northampton, there was to be the massing of forces north of London ready to meet them. The Royal Exchange became the barracks of the train-bands; Bridewell was a guardroom for the night-guard; the two City marshals were to visit the night-watches in the ward, and to see that the constables did their duty. The King was to take command of the Guards; the
weavers of London offered him 1000 men; the lawyers formed themselves into a regiment, anticipating the "Devil's Own," and volunteered to form a bodyguard to the Royal Family during the King's absence.
All these precautions, however, did not put a stop to the panic. There was another run upon the Bank of England, met by a simple ruse, that of employing agents who presented notes and asked to be paid in sixpences. Fortunately, this condition of anxiety and agitation lasted a very short time. It was learned that Charles Edward was retreating north, and the City breathed once more; the Guards returned, the Volunteers went home, and the City constables resumed their former habits.
The most important duty, after Culloden, was to make another rising impossible, at least in the lifetime of those who remembered the year 1745. This duty, it seems, was performed with little mercy by the Duke of Cumberland. They called him the "Butcher"; but we ought, surely, to consider that, after his severity, though Jacobites continued in the land, there was never any whisper of another rising; and that the country was freed from conspiracies and the suspicion of conspiracies. If by cruelty to rebels this great result was achieved, then surely was "Butcher" Cumberland justified. The City thought so, certainly, for they thanked the King
in an address (May 3, 1746) for appointing the Duke to command—"whose conduct and bravery have, by the blessing of the Almighty, produced this our happy deliverance: a glory reserved for one of your illustrious family, endowed with those princely qualities which render him amiable to those under his command, and formidable to his enemies."
VII.—LONDON AND THE SPANISH WAR
To the City belongs the credit, or the reverse, of forcing on the war with Spain. The London merchants, on their side, had so long disregarded the clause in the Treaty of Utrecht which limited the British trade with Panama to one vessel of 600 tons in the year, that they resented the claim of Spain to the right of search for smuggled goods. This clause was, in fact, another proof of the folly of limitations which cannot be enforced. As might have been expected, there were complaints: the Spaniards boarded and searched the ships with brutality; they ill-used the crews; and when one Captain Jenkin came home with an ear in his pocket—the said ear cut off by a brutal Spanish guarda costa—the wrath of the country mounted high and boiled over. Later on it was said that the whole story was an invention; that Jenkin had undoubtedly lost an ear, but it was in a less heroic cause—that, in fact, he had lost it in pillory. Perhaps, however, the story was true after all. A petition was presented to the House of Commons, pointing out the merchants' grievances, and the arbitrary conduct of the Spaniards. The petition was introduced on 3rd March 1738, by Alderman Percy, who obtained leave to read it. The City were undoubtedly right in their protest. If the Spanish right of search was allowed, where was the limit? Were they allowed to board and to search ships bound for every port in America? In that case, as they pointed out, "the trade of His Majesty's subjects to America will become so precarious as to depend in a great measure upon the indulgence and justice of the Spaniards, of both which they have given us for some years past such specimens as we humbly think this nation can have no cause to be satisfied with."
The House learned further, with indignation, which Walpole vainly endeavoured to assuage, that there were no fewer than twenty English sailors languishing in Spanish prisons. After long and spirited debates the House of Commons addressed the King on the subject. Their action was followed by the House of Lords. To both Houses the King returned his customary answer, with assurances of his care to obtain satisfaction and security. Walpole, meantime, anxious to avert war, was ready to accept an understanding with Spain. When, however, the articles of the Convention concluded (January 14, 1739) became known in the City—they left the question as to the right of search unsettled—the Court of Common Council was
summoned immediately, and a resolution, unanimous, except for three "placemen," was passed for preparing a petition against the Convention. The petition is interesting from many points of view, and especially as showing that English trade was still conducted much in the old spirit—of war, and piracy, and murder. It may be found in full in Maitland.
This petition gave occasion for a debate, sharp and acrimonious, in both Houses. Finally the Convention was accepted, first by the Lords with a majority of twenty-one,—but thirty-nine of them protested. In the House of Commons the Convention was carried by 262 contents against 235 non-contents—absentees 61. It was remarked that of the 262 contents, 234 were "placemen," whose places amounted annually to £212,956:13:4, or an average of nearly a thousand pounds each. These lofty moralists, in fact, had sold themselves to the Minister. Would it be possible, one asks with curiosity, to purchase supporters in the House at the present day on those terms?
One fact connected with this persistent agitation of the City for war with Spain is curious, as it illustrates the return of that contempt for trade which was common under Henry the Third; which vanished when the City proved its power in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; which was changed into respect and honour under the Tudors. A German court; the increased power of the House of Commons, where the members nearly all represented the country interest; a long succession of wars calling the younger sons to the pursuit of arms; the severance of the old connection of the landed gentry and the City; the establishment of two camps, so to speak—that of the nobility in the new quarter, which we call the West End, and that of the merchants in the City and the suburbs, north, east, and south, but not west; the increase of wealth among the country gentry, so that yeomen during this century became squires, and squires became the territorial nobility: all these things together contributed to raise up a barrier not to be passed between trade and gentility. The Ministers expressed this feeling in a manner which seems to us to demand no other word than that of "brutal." They represented the merchants and the Common Council as a contemptible body of tradesmen and mechanics, who could know nothing about affairs of State. They printed lists of the Common Council, with the addition of their callings and their companies; these lists they dispersed about the avenues of both Houses, and sent about the country by post, with the following verses from the Book of Ecclesiasticus (xxxviii. 27, 31, 32, 33):
"27. So every carpenter and workmaster, that laboureth night and day; and they that cut and grave seals, and are diligent to make great variety, and give themselves to counterfeit imagery, and watch to finish a work:
31. All these trust to their hands; and every one is wise in his work.
---
1 Hist. of London, vol. i. p. 593.
32. Without these cannot a city be inhabited; and they shall not dwell where they will, nor go up and down:
33. They shall not be sought for in public counsel, nor sit high in the congregation; they shall not sit on the judges' seats, nor understand the sentence of judgment; they cannot declare justice and judgment; and they shall not be found where parables are spoken."
This method of warfare was not likely to make the City more kindly disposed towards the Ministers: they showed their opinion of Walpole by refusing to nominate Sir George Champion as Lord Mayor, because he had voted for the Convention. They took this strong step without haste or temper, and followed it with a document which showed that, tradesmen or mechanics though they were, they could still act with dignity and a full sense of responsibility. The City, in fact, prevailed. The King declared war against Spain. On October 22, 1739, the formal proclamation took place at St. James's, Charing Cross, Chancery Lane, Wood Street, and the Royal Exchange. The proclamation was welcomed with extravagant joy; with the burning of bonfires and the ringing of bells. "They ring their bells now," said Walpole bitterly; "but before long they will be wringing their hands."
In 1742 the merchants presented another petition to both Houses, praying for stronger convoys, and pointing out the loss of valuable cargoes and vessels in consequence of insufficient protection.
The petition was referred to a Committee of the whole House. It is gratifying to find that at a time when the House of Commons was filled with a horde of venal placemen, always at the command of the Ministers, the electors of the City had the courage and the intelligence to draw up another paper of instructions for their members begging them to guard against the packing of the House with placemen.
VIII.—THE EARTHQUAKES OF 1750
On February 8, 1750, between twelve and one o'clock in the day, a very distinct and smart shock of an earthquake was felt throughout London and Westminster. In the Courts of King's Bench and Chancery, then being held in Westminster Hall, the barristers and judges stopped the case before them and ran out, in terror, thinking that the building would fall upon their heads; in the West End houses the furniture shook; the pewter on the shelves rattled (remember that, as yet, except in the best houses, the plates were all of pewter); in Southwark a hay-loft over a slaughter-house was thrown down; chimneys fell in Leadenhall Street, in Billiter Street, and in Horselydown. It is needless to add that the terror naturally caused by a phenomenon so threatening, so entirely beyond control, of which no one knows when it may occur again, or with what increase of violence, was abundantly indicated by what was said and done by the Londoners under the first impression of trembling.
awe. It was understood as a Divine warning against the sins of the City and the West End; many admirable exhortations to repentance were solemnly pronounced from the pulpits; such organs of opinion as then existed were inundated with meditations, reflections, prophecies, and pieces of the Higher Morality.
But what were the terrors of the first experience as compared with those of the second? For, exactly four weeks later, but early in the morning, when most of the people were still asleep in their beds, at half-past five, another and a more dreadful earthquake was felt. Those who were already up observed that the open ground, as in St. James's Park, visibly moved; lightning flashed in all directions; even the fish, it was said, showed their alarm by jumping high out of the water—but considering the very small number of visitors to the Park at five on a cold March morning, the report may be said to require confirmation; while the dogs, who are always terrified by anything outside their experience, howled in a most melancholy manner. China was upset and broken; pewter, which could not be broken, was once more thrown off the shelves; the bells were set ringing; from the West Towers of Westminster Abbey stones were dislodged; one girl was reported to have been thrown out of bed, getting a broken arm; chimneys and coping-stones were thrown down. In a word, there occurred a second earthquake, more violent than the first, yet not so violent as to cause any serious damage.
It was soon learned, to the general consternation, that the second, like the first, was confined to London and its environs. What could prove more convincingly that the warning, thought to be directed against London by the first attack, was really and certainly Divinely so intended? The Bishop of London hastened to accept this view, and issued an address upon the subject, in which he improved the occasion with great plainness of speech. One hopes that the Bishop's address did good. One is inclined to think that it might have been productive of a great improvement of morals had it not been for the unlucky craze which followed. Meantime, a good many people—those who could afford it—were running away out of town. The Evening Post remonstrated with these runaways. It was not the place, said the Post, but the people, who were warned; it was necessary, for instance, if people must needs leave London, to leave their vices behind them. And, in their hasty flight, it was greatly feared that the vices had been packed up with the shirts. Other papers declared that the visitation was not supernatural at all, but quite natural, and in accordance with the phenomena of nature—perhaps only "an airquake." The theory of this extraordinary kind of quake, which has never since returned, probably reassured the sinful, who stayed where they were, and, so far as one can learn, in the renewed enjoyment of all their vices.
Then there arose a new report, which spread like wildfire, running into every house by one door and out by the other; filling every street, every lane, every court; insomuch that there was no place or part of London which had not heard it.
This rumour was a prophecy that the two last earthquakes were but forerunners, warnings, indications, of what was to follow; and that on the 8th of April would take place an earthquake, a third shake far worse than its two predecessors, which would completely destroy the whole of London and Westminster and the suburbs. This belief, in the excited state of the popular brain, found immediate and universal credence. Those who did not believe it, acted as if they did. The prophecy was subsequently traced to a private soldier in the Horse Guards. Now, one must not understand by this a private soldier of the Guards, such as we know him at the present day. The private soldiers of the Horse Guards were people who followed all sorts of occupations or callings: and especially the minor, less considered, unclassed professions, which were generally ill paid. For instance, they were draughtsmen; surveyors; calculators for builders; designers; teachers of mathematics, languages, fencing, fine writing, fortification, and the Art of War; accountants; statisticians; and so forth. Their pay was not nearly enough for the maintenance of their families—for they were mostly married men; but it supplemented their earnings. Moreover, as a Guardsman could not be arrested for debt, there were always in the ranks certain broken tradesmen who, but for this sanctuary, would have been languishing in the Fleet. It was, no doubt, one of these learned and professional gentlemen who, by dint of comparing texts and manipulating verses out of that prophet of Israel who has done so much for the modern Prophet and Interpreter, arrived at the conclusion that London must inevitably, and by Divine order, pronounced thousands of years before the event, perish by earthquake on the 8th day of April 1750.
When the day drew near, the people began to run out of town. When the evening of the 7th arrived, there was not a single person, it is stated with that kind of exaggeration which proves the case, save the bedridden and the sick, who was left in the houses. One may imagine the agonised terrors of those who were left to await, alone and forsaken, the earthquake in their beds. The whole of the City of London, the City of Westminster, the Borough, the suburbs, the West End, were out in the streets, or out in the fields, during that awful night. Many thousands lay in boats on the river—all the boats were engaged for the purpose; many thousands lay in the fields outside the town—they were then very easy of access,—for instance, the district between the Tottenham Court Road and the Foundling Hospital, north of the British Museum, was all fields; people paid enormous sums for lodgings in the country; great ladies sat in their coaches, crowding the roads; all night long they sat thus, waiting in terror and suspense, expecting every moment the thunder and rumblings and roarings and the agitation of the world, when the proud pinnacles and spires of London should topple and fall and lie levelled in one common ruin.
The earthquake was to happen on the morning of the 8th. Morning means, at longest, from midnight to midday. They waited, therefore, all that time. When
midday arrived, nothing at all had happened. The Prophet of the Guards had therefore, fortunately, proved a false prophet. The world went home again and took its breakfast—a morning draught of small-beer with a crust and a lump of salt beef—and presently went to work again, the earthquake forgotten; and the great ones of the town, once more, without further reproach, fell to practising and prosecuting their vices; and so two good earthquakes were thrown away and wasted. The Bishop of London's address, meantime, had circulated 40,000 copies; and one feels certain that had it not been for the unfortunate craze and panic, followed by a sense of full security, repentance and amendment would have ensued. They put the Guardsman into prison for being a false prophet, and so he disappears from history.
IX.—DEATH OF BYNG
On the loss of Minorca the Common Council drew up another letter of instructions for their members. They were to demand a strict inquiry into the causes of the recent disasters in Minorca and North America; they were to urge the dismissal of the foreign mercenaries; they were to vote for no supplies till this was done; they were to demand a reduction in the number of places and placemen; to restore, if possible, triennial parliaments; with one or two other points. The paper is interesting as showing the resolution of the City to reform the House of Commons if that were possible.
Above all things, however, the City demanded the execution of Byng. He had been tried and had been found guilty of not having done what he might have done to save the island. The City clamoured for his death; papers were posted up on the Royal Exchange—"Shoot Byng, or look out for your King." Byng was accordingly shot on the quarter-deck of the Monarque at Portsmouth. One is ashamed of the panic wrath shown by the City on this occasion: in its madness of humiliation it demanded the death of some one. There were two on whom punishment might fall—the Admiral and the Minister. It is always possible to say of a defeated commander that he might have done more; it is not possible, except in the pages of history about to follow, to say that a Minister might have done more. Therefore, Byng was made the victim.
X.—TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS
The Test and Corporation Acts could be made, and were sometimes made, the means of gratifying intolerance and oppression. Thus, in the year 1742, a Dissenter named Robert Grosvenor, on being elected to the office of Sheriff, declined to take
the Sacrament by the Anglican rite in order to qualify. The Corporation cited him before the Court of King's Bench, which decided against his claim for exemption. The Corporation, therefore, passed a bylaw which imposed a fine of £400 upon any one who should decline to stand for the office after being nominated, and a fine of £600 upon one who should refuse to serve after election. They then proceeded deliberately to choose and nominate Dissenters in order to fine them. It seemed as if the City proposed to bleed the Nonconformists slowly to death, and in six years they had amassed the sum of £15,000 by these fines, which went towards the building of the Mansion House—a fact which is little known or remembered among the guests of the Lord Mayor at this day. In 1754 the Dissenters resolved to fight this intolerable claim, from which they had now suffered for twelve years. The occasion chosen was the election of George Streatfield and Alexander Sheafe, both Dissenters, as Sheriffs. Both refused to serve; both were fined; both refused to pay the fine; and against both were proceedings, in consequence, instituted. The Sheriffs' Court decided against them; that was to be expected; they appealed to the Court of Hustings, which also decided against them. That, too, had been expected. They appealed to a special commission of five judges, who in 1762 reversed the previous decisions. Then the Corporation took the case up to the House of Lords, where it was heard in 1767, and judgment was given in favour of the Nonconformists, who were henceforward exempted from taking office, without having to pay fines. In 1779 Dissenting ministers and schoolmasters were relieved of the necessity of signing the Thirty-Nine Articles. It was not until 1812 that the Quakers' Oath Act, the Conventicle Act, and the Five Mile Act were repealed; while Unitarians were only tolerated by law in 1813, when the statutes of William III. and George III., which made it blasphemy to deny the doctrine of the Trinity, were finally repealed.
XI.—JOHN WILKES AND THE CITY
The career of, and the long-continued contest carried on by John Wilkes, belong to the national history, even more than to that of London. There are, however, certain points and episodes in his life which concern the City especially. Thus, the arrest of Wilkes, his publisher and his printer, for the famous "No. 45," under a "General Warrant," was a most iniquitous and unconstitutional proceeding. Wilkes, it will be remembered, was released in accordance with the judgment of Chief Justice Pratt.
When one Williams, bookseller of Fleet Street, was put in the pillory for republishing *The North Briton*, the people maintained, during the whole time of his standing before them, a continuous roar of acclamation. When Wilkes first stood for
Middlesex, the mob paraded the town and broke the windows of everybody supposed to be his enemy. When Wilkes was sent to the King's Bench Prison, the mob took the horses out of the carriage and dragged it themselves to the other end of London.
The arbitrary invasion of the rights of electors in refusing to admit Wilkes as member for Middlesex was met by meetings of the electors and by petitions showing the encroachments upon the liberties of the people by the Ministers. These petitions came from the Freeholders of Middlesex, from the City, and from Westminster. The King gave no answer. The City, however, exercised their right of personally calling upon the King. This meant that they demanded an answer. They got one in the shape of an assurance that the King would not invade any of their rights. But he did not promise to redress their wrongs.
Another remonstrance was offered by the City. It was on this occasion that Beckford made his famous speech. The King's reply to the remonstrance was as follows:
"I should have been wanting to the public as well as to myself, if I had not expressed my dissatisfaction at the late address. My sentiments on that subject continue the same; and I should ill deserve to be considered as the father of my people, if I could suffer myself to be prevailed upon to make such a use of my prerogative, as I cannot but think inconsistent with the interest, and dangerous to the constitution of the kingdom."
Then the Lord Mayor, Beckford, made the spirited reply which has immortalised him:
"Will your Majesty be pleased to so far condescend as to permit the Mayor of your loyal City of London to declare in your royal presence, on behalf of his fellow-citizens, how much the bare apprehension of your Majesty's displeasure would, at all times, affect their minds? The declaration of that displeasure has already filled them with inexpressible anxiety and with the deepest affliction. Permit me, sire, to assure your Majesty, that your Majesty has not in all your dominions any subjects more faithful, more dutiful, or more affectionate to your Majesty's person and family, or more ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in the maintenance of the true honour and dignity of your crown.
We do therefore, with the greatest humility and submission, more earnestly supplicate your Majesty that you will not dismiss us from your presence without expressing a more favourable opinion of your faithful citizens, and without some comfort, some prospect, at least, of redress.
Permit me, sire, farther to observe, that whoever has already dared, or shall hereafter endeavour by false insinuations and suggestions to alienate your Majesty's affections from your loyal subjects in general, and from the City of London in particular, and to withdraw your confidence in and regard for your people, is an enemy to your Majesty's person and family, a violator of the public peace, and a
betrayer of our happy constitution as it was established at the glorious and necessary Revolution."
The King made no reply. When the matter was referred to the Common Council, Beckford produced his speech and read it. Therefore, one observes, it was premeditated, composed, and written before the presentation of the remonstrance.
The Court passed a formal vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor for vindicating at the foot of the throne the loyalty and affection of the citizens of London.
Beckford was succeeded by Brass Crosby, a man of equal patriotism and courage. In the first month of his office there arose the question whether the Lords of the Admiralty had the power to issue press warrants to be executed in the City. Wilkes, naturally, was the Alderman who raised the question. It was a
question of very great importance, because it seemed to touch the City's right to be subject to no other magistrate than one of their own choice. The following queries were laid before counsel, with their opinion, as subjoined (Maitland, Contin. p. 120).
Query 1. May the Lords of the Admiralty of themselves, by virtue of their commission, or under the direction of the Privy Council, legally issue warrants for the impressing of seamen?
Query 2. If yea, is the warrant annexed in point of form legal?
Query 3. Is the Lord Mayor compellable to back such warrants? If he is, what may be the consequence of a refusal?
The Lord Mayor further informed the Court that no one was to be arrested within the City except by a constable; that he had furnished the lieutenants of the pressgangs with lists of all the constables; and they were not to arrest any freeman or the servant of a freeman. In order to induce sailors to enter without impressment, the Court offered a sum of forty shillings for every able seaman, and twenty shillings for every ordinary seaman, over and above the bounty granted by His Majesty, not exceeding one month from the date of the order.
The Court returned to the grievance in the right of election, and it was resolved that another petition and remonstrance should be drawn up. They were by this time used to strong language, and therefore did not hesitate to express themselves plainly.
"We have seen the known law of the land, the sure guardian of Right, trodden down; and, by the influence of daring Ministers, arbitrary discretion, the law of tyrants, set up to overthrow the choice of the electors, and nominate to a seat in Parliament a person not chosen by the people.
Your Majesty's throne is founded on the free exercise of this great right of election; to preserve it inviolate is true loyalty; to undermine it is the most compendious treason against the whole constitution."
The King coldly replied that he saw no reason to change his opinion already indicated upon these points. Then followed the great contest in which Brass Crosby stood out manfully for the liberty of the press. It had of late been the custom of the papers to publish, under fictitious names, the speeches in the House of Commons. The printers of the Middlesex Journal and the Gazetteer, John Wheble and R. Thompson, began to publish the speeches with the names. The House, indignant at this breach of privilege, addressed the throne, asking for a royal proclamation offering a reward of £50 for the apprehension of the two men. This was granted, and, on the strength of the proclamation, one Carpenter arrested Wheble, and brought him before Wilkes, the sitting Alderman. Never before had Wilkes obtained an opportunity so excellent for annoying his enemies. On the ground that there was no other reason than the proclamation for arresting Wheble, Wilkes ordered him to be discharged; he then bound over Carpenter to answer for his
offence; and he wrote to Lord Halifax stating what he had done, because such an arrest was a direct violation of the rights of an Englishman and of the chartered privileges of the City.
At the same time Wheble addressed a letter to the Speaker. He said that he had found a piece of paper on which he had asked for counsel's opinion. The importance of the case is so great that the documents are here produced in full (Maitland, Contin. p. 127):
"CASE FOR MR. MORRIS'S OPINION
Feb. 21, 1771.
'Ordered, That J. Wheble do attend this House upon Tuesday morning next.
Ordered, That the Service of the said Order, by leaving a Copy of the same at the usual Place of Abode of the said J. Wheble, be deemed equal to personal Service, and be good Service.
J. HATSELL, Cl. Dom. Com.'
THE above Writing, which is by some supposed to be a Copy of an Order, or pretended Order, of the House of Commons, was left, upon Friday, February 22nd, 1771, at the House of Mr. John Wheble, within the City of London, being put into the Hands of one of his Servants by a Person who stiled himself Messenger to the House of Commons.
Upon Thursday, February 28th, a Person called at Mr. Wheble's house, and shewed a Paper Writing, which he pretended to be some Warrant or Authority from the Speaker of the House of Commons, directing him to take John Wheble into Custody, for his Contempt in not obeying the Orders of the House for his Attendance on that House.
Upon Saturday, March 9th, a Paper, in the Form of a Royal Proclamation, appeared in the Gazette, intituled, by the King, A Proclamation for apprehending John Wheble and R. Thompson.
Mr. Wheble did not appear to the above Summons, neither has he been apprehended upon the pretended Warrant of the Speaker, or the pretended Proclamation.
QUESTIONS
I. Suppose the Paper Writing first above mentioned to be a Copy of a genuine Order of the House of Commons, is John Wheble, at whose House the same was left, by Law requirable to attend agreeable to the tenor thereof?
II. If John Wheble is so requirable to attend by Law, he having neglected to do so, what Penalties is he liable to, and by what Means would it have been legal to proceed against him?
III. If the pretended Warrant of the Speaker is authentic, was John Wheble obliged to pay Obedience thereto, by surrendering himself a prisoner to the Person who carried with him the same, and called himself a Messenger of the House?
IV. Taking the Paper which appeared in the Gazette really to be the King's Proclamation, is the same a legal Process, and a sufficient Warrant to such as may venture to act under it?
Upon the whole, Mr. Morris is desired to give his Opinion on the above stated Case to Mr. Wheble, and as Counsel to advise what Conduct he ought by Law to observe upon this occasion.
COUNSEL'S OPINION
I have attentively perused the above-written Case.
To the first Question, I am most clearly and decisively of Opinion, that Mr. Wheble is not compellable by Law to attend the House of Commons in pursuance of the written Order above stated.
2nd Qy. The first Question being answered in the Negative, the second requires no consideration; but if the Attendance was legally requirable, pursuant to the above Order, it would not be difficult to shew what Penalties the refusing Party would be liable to upon resort to the legal Courts of Justice, which would have Cognizance of such offences.
3rd Qy. If the Summons be invalid, the subsequent Warrant by the Speaker must necessarily be invalid also; for the Defects of the Summons were not cured by any appearance of Mr. Wheble. A form of a Warrant no more makes a legal authority (for so much the Word imports) than a Constable's Staff makes a Peace-Officer. If the Warrant were legal, a Messenger of the House is not a proper person for executing it; but only the Sergeant at Arms, and the Deputy-Sergeant.
But these are Trifles with Respect to the Question; for the Answer is most plain and positive, that the Speaker of the House of Commons is no more a Magistrate appointed to issue Warrants of apprehension, than the House itself is a Court of Justice appointed to punish.
4th Qy. This Question admits of no Hesitation or Dispute. The pretended Proclamation of the King is clearly illegal. Proclamations have no intrinsic Force in this Country; nor have they any at all but by special Act of Parliament.
Upon the Whole, I do advise Mr. Wheble to pay no Attention or Obedience either to the above-mentioned Summons, Warrant of Apprehension, or Proclamation. All are equally unjust and illegal. Mr. Wheble will be protected in his Resistance by Magna Charta, and by numerous Statutes which confirm our invaluable Code of Liberties. The Proclamation, moreover, seems to me to levy a Cruel War upon two Individuals without Colour of Law; and I do give it as my Opinion, that Mr. Wheble may well institute an action upon the Case, against the Counsellors, Promoters, Aiders, Abettors, and Publishers thereof.
Lincoln's Inn,
March 14th, 1771.
R. Morris."
The arrest of Thompson, the other offender named, was in the same way pronounced illegal, and the man discharged. The House of Commons then tried the arrest of a third printer, one Miller of the Evening Post, by a Speaker's warrant sent by a messenger of the House. He was brought before the Lord Mayor, the Court being attended by the Deputy Sergeant-at-Arms to demand, in the name of the Speaker, that the man Miller should be given up to him. The Mayor refused; it was contrary, he said, to the laws and constitutions of the City, that a freeman should be arrested on any warrant without the signature of a magistrate of the City.
No more flagrant violation of the privileges of the City had ever been attempted by Crown, Lords, or Commons. The City was deeply indignant. When Crosby and Oliver the Sheriff drove to the House by order of the Speaker, they were followed by hundreds of people, who, on their return, took out the horses and dragged the carriage themselves. Crosby, who was suffering from gout, had only time to say that he had acted according to his oath in protecting the Charters of the City. He was then obliged to sit down, and was carried out. Wilkes, for his part, refused to attend except as member for Middlesex. This was on March 19, 1771. The Court of Common Council moved a vote of thanks to the three, and resolved to stand by them. The King and the House were furious. On the 25th of March Crosby was sufficiently recovered to go out again. Once more he was
escorted by thousands. Again he was compelled by pain and feebleness to go home. The House, therefore, proceeded to the case of Oliver, whom they ordered to the Tower.
The Common Council answered this order by resolving upon keeping a table for Oliver during his confinement.
On the 27th the Lord Mayor once more attended the House with half the City.
He was, like Oliver, ordered to be imprisoned in the Tower. The mob, meantime, held all the approaches to the House. Lord North and Charles Fox were assaulted, and the former narrowly escaped. At the Court of Common Council held next day Crosby declined the favour of a "table" at the City's expense; and Oliver wrote a letter, in which he spoke very openly,—but plainness of speech no longer did any good.
"The last ten years have afforded the City of London, in particular, every instance of neglect, unkindness, insult, and injury; their petitions have been rejected,
slighted, ridiculed; their property unjustly conveyed to others; their charters violated; their laws contemned; their magistrates imprisoned. The power that consumes us has the plainest and most odious marks of despotism, abject abroad and insolent at home."
For some reason the House proceeded no further with Wilkes than to summon him three times; each time he refused to attend except as member for Middlesex. On May the 10th, when the House rose, the two prisoners came out of the Tower. They were welcomed with a discharge of the Artillery Company's guns, and the City was illuminated. The mob also broke all the windows in the Speaker's house, lest there should be any doubt as to their opinions. A few days later, when the case of the messenger of the House of Commons was considered, a *Noli Prosequi* was obtained on the ground that it was unbecoming to use the King's name for prosecuting a messenger of the House of Commons.
The Court of Common Council passed a vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen Oliver and Wilkes. They also voted a silver cup, value £200, to the Lord Mayor, and two others, value £100 each, to Oliver and Wilkes.
They then, undaunted by repeated rebuffs and snubs, proceeded to draw up another remonstrance and to court another rebuff, which they duly received.
In March 1771 the City drew up yet another remonstrance—drawn up and presented to receive another snub. It is incredible that the City did not by this time understand that their remonstrances were absolutely futile. Wilkes did not attend with the Mayor. In April he claimed his seat again and was again refused. The City understood by this time, however, that the only way of getting reforms was through the House itself, and it is a proof of the isolation of English towns at that time that no attempt seems to have been made to create a patriotic spirit in the boroughs of the country or to ascertain the feeling of the electors. As regards the members for the City, they were made to sign an engagement to use their best endeavours to shorten the duration of Parliaments; to exclude pensioners and placemen from the House; to establish a fair and equal representation of the people in Parliament; and to redress the grievances and secure the constitutional rights of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, Ireland, and America. Also solemnly to promise not to accept from the Crown or its Ministers any place, pension, contract, title, gratuity, or emolument whatsoever.
In October 1774 Wilkes was elected Lord Mayor; and in the same month he was again returned for Middlesex. The House gave way; the long battle of ten years was over: the man who had been expelled the House, who had been outlawed, who had been fined and imprisoned, who had been four times running expelled, who had defied the House when it imprisoned his friends, who had been successively elected Alderman, Sheriff, and Lord Mayor,—now entered the House supported by half a dozen members of his own nomination, and invested with the
insignia of the first magistracy in England. No one opposed him; he took his seat without a word of opposition. More than this, he was able to cause the various resolutions as to his own expulsion to be expunged.
XII. REVOLT OF THE COLONIES
The factious spirit which prevailed in the City is shown by the unseemly quarrels among the Aldermen over an election during Wilkes's year of office. We need not linger over this trouble. A far more important matter, that of the Revolt of the American Colonies, next occupied the attention of the City. Had the Government the right of taxing any part of His Majesty's dominions which was not represented in Parliament? The answer, to us, is perfectly plain and simple. By every upward step in freedom; by the lessons of 1643-49; by the deposition of James; by the conduct of William; by the constitutional reigns of George the First and George the Second;—this great law of English liberty had been asserted, claimed, and granted. We are amazed that it was not acknowledged by George the Third and his Ministers; yet Lord North, while he repealed all other taxes on the Colonies, maintained that on tea, in order to assert his pretended right to tax the Colonies without their consent.
The majority in the new House of Commons, to which Wilkes was elected, a House, like its predecessor, of placemen and obedient voters, was in favour of upholding this right, even at the risk of civil war with colonies united for the first time in defence of their liberties—the one and only cause in which colonies so widely different could be expected to unite. Happily, the City at this juncture behaved with so great a sense of true patriotism and so deep a responsibility as to their own duty, that one regrets the political impotence into which London had now fallen. They might have learned by the ill success of their late remonstrances that, though the King received their petitions, he was not in the least degree moved by them; nor had they the least effect in creating or changing public feeling. Outside London, one asks whether there were any country towns, or municipalities, which ever heard, save by private letter or by report, of the Common Council's struggle for the liberties of the nation?
Chatham, as is well known, spoke to the House of Lords with burning eloquence against the conduct of the Ministers. The House of Commons passed a Bill for shutting out the Colonists from the Newfoundland fisheries; the Common Council in vain protested against a law which could not be enforced and would only madden those at whom it was directed. The City then drew up another remonstrance. Apart from commercial considerations and the ruin of manufacturers, they referred the question to the liberties of Englishmen.
This remonstrance was presented by the Lord Mayor. The City members, the Court of Aldermen, the Sheriffs, and the Livery also attended in a body. The King received them, and replied by expressing his astonishment that any of his subjects should encourage the rebellious spirit of the Colonists. The next day, however, the Lord Chamberlain wrote to Wilkes saying that the King would receive no more addresses on the throne save from the body corporate of the City. Wilkes replied, urging the ancient and uncontested right of the Livery to present addresses to the King on the throne; he also pointed out that the answer of the King to the City’s remonstrance would probably be taken by the Americans as a fresh proof of his anger against them.
The Committee of Association of New York addressed a letter to the City of London, urging it to use all its efforts for the restoration of honour and peace. A copy was sent to every member of the Court. At the next meeting of the Court resolutions were passed condemning the Ministers for their advice to the King, and adopting a new remonstrance. This, which was stronger and more outspoken than any of the preceding, the King refused to answer except at levee. The Common Council, therefore, published their remonstrance without presenting it. They then proceeded to consider the letter from New York, and, in reply, drew up another remonstrance praying the King to suspend hostilities in America. This was received, and obtained the usual reply. Next, the Committee of Philadelphia appealed to London as the “Patron of Liberty” to mediate in the restoration of peace. What was to be done? The City had appealed to the King, time after time, with no result. The majority in the House of Commons, as was said in the last remonstrance, were “notoriously bribed to betray their constituents and their country”; it was worse than useless to address such a House; that great and venerable guardian of the nation’s liberties was degraded into an instrument for trampling them down. It was decided, therefore, to address the electors of the whole country—a step which should have been taken as soon as the obstinacy of the King and the determination of the Ministers to destroy the liberties of the people were understood. This address pointed out most clearly that the country could get nothing out of the war, even if it was successful: nothing at all, except certain injury to trade, certain loss in commercial relations, enormous expenditure, and the establishment of arbitrary power over the Colonies.
“We lament the blood that has been already shed; we deplore the fate of those brave men who are devoted to hazard their lives—not against the enemies of the British name, but against the friends of the prosperity and glory of Great Britain; we feel for the honour of the British arms, sullied—not by the misbehaviour of those who bore them, but by the misconduct of the Ministers who employed them, for the oppression of their fellow-subjects; we are alarmed at the immediate, insupportable expense and the probable consequences of a war which, we are convinced, originates in violence and injustice, and must end in ruin.”
At the same time the City sent petitions to both Houses, with no result; and the war continued.
On October 31, 1776, in the House of Lords, upon the motion for an address of confidence to the King, an amendment was moved by the Marquis of Rockingham and seconded by the Duke of Manchester. The amendment was an earnest protest against the folly and wickedness which led to the Rebellion of the American Colonies.
The protest was lost by 91 to 26; and so a great opportunity of concession and conciliation was thrown away. The City was consistent with itself and persistent in its action. In March 1776 the Common Council implored the King to suspend hostilities in order to attempt a reconciliation. George replied, evidently in that amazing ignorance as to the real questions and the real issues at stake which is the only explanation of his obstinacy, that he was ready to extend clemency "as soon as the rebellion was at an end." Only three months later the Declaration of Independence was signed.
Early in 1778, when public subscriptions were asked for in support of the war, the City of London refused to give anything. Conciliatory measures were advanced, and perhaps, even at that late period in the contest, peace might have been arranged. But France now entered into alliance with America, and the war became one which must, for the sake of honour, be fought out to the end. Spain joined France. There was no longer any thought of peace. The conduct of the war belongs to the history of the country.
On February 27, 1782, General Conway carried a resolution that the use of force to put down the Colonies was impracticable. Lord North resigned. Rodney's victory over De Grasse, and Lord Howe's relief of Gibraltar, somewhat soothed the national humiliation; and on September 3, 1787, the Peace of Paris was signed, and on the 6th of October was proclaimed in the City. And so, at last, we closed the most discreditable chapter in the whole history of England; in which London was from the outset—it is a most honourable and even a most glorious fact—on the side of justice and liberty; in which the King, his Ministers, and a complaisant House of Commons were on the side of tyranny and illegal oppression. Unfortunately, the City had lost her old, and had not yet acquired her new, authority.
XIII.—LONDON AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
Many persons—among them the most intelligent and the most reflecting—looked upon the early steps of the French Revolution with an eagerness of hope and expectation which they did not try to conceal. Who could believe that a revolution which began with so much promise should lead to such wholesale
massacres of innocent blood? Who could believe that a chivalrous nation would descend to such infamies as the unspeakable treatment of the Queen and the slow murder of the Dauphin? Who could foresee that a movement which seemed at first to set free a great people, would lead to a military despotism and an attempt at universal domination?
The eighteenth century prepared itself slowly and unconsciously for the events of its last decade; scholars, historians, and philosophers considered and discussed continually the questions of constitution, government, rights, and liberties. Its travellers wandered over the whole of Europe and elsewhere, observing and reporting on the condition of the people. Everywhere they found kings whose rule was absolute: everywhere they found intolerance in religion; prohibition of free thought; a press muzzled and fettered; judges subservient and corrupt; privileged classes who paid no taxes; the people ground down by exactions, without a voice in the government, without representatives. When they published, or narrated, these things at home, the examination of their own institutions, if only by comparison, was inevitable. They found in this, the boasted land of liberty, a king always trying to filch something more for his prerogative: whose stupid obstinacy in taxing people without representatives had lost England's most magnificent possessions; a civil list blackened by crowds of pensioned favourites; not a tenth part of the people represented; intolerance of free thought; the common people rough and ignorant to the last degree; the army and navy maintained by a barbarous system of flogging which had no parallel even in the Middle Ages; merchants enriched by a trade in slaves far more extensive and more cruel than that formerly carried on by the Saxons; the press rigorously watched; free expression called blasphemy; Catholics, Dissenters, and Jews still under disabilities; a penal code so terrible that juries refused to convict, even with the clearest evidence; and a House of Commons which was the mere tool—the paid, purchased, ignoble tool—of the Government. Worse still, this despicable body prided themselves on being gentlemen and affected to despise tradesmen. Was there ever a worse time for England? Looking around him, the English philosopher could not possibly admit that the British Constitution was the best of all possible constitutions. And when the French Revolution began, undertaking the most sweeping reforms, he could not choose but believe that this was a movement rich in promise, full of generous and noble and humane endeavour, and that this movement would serve as an example to his own country. The frightful excesses which followed damped his ardour. Yet there remained some who continued faithful to their first hopes; and even the long war of twenty-three years which followed, when, for a time, the very existence of Great Britain was in danger, when the Conqueror marched north and south and east throughout a prostrate continent, calling all his own,—even these things failed to extinguish in these men the ardent love of liberty which had moved their hearts at the outset: moved
their hearts to the very depths: moved all that was in them of generosity and nobility.
In November 1789 the "Revolution Society" was constituted. In the present condition of our liberties, the Society does not seem very formidable. But at that time, not only was the House of Commons a sham, but every attempt at free thought or advocacy of reform was treated as a case of treasonable libel. Thus, the following propositions seemed audacious and threatening to the last degree. To us they only seem ill-timed and brought forward at a time when all conservatives were trembling with terror at the uprooting of everything they held precious, in France. As yet the Reign of Terror had not begun. The Society sent an Address of Congratulation to the National Assembly (Annual Register, 1789):
"The Society for commemorating the Revolution in Great Britain, disdaining national partialities, and rejoicing in every triumph of liberty and justice over arbitrary power, offer to the National Assembly of France their congratulations on the revolution in that country, and on the prospect it gives to the two first kingdoms in the world, of a common participation in the blessings of civil and religious liberty. They cannot help adding their ardent wishes of an happy settlement of so important a revolution, and at the same time expressing the particular satisfaction with which they reflect on the tendency of the glorious example given in France to encourage other nations to assert the unalienable rights of mankind, and thereby to introduce a general reformation in the Governments of Europe, and to make the world free and happy."
On July 10, 1790, the same Society passed a resolution rejoicing in the complete success of the French Revolution. On November 4, 1790, at a dinner, the President, Dr. Richard Price, who had received the freedom of the City for his Observation on the Nature of Civil Liberty, announced that he had received letters and addresses of respect and fraternal affection from many cities, towns, and societies in France, addressed to the Revolution Society of England. On November 4, 1791, the Society reported more expressions of friendship from French cities. By this time the glorious Revolution had begun to thirst for blood.
Hitherto the friends of the French Revolution had firmly believed that it was making for a period of universal peace:
"Brave and generous Frenchmen!" (the Society writes), "who not only make the utmost bounds of your own empire partakers of the common bliss, but invite England to help in liberating the whole world! Hearts thus expanded with goodwill to mankind are worthy of freedom. The Great Original considers you as such while (at the cost of but little blood) he gives unto you a great portion of liberty, and at her shrine has caused the grand monarch to bow, the nobles to fall, and, though last and reluctant, the priests to yield to her sway. Our wish, our hope is, that the gift may be permanent, enduring to the end of time. With a nation thus exalted, England shall esteem it her high honour to be allied; while their joint efforts shall be to teach neighbouring nations to know their own worth, and cultivate among them peace and goodwill."
The Revolution Society, in its enthusiasm for the French Revolution, was followed by the "London Corresponding Society," by the "Society for Constitutional Information," and by the "Friends of the People." There were also numerous clubs in London and Westminster established for the purpose of "disseminating seditious principles," i.e. of advocating reform. Societies with the same objects were also founded in the principal towns of the country. The Government was greatly alarmed, but obstinately resolved not to yield to any importunity. On November 18, 1792, the English residents in Paris held a grand banquet of sympathy with the Revolution. The toasts included "The Republic of France"; "The Armies of France"; "Perpetual Union between the Free Countries of England, France, America, and the Netherlands"; "The Abolition of Hereditary Titles"; and many others. Sir Robert Smith and Lord Edward Fitzgerald on the spot laid down their titles.
The Association in Support of the Constitution was founded to counteract these revolutionary societies at the end of the year 1792. The strength of the existing Constitution was also demonstrated by the support of all the leading merchants and bankers in the City. There followed, however, a series of addresses, remonstrances, and representations for and against. Meantime, the Government resolved on prosecuting Thomas Paine as "a wicked, seditious, and ill-disposed person," the author of a libel against the Government, called *The Rights of Man*, 2nd part. The life of Paine, of which this action is a single episode, and not one of great importance, does not belong to the history of London. While the action was preparing, the defendant received the intelligence that he had been elected by the Pas de Calais their member at the National Convention. He therefore left the action to take care of itself, and quitted England to join the Convention. The case was tried in his absence (December 8, 1792), and in spite of a spirited speech from Erskine, Paine was found guilty and sentenced to banishment. The result was certain from the outset; the action was evidently intended to intimidate the revolutionary societies, some of whom had gone so far as to send delegates with letters of congratulation to the National Convention sitting at Paris.
Looking back with a larger power of surveying the whole ground, it becomes truly amazing that in the year 1792 any one should be so ill acquainted with the country as to be capable of believing a Republic possible. There might be a prolonged riot, with the destruction of a great many buildings; it would become a riot like the Gordon Riots, without a single respectable man on its side; the whole of the rank, wealth, intellect, religion, law, the whole of the army and the navy, would be ranged on the side of the King, the Church, and the Lords. No mere riot can be successful in the long-run; an orderly Government, resting on the suffrages of a whole united, intelligent, and educated people, was ludicrously impossible. Never was there a time when a Republic was less possible. Where was that intelligence—that union? In the country the villagers were totally
illiterate, horribly poor, absolutely under the rule of squire and parson. In London the craftsman, driven out of the City to make room for warehouses and quays, lived apart, no longer cared for by his employer, his former company, or his former parish. He had ceased to belong to any company; there were no schools for his children; he went to no church; the Government was represented in his eyes by the hangman and the cat-o'-nine-tails; his condition had never in the whole history of London been so low, not even when he first crossed the sea and landed on the coast of Essex, a wild fighting-man, ignorant, if you please,—yet with a religion which he understood, laws which he obeyed, institutions which he maintained, freedom for which he fought and was ready to die. The East Saxon was a man far, very far in advance of the eighteenth-century working-man of London; so was the Londoner of the after age who ran to the Folk Mote at the summons of St. Paul's bell, and chose his portreeve or his sheriff; so was the Londoner of the fifteenth century who went out to depose the Prodigal King; so was the grave and sober Puritan, Anabaptist, Fifth Monarchy Man, of Cromwell's time. In every age, except that of the eighteenth century, the working-man of London had been a responsible individual, a separate factor. He was no longer a person to be considered at all; he had no longer a vote for anything; three generations of gin-drinking had reduced him to a besotted condition, in which he was no longer able to think, or to reason, or even to combine in the simplest manner for his own interests.
Yet there were two mobs in London, and one was intelligent. King, Church, Landlord, Capital, are still strong among us, whether for good or for evil. A hundred years ago they were one hundred times as strong; and their strength was chiefly used for what seems to us, who cannot perhaps put ourselves in their place, influence in a wrong direction. At least, however, they could keep order and could repel the enemy; it is certain that had the "Friends of the People" got their way, there would have been no order at all, but a misrule worse than that in France, and perhaps as tigerish. It is, however, the besetting weakness of generous souls to believe that the rest of the world is as generous as themselves. In other words, the classes in power had the strength to keep in power, while the classes out of power had no strength to make themselves even felt.
The Court of Common Council, on the 29th of November 1792, passed a strong resolution in support of King and Constitution. The Corresponding Society was regarded by the Government with greater anxiety than any of the other bodies. This society had numerous branches scattered about the country; among its members were many of the better sort, the educated middle-class. Their publications were numerous; their meetings were earnest; their objects were definite, well known, and were very rightly considered dangerous. They met at taverns where debating societies were held, and under the disguise of some question
connected with ancient Greece or Rome they carried on their arguments and proposed their schemes for reform in the state of Great Britain. Thus, for instance, a meeting was called for a certain evening at the King's Arms, Cornhill, nominally in order to discuss some question of ancient history; really to talk what was then called treason—we now call it Reform. On this occasion, when the orators arrived, they found that the peace-officers held the place, and refused access to the room. At a meeting of Common Council a few days afterwards, the Mayor, Sir James Sanderson, received the thanks of the Court for his conduct on that occasion, though there were some who murmured that it was arbitrary and illegal.
The massacres of September frightened the whole world, and effectually destroyed in this country any hope of reform, parliamentary or otherwise, for forty years to come. All moderate men drew back in alarm, but the young and enthusiastic, and the hot-heads, continued to meet and circulate papers and to talk reform—not treason and rebellion. In order to defeat these people, whose real power was enormously exaggerated by suspicion and ignorance, the Government appointed paid magistrates in Westminster and in all the suburbs. Then the friends of Government organised a society called the "Crown and Anchor," the avowed purpose of which was "the protection of liberty and property against the daring attempts of republicans and levellers." This society proceeded to deny that any alteration was necessary or desirable in the existing conditions of the State, and hunted down with the greatest jealousy the pamphlets and papers circulated by the Corresponding Society and other associations.
After this there followed such a panic as had not been seen in the City since the year 1642, when they thought that Charles was marching upon them. Perhaps the whole business was purposely organised by the "Crown and Anchor." The wildest rumours were afloat: the French were coming up the Thames, and would burn, sack, and destroy the City; there was to be an insurrection of the disaffected, comprising all the members of the Corresponding Society; there were to be risings of the mob simultaneously in every part of the City; not only would the City be sacked, but the Church would be overthrown, the Throne abolished, and the King treated after the manner that had been dealt out to Louis the Sixteenth. Nothing, in fact, was too wild to be believed at this moment. Great preparations were made for the defence of the Tower; the fortifications were strengthened; more cannon were mounted; barricades were erected; warlike stores were laid in; soldiers were stationed in the villages round London; and a company of militia was to be on guard day and night in case of an alarm. During this alarm the principal merchants met together and drew up a resolution, declaring their intention of standing up for the Constitution. The resolution was in a few hours signed by 8000 persons, including all the leading citizens. It greatly
strengthened the hands of the Government, who could now rely on the popularity of the war upon which they were about to embark, and upon the firm support of the City. No doubt, too, it was taken into consideration that whatever cause the City espoused was sure to win in the long-run. The citizens certainly understood this point. They might remind the King that, only sixteen years before, they had most solemnly, and time after time, remonstrated with him on his treatment of the American possessions. And where were those possessions now?
This support of the City also encouraged the Government in their prosecution of various members of the Corresponding Society and others. When we read the trials of these reformers born before their time;—the gross unfairness; the bullying; the straining of weak points; the exaggeration of the meaning of words;—we must remember that judge, counsel, and jury alike firmly believed in their own minds that the prisoners were ready and eager to hand over the City and the country to pillage, fire, and murder; that they wanted to set up a Republic and to maintain it by the guillotine; that they wished to destroy not only the Church established, but all religion as well. This fact, I say, should be borne in mind when we read of the trials that followed. War was declared. The Court of Common Council presented an address to the King, assuring him of their loyalty. They also offered a bounty of fifty shillings to every able seaman, and twenty shillings to every able landsman, who should enter the navy at Guildhall. Yet the immediate consequences of the war were highly disastrous to the City in the shape of a great number of bankruptcies and a general stagnation of trade. For the assistance of trade, exchequer bills, to the amount of five millions, were issued for the relief of such persons as might apply to the Commissioners. Then the prosecutions began. They belong to the national history.
Pitt proposed the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, which was carried in spite of opposition, especially that of Sheridan, who declared that no treasonable practices existed in the country; that the Ministers knew this; and that their object was to create a panic and so gain increased power over the people. The Act was suspended; John Horne Tooke, the Rev. Jeremiah Joyce, John Thelwall, Bonney, Richter, Corbett, and others, were arrested on the charge of high treason. This was in May. They were not brought to trial till the late autumn. Meantime a change took place in men's minds—the City mind. The panic subsided; there were no indications of any treasonable designs; there was no rising of the mob. The consequences might have been determined: the whole nine prisoners, one after the other, obtained a verdict of Not Guilty.
XIV.—THE FRENCH REFUGEES
In 1792 arrived an enormous number of fugitives from France. They got over in all kinds of ways. For instance, an English fisherman after lobsters on the French coast picked up two boats loaded with fugitives; they were bruised and battered with stones thrown at them from the patriots, their countrymen; they were obliged to swim to the boats; and they implored the fisherman to take them over. He did so, and landed them at Southampton a day or two later. The Brighton packet from Dieppe brought over 500 emigrants; among them were the Bishop of Avranches, the Dean of Rouen, and 72 priests. They had fled from Rouen to Dieppe on foot. Here they took refuge in a hotel. The news of their arrival ran through the town, and the people were assembling with the purpose of murdering them all, when the fugitives learned that the tide was up and that there was just time for them to get on board the packet and escape.
The "case" of the unfortunate French clergy in England was drawn up for them by Edmund Burke. The following is an extract (Annual Register, 1792, p. 122):
"It is well known that a cruel and inhuman persecution is now, and hath for some time past been carried on by a fraction of atheists, infidels, and other persons of evil principles and dispositions, calling themselves philosophers, against our brethren, the Christians of France.
In this persecution a vast multitude of persons of all ages, sexes, and conditions, and particularly the clergy, have suffered in a grievous manner. Many of them have been, with circumstances of great barbarity and outrage, put to death, and their bodies, according to the customs lately prevalent in France, treated with savage indignities.
Several women, of whom some were of rank, dedicated to religion, in the peculiar exercise of a sublime charity, by an attendance upon the sick in hospitals, have been stripped naked, and in public barbarously scourged. Thousands of other respectable religious women, mostly engaged in the education of persons of their own sex, and other laudable occupations, have been deprived of their estates, and expelled from their houses, in which they had purchased a property by the portions given to them by their parents. These respectable women are many of them far advanced in years, and labouring under great infirmities; the major part are near the declining period of life, and all are utterly inconversant in the affairs of the world, and in the means of procuring themselves any subsistence. They by whose charity they scantily subsisted under every species of insult, vexation, and oppression, before their expulsion from their houses by the cruelty of the philosophic faction, are now, for the most part, themselves obliged to fly their country, or are reduced to almost an equal degree of penury with those they had been accustomed to relieve.
Many thousands of the parochial clergy, after having been driven from their livings and houses, and robbed of their legal property, have been deprived of the wretched pensions which had been by public faith stipulated to be paid to them when that robbery and expulsion were ordered; and have been exposed to perish by famine. Others, in very great numbers, have been arbitrarily thrown into unwholesome and incommodious prisons, and kept there for a long time without any redress, against all law, and against the direct orders of the supreme magistrate of their new constitution, whose duty it was to see that no illegal punishment should be executed.
At length, after a tedious imprisonment (suffered with a mildness, a patience, and a constance,
which have not been denied by their very persecutors, whose rage and malice, however, these examples of Christian virtue have failed in the least degree to mitigate), the municipal bodies, or the factious clubs who appoint and guide them, have by their proper authority transported into a foreign kingdom a considerable number of the said prisoners in slave-ships.
At the same time, all the rest of the clergy, who by lying hid, or flying from place to place, have hitherto escaped confinement, and endeavoured in private to worship God according to their consciences and the ancient fundamental laws of their country, are hunted out like wild beasts; and a decree of the National Assembly itself has now ordered them, in terms the most insulting and atrocious ever used by any public assembly, to quit the kingdom within fifteen days, without the least preparation or provision, or, together with those imprisoned and not yet exiled, to be instantly transported to the most wild, uncultivated, and pestiferous part of the whole globe, that is to Guiana in South America.
All this has been done without calling upon one single person, of the many thousand subjects to this severe and iniquitous sentence, as well as to all the cruel preceding oppressions, to answer to any specified offence or charge whatsoever.
Several of the said clergy (some of whom are aged and infirm persons) to avoid imprisonment and the other various vexations above mentioned, and, in many cases, to prevent the commission of further crimes in the destruction of their respective flocks for their attachment to their pastors, have been obliged to fly their country, and to take refuge in the British dominions, where their general exemplary behaviour has greatly added to the compassion excited by their unmerited sufferings.
They have hitherto received charitable assistance from the voluntary bounty of some worthy individuals; but this resource becoming daily more and more inadequate to the increasing number and wants of those whose sufferings claim relief, it has been proposed to open a general subscription in their favour; especially as at the present moment the effect of the late horrid decree must be expected to render such a measure more than ever necessary."
A meeting was called and a committee appointed, of which Mr. John Wilmot, one of the Masters in Chancery, was chairman. A very large subscription was raised by this and by other committees formed for the purpose.
These refugees remained in England until the re-establishment of religion enabled them to return. Many remained until 1814. Some remained altogether. They formed colonies and settlements in London; there was a large colony of them in the Brill, St. Pancras; many lie buried in Old St. Pancras Churchyard. There was another large colony at Hampstead; the Roman Catholic church there was built for them. Their poverty, their devices to earn a livelihood, their shifts and their miseries, may be found in Chateaubriand's autobiography.
XV.—LONDON AND THE GREAT WAR
The war began with a declaration by the French Republic. The Court of Common Council presented an address of loyalty to the King; assuring him "of the readiness and determination of the citizens to support the honour of the crown and the welfare of the kingdoms."
An evil custom prevailed of allowing the recruiting-offices to be at the town taverns—they were too often brothels as well. Here the country lads were inveigled by women and persuaded first to drink and then to enlist, generally when they were too drunk to know what they were doing. Once enlisted, they were not allowed to go out of the house until they were marched off to their respective regiments or depots. Any tales, however improbable, were believed of these places. At the beginning of the war there were riots, in which the mob destroyed the recruiting-offices in and around London. Depressed trade, scarcity of work, dearth of provisions, also combined to make the war unpopular. The King was greeted with cries of "Peace! Peace! Give us bread! No Pitt! No Famine! No War!" Stones were thrown at his carriage windows. When he had alighted at St. James's, the carriage, on its way to the King's Mews, was demolished by the mob with stones and bludgeons. The King went back to Buckingham Palace in a private carriage with only two footmen. He was recognised, however, and beset by ruffians, who might have proceeded to any extremity, but for the arrival of a troop of Horse Guards. Three or four persons who had been conspicuous in the hooting were arrested, and one, at least, was sentenced to a period of five years' imprisonment.
and pillory. He had also to find security at the end of five years for £1000. His name was Kyd Wake, and it is not known whether he found that security at the end of his time. It is significant, however, that he was sent to Gloucester Gaol. There was no desire to court another Gordon Riot and another destruction of Newgate.
The negotiations for peace which were opened in March 1796 continued off and on during the whole of that year. They ended in nothing, the British Ambassador being ordered to leave Paris in December. Then it was that Pitt raised £18,000,000 by his famous "Loyalty Loan." What happened illustrates the difference between the time when London was the King's Chamber, and the eighteenth century. Pitt sent a letter to the Common Council on the 1st of December pointing out that a cordial response to the proposed loan on the part of the Common Council would probably produce an excellent effect throughout the kingdom. The Mayor replied stating that he had already considered the subject of an aid to the Government, and had called a Council for the 5th of December. But Pitt had written to the Bank of England at the same time, or one day before. The Directors did not wait for the five days. They opened the subscription on the very day—December the 1st. At two o'clock the subscription began; at half-past eleven the list was closed; the loan was fully subscribed; the Common Council, chagrined at having to take the second place, subscribed £100,000. Other loans and advances, absolutely necessary for the conduct of the war, so far crippled the City that the Bank remonstrated with Pitt. More demands upon them, they said, would be ruin. In February 1797 an Order in Council was passed prohibiting the Bank from making any payment in specie, and in consequence the Directors issued a notice that they intended for the time to pay in notes; in order to make this possible, the Government authorised the Bank to issue notes for sums lower than five pounds and made these notes legal tender in every case except for the payment of the army and the navy.
In the same year, frightened no doubt by the prospect of a long and perhaps unsuccessful war, and by the panic over the bank riots, the Common Hall passed a
vote praying the King to dismiss his Ministers as the first step towards obtaining a speedy, honourable, and permanent peace. The King refused to receive the remonstrance except at a levee; the Livery refused to send it except to the King upon his throne, a right which they claimed. Another resolution against the Ministers was drawn up. On the other hand, a declaration of confidence in the Ministers received the signature of 2096 Liverymen. A meeting in favour of peace was next held in Palace Yard, Westminster, when a remonstrance was adopted even stronger in words than that of the Livery.
Dark indeed was the prospect and gloomy the situation in this year—1797. For now, not only were the French destroying the commerce of the country, but the very defenders, those on whom we most relied—our sailors—turned upon us. The mutiny of Spithead, followed by that of the Nore, was enough to make one believe that the sun of Great Britain had set for ever.
The City had yet to learn that they were in the hands of a most obstinate, tenacious, and powerful Minister serving under a monarch equally obstinate and tenacious. They continued to draw up petitions and to forge remonstrances. The Corresponding Society held another great meeting at Somers Town with the intention of passing resolutions and drawing up petitions. There was an immense assemblage; but although the people were orderly, the Riot Act was read and the soldiers dispersed the meeting without bloodshed. Again, when Pitt proposed increasing the assessed taxes, there were resolutions and meetings against the Act from the Common Hall, from the City of Westminster, from the wards and parishes of the City, condemning the measure. Yet Pitt passed it.
All this proved that the heart of the people was not with the war. They felt their own losses, and they had as yet little in the way of success in arms to cheer them on. Therefore it was wisely resolved to make a display and to create enthusiasm by a show of triumph. There had been three admirable naval victories: that of Lord Howe in June 1794; of Sir John Jarvis in February 1797; that of Admiral Duncan in October 1797. A day was therefore appointed for a National Thanksgiving, when the King and Queen, the Royal Family, the Officers of State, the Houses of Parliament, and the Mayor and Sheriffs attended a thanksgiving service at St. Paul's with a procession finer than had been seen in the memory of man. Such a manifestation could not fail of producing its effect. A voluntary subscription for the service of the country was opened. About two millions were raised in this way.
The air at this time was thick with rumours and threats: the French were about to descend upon our coasts; they would land in Ireland; the Irish were ripe for rebellion; it was necessary to increase as much as possible the defences of the country. The London Volunteers of this time were formed, practically of every able-bodied man in the City. The spirit of the City was rising. When the news
arrived of Nelson’s victorious action at the Nile, a public subscription was opened for the widows and orphans of those who had fallen. Nelson himself presented to the City the sword of the surviving French Admiral, which was ordered to be placed in the most conspicuous position in the Court of Common Council. The thanks of the Court, with a sword worth two hundred guineas, were voted to Nelson, and the freedom of the City, in a box worth one hundred guineas, was presented to Captain Berry.
Caricaturists have made capital out of the London Volunteers of 1798, but it is certain that great efforts were made to render them as efficient as was possible.
They were trained and drilled; they numbered, in London alone, over 12,000; they were reviewed by the King, and performed all the evolutions required of them creditably.
On December 6, 1799, a meeting was held at the London Tavern to consider the relief of the poor, whose distress was very great. There had not been a general subscription for the purpose since the year 1795, when about £4000 had been collected. This money was spent in establishing soup-kitchens and giving gratuitous meals. The number of persons relieved was 40,000; the number of meals distributed was 750,000. It was resolved to renew the subscription of 1795.
The high prices of flour and corn caused, in 1800, certain serious riots at the
Corn Exchange. On September 15, about 1000 persons assembled and began to hiss and hoot the cornfactors and the mealmen. Some they hustled and some they pelted with mud. One they rolled in the kennel, and when he took shelter in a house they broke the windows. The Lord Mayor went in person, accompanied by one of the Sheriffs and an Alderman, to address the people and persuade them to disperse. In this laudable attempt he was only partially successful. A court of Aldermen was held, in which it was pointed out that violence only defeated its own object; that if prices could not go down, no dealers in corn would have orderly access to the Exchange. A royal proclamation against these riots was issued on the following day, which dealt with this as well as many other riots all over the country. The proclamation produced no effect in London, while tumults and riots against corn-dealers, butchers, bakers, cheesemongers, and all dealers in provisions continued for several days longer. The mob was kept down by the efforts of the City Volunteers. At the same time the Common Council thought the condition of the poor so serious that they addressed a petition to the King on the subject.
The King received the address graciously, and informed the Mayor that he had already convened the Parliament. Meetings were held by the freeholders of Middlesex on the same subject. They were unanimous in protesting that the principal cause of the scarcity and the high prices was the war, and that their representatives should be instructed to vote against its continuance whenever they found it possible.
Among the many addresses presented by the City to the King is one which should not be passed over, on the Union of Great Britain and Ireland. Their sentiments are as follows:
"We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, of the City of London, in Common Council assembled, approach the throne with the liveliest sentiments of congratulation on the very important event of the legislative union of your Majesty's kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. Unshaken as we are in our firm allegiance to the best of kings, we contemplate with peculiar satisfaction every circumstance which, in its design or operation, can tend to the security and honour of your Majesty's crown, and thereby to the declared first object of your Majesty's heart, the welfare and prosperity of your people. The accomplishment of this great measure, founded in wisdom, and demonstrative of that paternal regard which your Majesty has ever evinced for every class of your subjects, the union of the two kingdoms, particularly affords, at this momentous crisis of public affairs, the gratifying prospect of consolidating the joint interest, energy, and resources of the empire, and of confirming, by a mutual participation of the peculiar blessings of each, the prosperity and happiness of both kingdoms."
The eighteenth century closed upon London more dismally than can be well understood. A tedious and exhausting war abroad; the trade of the country carried on by the protection of convoys; French privateers swarming in the Channel; bankruptcies everywhere; and, to crown all, a succession of cold and rainy summers causing a failure of the harvest, and wheat running up to more than £7 a quarter. The distress, indeed, was very terrible. A placard was put up on the Monument
calling on the people to rise. Soup-kitchens were opened at which, in the winter of 1798, over 40,000 persons were relieved; the Archbishop of Canterbury moved in the House of Lords that every one should resolve not to consume more than one quartern loaf a week; bakers were forbidden to sell bread that was not at least twenty-four hours out of the oven; the distilleries were stopped; the importation of rice and fish was encouraged; the culture of potatoes was recommended; it was forbidden to make starch of wheat. There were riots, with the sack and wreck of certain houses. The felons of Cold Bath Fields Prison rose in revolt. The Volunteers, however, put down the tumults without bloodshed.
To those of us who are accustomed to think of the spirit of the people as indomitable and courageous in the highest degree, it will be disagreeable to discover that there was a general feeling at the end of the century that the country had seen her best days and was entering upon a period of decline. The ill success of the military operations in the war of 1793-1802 assisted to strengthen this belief. Colonel George Hanger (1798) says:
“When first I trod the paths of pleasure in this gay town, my country was arrived at the very height of national grandeur, and was not as yet on the decline. She was powerful, and respected all over the world; both her fleets and armies were victorious wherever they went; the country was rich, from many years’ peace, after a glorious seven years’ war. It was then that Great Britain, in the hour of her insolence, drew the jealousy and vengeance of the European powers. There was abundance in every part; the necessaries of life were at a moderate price; the people were happy, joyful, and contented; the middle man then lived well; the nobility and gentlemen were in general in a state of opulence; and there was scarcely such a thing to be seen in the land as a poor gentleman.”
It was, perhaps, partly this prophetic feeling of decline which made Colonel Hanger desire an alliance, offensive and defensive, with the United States:
“Should I live to a good old age, I am confident that I shall hear of the northern and southern powers in America waging war with each other; when one party will solicit assistance from France; the other from Great Britain. It will then depend on the judgment of those men who, at that period, may be at the head of the French and British Councils, whether or not they will interfere in American disputes. In my humble opinion, it would be better for both countries to let them settle the matter amongst themselves. I will be so bold as to offer another opinion. We should give up Canada and Nova Scotia to the Americans, provided we could make this sacrifice the foundation of an alliance offensive and defensive with the United States; then we never should be obliged to send the prime of the British army to die like rotten sheep in the West India Islands. In America we could recruit forces for the West Indies with men inured to an hot climate, who would not suffer death and sickness in any degree equal to the new levies sent from England; with the additional advantage of keeping our army entire and in full vigour at home. I anxiously hope and trust I shall live to see the day when an alliance, offensive and defensive, will be formed between the two countries, as Great Britain and America may together defy the united powers of all Europe.”
On October 10, 1801, General Lauriston arrived from Paris with the ratification of peace. The news was received with the utmost joy. Peace was not, however, proclaimed until April 29, 1802.
A great crowd gathered before the house of M. Otto, the French Minister, in
Portman Square. He had arranged an illumination with the word "Concord," a word unknown to them, which they confused with "Conquered," clearly a French insult. M. Otto, therefore, substituted the word "Amity." The crowd next discovered that there was no crown over the letters "G.R." M. Otto expressed his regret at the omission, which was promptly rectified.
On November 17, 1802, the French Ambassador, M. Andreossi, arrived and was welcomed in London.
After little more than a year, the war began again, to be continued for twelve long years. At first an invasion was threatened; to meet that danger the King was empowered by the House to levy the whole people en masse. The London Volunteers were increased from 12,000 to 27,000. A patriotic fund for relief, aid, and reward amounted to £18,000. After the battle of Trafalgar, the body of Lord Nelson was brought home and buried in great state in St. Paul's Cathedral.
Once more the Livery endeavoured to get at the King with a remonstrance; once more the King refused to receive it, except at a levee.
It seems as if the constant reiteration of these remonstrances deprived them of whatever importance they might have had. It was ridiculous to keep on remonstrating to no effect. Moreover, the effect of the remonstrances was greatly impaired by the repeated assurances of loyalty and fidelity to the throne. What was the use of telling King or Regent that he had been trampling on the liberties of the country, violating rights, keeping Ministers in place who were destroying trade, when the next day the Mayor appeared with an address assuring His Majesty of their cordial support? Such, however, was the practice of the City. Had they refused any loyal address until a remedy of grievances was under consideration, they might have received a respectable attention from King and Ministers. Looking back, also, at the situation, we can understand the difficulties of the Government; we can well understand that the time, in the midst of the longest and most difficult war in which the country was ever engaged, was inopportune for the discussion of grievances. We can hardly expect to find Parliamentary Reform brought forward in the midst of a great war. The chance of bringing it forward arose from the House committing to prison a man named John Gale Jones for publishing an attack against its proceedings. Sir Francis Burdett publicly questioned the right of the House to commit any man to prison. Consequently the House proved its right by committing Burdett himself to the Tower. He refused to obey, and was therefore taken there by armed force. The Government apprehended a riot, and applied to the Mayor for permission to place troops in the storehouses along the river. The Mayor replied that he would keep the City quiet, but that the troops could only come on the express understanding that they were under the orders of himself or the City Marshal.
There was, after all, a riot, and the soldiers were roughly handled by the people, and at last, being forced in self-defence to fire, they killed a man named Ebrall and
wounded others. Nothing, however, was done in consequence. The Livery called a special Common Hall to protest against the assumption by the House of Commons of the power of committing to prison the people of England for offences cognisable in the usual courts of law. They therefore drew up a petition, or remonstrance, to the House, which was couched in stronger words than had ever been used before. No good came of this remonstrance; none was expected; the great thing was to get it passed by the Common Hall and made public. They sent in another petition to the same effect, which was received in the same manner.
On the commencement of the Regency the Court of Common Council drew up an address, a remonstrance, and a petition on the subject of parliamentary reform. Nothing came of it. There was no more chance of reform under the Regent than under the old King. The murder of Spencer Perceval, however, put a stop to agitation for reform; and the cheering events of the next two years,—the retreat of the Grand Army; the break-up of Napoleon’s power; the revolt of Holland; the exhaustion of France; the abdication of May 1814,—made even the Court of
Common Council—even the Livery in Common Hall—acquiesce for the moment in existing evils, even in the evil of such a House of Commons.
At this time it was believed that peace would follow immediately, an expectation which proved unfounded; it was not till after four months more of fighting that Bonaparte resigned. The restoration of peace was accompanied by the arrival of the Czar and the King of Prussia. On this occasion, when all the world was mad with joy, loyalty, patriotism, and gratitude,—when the conduct of the Ministers and the memory of the remonstrances were put away and covered up,—the City was equal to the occasion, and distinguished itself by giving such a feast as should illustrate to these foreign potentates its own wealth and magnificence. This dinner cost, in fact, £20,347:5:2. When the Kings had departed the City remembered the Duke of Wellington, and on the 19th of July gave him, too, an entertainment. Rejoicings for peace were also celebrated by a great outdoor fête, at which there were fireworks, balloons, and a sham fight on the Serpentine. To crown all, the war with America was concluded. Happily for Britain, too, the last action at sea terminated in the striking of the American flag—the President—to the British frigate, the Pomone.¹
The escape of Bonaparte from Elba, and the short war ending with Waterloo, do not seem to have caused much anxiety in London. In the House it was stated that the Allies were prepared to place a million of men in the field; it was known that France was exhausted; nothing could establish the power of Bonaparte except a quick succession of victories. Waterloo was fought on the 18th of June. On the 23rd of November news of the restoration of peace arrived; and the customary illuminations followed.
Such, briefly, is the history of London in connection with the great war. The citizens witnessed its commencement with a kind of dismay. They must choose between war, they were told, or massacres and riots such as those of France. If they chose war, then they must expect sacrifices, losses, bankruptcies, the capture of noble argosies, the expenditure of treasure incalculable. If peace, then the triumph of the man whom they associated with anarchy would be allowed and encouraged. They were between the devil and the deep sea. They chose the sea—it was a natural choice for an Englishman,—and after many years and much buffeting by storm and many wrecks, they put into port again, triumphant and successful. As for their trade, it grew and expanded during this time as if it had been a period of peace; the British possessions in India and the Far East were consolidated and strengthened; and the French power in the Indian Ocean was greatly injured by the taking, and the keeping, of the Mascarenhas group—yet we foolishly gave back the island of Bourbon. The wealth of London, despite taxation and the burdens of the war, actually increased during the war.
¹ The Pomone shares the credit of this exploit with the Endymion, whose captain boarded her simultaneously with that of the Pomone.
XVI.—LONDON AT THE END OF THE CENTURY
In one respect London, at the close of the eighteenth century, was certainly inferior to that of a hundred years before. The political power of the City decreased during the whole of the century. We have seen the City presenting remonstrance after remonstrance, with no result whatever; the opinion of the City was unheeded, either by King or by Ministers. We have observed and recounted many reasons for this decay of power and influence. We must take into account certain social reasons. Thus, we must remember the great change introduced into London by the yearly influx of the country gentry. For six months in the year the great majority of the country gentry were living at the West End—which was not the City. Next, the House of Commons, at this most miserable period in our constitutional history, was, as we have seen, the mere servant of the Government. Half the members were nominees, place-holders, place-seekers. Then, again, the character of the Corporation itself was lowered. Formerly the Aldermen and the Common Council had been, on the whole, merchants of the very highest repute and standing in the City; they were also men of good family, as has already been pointed out more than once; they were either the younger sons of ancient families—such as Whittington, Brembre, and Gresham—or they were the sons of these younger sons, as is manifest from their coats-of-arms. Towards the end of the last century they were too often retail tradesmen of humble origin—illiterate, ill-mannered, the contempt alike of the scholar and the aristocrat.
The younger sons had long ceased to enter the City; the continual wars of the century demanded their services in the army and the navy; the gentleman and the merchant became divided during this century by a chasm difficult to bridge over. The country yeoman, meantime, his estates increasing in value, had become a country squire; the country squire looked down upon trade and the City; the country clergyman, even, himself often a younger son, looked down upon trade. It was considered that a gentleman could only take money when it came in the form of rent, and could only traffic in land. The London merchant ceased to be educated at Eton and Cambridge; what he was in 1815 may be learned from Thackeray in *Vanity Fair*. Now, Thackeray himself represented the point of view of a gentleman.
The Corporation of London has now been changed again; it is once more composed for the most part of educated and cultured gentlemen: Alderman Gobble is no more; he lies under a pyramid of granite at Kensal Green. The City has ceased to make remonstrances and to send up petitions for redress; the business of grievance and redress, they now understand, belongs to the House of Commons.
It must, however, be clearly understood that in the eighteenth century the social position of the City, the social consideration of the citizens, went steadily lower and lower, and that part of the decay in power was due to the decay in social consideration. I have elsewhere dwelt again upon this point, which is of the greatest importance in the history of the City. Meanwhile the seditious feeling, which most excited the fears of the citizens in 1792, was dead, so far as could be discerned, in 1815. The Friends of the People and the Corresponding Societies had disappeared. The country had passed through the furnace of disaster and affliction, and had come out of it strong in the upholding of the Constitution established, of King, Church, Lords, and Commons. There remained, however, a few in whom the desire for reform was kept alive. Of these the world was to hear more in good time.
XVII.—AFTER THE WAR
Whether a war ends in glory or humiliation, victory or defeat, at the conclusion cometh the hour of reckoning. Then we understand, for the first time, the penalties we have to pay for the excitement and the glory of war. Then the country begins to realise the treasures which have been lavished, the blood that has been spilt, the heavy price which has been paid—never fully understood until the declaration of peace. Then it realises the price which has still to be paid, the price which no one considers when the country plunges into war. The heavy burden of debt, in this case a burden which many reflecting men feared would become intolerable and make Great Britain a bankrupt among the nations; the sudden cessation of the enormous demands for the armies and the fleets which in time of war create activity of trade; the consequent collapse of trade; the fall in prices of agricultural products; the swarms of discharged soldiers and sailors—after the year 1815 there were thousands of foreign seamen who, having entered our service and being dismissed at the close of the war, were literally starving in the streets; the discontents, riots, robberies, accusations, recriminations: these were among the penalties paid by the country for her struggle of two-and-twenty years. And the people had looked forward with so much hope to the return of peace and the halcyon days when the sword should be turned into a reaping-hook! Those who were children when the war first began had grown into manhood while the war continued. Those who were young men when the war began were in middle age before the war ended. The burdens of the time were terrible; all day long and every day the voice of war cried continually, "Bring out your young men." But still they fought on. There is not, I think, any story in the world's history more wonderful than that of Great Britain during this long war—now single-handed, now with this combination of allies, now
with that, contending against the greatest captain and the greatest conqueror of any time, and beating him in the end.
The country consented to go on because the people hoped that peace would come at last. It came; but alas! it brought not the expected halcyon days. The destitute sailors crowded to the Mansion House for relief; they came to the number of two hundred a day. In the country ricks were fired—there was an epidemic of this mischief.
The high prices of agricultural produce in the war times had been of immense benefit to the landowners. In the towns, of course, these high prices had been a corresponding burden and grievance. The peace opened the ports to foreign grain, and the price of wheat went down; the first Corn Law was passed, against the protests of all the manufacturers and merchants, who protested that the trade of the country and the industries would go across to France and Holland.
The Government suspended the Habeas Corpus Act and proceeded to make arrests on charges of sedition. It is reasonable to suppose that the Regent and the Ministers did really believe that the distresses, the discontents, the riots, and the outcry for reform were due to natural causes only, unavoidable on the termination of the long war. They were sincere, we must believe, in thinking that if agitators could only be kept quiet the people would speedily settle down; as for the representation, it is quite certain that there were then a great many, as there are a few even now, who sincerely believed that the people have no right to interfere at all with the Government of the country, and that such a constitution as was then in force, which gave the conduct of affairs to a few families, and reduced the House of Commons to a body composed of servile nominees and placemen, was the wisest and the fittest that could be designed.
Moreover, because we cannot believe that the Regent and his Ministers really desired mischief to the country, we must remember that the French Revolution, with all its crimes, was fresh in the memory of men still young. They thought of the massacres; of the Reign of Terror; of a king, whose only fault was stupidity, sent to a shameful death; of the White Lily who laid her poor head upon the guillotine after treatment which, when one considers it, makes us wonder that all Frenchmen do not perpetually hang their heads for the shame and the disgrace of it; of an innocent boy tortured into insensibility. They could not but remember these things: of the real lessons taught by the rude upheaval they could not judge; it was too early in the century. We ourselves have hardly arrived at the power of reading clearly and impartially those lessons.
I mean, in a word, that we may credit both the Regent and the two Houses of Parliament and the Ministers with holding the sincere conviction, founded chiefly on what they called the lessons of France, that reform was revolution; that it was massacre; that it was the destruction of religion, and the sweeping away of the
Crown. Finally, they believed that the power was really and constitutionally vested in themselves—in the caste—and that the people had no claim to any power at all.
In consequence of the dangers disclosed by the Spa Fields Riot, the Common Council presented an address to the Regent setting forth the condition of the country and praying for reform. The Regent said, in reply, that he received the address with surprise and regret, and that the condition of things, though no doubt distressing, was due to natural and unavoidable causes. In return the Court protested against this theory of "unavoidable causes." When the Regent opened Parliament in January, stones were thrown at his carriage, one of its windows being broken.
When Parliament resumed its sittings, the House of Commons must have been delighted at being told by the Common Council and Livery of the City of London that the "corrupt, dependent, and inadequate representation of the people" was the cause of all the national calamities—"the huge debt, the enormous military establishment, the profusion of sinecures, and the lavish expenditure of public money." They must have been encouraged—this house of bought placemen, nominees, and younger sons—at learning that all the City wanted was "an honest organ of the public voice controlling the servants of the Crown, and not an instrument in their hands to oppress the people."
It seems difficult now to understand this blindness to the reading of history; this deafness to all the lessons taught by the seventeenth century. Yet we must remember the difficulty of escaping from beliefs and prejudices learned from childhood upwards. The members of the House of Commons had seen, as if it was quite the natural and constitutional order of things, the rule of Great Britain by a caste. What had the people to do with power? How could the multitude rule?
It is seventy years since the caste began to be turned out of the House of Commons. Since then, the Upper House has received hundreds of families from the class below; the feeling of caste has been scotched, yet not destroyed; there are still some branches of the service which remain in the hands of the caste: the diplomatic, for instance; Court appointments; the Treasury; and a few other branches. There are no longer any placemen in the House; there are no longer any nominees; there are no longer any pocket boroughs; there are no more perpetual pensions; it is no longer pretended that the House is an aristocratic club. But there is no bitterness or jealousy felt by the middle class towards the caste which supplies all the ambassadors; there is a wide extension of the meaning of gentility, that is, as carrying with it social equality; younger sons are coming back to the City and crowding into the professions; and the number of professions is multiplied tenfold.
This anticipation of seventy years will perhaps help us to understand the truly
monstrous conditions against which the City carried on a battle so long and so persistent. I believe, to repeat, that the King, the Lords, the House of Commons, and the Ministers held sincerely the belief that the disasters of the time were only natural and unavoidable accidents in the progress of the nation under the best of all possible Governments, where the rough and untrained voice of the people could never be heard. It was in order to make their opinions felt that the Ministers suspended the Habeas Corpus Act.
There was a certain bookseller named Hone—his books, *The Year Book* and *The Every Day Book*, are in every library. This man was arrested and tried on three several charges of publishing blasphemous pamphlets. He was acquitted on each one in turn. The City was indignant at this and at other arrests of a similar character. "They declared" (Sharpe, iii. 308), "that they had viewed with indignation and horror the vindictive cruelty with which Ministers had exercised their power since the suspension of the Act. Individuals had been torn from their wives and families, dragged to distant prisons and kept in irons, and afterwards released without being brought to trial, or even knowing the nature of the charges against them."
The country had been flooded with spies and informers in the pay of the Government, and these inhuman wretches had endeavoured to incite simple and deluded men into acts of outrage and treason."
These are, doubtless, the words of exaggeration and of passion. But let us think what the condition of the country could be when such things could be declared and written down by the Folk Mote of the greatest city in the land!
The "Peterloo" massacre, as it was called, created the greatest interest and excitement in London. The largest meeting ever known in the north of England, gathered together in St. Peter's Field, Manchester, was dispersed, trampled upon, and ridden down by a body of yeomanry cavalry, without even, it is alleged, the reading of the Riot Act. Eleven persons were killed and many hundreds wounded. The principal speaker, Hunt, was arrested for high treason.
In London, meetings of indignation were held in Smithfield, in Palace Yard, Westminster—at which Sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Hobhouse spoke,—at the Guildhall, and elsewhere, denouncing the conduct of the Government. A letter addressed to the electors of Westminster on the subject was made the cause of a prosecution against Sir Francis Burdett. It was found necessary to relinquish the trial of Hunt, who drove from Manchester to London in one long triumphal procession. On entering London he was received by 200,000 persons. The Corporation presented an address of remonstrance to the Prince Regent, who received it with a reply which could scarcely be called encouraging to the friends of Reform.
XVIII.—QUEEN CAROLINE
The case of Queen Caroline belongs to the history of the Empire. In this place I consider only that part of it which concerns London.
Caroline Amelia Elizabeth (the second daughter of Charles, Duke of Brunswick), who had the misfortune to marry George, Prince of Wales, was born on the 17th of May 1768. She was married on the 8th of April 1795 to the Prince of Wales. Her daughter, Princess Charlotte, was born on the 7th of January 1796. The unhappiness of the marriage; the separation of the pair; the charges brought against the Princess; the famous "Delicate Investigation"; the breakdown of the case against her; the Secret Committee of 1820; her trial; the Bill of Pains and Penalties; her exclusion from the Coronation ceremony; the enthusiasm of her supporters;—all these things are well-known matters of history. What follows is less-known matter concerning the action of the City.
The temper of the people was shown after the proclamation of George the Fourth, when the streets of London were placarded with the following bill:—
“Long live the King,
His Majesty George the Fourth,
and the Queen Consort,
Her Majesty Caroline;
May they reign together
For ever and ever.
Huzza!
In the case of the unfortunate Queen, the City, from the beginning, saw nothing but a persecuted and innocent and deeply wronged woman. She was separated from the Regent and made to reside, almost like a prisoner, at Blackheath. A private inquiry into her conduct was set on foot by the House of Lords. The Livery of London presented her with an address of sympathy, and the Common Council congratulated her on her escape from a “foul and atrocious conspiracy against her life and honour.” This address was not allowed to be published in the Gazette. The Court of Aldermen held aloof. In 1813 she left England and remained on the Continent until the death of the old king, when she returned.
A second secret inquiry into her conduct was held by the Lords, and a Bill was brought in the House of Lords for depriving the Queen of her title and dissolving her marriage. The Queen was put on her defence; every one knows how Brougham conducted it to a successful issue. London was illuminated; addresses of congratulation were poured in; the freedom of the City was given to her counsel.
The Common Council addressed the King, urging upon him the dismissal of his Ministers, and pointing out with great boldness that the late proceedings against the Queen had drawn forth “the reprobation of the great body of the people.”
The following notes show the feeling of the Londoners. The first is a scene which took place at Drury Lane Theatre during the performance of *Othello*. In the fourth act Emilia speaks:—
“Emilia. I will be hang’d, if some eternal villain,
Some busy and insinuating rogue,
Some cogging, cozening slave, to get some office,
Have not devised this slander; I’ll be hang’d else.’
She was interrupted by loud applause from all parts of the house.
“Iago. Fie, there is no such man; it is impossible.
Des. If any such there be, heaven pardon him!
Emil. A halter pardon him! and hell gnaw his bones!”
Thunders of applause.
"Emil.—Why should he call her whore?"
Immense applause.
"Who keeps her company?
What place? What time? What form? What likelihood?"
The pit stood up and cheered.
"The Moor's abused by some most villainous knave,
Some base notorious knave, some scurvy fellow.
O heaven, that such companions thou'ldst unfold,
And put in every honest hand a whip
To lash the rascals naked through the world
Even from the east to the west."
The pit stood up again, the men waved their hats, and the women their handkerchiefs; the acclamations throughout the whole house were loud and general, and lasted for several minutes.
The Queen's reception in the streets, whenever she appeared, was enthusiastic in the highest degree. The City was illuminated when the Bill of Pains and Penalties against her was abandoned.
After these rejoicings the Queen paid a visit in state to St. Paul's Cathedral.
In January 1821 the Common Council petitioned both Houses for the restoration of the Queen's name in the Liturgy, and for making a proper provision for her. It also demanded an inquiry into the manner in which her prosecution had been brought about. There was no inquiry into that manner, because everybody knew perfectly well at whose instigation it was set on foot. But the House of Commons granted the Queen an annuity of £50,000.
In August of that same year she died, and the opinion of the City as to her treatment was shown unmistakably at her funeral. It is a truly wonderful illustration of the weakness of the Executive at that time.
In order to prevent any attempt at a popular demonstration, it was resolved that the procession should avoid the City altogether; a route was laid down from Brandenburgh House, Hammersmith, where the Queen died, through Kensington, Park Lane, Oxford Street, then Uxbridge Road, Tottenham Court Road, the New Road, the City Road, and so by Mile End to Romford, after which it would proceed through Chelmsford and Colchester. The mob, however, were equally resolved that the procession should go through the City. They therefore blocked every turning and every road except those which led into the City.
Observe that this blockade must have taken many men a great many hours; the obstructions were serious and not such as could be set up, or removed, in a few minutes. They were outside the jurisdiction of the City, yet there must have been magistrates in Westminster to learn what was going on. No one seems to have interfered, however; no one seems to have told what was going on. Yet here were
barricades consisting of carts and waggons, paving-stones, and whatever else could be found. And at every barricade a company to guard it.
The procession started, followed by an immense multitude hooting and crying. A company of Life Guards accompanied the cortège. When they arrived at Kensington Gore they found the gates of the Park closed, and the people behind shouting, "To the City, to the City!" Park Lane was blockaded; they therefore crossed the Park to Cumberland Gate. This was closed, and only opened after a fight between the soldiers and the mob. The latter hurled stones at the soldiers; when several men had been hurt, the soldiers fired, killing two men and wounding others. However, they got through the gate and proceeded down Edgware Road.
and the New Road as far as the Tottenham Court Road, where the mob were so determined that the conductors gave way and actually did take the procession through the City at the bidding of the mob. After going through the City the funeral pursued the rest of its intended route to Romford and to Harwich, where the body of the unfortunate Queen was taken on board and carried to the Continent. She lies among her own people in the Cathedral of Brunswick.
The Court of Common Council, in an address to the King (December 7, 1820), once more urged the dismissal of the Ministers. They were so ill advised as to mention the case of the Queen. The King informed them that he received their address with "the most painful feelings," and that it would serve no other purpose than "to inflame the passions and mislead the judgment of his subjects and to aggravate his own difficulties."
XIX.—THE SLAVE-TRADE
The part taken by London in the slave-trade was very considerable. In the earlier part of the eighteenth century the Royal African Company considered the slave-trade as the principal part of their business. They carried away, says Strype, from the Gold Coast, gold, gold dust, elephants' teeth, hides, ambergris, wax, redwood, Malagutta or Guinea pepper, "besides the great quantities of negro slaves for the supply of our American plantations; by whose labour and the planters' industry, the King and his subjects are very much richer." Public opinion was slow in awakening to a sense of the terrible cruelty and savagery of the trade.
It was at Edinburgh, on June 15, 1778, that the Lords of Session, by a majority of ten to four, gave judgment in favour of the freedom of negroes in this country. This was the first general decision on this great question. There had been special cases tried before, as whether the master of a negro in Britain was entitled to take a legacy left to the negro—given against the master. Or whether the master could put a negro in fetters and send him beyond seas—given against the master. By this general decision, however, the freedom of every negro was assured him from the moment of his setting foot on British ground.
The cases of Strong and Somerset are the best known on the slave question in English Courts. In the former case the man's master found him at large in the streets of London and brought him before the Lord Mayor. The negro was discharged, there being no charge against him. The latter's being arrested as a fugitive in the year 1772 gave rise to the famous declaration—not, however, a judicial decision—that no slave can exist in this kingdom.
It became necessary to educate the people in the reality and meaning of the slave-trade. The writers of the pamphlets and papers on the subject caused the
facts of the case to be widely spread abroad. They were chiefly Quakers—the names of Wilberforce, Clarkson, and others, occur to everybody. They related how the villages in Africa were raided by the slave-hunters; how men, women, and children were driven down to the coast; how they were sold to the traders and forced on board; how the passage across was accompanied by the most horrible sufferings; how they were sold on landing; families parted; wives separated from their husbands, mothers from their children. The education of the people took a long time, but it was thorough. Read, for instance, the following note on the treatment of the people on board ship (Annual Register, 1788):
"The state in which these unfortunate creatures was found is shocking to every principle of humanity. Seventeen men, shackled together in pairs, by the legs, and twenty boys, one on the other, in the main hold, a space measuring 18 feet in length, 7 feet 8 inches main breadth, and 1 foot 8 inches in height; and under them the yams for their support. One of these unfortunate creatures was in the last state of dysentery, whose natural evacuations ran involuntarily from him amongst these yams, creating an effluvia too shocking for description. On their being released from irons, their appearance was most distressing; scarcely one of them could stand on his legs, from cramp and evident starvation. The space allowed for the females, thirty-four in number, was even more contracted than that for the men, measuring only 9 feet 4 inches in
length, 4 feet 8 inches main breadth, and 2 feet 7 inches in height, but not being confined in irons, and perhaps allowed during the day to come on deck, they did not present so distressing an appearance as the men."
Pitt, in 1788, supported a Bill for the Better Regulation of the Slave-trade; and in 1789 Wilberforce brought forward Twelve Propositions for the consideration of the Committee to whom had been submitted the Report of the Privy Council, various petitions for the abolition of the slave-trade, and other papers relative thereto. These considerations had great weight, and the proposed abolition was supported by Fox and Burke, and by Pitt himself. But the French War broke out, and Wilberforce had to wait until 1807, when the Abolition Bill was passed.
The propositions of Wilberforce, however, present a picture of the trade in 1789 which should form part of the history of London trade and London manners, since these things were done with the knowledge, consent, approbation, and to the profit of the London merchants. They are here presented in a condensed form (Annual Register, 1789):
"I. The number of slaves annually carried from the coast of Africa in British vessels is about 38,000. Those taken to the British West India Islands average 22,500. Those who stay in those islands average 17,500.
II. Most of the negroes are brought from the interior parts of the continent. They consist of:—
(i.) Prisoners in war.
(ii.) Freemen sold for debts or for various crimes.
(iii.) Domestic slaves sold by their masters.
(iv.) Persons made slaves by acts of oppression, violence, or fraud.
III. The trade encourages tribal wars and oppression of all kinds; false charges and unjust convictions.
IV. A more profitable trade might be carried on with Africa in the commodities which she produces.
V. The sickness and mortality of our sailors on these coasts are very great.
VI. The method of transporting the slaves from Africa to the West Indies exposes them to many and grievous sufferings, in consequence of which a large number die on the voyage.
VII. Even after arrival in the West Indies a large proportion die of diseases contracted on the voyage; this proportion, in the harbour of Jamaica, is estimated at $4\frac{1}{2}$ per cent of the whole number which arrive.
VIII. There is a considerable loss during the first three years after landing.
IX. The natural increase of population is checked by the inequality of the sexes; the dissolute manners of the slaves; the development of particular diseases owing to severe labour and bad food; and the mortality among children.
X. The number of slaves in Jamaica is 256,000.
XI. The number of slaves in Barbadoes is 62,000.
XII. In other islands the number of slaves is so great that no inconvenience or loss would follow on the discontinuing any further importation of African slaves."
The slave-trade was prohibited in 1807. This Act was strengthened by that of 1811, which made the slave-trade felony. In 1834 the slaves in all the Colonies were declared free. No fewer than 770,280 slaves were declared free, and their owners were compensated by a grant of twenty millions sterling. What
part did the City take in abolishing slavery? When Pitt, in 1788, introduced his Bill for the Regulation of the Trade, and Wilberforce advanced his Twelve Propositions, the City threw its influence into the scale and continued in support of the Bill and its successors as long as support seemed in any way useful.
Between 1792 and 1814 little was done in the matter by the City; other things of greater importance pressed and had to be considered. When, however, it was found that peace was concluded without any guarantee against the revival of the trade in places where it had been abolished by Great Britain, a strong feeling was awakened in the City against this surrender of the rights of humanity. A petition was presented to both Houses, praying that they would press upon the Government the necessity of retaining these rights.
XX.—PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
We have seen some of the earlier efforts made to bring about a measure of Parliamentary Reform. Protest after protest was made; one reformer after another was sent to prison; reform seemed to recede, rather than to advance, yet it really did advance. We must remember that, in the absence of education, of newspapers, and of rapid communication, it was far more difficult than at present to make any cause advance. At the same time, certain facts became known and sank deeply into the minds of men; as, for example, that the total number of members of the House of Commons returned by private patronage in England and Wales alone amounted to 309. In addition a great number of members were placemen, actually in the pay of the Ministers; many boroughs returning one or more members no longer existed; many of the most important towns in England were actually without representation at all.
Let us now consider the part played by the City in the last act of the long Drama of Reform. Return, first, to the manifesto of the "Friends of the People" Society, issued in 1793 (Annual Register, 1793, p. 98):
"The immediate duty of this Society is to state briefly to the people of the kingdom, for whose benefit we have acted, in what situation the cause of reform, and they who are engaged in it, are left by the late transaction in Parliament. In so good a cause, it is honourable to have contended, and with a firm conviction that on its success depend the happiness and liberties of the nation, we can never suffer ourselves to despair. We are not deterred or disappointed by the present decision of the House of Commons, for neither is this decision final, nor is it a question in which we were particularly entitled to expect that truth and reason would be supported by superior numbers. We are not discouraged by this defeat. It would, indeed, be a ground of discouragement to us, if we could believe that the people of England were really unwilling to promote a change in the construction of the House of Commons, or indifferent about it. Such, however, is the conclusion drawn by our opponents, from the silence of the principal cities and counties on the present occasion. We trust that we shall be furnished with a practical answer to this objection by numerous and strong declarations and petitions from a great majority of the kingdom. These
are the means, and the only means, by which we expect or desire to succeed. If the country in general will unite with us in demanding a reform in Parliament, we have no doubt of its being obtained in a regular parliamentary way, without a hazard of any kind."
In April 1809 a Bill for the Better Preservation of the Purity of Parliament was introduced by Mr. Curwen. This Bill was at first supported by Ministers, but was afterwards frittered away by alterations. The Bill provided for an oath that should be taken by every member as to the purchase of a borough. This was felt, very rightly, to be only opening the door to every kind of evasion and perjury. It was followed by a much stronger Bill from Sir Francis Burdett. He proposed that all persons who paid direct taxes to the State, the Church, and the poor, should have a vote; that the country should be divided into electoral districts; that the elections should be carried out all on one day, and that the duration of the House should be brought under discussion.
The contemporary chronicler considers the possible effect of these propositions, which approach very closely to our present system. There would be a loss of patriotism, he thinks, but does not explain how this was to be brought about; members would recklessly promise places and pensions to all their electors,—of course he fails to observe that it would be useless to promise anything to so large a constituency; the electors would be notoriously under the influence of the landlords, and would have to buy their leases,—he does not as yet suspect the existence of a ballot. What the people should be taught was, not the need of reform in Parliament, but in themselves; when they began to show a true appreciation of the situation, and not till then, reform could be spoken of.
The career of Sir Francis Burdett—scholar, traveller, orator, reformer—belongs to the history of Parliamentary Reform. Part of it belongs particularly to that of London, not so much as member for Westminster, but for the demonstrations which took place in his honour in the year 1810.
The question before the House was the exclusion of strangers and the secrecy of debates. There has always been among the members a disposition in favour of secrecy. We have seen it crop up in our own days. Many members in the year 1810 were very strongly in favour of excluding strangers altogether. It was a debate on conducting the inquiry into the Scheldt affair with closed doors that caused the imprisonment of Sir Francis Burdett. His own temper and views of the matter are indicated by his first remarks (Annual Register, 1810, p. 90).
Sir Francis Burdett said that if he could see in that House a body of gentlemen fairly and freely selected by the people, as the guardian of their rights, then indeed he should see no particular objection to the inquiry being conducted in secret, and the evidence being given to the public in the manner now proposed. Unfortunately, however, the House stood before the country in circumstances of great suspicion. It had been considered by some that, in point of character, they were on their last
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS IN SIR ROBERT WALPOLE'S ADMINISTRATION
From an engraving by A. Fogg, after the picture by Hogarth and Sir James Thornhill.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used for data integrity checks.
7. Interface: A way for two systems or components to communicate with each other.
8. Network: A collection of computers and devices connected together to share resources and communicate.
9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to be used by humans to express instructions to a computer.
11. Query: A request for information from a database.
12. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
14. System: A collection of interrelated parts working together to achieve a common goal.
15. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
16. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
18. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data between devices.
19. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
20. YAML (YAML Ain't Markup Language): A data serialization language that is used to represent structured data in a human-readable format.
legs. As for his part, he greatly feared that, in point of reputation, the House had not a leg to stand upon.
Outside the House there were still carried on some of those debating societies and political clubs which had caused the Government so much jealousy and suspicion at the outbreak of the French Revolution. Among them was a club called the British Forum, held at 33 Bedford Street, Covent Garden. The President of this society was a certain John Gale Jones, an apothecary, formerly an active member in the Corresponding Society, and a preacher of the doctrines on which Hardy and others were tried in 1793. Apparently John Gale Jones lived upon his political principles, for we are told that as President he received the entrance money—one shilling; paid for the rent of the room and for the candles; and put the remainder in his own pocket. The meetings were held twice a week. On Monday, February 19, 1810, the town was placarded with a bill against Ministers. In consequence of this placard, the printer, John Dean, was summoned before the House of Commons and committed to the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms. Next day John Gale Jones was also placed at the bar of the House. He behaved with very little spirit, expressed his contrition, and threw himself upon the mercy of the House. He was committed to Newgate. A few days later, when Burdett, who had been ill, was sufficiently recovered to attend the House, he rose in his place and protested against the imprisonment of any Englishman by a warrant of the House. His speech on the occasion was most brilliant and most powerful. He moved that Jones should be discharged. The motion was lost. For it, 14; against it, 153. Sir Francis therefore wrote a paper addressed to his constituents, in which he set forth his case as before the House, but in greater detail. This paper was published in Cobbett's Weekly Political Register. This paper, laid before the House of Commons, was considered a violation of the privileges of the House. In the discussion that followed it is pleasing to find the great name of Sir Samuel Romilly on the side of common sense and moderation; on the same side, too, was Sheridan. But the wrath of the House was against Burdett, who had charged the House with being, in point of character, "on its last legs." A resolution was carried for the commitment of Sir Francis Burdett to the Tower. This was early on Saturday morning. The Speaker signed the warrant before half-past eight and ordered the Sergeant-at-arms to carry it into effect before ten. The Sergeant, perhaps from some sympathy with the prisoner, did not present the warrant until five in the afternoon. Sir Francis then agreed to go with him at eleven o'clock on Sunday. But at eight the Sergeant returned; he had received a severe reprimand from the Speaker on account of his delay; Sir Francis must come with him at once. Sir Francis refused; he had written to the Speaker. His house was in Piccadilly, a noble thoroughfare for the display of mob law. Early on Sunday morning the mob collected in that street; all Sir Francis's constituents were there. The Speaker's messenger arrived at
seven; the door remained closed; the crowd increased; it was manifestly unsafe to attempt an arrest by violence. All day long the messengers waited for an opportunity; but none came.
Meanwhile the Speaker, in some doubt as to his warrant, asked advice and assistance of the Attorney-General, by whose counsel he requested of the House military assistance. Accordingly, on Monday morning, at ten o'clock, a respectable body of twenty-five police, and a detachment of cavalry, arrived to carry off the prisoner. After a show of resistance, Sir Francis allowed himself to be carried to the carriage, and was driven, to avoid the crowd, round the "northern skirts" of the town—I believe along Holborn and Smithfield—to the Tower. The mob all Sunday had been smashing windows and making everybody take off his hat and cry "Burdett for ever!" On Sunday they ran along the streets and into the City; they waited for the return of the soldiers, and assailed them with volleys of stones.
Sir Francis's letter to the Speaker also gave great offence, but in this case calmer counsels prevailed, and it was agreed to say no more about it.
Meantime the Livery of the City of London held a Common Hall to consider the subject, and drew up a petition, full of indignation, against what they called the "discretionary power assumed by the Commons over the liberties of the people." The electors of Westminster addressed their members with equal indignation, and petitions were presented from Middlesex, Reading, Berkshire, Nottingham, Kingston-upon-Hull, Rochester, Sheffield, and Southwark. When the day arrived for the release of the prisoner, great preparations were made to receive him. Meantime there was a semaphore at Westminster which communicated with the Tower. By means of this Sir Francis was released before the time, and either persuaded to go or placed in a boat, and so taken home by water. It only remains to add that Mr. John Gale Jones, who had intended to make capital, not only out of an illegal imprisonment, but also out of being turned illegally out of prison, was got out of Newgate by a subterfuge, so that he had not this grievance.
At the General Election of July 1830 there was great excitement, and many seats were gained for the popular cause. But the Duke of Wellington found himself in a majority, and therefore was able to put down his foot, which he did in his well-known firm and straightforward manner—a manner which prevented any misunderstanding. There was no need of any reform; the country was perfectly satisfied with things as they were; he himself should oppose any change. Brougham, on the announcement of these sentiments, declared that he should bring forward a Bill for reform that day fortnight. The general excitement was so great, that the King was advised not to venture into the City for the banquet of the 9th of November, and the Lord Mayor Elect warned the Duke of Wellington of the risk he would run by driving through the streets on that day. On the 15th of November, the day before Brougham's motion was to come on, the Common
Council was summoned to consider it. The Court passed the following resolutions (Sharpe, iii. p. 331):
"Resolved that this court, as the representative body of the citizens of London, having at various times expressed its opinion of the propriety and necessity of a revision of the present state of the representation of the Commons in Parliament, is called upon, in an especial manner at the present moment (after the declaration of the first Minister of the Crown, that the representation is satisfactory to the country), to make a renewed avowal of its conviction, that the House of Commons, as at present constituted, is as far from being satisfactory to the country as it is from being a real representation of the people.
Resolved that the power now exercised by various peers and other interested persons of returning a large portion of the members, is wholly incompatible with the true end and design of a House of Commons, which in principle and in practice ought to be a representation not of a private, but of general interests, an effectual control upon taxation and the public expenditure, and the organ by which the Commons of the realm may fully exercise that share in the legislature to which, by the constitution, they are entitled.
Resolved that petitions, founded upon these resolutions, be forthwith presented to both Houses of Parliament, praying them to institute a full and faithful inquiry into the state of the representation, with the view to the remedying of such defects therein as time and various encroachments have produced, so as to give real effect to the essential principles of the constitution, namely, that members of Parliament shall be freely chosen, that peers shall not interfere in elections, and that in the House of Commons the King may with truth be said to meet his people in Parliament."
The Ministers resigned. The new Prime Minister was Lord Grey; with him was Lord John Russell, who took charge of the Reform Bill and introduced it on March 1, 1831. The Common Council and the Livery hastened to express to the King their satisfaction at the new policy. They expressed their lively satisfaction at the principles of the new measure and their increasing conviction of the necessity of reform.
The Bill passed a second reading by a narrow majority. The Government, however, being defeated in an amendment, withdrew the Bill, dissolved the Parliament, and went to the country. Understand what that meant. A great number of seats in the House were pocket boroughs, whose members were mere nominees; many others were in the hands of a few electors who had to be bought; in all, there was the whole strength of the aristocratic party put forth with one consent against the popular demand. The country had to be practically unanimous. The elections proved in favour of the reformers. The Bill, therefore, was again brought in, and passed the House of Commons on September 21, 1831.
But the battle was not yet won. There was the House of Lords. Would that House surrender tamely the greatest part of its power—the possession and the control of the Lower House? Think, if you can, what that means. It is the Lower House which controls the purse; it is the purse which rules the country; the Lords, while they controlled the Commons, ruled the country. As for the King, he certainly felt himself safer in the hands of the Lords than in those of the people.
The House of Lords did exactly what was expected: it threw out the Bill.
Thereupon the City once more interfered. The Common Council passed an address, in which it deplored the action of the Lords in "turning a deaf ear to the nation's voice, and throwing out the great Bill for consolidating the peace, prosperity, and liberties of the people." And it warned the King that the most fearful national commotions would follow if the Bill, or some other Bill of the same kind, were not speedily passed.
The King, either because he was naturally a kind-hearted king, less touched with the spirit of caste than his late brother, or because it was thought politic to keep the City in good temper, received the address graciously, and begged the Lord Mayor and the Council to do their best for the suppression of riots.
But this the Lord Mayor and all the Aldermen, Sheriffs, and Common Councillmen together could not do. The blood of the people was up all over the country. It was evident that not reform, but revolution, was to be feared, and revolution of a kind which the whole of the better class, the educated class, the cultivated class, if it would not fight and riot in the streets, would not stir a hand to suppress. Looking back upon that time, one cannot avoid speculating as to what would have happened had the King and Lords held out: had the King refused to create peers enough to carry the Bill; had the Lords persisted in throwing it out. One sees the rising of vast hordes over the whole of the country; the hasty arming; the destruction of country-houses and ancient monuments; the meeting with the troops; the desertion of whole regiments; the dismay of the City, not knowing whether to welcome these Children of Revolution—her own creation—or to retain her ancient loyalty to the King; the final surrender of the King and a period of mob rule not unlike that in France under the unfortunate Louis Seize;—all these things were possible in the autumn of 1831. And all these things were very much in the minds of men as the news came in of riots in Bristol; riots in Nottingham; riots in Birmingham; riots in Derby; riots in the streets of London: not disorderly riots only, with the assistance of a few good-natured roughs who looted what they could; but determined assemblies of men in grim earnest and of ugly temper, who pulled down and destroyed merely as earnest and indication of what they meant to do. I suppose that the country was never in real danger of revolution, because at the last moment the King was certain to give way. The danger was that the King might not understand when the last moment had arrived.
On December 12, 1831, the Bill was again brought in by Lord John Russell, and on the 23rd of March it passed the House of Commons. On the 7th of May the Bill was brought before the Lords. Again it was thrown out, this time by an amendment by Lord Lyndhurst.
Lord Grey therefore resigned. The news was received by the whole country with something like consternation. The papers appeared in mourning. The Court of Common Council passed an address to the House of Commons expressing their
mortification that the King had not given Lord Grey the means of securing the Bill—in other words, had not created new peers enough to make it safe; and they prayed the House to vote no supplies until the Bill was passed. The Livery of London, at the same time, in Common Hall, appealed to the King and to the House of Commons.
If addresses and petitions and remonstrances could avail, the Bill was safe. Fortunately, there were other forces at work, stronger than any petition and remonstrance. It is well, however, to chronicle the fact that the Common Council and the Livery left no stone unturned from the commencement of the agitation until the passing of the Bill.
That was no longer delayed. Even the Duke of Wellington seems to have understood at last that revolution was intended if reform were not granted. Aristocrat though he was, the Duke was the last man to desire civil war or to desire the command of the British Army against British rebels. He agreed with Lord Grey on a line of action. It was understood that the Ministers were to be recalled and that the Bill was to be passed.
The Lords yielded in the most dignified way possible. When the Bill was brought before them on June 7, 1832, the Duke of Wellington rose in his place, and, followed by a hundred peers, including the whole Bench of Bishops, left the House. The rest was simple. We remark, with amazement, that the whole Bench of Bishops left with Wellington. It is quite certain that at the present day the whole Bench of Bishops would remain. The change is significant. It means a complete revolution. The Church of England was then the Church of the aristocracy and the better sort. Most of the Bishops belonged by birth to noble or territorial families; the Deaneries, Canonries, and the comfortable livings were filled up by clergymen who belonged to good families; a beneficed clergyman was expected by the country-people to be a gentleman; in the towns they expected him to be a scholar. What the Church did for the people was to open its doors. There was the Church; there were the Church services; there was the clergyman ready to marry, to baptize, to bury, and to preach. But the constitution of the Church, like that of the State, was aristocratic; the people had neither vote, nor representation, nor share in it. The Reform Act of 1832 might be followed by a Reform Act Ecclesiastical. We have got on without that second Reform Act. But the Church is no longer an aristocratic institution. It is no longer necessary to be a member of some great family in order to become a bishop; and the Church has now begun to go out among the people, to live with them and among them, to be of them; and the people have begun to understand, which they certainly did not understand in 1832, that the Church belongs to them and exists for them. But in 1832 the whole Bench of Bishops rose in a body and went out, in silent protest against the restoration to the people of their undoubted and ancient rights.
The passing of the Reform Bill of 1832 was therefore, as we have seen, in a large measure the work of London. For sixty years the citizens of London had been looking on at the sham House of Commons—the shameful horde of placemen who pretended to represent the people. They protested from time to time. They would never have stopped protesting, for they never forgot the Cause of Reform, but in the throes of the awful struggle for life they were perforce silent, save when the arrest of Sir Francis Burdett gave them an opening; when peace returned they began again. George the Third snubbed them rudely and boldly. His son snubbed them with more courtesy, but with equal plainness. They persisted; and at last they triumphed. The persistence of the City, its firm and remarkable maintenance of the principle that representation must include all who pay taxes, alike in the Colonies and at home, should be, and no doubt has been, a lesson in the duty of persisting when a good cause has to be advocated. We owe, I repeat, the Reform of the House of Commons, a step of incalculable value to the nation, very largely—more largely than some historians are willing to allow—to the Folk Mote of London City, and its long traditions of popular rights.
THE CITY AND THE STREETS
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to prevent unauthorized access.
6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values.
7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that uses objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions.
9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures for communication between different systems or devices.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A collection of instructions that can be executed by a computer to perform specific tasks.
13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of a physical machine.
These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used in various fields such as software development, database management, security, and networking.
CHAPTER I
THE EXTENT AND ASPECT OF THE CITY
I will include in this place the increase of the town to the present day, and will show how it spread and grew ever faster and broader, until it has reached the present monstrous area which we call the City and County of London.
Beginning in the east, we find that Bow, Bromley, Stepney, and Mile End are villages containing a few houses facing the great Eastern Road. Round the churches of Bow and Stepney are large houses belonging to wealthy citizens, standing each in its own spacious garden; and on either hand are fields stretching out without a house or a cottage. At Poplar there are rope-walks; there is also the East India Company's College. Was this the predecessor of Haileybury? The name of Limehouse Causeway indicates the nature of the ground, which was a marsh, across which was constructed a raised road. At Blackwall there is one shipyard—forerunner of many—and nothing more. The Isle of Dogs, surrounded by its river-wall, has windmills planted along the wall, which is ornamented here and there with occasional gibbets, on which hang in rusty chains the tarred and blackened remains of what was once a man. No houses stand upon the island at all except one, called the Chapel House, which is surrounded by trees. The riverside population begins at Ratcliffe Cross, now Butcher Street, and extends to the Tower, but along a very narrow strip of land. Between this strip and Whitechapel Road lies a great expanse of market-gardens. The London Hospital looks out upon fields both on the north and on the south. Whitechapel Mount stands on its west side. Not far from this small hill may be observed another mount which has no name. Goodman's Fields is really an open space. We observe that Whitechapel has increased, since the previous century, by the addition of many streets, but of the same humble character. There is a small village at Bethnal Green; St. Matthew's Church stands in the fields; at Hackney, which was one of the earliest suburban retreats for the City, there is already a small town among gardens; at Hoxton and Islington there are large villages. Moorfields lie still untouched, as in 1677. A line drawn from the junction of Old Street with the City Road may be taken to define the northern limit of the houses;
continue this line to the Tabernacle at Tottenham Court Road—a pond lies in the open fields before it,—thence to Marylebone Old Church, and we shall have the northern boundary of the houses at this part of London. The West End is already built as far as Hyde Park. Westminster has not increased, to speak of, since the fifteenth century: that is, there are houses along Petty France and a little west of the Almonry; Tothill Fields are still fields. Chelsea, Paddington, Marylebone, are fields dotted with houses, gardens, farms, and hamlets. On the south side there is a narrow strip from Rotherhithe westward; the Borough extends continuously to a point no farther south than the King's Bench and a small part of Kent Street. St. George's Fields is an open flat with a "Spaw" in the middle, "decorated" with ponds.
In other words, while the London of the Normans was included by the City walls, and that of Elizabeth stretched out along the river from Wapping to Westminster, that of George the Second extended from Hyde Park on the west to Whitechapel inclusive on the east; and from Old Street or Marylebone Church, or the Foundling, on the north, to the King's Bench Prison or St. George's Borough on the south side, with a narrow fringe of riverside population down the river as far as Poplar and Rotherhithe, and up the river as far as Battersea. The change in London was even greater than this extension would signify; for
there had sprung up between Hyde Park and, say, St. Martin’s Lane a great suburb, entirely composed of the town-houses of wealthy persons, gentlemen, and noblemen.
Here is a note upon the country outside London in the year 1783. The place, long ago built over, is the “Mother Red Cap” which formerly stood opposite the Britannia at the junction of the Hampstead and the Kentish Town roads. It is a poet who speaks or sings. He has sought the country in the hope of inspiration:
“In that broad spot, where two great roads divide,
And invalids stop doubtful where to ride;
Whether the salutary air to breathe
On Highgate’s steepy hill, or Hampstead heath;
Where Mother Red Cap shews her high-crown’d hat,
Upon a stile a past’ral poet sat.
Alas for me! what prospects can I find
To raise poetic ardour in my mind?
Where’er around I cast my wand’ring eyes,
Long burning rows of fetid bricks arise,
And nauseous dunghills swell in mould’ring heaps,
Whilst the fat sow beneath their covert sleeps.
I spy no verdant glade, no gushing rill,
No fountain bubbling from the rocky hill,
But stagnant pools adorn our dusty plains,
Where half-starv’d cows wash down their meal of grains.
No traces here of sweet simplicity,
No lowing herd winds gently o’er the lea,
No tuneful nymph, with cheerful roundelay,
Attends, to milk her kine, at close of day,
But droves of oxen through yon clouds appear,
With noisy dogs and butchers in their rear,
To give poetic fancy small relief,
And tempt the hungry bard, with thoughts of beef.
From helps like these, how very small my hopes!
My past’rals, sure, will never equal Pope’s.
Since then no images adorn the plain,
But what are found as well in Gray’s-Inn-Lane,
Since dust and noise inspire no thought serene,
And three-horse stages little mend the scene,
I’ll stray no more to seek the vagrant muse,
But ev’n go write at home, and save my shoes.”
On the extent of London in 1750, Noorthouck speaks as follows:
“In strict language, London is still confined to its walls, and the limits of the corporate jurisdiction of the City; but as a contiguity of buildings has connected it with Westminster and all the neighbouring villages and hamlets, the name in common usage has extended over them all, and rendered their respective proper names no more than subdivisions of one great metropolis. In this general view, therefore, London may now be said to include two cities, one borough, and forty-six ancient villages: viz. the City of London properly so called, the City of Westminster, borough of Southwark, the villages of Finsbury, Clerkenwell, Hoxton, Shoreditch, Nortonfalgate, the Spital, Whitechapel, Mile End, New Town, Mile End, Old Town, Bethnal-Green, Stepney, Poplar, Limehouse, Blackwall, Ratcliff, Shadwell, Wapping, East Smithfield, the Hermitage, St. Catharine’s, the Minories, St. Clements-Danes, the Strand, Charing-Cross, St. James’s, Knights-Bridge, Soho, St. Martin’s in the Fields, St. Giles’s in the Fields, Bloomsbury, Marylebone, Portpool, Saffron-Hill, Holborn, Vauxhall, Lambeth, Lambeth-Marsh, Kennington, Newington-Butts, Bermondsey, the Grange, Horsleydown, and Rotherhithe. Beside which the villages of Chelsea, Paddington, Islington, Hackney, Bow, and Deptford, are so near being united, that they might, without any great impropriety, have been added to the list, and considered as appendages to this immense capital.”
The population of London was about three-quarters of a million in 1700 and a million in 1800. This return included, on the Middlesex side, Kensington, Chelsea, Fulham, Hammersmith, Chiswick, Ealing, Edmonton, Tottenham, Enfield, Harrow, Twickenham, Staines, and Uxbridge.
On the Surrey side it included Christchurch, Lambeth, Newington, Camberwell, Putney, Clapham, Wandsworth, Rotherhithe, Streatham, Battersea, Bermondsey, and Richmond.
The number of residents in the City was 116,755; in the City of Westminster, 162,077; in the Borough, 61,169. There were 483,781 males to 615,323 females, a most unusual disparity, partly to be accounted for probably by the losses of men during the long war, when the pressgang constantly swept the streets and taverns of the East End and the riverside.
As regards the general appearance of the streets, it must be remembered that nearly the whole of the City itself had been rebuilt after the Fire. It is useless therefore to look in the rebuilt part for any of the old streets or the old houses. The City had lost its picturesque gables and projecting fronts; its bulk-shops, its casement windows, its ancient churches. The rebuilding of London was conducted with a view to convenience and comfort. The houses were placed in line; the windows were high and provided with sashes; in front of the houses in the better kind of street the pavement was laid with flat stones; posts at short intervals protected the passenger.
There were parts of the City within and without the walls which had escaped the Fire. Thus, the eastern and northern parts, Cripplegate, Bishopsgate Street Without, Crutched Friars, Aldersgate Street, West Smithfield, and other quarters, still showed many of the old houses and most of the narrow old lanes and courts: some of them are still standing. It is very much to be regretted that those who directed the drawings and engravings of the City during the eighteenth century were careful to present only the modern improvements, neglecting what we should now prize so highly, the picturesque streets still remaining of the old London. Strype and Maitland, for instance, give the modern squares, but not the ancient courts;
they present us with views of Wren’s City churches or the new squares of the West End, but not with Cloth Fair, Little Britain, or Defoe’s Cripplegate.
Many of the monastic buildings and their ruins vanished with the Fire—such as Doctors’ Commons, Blackfriars, White Friars, Grey Friars; but others escaped—such as St. Helen’s, the House of the Clares, the Charter House, Holy Trinity Priory, St. Katherine’s-by-the-Tower, St. Bartholomew’s, and St. John’s Gate. We get views of what remained, but only, as a rule, taken towards the end of the century, when much had been removed.
Outside, to the west, the change was still greater. All that area which lies between Lincoln’s Inn Fields in the east and Park Lane in the north was filled up with the houses of the nobility and country gentry; these streets and houses crossed the Tyburn Road and began to fill up the part between Bloomsbury Square and the Edgware Road. That suburb of stately houses, the city of the rich, the aristocratic, and the noble, which we call the West End, was in great part created in the eighteenth century. The number of squares which were beginning at the end of the seventeenth century with St. James’s, Berkeley, and Bloomsbury Squares, was enlarged by the addition of Soho, Cavendish, Queen, Portman, Hanover, and Grosvenor Squares.
The increase of houses at the West End caused indirectly the destruction of a great number of the older houses with their large gardens. Craven House, Drury Lane; Bedford House, formerly occupying the north side of Bloomsbury Square; Montague House, on the site of the British Museum; Burlington House and Clarendon House in Piccadilly, are examples. Their gardens became so valuable for building purposes that the owners were persuaded to sell them; when the gardens were gone the mansions lost much of their attraction. The few great houses which still stand have preserved their gardens.
Except the squares and churches, the West End possessed no public buildings, unless we place the National Gallery, the British Museum, and the Kensington Museum in the West End. As it had no municipality, there could be no civic buildings; it was a collection of parishes to which the principal residents came for three or four months in the year, and cared nothing about the parish or the quarter in which they lived. In every respect the West End was separate and distinct from the City.
London, then, in the eighteenth century, consisted first of the City, nearly the whole of which had been built after the Fire, only a small portion in the east and north containing the older buildings; a workmen’s quarter at Whitechapel; a lawyers’ quarter from Gray’s Inn to the Temple, both inclusive; a quarter north of the Strand occupied by coffee-houses, taverns, theatres, a great market, and the people belonging to these places; an aristocratic quarter lying east of Hyde Park and Westminster with its Houses of Parliament, its Abbey, and the worst slums in the whole City. On the other side of the river, between London Bridge and
St. George's, was a busy High Street with streets to right and left; the river-bank was lined with houses from Paris Gardens to Rotherhithe; there were streets at the back of St. Thomas's and Guy's; Lambeth Marsh lay in open fields and gardens intersected by sluggish streams and ditches; and Rotherhithe Marsh lay equally open in meadows and gardens, with ponds and ditches in the east.
The illustrations presented in the 1754 edition of Stow and Strype cannot always be relied upon. In some cases they are older drawings reproduced without alteration. Thus, the view of the Monument, in which the houses are dwarfed to give the column additional height, is the same in the later edition as in that of 1720, with some alterations of the figures in the foreground; and there are small discrepancies in the street scenes which can only be explained by the theory of the use of an earlier plate. For instance, there is a view of St. Mary-le-Bow Church in 1754 which shows the church with the shops on either side. There are seven of these shops with a sign over each; most of them have a projecting pole from which stockings are dangling; only one has glass windows; the rest are open with a penthouse above as in the ancient bulk-shops. On the other hand, another street scene of the same time presents a view of Cornhill in which all the shops have glass fronts. One would like to know how far the engraving which allows only one glass front to seven shops is accurate. The pavement is laid with flat stones; the road with cobbled stones; a chariot-and-four is proceeding majestically along the street; two or three men are riding; there is a one-horse cart; a man with a barrow; and three or four pedestrians.
The fact that the river continued to be the real highway of London is illustrated by the number of tilt-boats, i.e. boats provided with a cover against bad weather, that are plying in all parts of the river. Some of these have four oars, but the greater number two only; it was much more convenient to take boat than to walk, and far cheaper to get into a tilt-boat, which was a kind of river omnibus, than to take a hackney-coach.
From any part of London it was possible to get into the country in a quarter of an hour. One realises the rural surroundings of the City by considering that north of Gray's Inn was open country with fields; that Queen Square, Bloomsbury, had its north side left purposely open in order that the residents might enjoy the view of the Highgate and Hampstead Hills. Within the reach of a "short stage" the country was not only open and rural, but it was extremely beautiful. There were few English villages more beautiful than Islington with its green, its trees, and its gardens; the ancient forest of Middlesex still lay along the Northern Heights joining Epping and Hainault on the east and Willesden on the west. On the south side, where the ground rose out of the marsh, there was no more charming scenery in the whole country. Camberwell was a leafy grove, Herne Hill was a park set with stately trees, Denmark Hill was a wooded wild, the hanging woods of
Penge and Norwood were as lovely as those that one can now see at Cliveden or on the banks of the Wye. Nor were the citizens unmindful of their privileges in this respect. All round the City, north and south and east and west, there were pleasure-grounds and gardens where the people resorted on summer evenings and on Sundays to drink punch or chocolate, to order a syllabub or to take a peaceful pipe of tobacco.
In the immediate neighbourhood of the City there was plenty of room everywhere; at the back of Fetter Lane and north of the Strand there were still gardens; Lincoln’s Inn gardens extended from Holborn to New Square; the Hall of the Middle Temple projected westward into gardens; the Inner Temple, which had a river-wall, could show a spacious garden for its river front; Furnival’s Inn had a great garden behind it; the gardens of Gray’s Inn extended over the modern Raymond and Verulam Buildings.
I have spoken of the great houses. It is true that they were gradually swept away for the sake of building on their sites and on their gardens; yet many of them stood during the whole century or the greater part of it. Craven House, for instance, in Drury Lane; Powis House, in Great Ormond Street; Clarendon House, Burlington House, Newcastle House, in Lincoln’s Inn Fields; Bedford House, Leicester House, Buckingham House, Marlborough House, Chesterfield House, and many others.
I have also spoken of the squares. If we look at the engravings of these squares we find certain points of difference that are curious if not important. Thus, Lincoln’s Inn Fields are surrounded by wooden palings, with walks across; St. James’s Square has a small lake with a fountain in the middle and a boat upon it; Soho Square has a fountain and a statue. Many of the squares have a wooden paling round the garden; the houses in all of them are large and well built, with iron railings and steps into an area. It is astonishing, however, to find that in one square only are there any street lamps. The exception is Golden Square, where there are lamps on the iron railings round the garden. Perhaps the artist considered that the representation of a street lamp was below the dignity of his art.
It is not uncommon to hear of old houses falling. In June 1796 two old houses in Clare Market, occupied by thirty lodgers, fell without warning, except that immediately before their fall the window-sashes fell out into the street. Out of the thirty lodgers, seventeen were buried in the ruins and all killed. In Whitechapel, in 1790, a house fell, burying fifteen persons in the ruins. In Westminster, in 1807, a large house in Perkins’ Rents fell, containing a number of families. In September 1816 one of the large houses on Clerkenwell Green, described as “formerly part of the Royal Palace of the Stuarts,” fell down. The necessity for removing ancient and decayed houses is one reason why so few of the old houses are still standing. They would have fallen if they had not been taken down. Add
to this short list the house said to have been Caxton's in the Almonry, which fell about fifty years ago.
Many changes took place in the City churches. That of Allhallows Staining, Mark Lane, fell down, all but the tower; that of Allhallows-on-the-Wall was taken down, being in a ruinous condition, and rebuilt in its present hideousness; that of St. Christopher-le-Stock was taken down and its site built upon for the enlargement of the Bank of England; the church of St. Peter-le-Poer, which projected across Broad Street, was taken down and set back, being built upon its churchyard and a small court; St. Bartholomew-the-Less was rebuilt, except its tower.
The signs formerly hanging before the houses were removed in 1766. Many of the Companies' Halls were rebuilt. In Trinity Lane some workmen found the foundations of two houses, filled with an immense mass of tallow, which had melted and run into these vaults during the Great Fire. In front of the Royal Exchange—the front was then looking south—was discovered a well, which was assumed, one knows not on what evidence, to have been a well constructed by Henry Waleys in 1282. An obelisk of iron was erected to mark the spot.
These are brief notes. But it will be seen that the removal of the signs, the adoption of a better mode of paving, the abolition of gates and walls, the rebuilding of the prisons—certainly the Gordon rioters did good service in burning down those foul and fetid places,—the covering up of the filthy Fleet Ditch, rendered the City much cleaner and lighter than before. Moreover, there is evidence that in other ways there was a considerable amount of good work done in cleansing the City. Open sewers were covered up; some attempt was made at enforcing decency; and many laystalls were removed. Drapers' Hall was burned down; Dyers' Hall fell down; Cooks' Hall was burned; Leathersellers' Hall, which had been the Hall of St. Helen's Nunnery, was taken down—its site remains in St. Helen's Place; Cordwainers' Hall was built; Watermen's Hall was rebuilt; Pinners' Hall, which had been so long used as a Nonconformist Hall, was taken down.
There are a few more notes of interest on the changes and improvements of the City. Gresham College, a venerable monument which should have been preserved by a grateful city, was let to the Excise Office for £500 a year; its unworthy successor stands in what was formerly Cateaton Street; the King's Printing House was transferred from Printing House Square to New Street, George Square; Thanet House, once the residence of the Earls of Thanet, was converted into a Lying-In Hospital; Thavies Inn was sold by Lincoln's Inn; the Marine Society, which trained boys for the sea, had its central office in Leadenhall Street; all the prisons which were destroyed in the Gordon Riots, except the Poultry
BANK OF ENGLAND
Showing Churches of St. Christopher-le-Stock and St. Bartholomew. From an aquatint by T. Malton, 1781.
The following is a list of the most important and influential works in the history of philosophy, arranged chronologically.
1. **Thales of Miletus** (c. 624–546 BCE) - *On Nature* - Thales was one of the first philosophers to propose a naturalistic explanation for the world, suggesting that everything is made of water.
2. **Pythagoras** (c. 570–495 BCE) - *Mathematics and Music* - Pythagoras is credited with the discovery of the Pythagorean theorem and the idea that numbers have a fundamental role in the universe.
3. **Socrates** (c. 470–399 BCE) - *The Apology* - Socrates is known for his method of questioning and his emphasis on the importance of virtue and knowledge.
4. **Plato** (c. 428–348 BCE) - *The Republic* - Plato's work explores the nature of justice, the ideal state, and the relationship between the individual and society.
5. **Aristotle** (384–322 BCE) - *Metaphysics* - Aristotle's work covers a wide range of topics, including logic, ethics, politics, and biology.
6. **Epicurus** (341–270 BCE) - *Letter to Menoeceus* - Epicurus emphasizes the importance of living a simple life and finding happiness through the pursuit of pleasure.
7. **Zeno of Elea** (c. 490–430 BCE) - *The Dichotomy Paradox* - Zeno's paradoxes challenge our understanding of motion and infinity.
8. **Parmenides** (c. 515–450 BCE) - *On Nature* - Parmenides argues that reality is a single, unchanging whole, and that change and plurality are illusions.
9. **Heraclitus** (c. 535–475 BCE) - *The Fragments* - Heraclitus emphasizes the idea that everything is in constant flux and that change is the only constant.
10. **Empedocles** (c. 495–435 BCE) - *On Nature* - Empedocles proposes four elements (earth, air, fire, and water) as the building blocks of the universe.
11. **Epicureanism** (341–270 BCE) - *The Letter to Menoeceus* - Epicurus emphasizes the importance of living a simple life and finding happiness through the pursuit of pleasure.
12. **Stoicism** (367–27 BCE) - *The Stoic Philosophy* - Stoicism emphasizes the importance of living in accordance with nature and accepting what cannot be changed.
13. **Platonism** (c. 384–348 BCE) - *The Republic* - Platonism explores the nature of justice, the ideal state, and the relationship between the individual and society.
14. **Aristotelianism** (384–322 BCE) - *Metaphysics* - Aristotelianism covers a wide range of topics, including logic, ethics, politics, and biology.
15. **Hellenistic Philosophy** (323–31 BCE) - *The Hellenistic Philosophy* - Hellenistic philosophy encompasses a variety of schools of thought, including Stoicism, Skepticism, and Cynicism.
16. **Roman Philosophy** (31 BCE–476 CE) - *The Roman Philosophy* - Roman philosophy includes works by Cicero, Seneca, and Marcus Aurelius, who emphasize the importance of virtue and self-control.
17. **Medieval Philosophy** (476–1492 CE) - *The Medieval Philosophy* - Medieval philosophy includes works by Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, and Roger Bacon, who explore the relationship between faith and reason.
18. **Renaissance Philosophy** (1492–1648 CE) - *The Renaissance Philosophy* - Renaissance philosophy includes works by Montaigne, Descartes, and Spinoza, who emphasize the importance of individualism and skepticism.
19. **Enlightenment Philosophy** (1648–1800 CE) - *The Enlightenment Philosophy* - Enlightenment philosophy includes works by Voltaire, Rousseau, and Kant, who emphasize the importance of reason and individual rights.
20. **Romantic Philosophy** (1800–1900 CE) - *The Romantic Philosophy* - Romantic philosophy includes works by Schopenhauer, Hegel, and Nietzsche, who emphasize the importance of emotion and individuality.
Compter, were rebuilt; the famous Devil Tavern gave way to Child's Place; Wood Street Compter was transferred to Cockspur Street; the Trinity House on Tower Hill was built; the Fleet Prison and Newgate were rebuilt. Most of the smaller houses still had casement windows with very small panes of glass.
There was a great deal of excellent wood-carving. This is shown especially in the lovely carved woodwork of the churches. But the balconies of the houses—many old houses had balconies—were richly carved; the pumps were carved—for example, that beside the Leathersellers' Hall; even the ducking-stools and the stocks were carved—perhaps the pillory, but of that I am not certain.
About the year 1730 a great many houses were standing empty in Fleet Street, Cheapside, and other leading streets of the City. The reason was at first set down to the decay of trade, and there was great alarm among merchants, until it was happily discovered that the fact was due to the increase of houses in the direction of St. James's and Hyde Park. After the Fire of London, a good many mercers and drapers had removed from Ludgate Hill nearer the West End to temporary premises, and remained there.
The hackney-coaches charged a shilling for a mile and a half. A coach and a pair of horses might be hired for 10s. a day. Short stage-coaches conveyed passengers to every village round the town at either sixpence or a shilling. On the river the fare was 6d. for two miles with a pair of oars, and 3d. with a single waterman.
At every corner of the streets stood porters to carry parcels or run errands. They were licensed and bore a badge.
The high streets were kept clean by scavengers in the winter: in the summer water-carts laid the dust.
The shops were kept open till eight or nine in the evening: their lights, which would now be thought miserable, made the streets agreeable.
Most of the City gardens disappeared during the century. The memory of former gardens is preserved in such names as Vine and Elm Court, Figtree Court, Green Arbour Court. When Leigh Hunt wrote *The Town* there was a garden in Watling Street. Garden houses abounded in Holborn, Bunhill Row, and other places. Milton would always have a garden at the back of his house. A garden was destroyed about eighteen years ago near the Bank. It was not large, but it was a pretty place, having a stone terrace and a mulberry-tree. There are two private gardens at least still left in the City: the garden of St. Andrew's Rectory and that in St. Helen's Square. There are also the Drapers' Gardens, sadly reduced of late years. And there are now the City graveyards converted into gardens, especially those of St. Paul's and St. Botolph's, Aldersgate.
The military forces of London, during this century, were by no means inconsiderable. The archers, for whom the City had formerly been famous, had since 1572 given place to troops with firearms; a review of 3000 men thus armed took place at Greenwich in that year. In the civil wars of the next century the London troops did good service; the regiments thus formed were the foundation of the City Militia, and existed during the nineteenth century. The military government of the City was invested in a Court of Lieutenancy, the
President of which was the Lord Mayor. There were six regiments of City trained bands, viz.:
The Blue Regiment, containing 8 companies and 1411 men
,, Green ,, ,, ,, ,, 1566 ,,
,, Yellow ,, ,, ,, ,, 1526 ,,
,, Orange ,, ,, ,, ,, 1740 ,,
,, White ,, ,, ,, ,, 2089 ,,
,, Red ,, ,, ,, ,, 1630 ,,
Total—9962 men
The Artillery Company consisted of 300 men, governed by a President and a Vice-President, a Treasurer, and a Court of Assistants. The King was Captain-General: the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Aldermen were on the Court. This corps provided officers for the trained bands.
CHAPTER II
RUINS IN THE CITY
The foregoing are general notes. Let us proceed to classification and to detail. The eighteenth century produced a great quantity of books on London from every conceivable historical and topographical point of view. There is, however, one omission in all alike. It is most remarkable that in the various editions of Stow, Maitland, and the other so-called "Surveys" of London no mention is ever made of the ruins which stood dotted about all round the City, of the monastic and other buildings. They were wholly neglected and suffered to fall to pieces. For instance, can we conceive it possible for a historian of the present day to overlook the ruins of Westminster Abbey? Yet no one thought it worth the dignity of history to describe or to figure that most remarkable Tower of Sanctuary which was taken down in 1750, and would have been hopelessly forgotten and lost had it not been figured by Dr. Stukeley. And as to the ruins to which I am about to conduct you, most of them would also have been lost but for Wilkinson, who, at the beginning of last century, figured them in his Londina Illustrata.
The London wall, which was gradually removed during the eighteenth century, was still visible in many places: north of the Tower, where an extensive fragment remained; in Camomile Street, where there was a tower standing till nearly the end of the century; a bastion and a portion of the wall at Allhallows-on-the-Wall; another portion of the wall opposite St. Alphege's Church; the bastion of St. Giles', Cripplegate; another at Barbers' Hall; a piece of the wall in the Old Bailey. All these remains of the old wall could be observed by the citizens every day. But they did not observe them. It is strange how a building, a ruin, a relic of the past, may stand in a city without attracting the attention of a single one of the many thousand citizens who daily pass it. When the gates were down, the people made haste to forget that there ever had been any wall; the bits of grey stone standing here and there were unheeded.
Apart from the wall, the ruins were chiefly those of the Monastic Houses. There was nowhere a ruin so grand, so complete, so beautiful, as that of Fountains
or Tintern; but there were fragments standing which ought, one would have thought, to have awakened some sense of regret or sadness in the mind of a poet.
Let us follow the wall, looking without and within. The ancient and venerable foundation of St. Katherine's-by-the-Tower still stood, but a good deal shorn of its mediæval glories. The courts and buildings, save for the church, had acquired an eighteenth-century air. Of the Cistercian Abbey of St. Mary Grace, called also Eastminster, nothing was left; not one stone upon another; nor have we ever heard of vaults and substructures. Within the wall, the House of the Crutched Friars was completely gone; outside, again, the Convent of the Sisters of St. Clare could still show extensive ruins.
Of the Holy Trinity Priory there were gates and archways and courts. The
square called Duke's Place is on the site of the cloisters; and the church of St. James, pulled down some twenty years ago, was on the site of the chapel.
Early in the nineteenth century there were still standing remains of the ancient buildings of Grey Friars: the ruins of the Fratry and the Refectory, the walls and windows after extensive repairs by Whittington; the Library, the Great Hall, in which was still remaining some of the old work; fragments of the cloisters were visible—two or three arches remain still; most of these buildings, including what was left of the Whittington work, were pulled down in 1827.
The antiquary, however, who looks at the views given by Wilkinson of the
From a print published by N. Smith, No. 18 Gt. May's Buildings, London, April 1, 1794.
ruins of St. Helen's must regret their demolition more than that of any others of those remaining a hundred years ago. For there were standing not only the church, which still survives, but also the arches of the cloisters, the walls of the Fratry, and the crypt on which stood the Hall of the Nuns, which served as the Leathersellers' Hall. This beautiful building was taken down in 1799.
At Austin Friars part of the church still stands, and a fragment of the cloister was uncovered a few months ago. The church of the Grey Friars was burned down; of the ancient buildings nothing remained but a fragment of one or two arches.
The Priory of St. Bartholomew-the-Great left a part, at least, of its splendid
church. This has now been restored, and is the most beautiful church in London; during the eighteenth century it suffered every kind of desecration. Part of the cloisters and the gardens remained standing.
The Charter House endured many changes, but some of the old buildings survived, as they do to this day; especially part of the wall of the ancient Chapel, that in which Houghton and his blameless company of Carthusians worshipped, and where Sir Thomas More prayed with them for four years.
Of the Blackfriars there are to this day one or two arches still above ground, while many have been found below.
Across the river, Montagu Close possessed many traces of the cloister of St. Mary Overies, and one of the old gates was standing till thirty years ago.
St. Saviour's, Bermondsey, possessed its great gateway. The Whitefriars had gone altogether except a single vault, which may still be visited.
St. Martin's had altogether vanished except a crypt. The House of the Hospitallers could show some of the wall by the Chapel; part of the enclosing wall and its gateway. St. Mary Spital, St. Mary-of-Bethlehem, Holywell, and St. James's, Clerkenwell, had vanished entirely except for fragments.
At Westminster there were the ruins of the Refectory, the Misericordia, and the Infirmary Cloister. There was also the building above referred to called the Sanctuary.
It will be seen, therefore, that the ruins, among which Londoners might wander and meditate, were extensive and interesting. Year after year something was taken down. At the present moment, except for a few crypts and vaults, and for an arch as a fragment, there is nothing left of all these ruins.
CHAPTER III
LONDON STREETS
The paving of the London streets, like the lighting, was a long time in getting itself even tolerably efficient. We have seen that there were enacted ordinances and laws on the subject from time to time; but it does not follow that these laws were carried out. There was a company of paviours in Stow's time, but without a charter or incorporation. Two hundred years later the company still existed, with three wardens and twenty-five assistants. There is a "Pavement" in Chepe mentioned in the Liber Albus; and the same book contains the rule that paviours should charge 2d. for a toise, i.e. the length of $7\frac{1}{2}$ feet and the breadth of "St. Paul's foot." A freestone pavement was first laid in some of the principal streets in the year 1615. After the Fire of 1666, when a whole code of laws and prohibitions was enacted, it was ordered that all streets called High were to be "paved round, in causeway fashion."
I suppose this meant that the round stones were to be larger, and paved closer together, than those employed for the roadway or for smaller streets.
Early in the nineteenth century a new kind of paving was tried. It consisted of blocks of cast-iron in the form of square paving-stones; the whole was covered with gravel; it appears not to have succeeded.
A hundred years ago most of the streets broad enough to be paved in this way were provided with a flat paving of freestone; the narrow streets remained with the ancient paving of round stones hammered into the ground and kept in repair by the company of paviours. Posts protected the pathway; chairmen were forbidden to carry their chairs behind the posts; and though ever since the Fire efforts had been made to bring the houses into line, there were still in the smaller streets shops which threw out windows encroaching upon the street, or doorsteps advanced into the narrow pathway. There were no kerbs; in the middle of the street ran a gutter, sometimes foul, sometimes a succession of stagnant and noisome puddles, sometimes a rapid stream, the splashing from which, when a cart or carriage passed along, was fatal to white silk stockings and neatly brushed shoes. At intervals there were causeways by which the street could be crossed; these consisted of broader stones
CHEAPSIDE ON LORD MAYOR'S DAY, 1761
From an engraving by J. June.
than those which composed the rudimentary paving. The less important streets had no posts, and in such cases there was the danger of being run over by a cart. There was another danger which is illustrated at the present day by one or two of the very narrow lanes lying south of Thames Street: it was the damage done to the brickwork by the wheels of waggons which had only just enough room to pass along. In these lanes you may still find a lining of timber about the height of the waggon-wheels running all along the street. Gay warns the passenger against such a street—
"Never stray
Where no ranged posts defend the rugged way,
Here laden carts with thundering waggons meet,
Wheels clash with wheels and bar the narrow street."
It is frequently stated that the posts which guarded the pathway left but a very narrow space for the passengers. I do not find this to be generally the case in such engravings and pictures as show the posts. If the Act of 1666 was obeyed, there was a clear breadth of six feet, sufficient for three or four to walk abreast. The custom of taking the wall, or giving it, meant, not that there was no room, but that he who was farthest from the posts ran the least danger of being spattered with mud from the gutter in the middle of the street. It is sometimes stated that the posts were connected by chains. This was not the universal custom; in the later pictures, at least, there are none.
The dangers of the streets were many and various, though by bringing them all together we may present a greatly exaggerated picture. One was not always thrust out into the kennel by swaggering bullies; the cart did not always have an opportunity of splashing the passengers; the tiles did not always drop on the heads of the people; nor were they always struck by falling fragments of masonry; nor did the oil of the street lamp always drop on the heads of those who walked below.
Signboards, as we know, hung out before every house, proclaiming the name of the tenant. Often these were monstrous things, so heavy with iron-work as sometimes to drag out the front of the house; the noise of them swinging ponderously in the wind added to the uproar of the street.
In Gwynn's *Essay on Improvements* (1750) we find a list of "nuisances" which it was perfectly possible to remove and to amend. Thus:
1. Ordure left lying in the streets, and especially at the posterns of the City gates, and on the north of the Royal Exchange.
2. Rubbish lying in heaps in the streets.
3. Open cellar doors or stone steps projecting into the street.
4. Broken pavements.
5. Ruinous houses.
6. Sheds for shops placed against the walls of churches.
7. Streets blocked up with sheds and stalls.
8. The encroachment of newly built houses into the street.
9. The driving of bullocks through the streets.
10. The prevalence of mad dogs.
11. The swarms of beggars.
12. The deluge of profanity in the streets.
13. The absence of lighting in streets belonging to precincts such as St. Martin's-le-Grand, Cloth Fair, or St. Bartholomew-the-Great.
14. The neglect or decay of certain localities. Blackfriars' Precinct was half deserted: Whitefriars' was abandoned to the most miserable lanes: Bethlehem Burial-ground was lying exposed, without a fence or a wall: Lower Moorfields were covered with second-hand clothiers' shops.
All the writers on the streets of London are unanimous in their condemnation of the licence allowed to the citizens. The projecting doorsteps in a narrow street were an annoyance that would at present be thought intolerable. The rushing crowd of the present day, which hurries along, looking neither to the right nor the left, with no regard to its footsteps, was then impossible. Movements must be slow and leisurely. The doorsteps projected—one had either to step into the muddy gutter or to walk over them; the posts took up a large share of the footway; the cobbled stones of the pavement were broken up here and there, leaving small puddles of mud and filth—a street with uneven and broken pavements could not possibly be cleaned. Then, every house had its opening for the cellar, and its wooden cellar-doors constantly thrown up for the reception of coals or merchandise; and the shopkeepers vied with each other in pushing forward their bow-windows. One or two of these old shop-fronts still remain; imagine, in a narrow City lane, the inconvenience of a bow-window thrust a foot and more into the street. Then there were the penthouses, often too low: where the shopkeeper now draws down a blind, he formerly had a permanent penthouse; on the penthouse were planted flowers in pots—you may see in the "Green Yard," Cripplegate, the last of these old penthouses with its flowers. The pots, of course, had to be watered. In rainy weather the passenger was drenched from the spouts overhead, in dry weather from the watering of the flower-pots.
Lord Tyrconnel, speaking in the House of Lords in 1741, thus described the condition of the town, and especially of Westminster:
"The filth, Sir, of some parts of the town, and the inequality and ruggedness of others, cannot but in the eyes of foreigners disgrace our nation, and incline them to imagine us a people, not only without delicacy, but without Government—a herd of barbarians, or a colony of Hottentots. The most disgusting part of the character given by travellers, of the most savage nations, is their neglect of cleanliness, of which, perhaps, no part of the world affords more proofs than the streets."
of London, a city famous for wealth, commerce, and plenty, and for every other kind of civility and politeness; but which abounds with such heaps of filth, as a savage would look on with amazement. If that be allowed, which is generally believed, that putrefaction and stench are causes of pestilential distempers, the removal of this grievance may be pressed from motives of far greater weight than those of delicacy and pleasure; and I might solicit the timely care of this assembly, for the preservation of innumerable multitudes; and intreat those who are watching against slight misfortunes, to unite their endeavours with mine, to avert the greatest and most dreadful calamities.
Not to dwell, Sir, upon dangers which may perhaps be thought only imaginary, I hope that it will be at least considered how much the present neglect of the pavement is detrimental to every carriage, whether of trade or pleasure, or convenience; and that those who have allowed so much of their attentions to petitions relating to the roads of the kingdom, the repair of some of which is almost every session thought of importance sufficient enough to produce debates in this House, will not think the streets of the capital alone unworthy of their regard. That the present neglect of cleansing and paving the streets is such as ought not to be borne; that the passenger is everywhere either surprised and endangered by unexpected chasms, or offended and obstructed by mountains of filth, is well known to everyone that has passed a single day in this great City; and, that this great grievance is without a remedy, is a sufficient proof that no magistrate has, at present, power to remove it; for every man's private regard to his own ease and safety would incite him to exert his authority on this occasion."
Again, when Blackfriars Bridge was first proposed in 1755, it was argued, in favour of the bridge, that the ground between Fleet Street and the river on the south, and between Fleet Street and Holborn on the north, was "heaped with filth and ruins, and the hiding-places of a numerous swarm of the most flagitious of our poor." Alsatia, in fact, still lingered in White Friars; more, it had surged over, across Fleet Street, and had swallowed up the ground between that street and Holborn. Probably the writer had Shoe Lane in his mind, with the Fleet Market, not the respectable courts where Johnson lived.
Let us see how the City was lighted.
In the year 1716 the houses were lit up on all dark nights (i.e. on every night between the second night after full moon and the seventh night after each new moon) by candles. Every householder, whose house or door fronted a street or lane, was ordered, on a penalty of one shilling, to hang out a candle—presumably in a lanthorn—long enough to burn from six o'clock in the evening till eleven. After eleven o'clock, then, the City was in total darkness. The Act of Common Council making this law does not state what months were to be omitted: we may take it that during March and April the candles were not
lighted till seven; nor at all during May, June, July, and August. It would appear, from subsequent legislation, that the candles were only lit from Michaelmas to Lady Day. The first step in improvement was when some one in authority discovered that it would be more convenient to take the lighting of the City out of private hands, who were always trying to evade the duty, and to farm it out to contractors. They were entitled to receive 6s. a year from every householder who did not prefer to put up his own lighted lanthorn. They paid to the City £600 a year for the privilege. Their lamps numbered about a thousand; they were only lit from Michaelmas to Ladyday, and even then were not lit on light nights, that is, ten nights in every moon; so that the City was left without lamps or lanthorns for 247 nights in the year, while the whole time of lighting altogether amounted to about 600 hours in the year. After eleven o'clock the streets were left unlit and practically unguarded.
In the year 1736, a time when robberies and robbers increased daily in numbers and in audacity, the question of lighting was considered very seriously, and it was determined that the Mayor and Corporation should be empowered to put up lamps where they might think fit, to burn from sunset to sunrise. And for the expense of this lighting a rate was imposed of 7s. on every house under the rent of £10 per annum; of 10s. to 20s. on houses at £12 per annum; of 20s. to 30s. on houses at £14 per annum; of 30s. to 40s. on those at £16; and not more than 40s. on houses of a higher rental. We can omit the rules, precautions, fines, and other safeguards whereby the City endeavoured to prevent this lighting from becoming a cause of jobbery and corruption. The immediate result was that the horn lanthorn disappeared from the houses; that the 1000 lamps in the City became 5000; and that the hours of illumination, instead of being 600 a year, became 5000. Now, these rules were intended for the City only and not for the suburbs, and the City contained only a fifth part of the buildings in the area of the Bills of Mortality. It was, however, estimated that the whole number of lamps was (1738) about 15,000.
Six years later, the Act was enlarged and made more stringent, greater powers being conferred upon the Mayor and Corporation.
In Hogarth's *Rake's Progress* the lamplighter is filling the tin vessel with oil, and dropping some as he looks round at the sheriff's officers and the arrest. One understands, looking at the shape of the lamp and the nature of the vessel that holds the oil, how small was the illuminating power of the street lamp. At every hundred feet or so a feeble glimmer pierced the darkness; it was still necessary to engage a link-boy to lead the way. Imagine the street lit by oil-lamps as wretched and as feeble as those of a modern omnibus: we may then understand the darkness of Cheapside when the shops were shut. Those who had to go out at night were accompanied, whether they went on foot or in a coach, by boys
From Hogarth's engraving, "Arrested for Debt" (The Rake's Progress).
carrying links. Ladies were escorted to and from their card-parties by the 'prentices carrying clubs.
In the year 1780, Hutton, describing his journey from Birmingham to London, speaks of the brilliant illumination of the streets, where not only were there oil-lamps at stated intervals, but the shop-windows were full of light. In one shop-window he counted no fewer than twenty-two candles. The effect, if the candles were judiciously placed, was probably very pretty.
The discovery of using gas as a means of lighting the house or the street seems almost one of the great discoveries of the world, like that of fire, conveyance of water, explosives, and electricity. Gas has transformed the poor man's evenings; formerly they were spent round a fire without other light, or else faintly illuminated by a single tallow-candle. The rich man had to spend immense sums in lighting his house with wax-candles; the traveller's most vexatious expense was the wax-candle charged in the morning bill. The churches were dimly lit with candles; the pulpit had four, which the sexton snuffed from time to time; the long pews had a candle at each end, which also wanted snuffing. The cook had to hold a candle in one hand while she cooked with the other. The best-lighted street was provided with no more than a feeble glimmer at intervals; the shops showed one or two candles in the window and one or two on the counter; at the taverns they placed a candle on every table; at the clubs, two candles on every table. The real terror of the winter was not the cold so much as the long hours of darkness. All this has been changed by the discovery of gas. The streets, before the closing of the shops, were brilliant with gas long before electricity was pressed into the service; they were, as they are now, feebly lit at night—but their condition was splendid compared with the former service. Gas has transformed the churches, the assembly-rooms, the clubs, the taverns, the private houses; gas has been for nearly a hundred years the illumination of the world. It now threatens to be set aside in favour of its new rival, but it would be ungrateful not to acknowledge the services which gas has rendered to humanity in great cities.
I suppose that chemists had long known the inflammable qualities of carburetted hydrogen gas. It was, however, reserved for a Scotsman, named Murdoch, to make a practical use of it. He made certain experiments as far back as 1792. But it was not until the year 1802 that he succeeded in illuminating with gas the factory of Messrs. Watt and Boulton at Birmingham on the rejoicings for the Peace of Amiens. In 1805 he fitted up another factory, this time at Manchester, with gas. The proposal made by a German, named Winsor, to light London with smoke was received with universal derision. In 1808, however, after advocating the method in the usual manner, by pamphlets, Winsor succeeded in showing how he proposed to light the whole of London by setting up and lighting Pall Mall with a row of gas-lamps. One or two private houses, one or two shops, adopted this method, making their own
gas in the house. In August 1807, gas-lighting was first introduced into the streets of London, being used in Beech and Whitecross Streets and at the Gordon Lane Brewery. By the year 1833 there were 39,504 public gas-lamps, lighting 215 miles of streets, furnished by three principal companies. The City Gas Company maintained 8000 lamps for fifty miles of streets.
In 1810 a company was formed, and Westminster Bridge was lit with gas in the year 1812. The spread of the new method was rapid; but there are still living, men who can remember humble shops in by-streets with one or two candles in them, passages and halls lit by a single tallow-candle in a sconce, and streets illuminated by oil-lamps: and until recently there were still living, men who remembered how crowds ran after the lamplighter, wondering how a flame could be created and maintained without a wick or oil.
Much earlier than this water had been brought into London by means of pipes, from Tyburn, when the Walbrook and the Fleet could no longer be used. Other pipes were laid for the conveyance of water from Red Lion Fields, Islington, Canonbury, Highbury, Hoxton, and Hackney. In the year 1582 one Peter Maurice constructed a machine by which he raised a great quantity of water from the Thames and conveyed it by pipes to all parts of the City. The New River, a canal of thirty-eight miles in length, was brought—Michaelmas Day, 1613—from Ware to Islington, where it was met by fifty-eight large pipes of elm-wood, seven-inch bore each. At one time the New River had 400 miles of these pipes laid down. Besides all these supplies, there were two mains of seven inches each from Hampstead and Highgate; one from St. Marylebone; three mains of six inches from Hyde Park; five from Chelsea, and others. Many of the old conduits, with their cisterns, were removed: as the conduit at the east end of Cheapside; the tun in Cornhill; the standard in Cheapside; the conduit in Fleet Street; the conduit in Gracechurch Street; the conduit in Stocks Market; and that at Dowgate.
The City at one time had many springs, wells, pumps, which drew an inexhaustible supply of water. At the Great Fire these wells were choked with the ashes of the pump and other things. It has been mentioned that in 1799 an old well was discovered opposite the Royal Exchange. Most of the wells appear to have been left undisturbed, especially those in the streets running north of Thames Street, where there had been running springs. But a few were repaired: among them was the Pump of St. Martin Outwich; that near St. Antholin's; that of St. Paul's Churchyard; that of Christ's Hospital, where iron ladles were hung up for people to drink out of. The last left was the Aldgate Pump, also called the Pump of St. Martin Outwich. This was believed by Londoners to afford water as wholesome as it was bright and clear, until the cholera of 1848, when it killed every one who drank of it.
By the middle of the century there was not a street in which there was not a
pipe of water, nor a house where the water was not laid on. For the smaller tenements, and for courts and alleys, the water was supplied by a pump or lock common to all the inhabitants.
If we walk down one principal street of London and examine the signs and shops in that street, we shall have an example which will serve for many streets. Now the signs of Fleet Street, down to the end of the eighteenth century, have been laboriously collected and annotated by Mr. F. G. Hilton Price (see the *Archaeological Journal* of December 1855).
He has unearthed 315 signs belonging at different times to more than 200 houses. Of these he can fix sixty-five; he can approximately fix seven others; the rest remain doubtful or unknown.
Let us, then, with the assistance of Mr. Price, walk down Fleet Street. We will take the taverns first. Of these there were a great many; most of them being approached, as the Mitre, Dick's, and the Rainbow at the present day, by a long passage or court leading from the street. There were thirty-seven taverns in this street alone between the fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries. Some of them, as the Marygold, the Horn on the Hoop, the Bolt in Tun, and the Black Lyon, were very ancient. The names were taken, of course, from the signs. The Marygold was for a time the Man in the Moon, but its sign was changed. Again, close beside the Marygold a passage led to the Devil Tavern, which was in existence certainly in 1563, and probably was much older. Here there was the large room, called the Apollo, sacred to the memory of Ben Jonson.
The Devil was pulled down in 1787, when a row of houses, called Child's Place, was erected on the site. These houses were taken down in 1879, when the new bank was built. The Hercules' Pillars was a tavern of great note in the seventeenth century. Pepys often went there. The Mitre Tavern was another famous old house of call. It was approached by an alley called Cat and Fiddle Lane: Hoare's Bank now stands upon the site. The present Mitre Tavern in Mitre Court is a much younger house. The signs offer little of interest. The Green Dragon suggests
the City Dragon: there were the Bear, the Cock, the Ram, the Swan, the White Lyon, the Red Lyon, the Falcon, the Boar's Head, the Red Bull, the White Horse, the Dolphin, and so on. There were eleven coffee-houses, the oldest being the Rainbow. Dick's (still so called), Peel's, Nando's (afterwards called Cardinal Wolsey's Palace) were the most famous of them.
From Mr. Price's list can be picked out the trades chiefly carried on in this street during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. There are forty-seven, but we must not expect the list to be complete. Of course, the same house saw many consecutive tenants following different trades. The most common trade was that of bookseller. Before the Great Fire, the booksellers were chiefly found in St. Paul's Churchyard, Paternoster Row, Little Britain, and Moorfields. After the Fire, most of them seem to have gone to Fleet Street, though some remained in Little Britain and, afterwards, some returned to Paternoster Row. There were ninety-three booksellers belonging to this street in the two centuries. Next to the booksellers came the goldsmiths, thirty-three in number; then the printers, twenty-one; the drapers, fourteen; there were seven watch- and clock-makers; nine hatters; six upholsterers; as many druggists, hosiers, and haberdashers. Then we come to two or three of each trade. Among them may be observed a "facepainter," a "child's-coat seller," a "girdler"—what did he sell in the eighteenth century? four toy-shops; three tobacconists; one picture-seller; one scrivener; and one seller of "sea-coal salt."
As regards associations and famous men connected with Fleet Street. The Society of Antiquaries, founded early in the eighteenth century, used to meet at the Young Devil Tavern, dining at the Mitre once a year from 1728 to 1765. At the Sun, next the Rainbow, was published in 1652-1675 Dugdale's *Baronage of England*. At the Cross Keys and Cushion, next to Nando's (Cardinal Wolsey's Palace), Lintot the bookseller had his shop. Here he published for Pope, Gray, and Colley Cibber. At the Crown, No. 32, John MacMurray, afterwards John Murray, began to publish in 1768. At No. 53, the Golden Buck, were issued in 1711 the well-known prints called the "Cries of London." At No. 67 the famous watchmaker, Thomas Tompion, lived and worked at his trade, being made free of the Clockmakers' Company in 1671, Warden 1700-1703, Master 1704, died 1713. The site of the house is the office of the *Daily News*. Anderton's Hotel stands on the site of the Horn in the Hoop, a tavern of the fourteenth century at least. At No. 192 was born Abraham Cowley. At the south-west corner of Chancery Lane was the house of Sir John Oldcastle. At this house was published Izaak Walton's *Compleat Angler*. Next door lived Izaak Walton himself. At the Judge's Head, near Inner Temple Gate, was the shop of Jacob Tonson, who published for Dryden and was secretary of the Kit-Kat Club. At the Bible and Dial was the shop of the infamous Edmund Curll. At the White Hart, over against St. Dunstan's, was printed in 1600 the first edition of Shakespeare's
Midsummer Night's Dream. At the Lock and Key, the site of which is lost, lived Praise God Barebone, a leather-seller. At the Rose Garland, also lost, Robert Copland, formerly assistant to Caxton, worked as a printer, 1508-1547; he was followed, 1553-1568, by William Copland, who printed Juliana Berners' Book of Hawking. At the Golden Sun, Wynkyn de Worde, successor of Caxton, was a printer, 1493-1534. At the George, near Clifford's Inn, another of Caxton's men, Richard Pynson, was a printer from 1493 to 1527. He was followed by a succession of printers and booksellers down to the end of the seventeenth century.
Other printers of the sixteenth century were John Byddell, in 1533, at the sign of Our Ladye of Pity; and the King's printer, Thomas Berthelet, in 1528, at the sign of Lucretia Romana.
Several goldsmiths towards the end of the seventeenth century began banking, or, in their own words, "kept running cashes": Blanchard's, afterwards Blanchard and Child, then Child and Co., at the Marygold; James Chambers at the sign of the Three Squirrels (No. 19), about 1680; John Mawson at the Golden Buck, 1677; Michael Scrimpshaw at the Golden Lyon, 1677; at the King's Arms, M. Kenton, in 1677.
There was a large trade done in Fleet Street in quack medicines. At the Three Bells, Richard Bristow advertised that he sold and delivered Bristol, Pancras, and Bath water to all parts of the town. At the Black Spread Eagle, Humphry Tucker sold "Alexacarius, or Spirits of Salts prepared by Constantine Rodocares"; at the Comb, Mr. Stephens sold his famous Japan plaister for curing corns; at the Golden Bull, Richard Couch sold a cure for the stone; at the Rose and Crown, Mrs. Osborn sold water for the King's-evil; at the Grocers' Company's Arms, Mr. Barnabas sold his "Anti-Pestilential Powder"; at the Feathers, Mr. Hills advertised his "Anodyne Necklaces" for various complaints; at the Seven Stars, Mrs. Markham sold her "Incomparable Drops for the Palsy"; at the Dial and Two Crowns, Mr. Cole advertised wonderful medicines; at the Fountain Tavern could be had Monsieur Angiers' famous remedies for stopping the plague; at the Talbot, Charles Adams kept the "Countess of Kent's Powder," a panacea; at the Black Boy, Mr. Seyle, a bookseller, sold lozenges for the cure of consumption; at the Rainbow, in 1663, was sold the "True Sympathetical Powder, curing all green wounds, and infallibly toothache." Most of the ladies who sold these medicines kept toy-shops; one suspects something of the wise woman.
At the coffee-houses were held auctions—as at Sheffield's, where in 1700 were the book auctions. Men met for the transaction of business in these places;—thus I have some of the accounts of the meetings of booksellers when they joined to share risks, or sold, or exchanged, or bought "copies," meaning copyrights; bankrupts met their creditors in the coffee-houses; City men still remember the Jerusalem, the Baltic, and Garraway's, where exactly the same sort of thing was carried on, save that the social side of these ancient coffee-houses had been lost, and only the business side remained.
Tea and coffee were first begun, or were very early introduced, in Fleet Street. At the Rainbow, in 1657, James Farr was prosecuted at the Wardmote for annoying his neighbours by the smell of coffee night and day. He was a barber-chirurgeon by trade, and this was the second coffee-house opened in the City. In 1719, when coffee was 7s. a lb., a cheaper kind of drink, called Saloop, was to be had at Mount Pleasant, No. 102. In 1712, at the King's Arms, the best Bohea tea was sold at 18s. the lb., an inferior kind at 14s.; the best green tea at 14s. the lb., and very good at 10s. The best coffee was then sold at 5s. 8d. the lb.
Let us leave Fleet Street, and turn to the gates of the City: they stood until the middle of the eighteenth century; there was nothing very picturesque, still less useful, in the gates, and their removal caused no regrets. Aldersgate, not one of the ancient gates, was yet one built in very early times; it was taken down and rebuilt in 1617, the architect being one Gerard Christmas. On the outer front was a figure of James I. on horseback, with the prophets Jeremiah and Samuel on either side; on the inner front the same king seated. The gate suffered by the Fire of 1666, but was
repaired. It was taken down in April 1761, the materials being sold for £91. At one time it was written "Aldrichgate." John Day, a printer in the sixteenth century, once lived over this gate. The meaning of the word was Ealdred's Gate, and it was so called after some owner of the land, just as Queen Hithe was formerly called Edric's Hythe.
Aldgate was taken down and a new one erected in 1606. On the City side stood a large figure of Fortune and two gilded figures of Peace and Charity; on the outer side a statue of James I. The gate was taken down in 1760.
Bishopsgate was built, after the Saxon occupation, by Bishop Erkenwald, in the seventh century. The maintenance and repair of this gate was the care of the Hanseatic merchants, who rebuilt it in 1471; the gate, with repairs, continued until 1731, when it was taken down and another erected in its place. It was finally removed in 1760.
Cripplegate, that is, the "covered" way—from the A.S. *crepel* or *crepele*, a passage under ground,—was opened as a postern in Saxon times; outside it there ran walls connecting the postern with the "burgkenning"—the barbican. It was many times repaired or rebuilt. Like all the gates, it served from time to time as a prison, and was let to successive tenants on the condition that it should be used as a prison if necessary. It was pulled down in 1760.
Ludgate, which means a postern, was a very old gate, but not one of the oldest. It was built in Saxon times, and was repaired or rebuilt in 1215 by the Barons in arms against King John. They used the stone houses of the Jews, or some of them, for this purpose. On the rebuilding of the gate under Queen Elizabeth, a stone with a Hebrew inscription upon it was found in it. On the City side of this new gate were statues of the legendary King Lud and his two sons; on the west side was a statue of Queen Elizabeth. This may still be seen on the south side of St. Dunstan's-in-the-West.
The gate was made into a prison for freemen of the City by Richard II. An account of the prison, three centuries later, will be found in its place. The prison was pulled down in 1760.
Moorgate, like Cripplegate and Ludgate, was a postern; it was the most modern of all the gates, having been erected in 1413, repaired in 1472, rebuilt in 1622, condemned and sold in 1760. The stones, however, were repurchased by the Corporation, and sunk against the starlings or piers of the centre arch of London Bridge, which had shown signs of giving way.
When was Newgate new? There was a Roman gate a little to the north of this site, which was probably built as a new gate when Alfred repaired the walls. It was repaired, or rebuilt, by Henry I., who turned it into a prison, and as a prison it has continued ever since. The gate itself stood about 40 feet east of the north-west corner of the present Newgate prison. Whittington left money for
the enlargement of the place; his cat, with figures of Liberty, Peace, Plenty, and Concord, was on the west side of the gate; on the City front were the images of Justice, Truth, and Mercy. The gate was pulled down in 1760. The prison was burned down in the Gordon Riots. But ten years earlier a commencement had been made with the new prison.
The City Watch, during this century, continued to be regulated in accordance with the ordinance of 1569, which provided that every ward should furnish its own watch.
On the 16th of June 1704, the Common Council again took into consideration the night-watch in the City, and it was ordered that the wards should provide strong and able-bodied men for the work in certain proportions.
It must be noted that the watch was not set until nine in the winter, or ten in the spring and summer; that there were left, therefore, four or five hours in the winter of unguarded darkness, and the same in the spring; that order in the streets by day was expected to be kept by the people themselves. No doubt, in the days when the citizens and 'prentices were able and willing to fight, order was kept, after a fashion. It is also to be observed that the Act specially recognised the duty of every citizen to do his share of the watching and patrolling of the streets by night.
The oath taken by the constable clearly contemplates some kind of daily patrol, or watch, of the streets; but it is evident from the complaints of street robberies that this patrol, if it existed at all, was wholly insufficient and ineffective.
By the Act of 1569, sixteen beadles belonging to Christ's Hospital, Bartholomew's, St. Thomas's, and Bridewell were appointed to patrol the streets for the arrest of vagabonds and beggars; but it is not at all certain how long this order was continued. Probably it became, like so many other well-meant statutes, a dead letter long before the eighteenth century.
I desire to call attention to the generally received opinion that the night-watch of the last century was composed entirely of old and incompetent persons. This was by no means the case. There were scandalous instances, it is true, in which an old man, utterly unable to cope with the violence of the time, was put into the watch in order to keep him off the parish; but it is not true that this was either the rule or the custom. The watchmen, as delineated, are stout and sturdy fellows enough; their fault was not their age but their readiness—their eagerness—to take bribes. The poor street-walker had to bribe the watch first; the constable next; and the magistrate, if she ever appeared before him, last. The footpad bribed the watchman to keep out of his way; the drunken man bribed the watchman to take him home; what bribes the watchmen took from housebreakers and thieves is not known. The point to remark in this place is that the safety of London was not, as is often stated, entrusted only to worn-out and infirm old men.
Scavengers were appointed for every ward. Their duties, defined in their oath of office, were to see that the paving was regularly and soundly laid; to remove all refuse and matter in the wrong place; and to see that chimneys and furnaces were built, according to law, of stone.
There were laystalls where ordure and filth of all kinds were discharged, especially the contents of the night-carts. One was placed at the south-east corner of Gray’s Inn Lane, another in Clerkenwell, and another beside Dowgate Dock. These places were large depressions as big as an ordinary garden; the carts shot their rubbish and left it there. Thus Place writes:
“Mr. Corbyn Morris in 1751, speaking of the unhealthiness of London, says: That ‘the filth gathered up in London should be put under one uniform public management, and carried away in lighters on the Thames to proper distances in the country, instead of being lodged as at present on the outsides of the City—a nauseous noxious spectacle.’
I myself can remember a place by the side of Gray’s Inn Lane, now covered with houses, on which many hundreds of loads of night-soil were shot; it accumulated for many years, was a sad nuisance, but was at length sold, as I heard, for a large sum of money. I remember its being taken away—it had become consolidated by time and was cut like clay with a spade. There were several other such places within less than a mile, or half a mile, from the town.”
Three or four hundred years ago foreigners were struck with the number of kites in the streets of London. It has been remarked of the modern Londoners that few “who see the paper toys hovering over the parks in fine days of summer have any idea that the bird from which they derive their name used to float all day in hot weather high over the heads of their ancestors.” Even at the beginning of the nineteenth century the
“Kites that swim sublime
In still repeated circles, screaming loud,”
formed a feature of many a rural landscape in England, as they had done in the days of Cowper.
I have already, on one or two occasions, spoken of the street trades and the many kinds of wares hawked about the streets of London. They are mentioned as a feature of the City life in every description of the City, and reference is made to them in the essays and verses of the seventeenth, as well as the eighteenth century. Several collections of street-cries have been made from time to time.
The list of cries for the eighteenth century probably represents the cries at their best or noisiest. The small shop, the greengrocer, the fruiterer, the “oilman” who sells everything, have destroyed a great part of the street trade. When the draper and the mercer condescended to sell the small things, another part of the trade decayed: a remnant alone remained and still remains.
We have, in 1804, the apple-woman, with her barrow in the summer, and in the winter her stall, pan of live charcoal, and plate of tin on which she roasts her
apples. The bandbox-man carried a pole over his shoulder loaded with bandboxes neatly covered with coloured papers, and sold at prices varying from sixpence to three shillings. Baskets were carried about in the same manner on the shoulder. The bellows-mender carried his bag of tools over his shoulder, and did his mending on the kerb or on the doorstep. Brick-dust was carried about in small sacks on the back of a donkey. Brick-dust was only used for cleaning knives; there were few vendors of it, and brick-dustmen, along with lamplighters, were noted for their breeding of bulldogs. The bill of the play was sold with oranges and nuts outside Drury Lane Theatre. Cats'-meat was vended by women. Chairs were mended by a family, of whom one carried the cane or the rushes, another collected the chairs, and a third sat down on a doorstep and mended them. Things to eat, such as cherries, green hasteds (early peas), hot loaves, hot spiced gingerbread, mackerel, milk, new potatoes, rabbits, strawberries, water-cresses, muffins, were hawked in the street. Such things as door-mats, brooms, lavender, matches, were also sold in the streets; while the echoes repeated the voices and the bells of the dustman, the sweep, the knife-grinder, the O'Clo'man, the lusty Turk, in turban and red breeches, who offered rhubarb, the carter with the sand, the showman—an old soldier with a wooden leg—and other Orientals, especially a Moor, perhaps a remorseful Corsair, who sold slippers. All these you will find in the pictures of 1804.
When you remember the everlasting din of these wanderers, their cry now distant, then growing louder, then becoming lost again in the distance, but succeeded by another, and yet another, and half a dozen together, you will understand the "Enraged Musician." If you add to these noises, supposing that you lived in a street open to wheels, the fact that the roadway was paved with round pebbles over which the wheels rolled with deafening stridency, you will understand that the noise of London in the eighteenth century was quite equal to that of the fifteenth, though many of the industries which then made day horrible had been carried out of the town, and though most of the bells which made London an *Ile Sonnante* had been taken down.
As regards the streets of London in 1750, we who now object to the noise of a barrel-organ in the street, or the cry of milk, or a distant German band, would be driven mad by a single day of George the Second's London streets. Hogarth touched the subject, but only touched it. No one could do more in a picture than indicate the mere fringe of this vast subject. Even on the printed page we can do little more than the painter. For instance, in addition to the more common and everyday and all-day-long noises, many of the shopkeepers still kept up the custom of having a 'prentice outside bawling an invitation to buy! buy! buy! To this day, butchers at Clare Market cry out at the stalls, all day long, "Rally up, ladies! rally up—buy! buy! buy!" Along the streets of private houses there passed a
never-ending procession of those who bawled things for sale. Here is a longer list of the things they bawled—I am conscious that it is still very imperfect. There were those who offered to do things,—mend chairs, grind knives, solder pots and pans, buy rags or kitchen-stuff, rabbit-skins, hair, or rusty swords, exchange old clothes or wigs, mend old china, cut wires—this excruciating, rasping operation was apparently done in the open,—or cooper casks. There were next the multitude of those who carried wares to sell—as things to eat and drink,—saloop, barley-broth, rice, milk, furmety, Shrewsbury cakes, eggs, lily-white vinegar, hot pea-cods, rabbits, birds, pullets, gingerbread, oysters, honey, cherry-ripe, Chaney oranges, hot codlins, pippins,
"FINE DUKE CHERRIES"
"QUITE RIPE, SIR"
Engraved from contemporary prints.
fruit of all kinds, fish, taffety tarts, fresh water, tripe, tansy, greens, mustard, salt, grey pease, water-cresses, shrimps, rosemary, lavender, milk, elder-buds; or things of domestic use,—lace, ribbons, almanacks, ink, small coal, sealing-wax, wood to cleave, earthenware, spigots, combs, buckles, leghorns, pewter-pots, brooms in exchange for old shoes, things of horn, holland socks, woollen socks and wrappers, brimstone matches, flint and steel, shoe-laces, scissors and tools, straps, and the thousand and one things which are now sold in shops. The bear-ward came along with his animal and his dogs and his drum, the sweep shouted from the house-top, the ballad-singer bawled in the road, the tumbler and the dancing-girl set up their pitch with pipe and drum. Nobody minded how much noise was made. In the smaller streets the goodwives sat with open doors, running in and out, gossiping over their work; they liked the noise; they liked this perambulating market; it made the street lively; it brought the neighbours out to look; and it pleased the baby. Then the waggons went ponderously grinding over the round stones of the road, the carts rumbled, the brewers’ sledges growled, the chariot rattled, the drivers quarrelled, cursed, and fought. A great American, now, alas! gone from us, spoke of the continual murmur of London as of Niagara afar off. A hundred years ago he would have spoken of the continual roar.
The “evening market,” which still exists in Whitecross Street, the Hampstead Road, the New Cut, and many other places, was in the eighteenth century a hawking from door to door, in the poorer parts of London, of fish and food of all kinds that had not been sold in Billingsgate, Covent Garden, and other markets during the day. In a long-forgotten collection of verse called Town Eclogues, the custom is referred to:
“Time was when evening markets fed the poor,
And good, cheap things were hawked from door to door:
But now the bakers get each week a rise,
And all provisions double in their price.”
I now take some of the older cries: the following should belong to the Tudor time:
“Thus go the cries in Rome’s faire towne;
First they go up street and then they go downe.
Round and sound, all of a collour;
Buy a very fine marking stone, marking stone,
Round and sound, all of a collour;
Buy a very fine marking stone, very very fine—
Thus go the cries, etc.
Bread and meat—bread—and meat
For the—ten—der—mercy of God to the poore
Poore prisoners—of Newgate, foure
Score and ten—poore—prisoners.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Salt—salt—white Wor—ster—shire salt.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Buy a very fine mouse-trap, or a tormentor for your fleas.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Kitchin-stuffe, maides.
Thus go the cries, etc.
I ha’ white radish, white,
Hard lettuce, white young onyons.
Thus go the cries, etc.
I ha’ rocke sampier, rocke sampier.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Buy a mat, a mil mat,
Mat or a hassocke for your pew:
A stopple for your stoole,
Or a pesocke to thrust your feet in.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Whiting, maids, whiting.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Hot fine oatcakes, hot.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Small coales here.
Thus go the cries, etc.
Will you buy any milke to-day?
Thus go the cries, etc.
Lanthorne and candle-light here,
Maid ho, light here.
Thus go the cries, etc."
CHAPTER IV
INLAND COMMUNICATION AND POSTAL ARRANGEMENTS
The badness of the roads even round London, during the earlier part of the century, is observed by every traveller. The lumbering coaches stick in the mire; they are upset; the gear gives way and the passengers must wait until things are mended; the low parts of the road are flooded in winter, while the high parts are as hard as iron, with frost. Turnpikes were put up and tolls levied for the repair of the roads; riots followed because the roads became no better, and the people refused to pay toll and pulled down the bars and gates; the authorities, however, persevered in the turnpikes, and a gradual improvement followed.
As for the coaches, the following is an account of an early stage-coach:
"Stage-coaches were constructed principally of a dull black leather, thickly studded by way of ornament with black, broad-headed nails, tracing out the panels, in the upper tier of which were four oval windows, with heavy, red wooden frames, or leathern curtains. Upon the doors also were displayed, in large characters, the names of the places whence the coach started, and whither it went, stated in quaint and antique language. The vehicles themselves varied in shape. Sometimes they were like a distiller's vat, somewhat flattened, and hung equally balanced between the immense front and back springs. In other instances they resembled a violoncello case, which was past all comparison the most fashionable form; and then they hung in a more genteel posture, namely, inclining on to the back springs, and giving to one who sat within the appearance of a stiff Guy Fawkes uneasily seated. The roofs of the coaches in most cases rose into a swelling curve, which was sometimes surrounded by a high iron guard. The coachman and the guard, who always held his carbine ready cocked upon his knee, then sat together—not as at present, upon a close, compact, varnished seat, but over a very long and narrow boot, which passed under a large spreading hammercloth, hanging down on all sides, and finished with a glowing and most luxuriant fringe. Behind the coach was the immense basket, stretching far and wide beyond the body, to which it was attached by long iron bars or supports passing beneath it, though even these seemed scarcely equal to the enormous weight with which they were frequently loaded. These baskets were,
however, never great favourites, although their difference of price caused them to be frequently well filled. The wheels of these old carriages were large, massive, ill-formed, and usually of a red colour, and the three horses that were affixed to the whole machine—the foremost of which was helped onward by carrying a huge, long-legged elf of a postillion, dressed in a cocked hat, with a large green and gold riding-coat—were all so far parted from it by the great length of their traces, that it was with no little difficulty that the poor animals dragged their unwieldy burden along the road. It groaned and creaked at every fresh tug which they gave it, as a ship rocking and beating up through a heavy sea strains all her timbers, with a low moaning sound, as she drives over the contending waves.” (Thomson, in Tales of an Antiquary.)
The communications between London and the country were kept up by riding-horses, stage-coaches, and waggons; there was also water communication wherever that was possible. At the beginning of the eighteenth century waggons and carriers were despatched by private enterprise on stated days. Thus, to and from Bristol one carrier went out on Wednesday and Saturday, another on Friday; they arrived on Tuesday, Friday, and Thursday, respectively; while the stage-coaches left London on Monday and Tuesday, and arrived on Saturday and Wednesday.
For the service of Cambridge there were stage-coaches leaving London on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, two each day, and waggons going out every day in the week.
For Oxford there were coaches on Monday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, and carriers going out on Monday, Thursday, and Friday. Most men rode. Thus we find that those tradesmen of Lancaster who had to visit London for business purposes once a year, were accustomed to join and to ride up together for safety and company. Merchants’ travellers rode; they were called riders for this reason; afterwards, because they carried their samples in bags lying over the horse’s neck before them, they were called bagmen. Pack-horses were still used in place of carts.
In the year 1765 the Bath coach was advertised as “hung on steel springs,” so as to be much more comfortable and luxurious than the old kind of coach; it started from London in the morning, stayed for the night at Andover, and reached Bath the next day, taking twenty-nine hours to do the journey, which is under a hundred miles.
The roads, however, were rapidly improved, and with these improvements the speed of the coaches increased. Thus in 1720 the stage-coach accomplished 23 miles a day. The Flying Coach for Exeter did 60 miles a day. People on the journey could sleep at “hedge” inns for a penny a night.
In 1795 a traveller to Bath, starting from the Angel, at the back of St. Clement’s Danes, at 4 A.M., actually arrived at eleven o’clock in the evening; and in 1798 Mr. Richard Twining congratulates himself on travelling 90 miles in seventeen hours, with breakfast, dinner, and tea, for the small sum of £4:9:6.
Towards the end of the century we observe a great advance in facilities of communication. Nineteen mail-coaches left London every night at seven or half-past, each under charge of a guard, armed with a blunderbuss; they carried the mails, and a certain number of passengers at the rate of 4d. a mile. Thus the journey to York, which can now be done for 16s., then cost £3:6:3. The coach accomplished seven miles an hour, and the journey, which now takes four hours, was then performed in thirty.
Besides the mail-coaches there were also the stage-coaches, the posting-chaise, the waggon, the cart, the barge for the river and the canal, the hoy for the places down the river, the coaster for the towns and places on the coast. We who walk along the deserted highroads, where, until the bicycle made its appearance, one might walk for miles without meeting a person or a vehicle, where the decayed inn has been abandoned or converted into other purposes, find it hard to realise the thronged and animated condition of every approach to London as one drew near to the great city. In the City and the Borough there were 104 inns which sent out their stage-coaches, their waggons, and their carrier carts, every day to all parts of the country. The service was as good as our own, but not so expeditious. Thus it took about sixty hours for a letter to reach Edinburgh from London, and a parcel, which went in the waggon, took three weeks to get through the journey. Out of the
104 places of starting and arriving, some had but few vehicles; a few, however, owned, or ran, or sheltered an incredible number. For instance, from the George and Blue Boar, Holborn, which conducted a great part of the communications with the North, started every day (except for a few cases, in which the coach went off every other day) 84 coaches. From the Old White Horse Cellar, Piccadilly, 53 coaches went out every day, chiefly to the West of England. Ten of them went out and came in daily to and from Bath and Bristol; to and from Richmond and Putney there were 4 daily; to and from Windsor and Eton there were 10 daily. From the same house 41 waggons were despatched, but some of these only three times a week. One of them was humorously called the "Flyer"; another acknowledged itself to be the "slow waggon."
How was a coach started on the road and managed? The following is an account by a contemporary (Place MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 27,828):
"It may not be uninteresting to the uninitiated to learn how a coach is worked. We will then assume that A, B, C, and D enter into a contract to horse a coach 80 miles, each proprietor having 20 miles, in which case he is said to cover both sides of the ground, or to and fro. At the expiration of twenty-eight days, a settlement takes place, and if the gross earnings of the coach should be £10 per mile, there will be £800 to divide between the four proprietors after the following charges have been deducted:—viz. tolls, duty to Government, mileage (or hire of the coach to the coach-makers), two coachmen's wages, porters' wages, rent, or charge of booking-office at each end, and washing the coaches. These charges may amount to £150, which leaves £650 to keep eighty horses, and to pay the horse-keepers for a period of twenty-eight days, or nearly £160 to each proprietor for the expenses of his twenty horses, being £2 per week per horse. Thus it appears that a fast coach properly appointed cannot pay, unless its gross receipts amount to £10 per double mile, and that even then the proprietor's profits depend on the luck he has with his stock."
Travelling by coach was slow, but it was not necessarily tedious. It was customary for the passengers to introduce themselves by name and to say something of their calling, and their reasons for travelling. This was, perhaps, by way of precaution; otherwise one might be taken for a highwayman.
I have found the following account of the coaching which ran from Charing Cross. The year is early in the nineteenth century, but the description may stand for the latter years of the eighteenth century:
"Thurs. 25th July 1827.
Half-past 7 A.M. Much pleased, not to say delighted just now. A most beautiful—a gloriously fine morning. My bedroom window projects into the street, and the end sashes open on hinges as doors; both are open. At seven came a coach from the Strand—"Matthew Mitton, Windsor," on the sides. A good-looking tall man in a scarlet frock coat, a drab hat, and white trousers as coachman; four as fine horses as ever I saw. The guard, a well-dressed man in an olive frock, was playing an air on a keyed bugle horn. The coach drew up at the Ship, nearly opposite to my window, and the guard played, in excellent tone and time, the 'Death of the Stag,' and then one of our fashionable airs. Just as he finished, a coach drew up near the Statue, and the guard, a tall man in a scarlet coat, played on his bugle, in excellent stile, 'The Lass of Richmond Hill.' The guard of the Windsor coach, as soon as the other commenced playing, caught up his bugle and played the same tune in the same time and tone and manner; both then played a waltz, and away galloped the horses with the coach from the Statue. They were hardly off before another coach drew up, and the guard, a short man in a drab coat,
There were in the whole list over a hundred coaches, but a great many of these belonged to what were afterwards called the "Short Stages,"—such, for instance, as St. Albans, Hampstead, Windsor, Ware, and Enfield. Between Bristol and London the traffic was not greater than could be carried on by carriers who left the Three Cups in Broad Street every Wednesday and Saturday; by waggoners who left the White Swan, Holborn Bridge, on a Friday; by two coaches which left the Saracen's Head on Monday and Thursday—the coach carrying also passengers for Bath; by one leaving the Chequer, Charing Cross, on Tuesday; by two leaving the Swan, near Somerset House, on Monday and Thursday; by three leaving the Strand, at the Bell, on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday; by two leaving the Talbot, in the Strand, on Monday and Thursday; and by two leaving the Angel, at St. Clement's, on Monday and Thursday. If every coach carried ten passengers, we find that the communication between the two principal ports in the kingdom required the journey from one to the other of 120 people a week. Cambridge had a double or rival coach service running from the Bull in Bishopsgate and the Green Dragon in Bishopsgate Street, three times a week. It had also four carriers and four waggoners. Dover appears not to have had a coach at all; Exeter had one coach service leaving the Saracen's Head three times a week, two waggons, and one carrier. Manchester had carriers and waggoners. There were a double coach service and five rival waggons for Norwich. Portsmouth had two coaches, two waggons, and a carrier. A coach left the White Swan, Holborn Bridge, three times a week for Southampton, and a waggon three times a week. Winchester had to be content with a waggon: for York there was a coach which left the Black Swan in Holborn on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Saturday. It is unfortunately not stated how long the coaches or how long the waggoners and carriers took to perform the journey. We may make some kind of estimate. Thus: the York coach arrived on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, and went out on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Saturday, after one night's rest for coachman and guard. There were, I make out, four coaches running. On Tuesday morning the first went out. From London to York and back is 400 miles. Of all the English roads this, the highroad to the north, appeared to have been the best. We may perhaps allow five miles an hour for the vehicle. From nine in the morning till seven at night—say ten hours, allowing for stoppages—we get through fifty miles. Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday bring us to York. After a day's rest, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday bring us back again to London. I have applied these figures to the table of arrivals and departures. I find that they work out very well with four coaches. When we consider the relays of horses necessary along the road, and the service of coachmen, guards, postboys, grooms, etc., it is obvious that a very considerable amount of capital must have been embarked in the York Road alone.
As for the sailing-vessels, packets, hoyes, and barges which every day put out
INN YARD OF "THE SWAN WITH TWO NECKS"
As it appeared in 1830.
from the Port of London to the various ports of the country, it is impossible to procure any details as to their numbers.
I have elsewhere mentioned the animation of the roads during the centuries called Mediæval. Then they were crowded with horses carrying packs; the travellers formed large companies before they trusted themselves to the journey; they placed themselves under the protection of St. Botolph and their favourite patron-saints; they had to go along a track between lines of trees; the inns were rough and few; there were not many bridges, and the ford was a common incident in the day's march. The improvement in the road itself, which took place in the eighteenth century, when it became a hard, level, well-metalled road along which, as Dr. Johnson loved to think, one could bowl smoothly and swiftly, was almost as great a change for the better as that effected in the second quarter of last century, when the railway began to stretch out its iron arms, when the stages and the waggons disappeared, the inns were closed, and the roads were deserted.
In this view of inland communication we must not forget the post-chaise. People of distinction and wealth would not condescend to use the common vehicle. They either drove up to town in their own carriage or in a post-chaise. A noble lord drove in his carriage with four or six horses, a post-boy for every two, his footmen behind, his two runners in white, each carrying a stick with an orange or lemon to suck, running before. He was received with the utmost respect by the landlord of the inn at which he stayed, was escorted to a private room, and would no more sit down in the same room with the ordinary guest than he would travel in the same carriage. Other travellers there were, not noble lords, who, for some reason or other, stood upon their dignity and scorned the common stage. They engaged a chaise-and-pair with post-boys; the servant sat in the dickey, and the luggage was strapped on the roof. The journey was accomplished at the rate of about nine miles an hour; the horses were changed at every stage of nine miles or so; and the traveller who posted from London to Bristol could manage to get there in a single day of twelve or thirteen hours. Smollett and Dickens afford plenty of insight into the post-chaise.
In the stage-coach there were sometimes four insides and sometimes six. The insides were provided with cushions, and if they were not too crowded might find the journey enjoyable. The letters and novels of the time are full of the adventures and experiences of the inside passenger. Those who sat outside had to brave the weather, whatever it was; the company was rough; many of the outsiders had no greatcoat. One remembers that when Nicholas Nickleby, with Mr. Squeers and the new boys, went up to Yorkshire, neither Nicholas nor any of the boys had a greatcoat, yet the weather was cold and the snow falling. One who is now (1900) well stricken in years, has told me how he came to London from Liverpool about the year 1830, being then a young man of twenty-one. It was winter; there was a cold wind and a penetrating drizzle; he had a warm coat, but there was nothing to
protect his legs or feet; there were no cushions to sit upon; the seat was wet; at every stage he was fain to get down and jump about in order to warm himself, and to look for a fresh armful of clean dry straw to sit upon, which got wet through before the coach arrived at the next stage. The journey, I believe, took about thirty-six hours. It is now done in four. The stage-coach was thus essentially a conveyance for the middle, professional, and commercial class, nor was it until last century that travellers of position condescended to make use of it. For the poorer sort, among whom were girls going out to service, young men in search of work, strolling-players, and so forth, the waggon continued to be the cheap and popular mode of conveyance. Besides the increased facilities of communication, the improved roads converted driving into an accomplishment studied and practised by all classes, especially the highest. There was never any time before the end of the eighteenth century when the art of driving had arrived at such excellence. Those who understood and professed this art drove their four-in-hand, their tandem, their curricule, their high chariot, their simple gig, with a dexterity and skill which we only find now among the London omnibus-drivers. They delighted in taking the reins from the coachman and in "tooling" the stage as long as he would allow. No one would confess ignorance of driving any more than ignorance of riding, and both of these arts were supposed to belong to the gentleman by birth. The first step which the parvenu attempted, in order to show his breeding and birth, was to ride in the Park; the next was to drive in the Park. It was common for young men, anxious to show off, to bribe some servant, exercising his master's horses, to let them drive them round the Park.
Another change in minor manners and customs was noted in the change that came over the merchant's "rider," familiarly known as the bagman. He ceased to be a bagman. He became, though still familiarly a bagman, a commercial traveller. He carried his samples in a small box with a handle in the lid, and the box he placed under the seat of the gig in which he drove from town to town. Some merchants did their own travelling, and posted about the country in their own carriage. In this way Ruskin, as a child, was taken through England by his father, travelling for himself. Presently it was understood that it was cheaper and more convenient to use the stage-coach than to keep a horse and a gig; the commercial traveller then became of less importance to the inn, where he paid for himself alone and not for his horse as well. He descended, therefore, to the cheaper inn, or to a cheaper part of the house.
The introduction of the hackney-coach, and the success of the innovation, indicates a certain improvement in the roadway, and the growing custom of the people to go about in the streets instead of taking a boat or riding. They were abused by the tradesmen on the ground that people in a coach could not stop at the shops,
and also that the noise they made in the streets prevented the letting of the upper rooms to members of Parliament and visitors.
The number of hackney-coaches allowed to ply was limited by law. There were 50 in 1637; 300 in 1639; 1000 in 1771. The hackney-coach had at first three iron shutters on each side, perforated so that the passenger could see without being seen. These rattling noisy things were replaced by glass shutters, when the coach was called a glass coach.
The sedan-chair, which plays so large a part in the London of this century, began to decline as the streets became paved and better lighted. The hackney-
PIAZZA IN COVENT GARDEN
From a contemporary print.
coaches increased in number; people went out in the evening in their own carriages, which were very different from the great coaches in which they came up from the country. There were no longer the long lines of chairs running all round the Piazza of Covent Garden. They vanished; stands of hackney-coaches took their place. The last stand of the sedan-chair was in St. James's Street, where, until the year 1821, six or seven could still be found. Great ladies still attended Court in sedan-chairs. And the last owner of the chair was very properly the parish workhouse, where, until twenty or thirty years ago, one was kept for the conveyance of old and decrepit paupers.
A map of London and its environs published in the year 1835 shows that it was impossible to get away from the town without passing through a turnpike. On
every side the turnpike barred the way. Of all taxes this of the pike was perhaps the most irritating.
The man who rode or led a horse had to pay $1\frac{1}{2}$d. at every bar; the cart or carriage which had one horse paid $4\frac{1}{2}$d., with two horses 9d., and so on; a waggon loaded with farm produce and drawn by four horses paid 1s. 6d. If the journey was of eight or ten miles, there would certainly be two turnpikes to pass; it is easy to understand that this was a heavy tax on the farmer. Again, if his waggon returned loaded he had to pay over again. Cattle, pigs, and sheep paid by the score. If the wheels of the waggon were under a specified width, more had to be paid; this was the cause of the broad-wheeled waggon, now almost vanished.
In general the turnpikes were farmed out to the highest bidders. A recent writer (J. K. Fowler, *Records of Old Times*) has drawn a picture of the farming of the turnpikes. It was done by public bidding. The lessees would meet before the auction and endeavour to agree among themselves not to bid above a certain sum. When the proceedings were opened and the conditions were read there would be, for a time, no bidding at all. Thereupon the auctioneer announced that the lowest price was so much per gate. This announcement was received with derision. Again there was no bidding. Then a stranger arose and offered the first bid for the lowest price; he was the decoy duck put up by the auctioneer. After a storm of pretended derision, the real business of the day began; the gate was knocked down to the highest bidder, and the company adjourned to dinner and port wine.
The contractor or farmer of the turnpike was often a capitalist who earned a very fair return for his money; the contractor for a large number of the gates, for instance, lived in Manchester, and employed every year £50,000 in gate-holding. He had a regular staff of collectors whom he sent about to different parts of the country. One duty of the turnpike-man was the collection of the tax on post-horses.
The posting-house was necessarily an inn of good standing, since it had to keep horses always ready for travellers and to accommodate travellers for the night. The charge for posting was 1s. 6d. a mile for a pair of horses; at every stage the horses were changed; the ostler’s fee at each stage was 6d.; the post-boy received 3d. a mile; at each turnpike-gate the travellers had to pay 9d. In all, the cost of posting was reckoned at 2s. a mile. As a rule, a traveller seldom started before ten in the morning, and seldom continued his journey after six in the evening, when he put up for the night. In every important town there were rival posting-houses, the post-boys of which wore uniforms, those of one house riding in blue jackets, those of the other in yellow, with black or white top-hats, drab cloth or leathern breeches, and top-boots.
The post-horse duty was $1\frac{1}{2}$d. a mile per horse, so that for a pair of horses and a day’s journey of sixty miles one actually had to pay 15s. The collection of the
duty was ingenious. First, the proprietor of the inn filled up a card—a number of which hung up in the bar—with the date, the place of starting, the destination, the number of miles, and the name of the driver. At the same time he filled up a duplicate form on the official sheet. The traveller paid in advance; the post-boy gave in the card at the first turnpike, and the landlord had to pay the money to the collector. This functionary was paid by contractors who farmed the tax. It brought in about half a million sterling, but the public paid a great deal more, the surplus being absorbed by the contractors.
The ancient pleasures of going anywhere by ship are depicted in the liveliest manner by the following case:
In December 1795 the Somerset Fencibles, then at Jersey, were discharged. The quartermaster made arrangements for 120 of the men to be conveyed across the Channel by a vessel of 36 tons called the John and Elizabeth, then lying in port. At the outset, it would appear impossible to get so many men on board the little vessel at all. Part of the agreement was that the men were to be supplied with water. The captain put to sea with no more than two hogsheads, which were consumed before they reached Guernsey. When they left Guernsey it was with a very inadequate supply. Unfortunately, a gale sprang up, and the whole of the passengers—the whole of the 120—were driven below into the tiny hold, and the hatchway was nailed down. During the whole night they were kept below without air or water. Three of them became delirious, and beat, bruised, and stabbed each other. When the storm abated the hatchway was opened. It was then found that 57 of these poor soldiers had perished in the night. There seems to have been nothing done or said in consequence. A futile attempt was made to charge the death of the men on the skipper of the ship. The really guilty person, of course, was the quartermaster, whose excuse would have been that he did not know how small the ship really was.
In the year 1681 Delaune's Present State of London briefly describes the postal arrangements:
"This Office is now kept in Lombard Street, formerly in Bishopsgate Street; the profits of it are by Act of Parliament settled on his Royal Highness the Duke of York. But the King, by Letters Patents, under the Great Seal of England, constitutes the Postmaster-General.
From this General Office, letters and packets are despatched—
On Mondays
To France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Sweedland, Denmark, Kent, and the Downs.
On Tuesdays
To Holland, Germany, Sweedland, Denmark, Ireland, Scotland, and all parts of England and Wales.
On Wednesdays
To all parts of Kent and the Downs.
On Thursdays
To France, Spain, Italy, and all parts of England and Scotland."
On Fridays
To Flanders, Germany, Italy, Sweedland, Denmark, Holland, Kent, and the Downs.
On Saturdays
All parts of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland.
Letters are returned from all parts of England and Scotland, certainly every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday; from Wales every Monday and Friday; and from Kent and the Downs every day; but from other parts more uncertainly, in regard of the sea.
A letter containing a whole sheet of paper is convey'd 80 miles for 2d., two sheets for 4d., and an ounce of letters for 8d., and so proportionably; a letter containing a sheet is conveyed above 80 miles for 3d., two sheets for 6d., and every ounce of letters for 12d. A sheet is conveyed to Dublin for 6d., two for 1s., and an ounce of letters for 12d.
This conveyance by post is done in so short a time, by night as well as by day, that every twenty-four hours the post goes 120 miles, and in five days an answer of a letter may be had from a place 300 miles distant from the writer.
Moreover, if any gentlemen desire to ride post, to any principal town of England, post-horses are always in readiness (taking no horse without the consent of his owner), which in other kings' reigns was not duly observed; and only 3d. is demanded for every English mile, and for every stage to the post-boy, 4d. for conducting.
Besides this excellent convenience of conveying letters, and men on horseback, there is of late such an admirable commodiousness both for men and women of better rank, to travel from London, and to almost all the villages near this great City, that the like hath not been known in the world, and that is by stage-coaches, wherein one may be transported to any place, sheltered from foul weather, and foul ways, free from endamaging one's health or body by hard jogging, or over-violent motion; and this not only at a low price, as about a 1s. for every 5 miles, but with such velocity and speed as that the posts in some foreign countries make not more miles in a day; for the stage-coaches, called the flying-coaches, make 40 or 50 miles in a day, as from London to Oxford or Cambridge, and that in the space of twelve hours, not counting the time for dining, setting forth not too early, nor coming in too late."
The cost of posting a letter abroad varied, i.e. a letter of a single sheet, for instance, could go to Italy for 9d., and a letter weighing an ounce for 2s. 8d. There were two packet-boats for the service between England and France, two for that between England and Flanders, two for Holland, three for Ireland, and two for the Downs.
In the year 1680 was invented, by one William Dockwra, the penny post, which carried all letters about London at the rate of one penny each. The account given of the invention, a year afterwards, by Delaune, is most interesting:
"This useful invention is little more than a year old, being begun in April 1680. The chief undertaker that introduc'd it into practice, is one Mr. William Dockwra, a merchant, a native and citizen of London, formerly one of His Majesty's sub-searchers in the Custom-House of London, as in the list of those officers appears; a person, whose approved reputation for industry and fidelity was well known to all for above ten years in that office; and to whom the publick is obliged, he having, with his partners, spent much time, and a great sum of money, to bring this undertaking on foot, wherein they encounter'd with no small difficulties, not only by affronts and indignities from the vulgar sort, who seldom weigh any publick or generous designs, but at the beam of little, selfish, by-ends, but also by more dangerous attaques; for there have been attempts made, by some persons, to persuade His Royal Highness the Duke of York, that it intrench'd upon the General Post Office, and damnifi'd it; whereupon many actions were brought, and a chargeable suit of law follow'd; but, questionless, the Duke is better inform'd now, for it
is most certain that this does much further the revenue of the General Post Office, and is an universal benefit to all the inhabitants of these parts; so that whoever goes about to deprive the City of so useful a thing, deserves no thanks from the Duke, nor anybody else, but to be noted as an enemy to publick and ingenious inventions.
This penny-post is thus managed:
The principal office to which all accounts, etc., are daily transmitted, is in Lyme Street, at the dwelling-house of the said Mr. Dockwra, formerly the mansion-house of Sir Robert Abdy, Knt.
There are seven sorting-houses, proper to the seven precincts, into which the undertakers have divided London, Westminister, and the suburbs, situated at equal distances, for the better maintenance of mutual correspondence.
There are about 400 or 500 receiving-houses to take in letters, where the messengers call every hour, and convey them as directed; as also post-letters, the writing of which are much increased by this accommodation, being carefully convey'd by them to the General Post Office, in Lombard Street.
There are a great number of clerks and poor citizens daily employed, as messengers, to collect, sort, enter, stamp and deliver all letters, every person entertained giving £50 security by bond for his fidelity, and is to be subject to the rules and orders, from time to time, given by the undertakers, who oblige themselves to make good anything deliver'd to their messengers under the value of £10, if sealed up, and the contents endorsed; and these messengers have their wages duly paid them every Saturday night.
By these are convey'd letters and parcels, not exceeding one pound weight, nor £10 in value, to and from all parts, at seasonable times, viz. of the Cities of London and Westminster, Southwark, Redriff, Wapping, Ratcliff, Lyme-house, Stepney, Poplar, and Blackwall, and all other places within the weekly Bills of Mortality, as also to the four towns of Hackney, Islington, South-Newington-Butts, and Lambeth, but to no other towns, and the letters to be left only at the receiving-houses of those four towns, for the said four towns; but if brought home to their houses, a penny more in those towns; nor any letter to be delivered to them in the street, but at the receiving-houses.
They now do use stamps to mark the hour of the day on all letters when sent out from their office to be deliver'd, by which all persons are to expect their letters within one hour (little more or less, from the time marked thereon, excepting such letters as are to be convey'd to the out-towns, and remotest parts, which will be longer), by which the cause of delay of letters may be easily discerned, viz. whether it be really in the office, or their own servants (or others), with whom the letters are left.
Upon three days at Christmas, two days in Easter and Whitsuntide, and upon the 30th of January, the penny-post does not go.
To the most remote places letters go four or five times of the day, to other places six or eight times of the day. To Inns of Court, and places of business in town, especially in term or Parliament-time, ten or twelve times of the day. For better information of people where the receiving-houses are, there are great numbers of printed tickets, dispersed from time to time amongst the neighbourhood, and advertisements in the publick intelligences, which all concern'd may take notice of, so that anybody may be by the neighbourhood immediately inform'd where a receiving-house is. Carriers and stage-coach letters are to have twopence inclosed to each carrier or coachman, because they often reject them for want of money; hundreds of such being return'd, which any inquirer may have again upon notice, for they lie alphabetically disposed of in the chief office for that end.
On all post-nights due care is taken to call for, and convey to the General Post-house in Lombard Street all post-letters, whether foreign or inland, left before nine of the clock at night. And I could wish, for encouragement of the undertakers, that all persons would so far contribute to the continuance of this useful design, as to send their post-letters by this conveyance to the Post Office in Lombard Street, which they do not convey by themselves, or servants.
If any post-letters be left without money that should pay before-hand, they will be returned to the office, therefore such as send money, are to indorse the postage-money upon their letters.
Such as inclose money in town-letters, are to indorse the true sum on the outside, and to tye fast and seal up, under a plain impression, all parcels, which may be one way to prevent disputes, in case
anything be lost. The undertakers will not answer for any contents, unseen, unless sealed fast, and the value indorsed plain to be read."
A hundred years later, in 1786, we find much the same charges made and much the same arrangements, though the work must have increased enormously. There was now a twopenny post for letters taken to a distance of one stage; a threepenny post for two stages; for 80 miles a fourpenny; for a distance over 80 and under 150 miles 5d. was charged; and for over that distance 6d. From London to Edinburgh a letter cost 7d.; to Dublin 6d.; to America a letter cost 1s.; to France 10d.; to Spain 1s. 6d., and so on. The penny post described by Delaune was still carried on. There were five receiving-houses; the post carried parcels under 4 oz. in weight; the practice of cutting banknotes in two for safety was already adopted; the public were cautioned to write very legibly the name and sign, showing that, though the numbering of houses had already commenced, the sign was still the distinguishing mark of the house.
Between the time of Delaune's writing and 1710, when the management of the Post Office was remodelled, much improvement was made in the despatch of letters. It was a country postmaster, one Ralph Allen of Bath, in 1720, who introduced the cross-postage. That is to say, before that time a letter from Bristol to Gloucester had to go round by London. Allen undertook to organise a cross-country service. He was to pay a fixed rental and to charge himself with all expenses. In the end he cleared a profit of £10,000 a year, and had the cross-postage all over the country in his own hands entirely. In 1764 he died, and the Government took the work over with the General Post Office.
The founder of the rapid mail-coaches was one John Palmer, lessee of the theatre at Bath. The first mail-coach was started after the most vehement appeals to the Government and the public. It left London for Bristol at eight in the morning of August 8, 1784, and arrived at Bristol at eleven in the evening, covering the ground at the rate of about seven miles an hour. The speed of the mails was afterwards greatly increased, and the time of starting was altered to the evening, which allowed letters written one day to be delivered over the greater part of the country the next day.
The first Post Office was originally in Cloak Lane, Dowgate Hill; it was removed from that place to the Black Swan, Bishopsgate Street. After the Fire it was taken to Brydges Street, Covent Garden, for a time; in 1690 it was removed to Lombard Street, opposite Pope's Head Alley, where it remained until 1829, when it was removed to St. Martin's-le-Grand. The present building was erected in 1870-73.
In 1761, letters were despatched every night by mail to 122 towns; on four days in the week to twelve towns; on Mondays a mail was sent to France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Sweden, Denmark; on Tuesdays to Holland, Germany, Sweden, and Denmark; on Thursdays to France, Spain, and Italy; on Fridays to Flanders,
Germany, Italy, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland. The packet-boats sailed from Dover for Ostend and Calais, from Harwich for Helvoetsluys, and from Falmouth for the West Indies and America.
The staff of the Post Office at the end of the eighteenth century consisted of two postmasters-general, a surveyor, a deputy-surveyor, a receiver, an accountant-general, a solicitor, a controller and his secretary, 105 clerks, and 137 letter-carriers. The salaries of the clerks ranged from £40 to £140; only thirteen received £100 and over.
The franking of letters as an institution commenced as early as the year 1660, when it was resolved that members' letters should come and go free during the sitting of the House. When the Bill was sent up to the Lords, it was thrown out because the privilege was not extended to them. When, however, the omission was supplied, the Bill passed. The privilege in course of time was grossly abused. Members signed large packets of envelopes at once, and either sold them or gave them to their friends. It was worth the while of a house of business, when letters cost 6d. apiece, to buy 1000 franks at 4d. apiece; sometimes servants got them from their masters and sold them. In the year 1715, franked letters, representing £24,000 a year, passed through the post. In 1763 the amount was actually £170,000. Supposing that each letter would have brought in 6d. to the Post Office, this means nearly 7,000,000 letters, so that every member of the two Houses would have signed an average of 7000 letters a year. It was then enacted that no letter should pass free unless the address as well as the signature was in the member's handwriting. Lastly, it was ordered that all franks should be sealed, and that they should be put into the post on the day of the date. Even with these precautions, the amount of franks represented £84,000 a year. The privilege was finally abolished with the great reforms of 1841. It is needless to add that a system of wholesale forgery had sprung up long before the abolition of the privilege.
The name of Rowland Hill will always remain as that of the great reformer of the Post Office and its rules. He not only established the Penny Post, but also organised the Money Order Office, the Post Office Savings Bank, and the Post Office Insurance Office. The following account of the methods pursued by Rowland Hill before he produced his famous pamphlet of 1807 is from *Our Exemplars, Poor and Rich*, by Matthew Hill, 1861:
"The cost of a letter to the Post Office he saw was divisible into three branches. First, that of receiving the letter and preparing it for its journey, which, under the old régime, was in proportion to the distance it had to travel; and again, according as it was composed of one, two, or three sheets of paper, each item of charge being exorbitant. For instance, a letter from London to Edinburgh, if single, was rated at 1s. 1½d.; if double, at 2s. 3d.; and if treble, at 3s. 4½d.; any—the minutest—enclosure being treated as an additional sheet. As to the duty of taxing letters, or writing upon each of them its office, the reduction to the public could be carried very much farther, without entailing on the revenue any ultimate loss of serious amount. He therefore addressed himself to the simplification of the various processes."
If, instead of charging according to the number of sheets or scraps of paper, a weight should be fixed, below which a letter, whatever might be its contents, should only bear a single charge, much trouble to the office would be spared, while an unjust mode of taxation would be abolished. For, certainly, a double letter did not impose double cost, nor a treble letter threefold cost, upon the Post Office. But, if the alteration had rested there, a great source of labour to the office would have remained; because postage would still have been augmented upon each letter in proportion to the distance it had to travel. In the absence of knowledge as to the very minute cost of transit, such an arrangement would appear just; or to place the question in another light, it would seem unjust to charge as much for delivering a letter at the distance of a mile from the office at which it was posted as for delivering a letter at Edinburgh transmitted from London. But when Rowland Hill had, by his investigation, ascertained that the difference between the cost of transit in the one instance and the other was an insignificant fraction of a farthing, it became obvious that it was a nearer approximation to perfect justice to pass over this petty inequality than to tax it even to the amount of the smallest coin of the realm. With regard to the third head, all that could be done for lessening the cost attendant on delivering the letters from house to house, was to devise some plan of prepayment which should be acceptable to the public (so long accustomed to throw the cost of correspondence on the receiver of a letter instead of the sender), and which, at the same time, should not transfer the task of collection to the receiving office, while it relieved the letter-carriers attached to the distributing office; otherwise comparatively little would have been gained by the change. This led to the proposal for prepayment by stamped labels, whereby the Post Office is altogether relieved from the duty of collecting postage."
CHAPTER V
IMPROVEMENTS IN THE CITY
The Fleet River still continued to give trouble. The Great Fire had burned all the pigsties, laystalls, and "houses of office" on its banks, and an opportunity presented itself for keeping the stream clean as well as navigable. For this purpose authority was necessary to prevent tanners, cooks, butchers, and other persons from throwing their refuse into the stream. The City deepened the stream so that it became navigable for barges, and erected wharves on both sides as far as Holborn Bridge, which was just beneath Holborn Viaduct. Nothing looked better than the stream thus made into a canal with four bridges over it—Bridewell, Fleet Street, Fleet Lane, and Holborn. This was in 1670. Long before the end of the century, the canal had resumed its former aspect and
character of a muddy stream charged with every kind of filth—an open sewer discharging into the river. When the Mansion House was built, it was resolved to shift the Stocks Market to this place, and to arch over the river from Holborn to Fleet Street. Later on, when Blackfriars Bridge was built, the lower part of the stream was also arched over.
As the City was rebuilt after the Great Fire, it was like the Second Temple, inasmuch as those who remembered its former splendour might have lifted up their voices and wept over the change. All the great houses with their stately courts and halls were gone; nearly all the venerable churches were gone; nearly all the picturesque streets, bright with gilded and painted signs and shields, were gone; in their place there arose square and flat-faced houses of brick, with sash windows. The streets were narrow still—witness Friday Street, Old Change, Fyfoot Lane, and others; but they were no longer beautiful. If you walk about the streets leading out of Thames Street you will find many of the plain houses erected after the Fire; among them you will find some with good porches and wide staircases which were among the improvements of the eighteenth century, when the rich merchant, though he had his country-house at West Ham, or Clapham, or Hoxton, still lived the greater part of his days in the City! Why should he not? In the City he found all that life could give him, all that he desired: viz. good eating and drinking; success in trade; friends also engaged in trade; office and dignity, both at Guildhall and in his own Company; the respect and consideration due to wealth from the people who desired wealth; and good preaching, a thing greatly desired in that age which it is the fashion to call irreligious.
Early in the seventeenth century Moorfields was laid out in walks, drained, and planted with trees; here began to open taverns and gardens, with arbours and games of all kinds.
One of these places is described in the *Vade Mecum for Malt Worms*:
"In Moor's most pleasant Field, where Northern Lads
With Western Youths contend for broken Heads,
And where our Wealthy Citizens repair
To lengthen out their Lives with wholesome Air:
Jointing to Trotter's famous Castle, stands
A noted Mansion built by artful Hands;
Where Young or Old, at small Expense, may find
Delightful Pastimes to refresh the Mind.
Hither the sprightly Genius has recourse
To practise Riding on the Flying-Horse;
Where, Danger-free, he thro' the Air may scow'r,
And, void of Wings, fly fifty Miles an Hour;
Nor that has this Courser, tho' he runs so fast,
One living Leg to expedite his hast,
Yet carries double, treble, if requir'd,
But never stumbles, or is ever tir'd.
As for the pregnant Wife, or tim'rous Maid,
Here's a true South-Sea Coach, that sporting flies
Between the humbler Earth and lofty skyes,"
Manag'd to rise and fall with little Pains,
Like that uncertain Stock that turns our Brains.
Liquors, the best, are also vended here,
From Heav'ny Punch to Halsey's Noble Beer,
By gen'rous Whitehead, who deserves the Bays
From all the Sons of Malt that Merit praise;
Therefore, if any should these Truths distrust,
The Flying-Horse will prove the Poet just,
Thither repair and you will surely find
Your Entertainment good, and Landlord kind."
The absence of proper government or supervision in the City is shown in a report, dated 1732, on the condition of the Town Wall. The old law was still in force, that there should be sixteen feet clear between any buildings and the Wall; the ditch on the other side gave another forty feet clear. But the ditch was filled up. It was discovered at last, what everybody had known for a hundred years, that the space on either side of the Wall had been everywhere encroached upon; that is to say, within sight almost of the Guildhall, the citizens had been stealing the City lands with absolute impunity, and the Wall itself was in great part hidden by the houses built against it or close upon it. When it was too late, the Council ordered a survey of the Wall, with a note of all encroachments upon it, and the names of those who had built upon or were occupying the City lands, so that rent might be enforced. Whether any rent was enforced I know not.
On the 13th of September 1738 the first pile was driven into the river-bed for the new bridge at Westminster, the second stone bridge over the Thames; it was completed and thrown open for traffic after twelve years of work, viz. on the 18th of November 1750. This bridge was 1223 feet long by 44 feet wide; it was built by a Swiss, naturalised in this country, named Labelye. It consisted of fifteen arches, the central arch being 76 feet wide, and was built upon caissons or rafts of timber. They were floated to the spot intended for the pier and there sunk. This bridge began to show signs of giving way before a hundred years had passed; the bed of the river below the caissons was undermined. The approach on the north side involved the clearing away of the houses on the north of New Palace Yard, including the site of the Westminster Staple and that of the old Clochard. The great and massive tower called the Sanctuary was not removed till the year 1760. Great George Street was constructed at this time. The bridge, with its approaches, cost £389,500. In the year 1846 it began to give way, and was replaced by the present structure, which was commenced in May 1854, partly opened in March 1860, and wholly opened on May 24, 1862. The bridge, built by Mr. Thomas Page, is 1160 feet long and 85 feet wide; it is very nearly a level bridge. It is indeed in all respects a bridge worthy of its site.
There was considerable disagreement and discussion as to the building of Blackfriars Bridge. It is not necessary to repeat the arguments used in favour of this project, or the advantages to the City which were expected. It is interesting,
however, to note in this undertaking the jealousy with which the growth of Westminster was regarded.
The Common Council resolved upon undertaking the bridge. They invited plans, and ultimately adopted those of Robert Mylne, a young Scotsman. The first pile was driven in on June 7, 1761, and the first stone laid on October 31 of the same year. On November 11, 1769, it was declared open under the name of Pitt Bridge. Foot-passengers at first paid a toll of one halfpenny, and on Sundays of one penny. The bridge was 995 feet in length, and consisted of nine arches. It cost £152,840:3:10. Mylne, the architect, who became surveyor of St. Paul's, died on May 5, 1811, and is buried in the Cathedral.
At the same time the Common Council considered the question of London Bridge, already recognised to be in a ruinous condition. They recommended the abolition of the houses upon the bridge. Their rental, clear of all deductions, brought in £828:6s. a year to the City, and the assessments amounted to £484:19:10. In all, therefore, by removing the houses, the City would lose over £1300 a year. Their surveyor, Dance, at the same time sent in an estimate for putting the bridge in repair. It amounted to £30,000. The Council were for the moment afraid of facing this expenditure; they therefore put the matter aside. The houses, however, were removed in 1757-58.
In the year 1760 the City petitioned the House of Commons to pass an Act empowering them to widen certain streets and to effect other improvements.
The enumeration of the streets they improved, and the houses thus pulled down, enables us to understand a point not indicated elsewhere—how the houses, rebuilt after the Fire on the old sites, in some cases projected many feet into the street, which was thus at certain points made most inconveniently narrow. These proposed improvements, which were not, apparently, all carried out, may be studied upon Rocque's map of 1745. Thus, the north part of Billiter Lane was widened by removing the houses on the east side; the east end of Leadenhall Street was enlarged by the same process; some of the houses on the west of the Royal Exchange were removed so as to widen Threadneedle Street; two houses projecting into Coleman Street were taken down; "the houses at the west end of the buildings between Cornhill and Lombard Street" were taken down—was this the "lucky corner" of Guy the bookseller? A house in Mark Lane next to Allhallows Staining actually projected twelve feet into the street—this was taken down. A great many other houses of the same kind obstructing the street were also marked or destroyed in this list. But, as I said before, the whole of the projected improvements were not carried out. In a mediaeval city there was little attempt, save in markets and places where there were shops and stalls, at a continued line. The houses were planted here and there, presenting to the street a gable, a corner, a front, without much regard to the position of the neighbouring houses. These projections had been abolished whenever it had been found necessary to make a continuous line of shops; but they remained the right and property of the owners in those side streets where there were no such shops and stalls. We should not expect to find them in Cheapside, or in Thames Street; but they survived in the side streets.
A considerable factor in the improvement of London must be sought in the numerous fires which broke out every year in various parts. To this point I will return later on.
In the year 1760 a new road from Islington, called the City Road, was thrown open; a very important gift to the citizens. This time the road ran through fields—White Conduit Fields and Finsbury Fields—to the end of Old Street.
The condition of the City engaged the attention of the Common Council in the
year 1764, when they received a report from the Commissioners of Sewers and Pavements on the subject. They seem to have adopted en bloc all the improvements which had been suggested by Gwynn in an excellent pamphlet on the subject in 1754. The Commissioners reported:
1. That the pavements were very defective, even in the principal streets.
We must remember that the paving consisted either of round stones placed close together, which easily got out of repair; or, later on, of small square stones, not the broad slabs of present use; these, unless they were laid very carefully, sank in parts and were mere traps for catching rain and mud and dispersing it among the passengers.
2. The gutter ran in the middle of the street, and was often so deep as to be a source of danger to vehicles.
3. People still continued the practice, against which the Council had thundered in vain for hundreds of years, viz. that of throwing into the street their offal, ashes, rubbish, broken glass, and pottery. In fact, they made the street a kitchen-midden.
4. The streets were constantly obstructed by the unloading in the road of waggons, etc., and by the washing in them of casks.
5. The footpaths were not raised above the roadway, and therefore were liable to be overflowed with mud.
6. The posts placed at intervals for the protection of passengers only served to make the streets more narrow.
7. The footways were obstructed by parcels, boxes, cases, casks, and goods placed out by shopkeepers.
8. The rivalry in the size and projection of the signs obstructed the free currents of air.
9. Old houses preserved the former practice of spouts on the roof, whence rain poured down upon the heads of the passengers.
10. They recommended that the houses should all be numbered.
In consequence of this report, the Common Council issued regulations of a stringent nature providing for the maintenance of the streets by a rate, and, which was the most important point, appointing inspectors with well-defined instructions. These instructions included most of the points presented by the Commissioners. The next step was to obtain an Act for pulling down generally whatever obstructed traffic or impeded the current of air. This was the time for pulling down the City gates, which by this time had become serious obstructions. They were not so old or so picturesque that we should regret them. An old gate survives—not of the City, it is true, but more ancient than any of the City gates—in St. John's Gate, Clerkenwell. At this time, too, the City Wall itself was razed to the ground between Cripplegate and Moorgate and in many other places.
The numbering of the houses was recommended by a Report in the year 1754; it had, however, already been commenced in a humble street outside the City walls forty years before, and was gradually and slowly making way before the appearance of this report. Prescot Street, Goodman's Fields, was the first street whose houses were numbered. Hatton, in 1708, records the fact. The origin of this practice was probably due to the fact that the street contained many foreign Jews, who continued in London what they had been accustomed to do on the Continent. A quotation from the Ballard collection of letters in the Bodleian (N. and Q., Series VII. vol. ii.) shows that Gloucester Street was numbered in January 1719-20. Cunningham says that, in June 1764, New Burlington Street was numbered, and that the next street so treated was Lincoln's Inn Fields. In 1767 an Act of Parliament orders that "The Commissioners shall cause the names of streets to be affixed at the corners, to the houses . . . and may also cause every house, shop, or warehouse in each of the said streets, lanes, squares, yards, courts, alleys, passages, and other places to be marked or numbered in such manner as they shall judge most proper for distinguishing the same. . . ." By the same Act the signs of houses are to be affixed flat to the fronts.
In 1767 an Act was passed for the completion of Blackfriars Bridge; for the rebuilding of Newgate; for repairing the Royal Exchange; for redeeming the tolls on Blackfriars Bridge; and for embanking the north side of the Thames. The last-named scheme provided for the embankment of the river from Puddle Dock
as far as Milford Lane, i.e. roughly for the whole length of Fleet Street. The embankment; however, was a very small affair, since the whole amount voted for it was no more than £7500. At the same time the proprietors of London Bridge Waterworks obtained permission to occupy the fifth arch of the bridge with their works.
It was not until the year 1735 that the City, after repeated efforts, obtained undisputed possession of the Precinct of Blackfriars. We know the history of the Precinct. At first it occupied the piece of ground between the bank of the Fleet and the City Wall; then the Friars obtained permission to pull down the Wall behind them and put it up before them; so that the Friary was now enclosed by the City Wall. But did it belong to the City? An action was brought by the City (1 T. Charles I.) against a shoemaker for opening a shop in Blackfriars, not being free of the City. The shoemaker lost his case; but the decision was not, for some reason, accepted as final. Therefore, in 1735, a hundred years later, another action was brought by John Bosworth, chamberlain of the City, against one Daniel Watson, shalloon- and drugget-seller, for the same cause, viz. opening a shop in Blackfriars. The counsel for the plaintiff argued that, without speaking of the Precinct before the arrival of the Friars, charters existed which proved that Blackfriars was always considered as belonging to the City. The Court took this view, and there were no more attempts made to treat Blackfriars as outside the City. We may remember that it was because it was so considered, that Shakespeare's theatre was put within the Precinct.
Maitland enumerates at length the improvements effected to the year 1771. The following extract refers mainly to the new streets:
"The City and their Commissioners, with these aids of Parliamentary power, presently set about the business for which they were appointed; and have conducted themselves with that judgment and assiduity, that everything almost that could be done in the time, has been effected; and the City of London and its liberties may be said to have risen out of ancient ruins, and become a new city, with enjoyments never before experienced in the first city in the world, whether we look upon the many and elegant buildings, or the number, the spaciousness, pavements and cleanliness of the streets.
As you enter the eastern part of London, the passenger needs only pass down the Great Minories and the new buildings, which fill almost all the west side, from Aldgate High Street to Tower Hill, including George Street and John Street, that open each a spacious passage into Poor Jewry Lane and Crutched Friars; and Hemmett Street, finished at the west extremity with an elegant half-circle of first-rate houses, instead of those wooden hovels, paltry erections, and waste ground, which heretofore were the receptacles of whores and thieves under the City Wall, from Aldgate to the postern on Tower Hill; and he will meet with objects of wonder and amazement; considering the shortness of the time in which these improvements and the new pavements have been completed. The same kind of pavement has been continued under the said commission in Whitechapel, from the north end of the Minories, as far as the bars or bounds of the City liberties; and again down Houndsditch, in which street an opening has been made into Bevis Marks for carriages to pass into St. Mary Axe and Leadenhall Street; and several parts thereof have been already covered with handsome shops and houses, upon a plan which, by setting the new buildings on the west side a few feet backwards, will render Houndsditch a commodious and open street."
As soon as we enter where Aldgate once stood, there appears on the left hand a spacious, broad and open street, and well built, running southward as far as Crutched Friars, which was lately almost impassable, and a terror to the neighbouring inhabitants. The improvement in the width of this street was brought to bear by removing or pulling down the City Wall, which ran behind the former buildings in Poor Jewry Lane as far as Tower Hill.
The east end of Leadenhall Street has been opened by pulling down the houses, upon whose site there is now built the Denmark Tavern; under which, in the vault, are still preserved the remains of St. Michael’s Church or Chapel.
The houses directed to be pulled down, in order to widen the dangerous passage between Little Tower Street and Great Tower Street, has been done; and the houses at the north-west corner of Mark Lane are pulled down in order to enlarge the narrow passage at that place; but that work is not yet finished.
In Bishopsgate Ward great improvements have been made. The street where the gate stood in the City Wall is enlarged, so as to make the communication between Bishopsgate Within and Bishopsgate Without as capacious and free for carriages as any other part of that street; and the spirit of improvement has so prevailed, that the buildings and pavement in Camomile Street and Wormwood Street have been raised from narrow, dirty, and almost impassable streets and mean inhabitants to the appearance of some of our best streets in London, as far as Broad Street to the west, and Bevis Marks to the east.
On the west side of Bishopsgate Street Within, where later stood Gresham College, is now built on the site thereof, and of the alms-houses thereunto belonging, a most spacious and magnificent building by Government, for the office of excise; very lately removed to this place from their office in the Old Jewry.
In Broad Street Ward, besides the vast extension of the buildings of the Bank of England, that already extend from Bartholomew Lane to St. Christopher’s Church, and have not come to their intended expansion, all the buildings and houses between Castle Alley and the north-west corner of Cornhill, facing Prince’s Street, have been pulled down, and the ground laid out and covered with capital houses, adapted to trade and for public offices; and so as to make that part of Threadneedle Street, which between those houses and the Bank was very narrow and inconvenient for all people, a broad and elegant street next the Bank, and with a cross street which makes a handsome wide opening out of Cornhill, facing the grand entrance of the Bank.
The footway in Lothbury has been rendered more safe and easy, as in all the streets mentioned, by the new pavements, but especially by pulling down a parcel of little shops, built in the front of St. Margaret’s Church, and laying the site thereof open for the public good, by an order of Vestry.
In Throgmorton Street, there is the General Penny Post Office.
At the north-east corner of the Old Jewry, and at the south-west corner of Coleman Street, one house at each corner has been pulled down, and the ground laid into the street, to relieve the difficulty carriages often met with in turning these corners.
Several houses have been pulled down at the south-west corner of Cheapside, and the ground laid into the street as much as necessary at the north-east entrance into St. Paul’s Churchyard; and on the remainder are built very handsome shops and houses.
In Farringdon Without we must remember the new Session House and a new Newgate, whose foundations are laid on the east side of the Old Bailey; and the dirty narrow passage from the end of the Old Bailey to Snow Hill under St. Sepulchre’s Churchyard wall, so troublesome and dangerous to foot-passengers, is now rendered a safe and good way for carriages by a proper pavement and for foot-people by taking away the said wall, and opening the churchyard for a footway to the public.
In addition to these improvements, the Commissioners have paved all the streets of any note or traffic with regular pavement of stone with a flat face, and laid together so as to make one even compact body, easy for all sorts of carriages; and a commodious foot-way on each side of the street, laid with flat stones. The signs are pulled down; the posts before the doors are taken away; and the water from the tops of houses, that used to be a great nuisance to passengers in wet weather, is now brought by proper conveyances down to the channels; and the channels are all laid on the outside of the footway and with a proper current to empty themselves into the common sewers.
The like improvements have extended themselves, by special commissions under separate Acts of Parliament, to the borough of Southwark; to the parishes of St. Mary, Whitechapel; St. George, Middlesex; St. John, Wapping; St. Paul, Shadwell; the hamlet of Ratcliff, the Tower royalty, and to the parish of St. Leonard, Shoreditch; and most of those places are either finished, or very forward in their work of paving and removing nuisances.
As for the increase of buildings, we have seen the south side of Mile End Old Town inclosed with brick houses; and in the south quarter of Mile End New Town that formerly laid waste, are risen many streets, to the great improvement of the Earl of Halifax's estate.
The great dunghill called Holloway Mount, lying between the north-east corner of the upper Moorfields and Shoreditch, is removed to make way for several streets of brick buildings and a turnpike road; and Bethnal Green has gained the addition of Camden Row and Wilmot Street on its west side, between the green and the church.
But as these buildings are all much inferior in number to those erected, and daily continuing to be built, in the western and northern extremities of the city and liberties of Westminster, so the Adelphi, those superb buildings erected upon that ground called Durham Yard in the Strand, where the ancient habitations were totally in ruins, excel all other buildings in magnificence and architecture in and about this metropolis.
We shall conclude with observing that there is erected a wooden bridge from Chelsea to Battersea; and that the navigation of the River Lea has been improved and facilitated by several channels with locks; one of which begins at Bromley and, cut in a direct line almost, terminates in the River Thames, near the bridge at Limehouse; by which improvement the barges from Hertfordshire, and the other parts of the River Lea, save about seven miles, and the impediments and danger which, at certain times and in tempestuous weather, delayed and rendered their navigation tedious, and sometimes hazardous through Bow Creek and round the Isle of Dogs."
CHAPTER VI
GAY'S "TRIVIA"
Gay's *Trivia*, often quoted, supplies us with an excellent exaggeration of the streets, the names of the streets, and their dangers. He is, indeed, the Fitz-Stephen of the eighteenth century. Let us, in his company, visit London in the year 1716.
We are awakened in the morning by the street-cries; they begin early, and they go on all day long. We look out of the window: the weather is threatening; we must go out with the second-best wig; down below we observe that a footman has screened his wig from the rain by drawing down the flaps of his hat. The unwieldy signs, hanging over the street, show by rumbling uneasily that the wind is rising.
" Soon shall the kennels swell with rapid streams,
And rush in muddy torrents to the Thames.
The bookseller, whose shop's an open square,
Foresees the tempest, and with early care
Of learning strips the rail; the rowing crew,
To tempt a fare, clothe all their tilts in blue:
On hosiers' poles depending stockings tied,
Flag with the slacken'd gale, from side to side:
Church-monuments foretell the changing air;
Then Niobe dissolves into a tear,
And sweats with secret grief: you'll hear the sounds
Of whistling winds, ere kennels break their bounds;
Ungrateful odours common-shores diffuse,
And dropping vaults distil unwholesome dews,
Ere the tiles rattle with the smoking shower,
And spouts on heedless men their torrents pour."
The women who are caught by the storm cover their heads with the riding-hood; some, however, have put on pattens and hold up the umbrella's "oily shed."
The storm is over; let us sally forth. There are as yet few passengers. Here is a "draggled damsel" carrying fish from Billingsgate; here the "sallow"—why sallow?—milkmaid chalks the score on the doors. We meet the team of asses going out to be milked by order of the physicians for the "lovesick maid and dwindling beau." Before one house stands a company of drummers. What do they mean by this martial salute so early in the day? It is the salute offered to the new-made bride. In the evening she was saluted by the marrow-bones and cleavers; in the morning by the drums. The former custom was kept up for a long time; when did the latter cease?
It grows later: the shops open; the newspaper-boy runs along shouting the news; coaches begin; carts "shake the ground, and all the streets with passing cries resound."
The cart and waggon had no springs and were provided with broad wheels; the roadway was paved with round stones; the rumbling and growling of the wheels filled the streets with a continual noise which to ears more sensitive would have been intolerable. Our guide warns us of the dangers to be avoided:
"If clothed in black, you tread the busy town,
Or if distinguished by the rev'rend gown,
Three trades avoid: Oft in the mingling press
The barber's apron soils the sable dress;
Shun the perfumer's touch with cautious eye,
Nor let the baker's step advance too nigh:
Ye walkers too that youthful colours wear,
Three sullying trades avoid with equal care:
The little chimney-sweeper skulks along,
And marks with sooty stains the heedless throng;
When small-coal murmurs in the hoarser throat,
From smutty dangers guard thy threatened coat:
The dustman's cart offends thy clothes and eyes,
When through the street a cloud of ashes flies;
But whether black or lighter dyes are worn,
The chandler's basket, on his shoulder borne,
With tallow spots thy coat; resign the way,
To shun the surly butcher's greasy tray,
Butchers whose hands are dyed with blood's foul stain
And always foremost in the hangman's train.
Let due civilities be strictly paid;
The wall surrender to the hooded maid;
Nor let thy sturdy elbow's hasty rage
Jostle the feeble steps of trembling age;
And when the porter bends beneath his load,
And pants for breath; clear thou the crowded road.
But, above all, the groping blind direct,
And from the pressing throng the lame protect.
You'll sometimes meet a fop, of nicest tread,
Whose mantling peruke veils his empty head,
At every step he dreads the wall to lose,
And risks, to save a coach, his red-heeled shoes:
Him, like the miller, pass with caution by,
Lest from his shoulder clouds of powder fly.
But when the bully, with assuming pace,
Cocks his broad hat, edged round with tarnished lace,
Yield not the way; defy his strutting pride,
And thrust him to the muddy kennel's side;
He never turns again, nor dares oppose,
But mutters coward curses as he goes.
When waggish boys the stunted besom ply
To rid the slabby pavement, pass not by
Ere thou hast held their hands; some heedless flirt
Will overspread thy calves with spattering dirt.
Where porter's hogsheads roll from carts aslope,
Or brewers down steep cellars stretch the rope,
Where counted billets are by carmen tost,
Stay thy rash step, and walk without the post."
The genesis of the shoeblack, child of the dustman and the goddess Cloacina, dropped as soon as born beneath a bulk, may be passed over. Not so the goddess's instructions, later on:
"Thy prayers are granted; weep no more, my son:
Go thrive. At some frequented corner stand,
This brush I give thee, grasp it in thy hand.
Temper the soot within this vase of oil,
And let the little tripod aid thy toil;
On this methinks I see the walking crew
At thy request support the miry shoe,
The foot grows black that was with dirt embrown'd,
And in thy pocket jingling halfpence sound.'
The goddess plunges swift beneath the flood,
And dashes all around her showers of mud;
The youth straight chose his post; the labour plied
Where branching streets from Charing Cross divide;
His treble voice resounds along the Mews,
And Whitehall echoes, 'Clean your honour's shoes.'"
Here is a wretch in pillory:
"Where elevated o'er the gaping crowd,
Clasp'd in the board the perjured head is bow'd,
Betimes retreat; here, thick as hailstones pour,
Turnips, and half-hatch'd eggs (a mingled shower)
Among the rabble rain: some random throw
May with the trickling yolk thy cheek o'erflow."
Narrow and difficult is the way along Watling Street; broad is the pavement of Cheapside; "rugged" is the street which stretches, a mile long, from the Fleet to the Tower:
"Here steams ascend,
That, in mix'd fumes, the wrinkled nose offend.
Where chandlers' cauldrons boil; where fishy prey
Hide the wet stall, long absent from the sea;
And where the cleaver chops the heifer's spoil,
And where huge hogsheads sweat with trainy oil,
Thy breathing nostril hold; but how shall I
Pass, where in piles Cornavian cheeses lie?"
In the west may be found a calmer place and a sweeter air:
"O bear me to the paths of fair Pell-mell,
Safe are thy pavements, grateful is thy smell;
At distance rolls along the gilded coach,
Nor sturdy carmen on thy walks encroach:
No lets would bar thy ways, were chairs denied,
The soft supports of laziness and pride;
Shops breathe perfumes, thro' sashes ribbons glow,
The mutual arms of ladies, and the beau.
Yet still even here, when rains the passage hide,
Oft the loose stone spirits up a muddy tide."
Beneath thy careless foot; and from on high,
Where masons mount the ladder, fragments fly;
Mortar, and crumbled lime in showers descend,
And o'er thy head destructive tiles impend."
The day of the week, the season of the year, are denoted by the sights and shows of the streets. On Mondays and Thursdays the bear and the bull are led out to the baiting at Hockley-in-the-Hole; on Wednesday and Friday the fish-stalls are covered with double their customary store—
"Red-speckled trouts, the salmon's silver jowl,
The jointed lobster, and unscaly sole,
And luscious scallops to allure the tastes
Of rigid zealots to delicious fasts."
Saturday is marked by the universal washing—
"When dirty waters from balconies drop,
And dex'trous damsels twirl the sprinkling mop,
And cleanse the spatter'd sash, and scrub the stairs;
Know Saturday's conclusive morn appears."
The arrival of spring is marked by
"Sweet-smelling flowers, and elder's early bud:
With nettle's tender shoots, to cleanse the blood."
June is marked by the bawling of mackerel; autumn by plums, pears, and walnuts; Christmas by the appearance in the barrows of rosemary, bay, holly, laurel, and mistletoe. We visit the markets—
"Shall the large mutton smoke upon your boards?
Such, Newgate's copious market best affords.
Wouldst thou with mighty beef augment thy meal?
Seek Leadenhall; St. James's sends thee veal;
Thames Street gives cheeses; Covent Garden fruits;
Moorfield old books; and Monmouth Street old suits.
Hence mayst thou well supply the wants of life,
Support thy family, and clothe thy wife."
Night approaches; we are detained by the narrow pass between St. Clement's Church and the Strand (this passage was greatly widened some years later)—
"Where the fair columns of St. Clement stand,
Whose straiten'd bounds encroach upon the Strand;
Where the low penthouse bows the walker's head,
And the rough pavement wounds the yielding tread;
Where not a post protects the narrow space,
And strung in twines, combs dangle in thy face;
Summon at once thy courage, rouse thy care,
Stand firm, look back, be resolute, beware,
Forth issuing from steep lanes, the collier's steeds
Drag the black load; another cart succeeds,
Team follows team, crowds heap'd on crowds appear,
And wait impatient, 'till the road grow clear.
Now all the pavement sounds with trampling feet,
And the mixt hurry barricades the street;"
Entangled here, the waggon's lengthen'd team
Cracks the rough harness; here a pond'rous beam
Lies overturn'd athwart; for slaughter fed
Here lowing bullocks raise their horned head.
Now oaths grow loud, with coaches coaches jar,
And the smart blow provokes the sturdy war;
From the high box they whirl the thong around,
And with the twining lash their shins resound:
Their rage ferments, more dang'rous wounds they try
And the blood gushes down their painful eye,
And now on foot the frowning warriors light,
And with their pond'rous fists renew the fight;
Blow answers blow, their cheeks are smear'd with blood,
Till down they fall, and grappling roll in mud."
Beware of the pickpocket—
"Where the mob gathers, swiftly shoot along,
Nor idly mingle in the noisy throng.
Lured by the silver hilt, amid the swarm,
The subtile artist will thy side disarm.
Nor is thy flaxen wig with safety worn:
High on the shoulder, in a basket borne,
Lurks the sly boy: whose hand, to rapine bred,
Plucks off the curling honours of thy head.
Here dives the skulking thief, with practised sleight,
And unfelt fingers make thy pocket light.
Where's now thy watch, with all its trinkets, flown?
And thy late snuff-box is no more thy own.
But lo! his bolder thefts some tradesman spies,
Swift from his prey the scudding lurcher flies:
Dext'rous he 'scapes the coach with nimble bounds,
Whilst every honest tongue 'stop thief' resounds."
The streets after dark are full of dangers—
"Let constant vigilance thy footsteps guide,
And wary circumspection guard thy side;
Then shalt thou walk unharm'd the dang'rous night,
Nor need the officious link-boy's smoky light.
Thou never wilt attempt to cross the road,
Where ale-house benches rest the porter's load,
Grievous to heedless shins; no barrow's wheel,
That bruises oft the truant school-boy's heel,
Behind thee rolling, with insidious pace,
Shall mark thy stocking with a miry trace.
Let not thy vent'rous steps approach too nigh,
Where gaping wide, low steepy cellars lie;
Should thy shoe wrench aside, down, down you fall,
And overturn the scolding huckster's stall,
The scolding huckster shall not o'er thee moan,
But pence exact for nuts and pears o'erthrown."
Not the least peril are the wiles and snares of the ladies of Drury Lane—
"Tis she who nightly strolls with saunt'ring pace,
No stubborn stays her yielding shape embrace;
Beneath the lamp her tawdry ribbons glare,
The new-scour'd manteau, and the slattern air;
High-draggled petticoats her travels show,
And hollow cheeks with artful blushes glow:
With flatt'ring sounds she soothes the credulous ear,
'My noble captain! charmer! love! my dear!'
In riding-hood near tavern-doors she plies,
Or muffled pinners hide her livid eyes.
With empty bandbox she delights to range,
And feigns a distant errand from the Change;
Nay, she will oft the Quaker's hood profane,
And trudge demure the rounds of Drury Lane.
She darts from sarsnet ambush wily leers,
Twitches thy sleeve, or with familiar airs
Her fan will pat thy cheek; these snares disdain,
Nor gaze behind thee when she turns again."
Out of these graphic scenes and descriptions, which are, of course, exaggerated after the poetic manner, we can construct a good part of the London of Gay and Pope. The noisy streets; the careless tradesmen—barber, baker, painter, sweep—who plod along without caring much whom they jostle; the ill-laid paving, which after rain splashes the white silk stocking; the bawling hawkers; the fights of the carters; the man in the pillory; the chase of the pickpocket; the beau so splendid with his cane, his sword and sash, his mincing gait; the chariot with its painted sides, coats-of-arms, or nymphs; the fine lady escorted by a company of footmen with links; the street lamp with its glimmer; the quiet City alley; the stinks and noises of Thames Street: all these we see and can understand. None of the essayists has given us so complete a picture.
CHAPTER VII
A SLUM IN 1788
This section may be concluded by three contemporary accounts of slums. The first is taken from Percy's *London*:
"Of the inhabitants of the 'Holy Land' there is, at least, a floating population of 1000 persons who have no fixed residence, and who hire their beds for the night in houses fitted up for the purpose. Some of these houses have fifty beds each, if such a term can be applied to the wretched materials on which they sleep; the usual price is sixpence for a whole bed, or fourpence for half a one; and behind some of the houses there are cribs littered with straw, where the wretched may sleep for threepence. In one of the houses seventeen persons have been found sleeping in the same room, and these consisting of men and their wives, single men, single women, and children. Several houses frequently belong to one person, who thus lets them out, and more than one lodging-house keeper has amassed a handsome fortune by the mendicants of St. Giles. The furniture of the houses is of the most wretched description, and no persons, but those who are sunk in vice, or are draining the cup of misery to its very dregs, could frequent them. In some of the lodging-houses, breakfast is supplied to the lodgers, and such is the avarice of the keeper that the very loaves are made of a diminutive size, in order to increase his gains, and the candles, with which each poor creature is lighted to his dormitory, are made expressly for the purpose, and so minute, that a member of the British House of Commons, distinguished for his philanthropy, and for the zeal with which he 'inquires the wretched out,' assured the writer, that there were two hundred and forty candles in each pound, or forty candles, each of which was divided into six parts. Yet, amidst so much wretchedness, there is much of wanton extravagance; and those who have traversed the purlicus of the 'Holy Land' on a Saturday night, must have felt convinced, that the money squandered away in dissipation would have procured much daily comfort both in bed and board." (II. 271.)
The second describes the common lodging-house of 1788:
"He himself holds twenty houses by lease, which are let out, ready furnished. Matters are conducted in a manner so perfectly economical, that though there is no more than one bed in each room, there are usually two or three, and sometimes even four, occupiers of that one room and bed. That the furniture is of an expensive and luxurious kind no one can say, as it consists only of a stump bedstead, a flock bed, a pair of sheets (frequently only one sheet), a blanket or two, a chair or two (generally without backs), and a grate, but mostly without shovel, tongs, and poker. The sheets are usually marked with the name of the owner, and the words 'stop thief' are added, for private reasons.
In two adjoining alleys are forty more houses, let out in like sort to inhabitants, in number 400, consisting of whores, pickpockets, footpads, housebreakers, and thieves of every description, from all quarters of the town. But what then? They must have lodgings as well as other people, and if they were to be in the street all night it would be dangerous for the rest of His Majesty's subjects to pass. To avoid
suspicion the houses are continually lighted, and kept open all night; and to show that hypocrisy has no place there, what used to be practised only in private at midnight is now practised in public at midday.
To accommodate the poor, there are twopenny lodging-houses. One man, in particular, makes up every night thirty-five beds, and takes in men and women, at twopence or threepence a night; but if a man and woman come in together, he receives one shilling a night for the two.
No society can be under better regulations than this is. Thus, for instance, when a prostitute has decoyed a man, and robbed him, the mistress of the house has half the pay and the plunder; and if one of these ladies intrude upon that beat and walk which another regards as her exclusive right, the matter is determined, as much greater matters are, by a battle.
Nor can there be reason to fear that this society should ever become so numerous as to be any annoyance to the public; since care is taken that a sufficient number is hanged every session to maintain a balance; and some rooms are always reserved for the reception of the dead bodies, which are brought back after execution to their old lodgings, till they can be otherwise disposed of.”
The following picture of a wretched London suburb called “Lock’s Fields,” in Southwark, is from a now forgotten novel, Godfrey Malvern. It belongs to the early part of the nineteenth century, but it represents a slum of the eighteenth:
“In the grave,’ says Chaucer, ‘there is no company’; and were one part of London buried ‘full fathom five’ it would never be missed by the other; for in such spots as we are about to describe ‘there is no company,’—the wealthy and the titled great come not there, misery has only misery for companionship. Any one walking from the Elephant and Castle, down the New Kent Road, would be struck by the goodly appearance of the houses, the neatness of the gardens on the left-hand side, and the picturesque effect of the fountain, with its little sheet of water, and its bending Triton, who, throughout the sunny summer day, blows the ‘arched silver’ through his crooked horn. Let him, however, strike down one of those streets opposite to where the fountain plays, and thread his way for half a mile or so from the right-hand side of the road, and he will find himself in the locality of Lock’s Fields. Here spreads out a huge morass of misery, a vast space of low, damp land intersected with noisome ditches and unhealthy patches of garden ground, broadening over what is still called Walworth Common; and hemmed in on the one hand by the long line of Walworth Road beyond the turnpike, and on the other, deep and far across, the Old Kent or Greenwich Road.
Here stretch scores of streets, which at night are utterly dark, and in one of those dark streets the cabman halted; for not a lamp burns in this dismal district, although within it sleep nightly thousands of our fellow-creatures. Oh, what a lesson would the true statistics of this almost unknown district furnish forth for our modern wiseacres! But there is now a police station, formed near the centre of this swamp—one step taken to produce either a brutal or a blessed improvement.
In the windows of almost every other inhabited house you see a bill announcing ‘Unfurnished Apartments to Let’; in almost every street numbers of houses shut up, and huge padlocks on the doors, which tell that the late wretched inhabitants had been rendered still more wretched, their few goods sold and themselves either driven to the parish, or, with their bed of straw, housed in some new and wretched habitation. Houses there are which have never had a coat of paint on them for years, and many of these must once have been respectable-looking places. But now the broken windows are repaired with paper; or, where the inhabitants are too indolent even to do this, huge, unsightly, and filthy garments are thrust into the broken panes, and left there until summer comes, and the cool air is then welcome.
There stand sheds, in which the now useless dogcarts are placed, unless the owner is still compelled to wheel out the hearthstone himself, or drag his load of ‘cat’s-meat’ along the street by his own strength. There dwell your dog and bird fanciers, living in little huts, among dogs and fowls, rabbits, birds, and guinea-pigs, and surrounded with children, who all day long play in the dirt before the doors, and yet look as healthy and fresh in their filth as potatoes just turned out of the mould. And these little bare-footed, uncombed children take their baskets (often patched with cloth where the bottom is gone) and
buy the fat, dirty slices of pork and bacon which lie in the neighbouring shops, marked threepence or fourpence a pound, and sopping their potatoes in the fat, lick their fingers and thrive, learning to swear almost as soon as they can talk. Here and there you see a cook-shop, and in the window, about noon, smoke great suet puddings, with lumps of fat as large as walnuts in them; and great black flat tins filled with baked potatoes, and swimming in the grease of pork which has been cooked because it would keep no longer; while at the windows the little dirty children stand 'looking hunger' at the savoury viands, and flattening their little noses against the panes. A penny to purchase a piece of pudding, or a few of the brown-baked and greasy potatoes, and they are happy, and can play with their light and merry hearts until hunger again visits them.
Others contrive to keep a poor horse, high of bone and low of flesh, one bought at the 'knacker's,' and cruelly saved from death; and this is yoked in a cart, the cart itself tumbling to pieces, and when not in use the owner is ever mending it, driving in a nail here and there, then going his daily round, and crying 'Dust O!' Before his door stands a mountain of ashes; this his wife riddles for the cinders, the dog meanwhile feeding from the filthy heap. During his absence his children turn it over and pick out the bones and rags, and all are thrown into separate heaps and then sold. So they live in dirt, drunkenness, and misery.
Then comes a shop where they sell cat's-meat, coals, cow-heels, coke, wood, and tripe. And ever and anon a load of coal comes in, and black clouds of dust arise as they are emptied in the shop, settling on the cow-heels and the tripe and the pillars of pudding; yet these they eat all up, and as one of them once remarked in our hearing, 'The dust does instead of pepper.' From morning to night the pot-boys are seen carrying out beer; from 'early morn to dewy eve' it is 'beer,' still 'beer'!—breakfast and tea cannot be made without beer. Even the little children who can but just walk, and are sent to fetch it in their own jugs, stop at every turning to taste of this 'beer,' and as they grow up they learn to despise tea and milk, and all such feminine et ceteras, and grow brown and broad on beer, until gin comes and 'strikes flat the thick rotundity'!
Yet trade is carried on even here. They make those blue boxes, such as hatters give away when their customers purchase a 'four-and-ninepenny.' They bottom chairs with cane, such chairs as, when complete and coloured to resemble rosewood, sell for twelve shillings the half-dozen. They cut and bind up wood, and it takes them a day to sell what they have done up the day before, at three bundles a penny. Sometimes you see a poor mechanic carrying home the skeleton of a sofa on his head, or part of a French bedstead; then return with a small portion of wood, of which to make others the following week. He works for the 'trade,' the shops that ticket low, and sell still lower, and make such chairs and bedsteads that, if Dandie Dinmont threw himself into them in his rough riding-coat, as he did in the prison scene in Guy Mannering, he would leave nothing but 'a wreck behind.' Here all streets are without water, saving what they get from shallow wells; for what company would lay down pipes in such a neighbourhood? The children are seen with rusty cans and battered tin-kettles going from house to house to beg water—no marvel they soon become so fond of beer.
If a fire breaks out here even the landlord is glad, for he gets rid of a bad tenant and a bad house at the same time, and there is still the ground to let. They need no fire-engines who have nothing worth saving. Many of the wooden sheds and tumble-down houses a strong man might throw over into the ditches, which seem to stand sluggishly as if yawning for the ruins. Beside many of the ditches grow stunted elder-bushes; they are hung with broken saucepans, rags, and filth, which the inhabitants were too weak or too lazy to throw into the ditches. There live your men who sell cheap flounders and soles in the morning, and on an afternoon cry shrimps, water-cresses, and periwinkles. There walk home your women of a night who sit at street-ends in the day, with little piles of withered apples, oranges, and cocoa-nut shells before them, and are begrimed through roasting chestnuts. Here is stowed away the tall theatre in which Punch and Judy exhibit in our streets, the deep drum and the shrill pipes; the big caravan, the poor horse that draws it, and the dwarf or giant it contains, have here their home. The manly-voiced woman who cries, 'Walk in, only one penny!' and the velvet-coated man who shows the last murder in his peep-show, here sit side by side and drink their beer, smoke their pipes, swear, and
Beer, happy Produce of our Isle,
Can stings Strength impart,
And braver with Pleasure civil
Can cheer each manly Heart.
Labour and Art Upheld by Thee
Successfully advance,
We quaff the Happy Thrice with Glee
And Walter leaves to France.
Genius of Health, thy grateful Taste
Rivals the Cup of Love,
And warms each English generous Breast
With Liberty and Love.
BEER STREET
From Hogarth's engraving.
fight—then sleep in peace. Here a board announces that 'Messages are Delivered and Errands Run.' But every one there is his own messenger, and goes his own errand; and if a postman appears in the neighbourhood, or a double knock is heard at any of the doors, every head is seen projecting outside all the way down the street. They walk into each other's homes without ceremony while they are friends, and when they have quarrelled never speak, except 'to blow each other up,' for weeks after; unless sickness or sorrow comes, when the past is forgotten, for they are still true to one another when misery bares her arm. 'Heaven tempers the wind to the shorn lamb!' and here thousands are born, live, and die, and in some instances find more real sympathy and kindness in the last struggle than others who end their days in the 'high state' of the cold, formal world. Poor and ragged and ill-housed as they too often are, they are not altogether miserable. They help each other, although they talk about it afterwards. They have their bright and dark sides—their whims and ways, bad passions and kind feelings, just like the high and wealthy, the great and the titled. But poverty and crime dwell here!
O God! what have we not witnessed amid these scenes! Blear-eyed drunkenness, prowling theft, and red-handed murder!—for here shrieks and cries for help are too common to be regarded. Here they turn in their wretched beds and say, 'It is only so-and-so quarrelling with his woman,' and, stupefied with the fumes of 'turpentined gin,' are soon asleep. Beauty dwells here, but not such as God made. Women live here—too many, alas!—faded and fallen!—the majesty gone, the virtue worn and wasted, the goodness and kindness and gentleness of their nature lost, battered, hardened, and now cruel and selfish. No Adam to lead them forth when they fell; they left the garden of their Eden alone—those who shared in their guilt had long deserted them. They had no bosom left to lean and weep upon. Drink dried up their tears, and burnt up their hearts; their sighs were lost amid the loud swearing of their companions. No law protected them, and they soon hated all laws; none loved them, and now they have no love left.
Here they drag out their existence from day to day; but no one comes to ask how—they live, die, and are buried, and their names are never known! The virtuous and the vicious are swept away together; those who were most honest and industrious, and those who lived by the most disreputable means, sleep side by side in the same churchyard. How they lived or died no one cares to inquire. And this is in London!—in England!—in our own time! Ay, even now whilst we are writing, and now whilst thou art reading this very page!"
CHURCH AND CHAPEL
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used for data integrity checks.
7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other.
8. Network: A collection of computers and devices connected together to share resources and communicate.
9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to be used by humans to express instructions to a computer.
11. Query: A request for information from a database.
12. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
14. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
15. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
16. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system.
17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
18. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data between devices.
19. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
20. YAML: Yet Another Markup Language, a data serialization language that is easy to read and write, and is commonly used for configuration files.
CHAPTER I
THE CHURCH AND THE CITY
A set of tables (see Appendix I.) shows the services held daily and weekly in every London church in the year 1732. It also presents a list of the charity or free schools, the bells, and the organs (where there were any) of the 143 parishes, including those whose churches were not rebuilt after the Fire. Thirty-three were then united to other parishes; there remain, therefore, 111 churches for the whole of London, Westminster, and the suburbs, omitting the two cathedral churches of St. Paul's and St. Peter's.
In Appendix II. mention is made of the Nonconformists. At this time there were as many places of meeting as there were churches in London and its suburbs. In the year 1732, about the forty-fifth year of toleration, 120 congregations worshipped in their own way within the Bills of Mortality. We shall return to the subject of Dissent: at the present we are dealing with the Church only.\(^1\)
The importance of these tables is twofold. First, they indicate how far the times were favourable to the outward observance of religion. We cannot but consider the frequency of services as a considerable factor in the estimate of such outward observance of religion at any period. There are many persons in every age to whom the services of the Church, at stated periods, are a necessity to the peace of the soul and the maintenance of faith. It is quite possible, however, that those persons may be satisfied with a weekly service. But there are others by whom a more frequent service is welcomed—even a daily service; there are others, again, who are never so happy as when actually in church—monks and nuns by vocation never seem to weary of those litanies whose iteration to the worldly-minded is maddening. If, therefore, we find everywhere a multiplication of services, we may be very sure that they represent a deeply rooted and widespread religious sentiment, and that they answer to a not uncommon want. When there is a general apathy, or deadness, in religion, such services are no longer attended—clergymen certainly do not go on reading the prayers to empty pews, unless they profess a modern
\(^1\) I beg the reader to look at the first list before proceeding with this chapter.
High Church theory that they are speaking in the name of the parish; and without the existence of such a religious demand the most hardened hypocrite would not pretend to zeal for frequent acts of worship.
What, then, do we find in our tables in the year 1732? It is near the middle of the eighteenth century. It is the very time which is generally considered to be that in which religion in the country was at its lowest ebb. It is a commonplace that the Church of England in the reign of George II. was at its worst. Yet this lowest ebb must be acknowledged to have been, in London at least, very far from stagnation. A glance at our tables proves so much. It is true that many most excellent people at this time solemnly lamented the decay of religion. Let us ask, however, how far the alleged decline of religion affected London. First, then, the general decay was largely attributed to the miserable pay and position of the assistant clergy, for whom promotion, for lack of family interest, was next to impossible; whose income was seldom above £50 a year; who eked out their slender income by selling beer, poultry, and pigs. Next, it was attributed to the pluralities and non-residence of the beneficed clergy; to the monstrous incomes of the bishops; to the immorality commonly, but loosely, alleged to have been general in all classes. One denies the immorality in one class at least. There was no more immorality in the middle class than at any other time.
Most of these causes were not operative in London at all. Here the clergy were always resident; always fairly paid—their stipends varying from £100 a year to £700, with a house and valuable fees; they were always held in honour and respect—except in the rare cases when respect was impossible: here the patrons were, for the most part, not private persons who could reserve the livings for their own sons and relations, but the Bishop of London, the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, Westminster, and Canterbury, or the City Companies. The lecturers, another factor in the religious life of the time, were appointed by the parishioners themselves, and for the most part paid by them. The average Londoner might possibly have been told that many of the clergy were half starved and forced to get money in unworthy ways; but those of the clergy whom he knew were scholars and divines, serious and dignified, expecting honour and respect, and commanding both by their virtues and their learning. Again, when some writers ask us to believe that religion was dead, we find that they do not allow Nonconformists to be considered at all. Now, in the eighteenth century something like a fifth part of the population of London belonged to the Nonconformists; and that fifth part was equally removed from the nobility on the one hand and the lower classes on the other. At both extremes, viz. among the nobility at one end and the lowest classes at the other, one is quite willing to admit that there was decay or even vanishing of all religion. Let us allow three-fifths for these two extremes: I think it is too much. Then we must acknowledge a small proportion of infidels among whom it was the fashion, all through the eighteenth
century, to ridicule religion; they were philosophers and aristocrats—were their wives and daughters also infidels? I doubt it. And there was still a huge contingent consisting of the lowest class, who were outside the reach of education or of religion, who had no religion and had never been taught any. There still remain the merchants, the retail tradesmen, the more respectable craftsmen, the clerks, the servants, and the professional men, living within the Bills of Mortality. It is of the religious life of this great body that the tables speak.
First, as regards the services. There were forty-four of the London churches which then held daily services; in almost all cases they were held both in the morning and the evening. But in some of the churches we find a daily sermon, or one, two, or three sermons in the week; three services every day, as at St. Andrew's, Holborn; additional services on Wednesday and Friday, as at St. Sepulchre's; four services a day, as at St. James's, Westminster, and St. Paul's, Covent Garden; while on Sundays there were at St. James's, Westminster, five services, and at other churches three. Again, in more than half of the churches there was, as yet, no organ; it was not, therefore, for the musical part of the service that the people came to church. It seems, again, as if the people cared more for a peal of bells than for an organ; for the number of bells is entered in almost every case: those churches which possessed as many as five bells form nearly a half of the whole.
In almost every church there were "gift sermons"—endowments which in a way corresponded with the old charity bequests. One could no longer endow a perpetual mass for the soul—the endowment of a mass in perpetuity should logically be a convincing proof of disbelief in the efficacy of the mass,—but one could certainly, except in extreme schools, offer a proof of Christian faith, even if one could no longer assist the soul by good works, by an endowment for a sermon, in the time when the sermon was everything and when all the churches were built for preaching-houses. Later on, when the sermon was regarded with less respect, the almshouses took its place.
Of "gift" sermons, therefore, 108 churches belonging to my list held between them no fewer than 189 endowments of sermons.
Outside the churches which held daily services came those which had service on Wednesday and Friday and on every holyday. It is true that the hearing of sermons, the frequent attendance at services, do not by themselves make up the life of religion. The multiplication of services indicates, however, I repeat, the existence of a widespread religious sentiment, and of a very large body of people who desired them and attended them.
The next point to observe is the publication of religious or controversial books. Now, the eighteenth century saw the publication of an immense mass of theological literature. There were sermons innumerable. Not only the Church, but Christianity
itself, was as vehemently defended as it was attacked. Upon these controversies—which have little to do with the religious life of London, because the worthy merchants read none of them—we have nothing to say, except to remark that a fighting Church is not a dead Church, and that a Church which could produce such champions as Butler and Berkeley can surely not be called a Church in decay.
Another indication that religion was not dead, but very much alive, may be found in the fact that so many divines, jealous of their Church, or infidel writers, anxious to see it destroyed, were constantly lamenting, or proclaiming, this decay. If the decay were really universal, would all these divines, themselves a body decadent with the rest, be lamenting the fact? What they saw is what men see in every age, the prevalence of carelessness or of vice. Voltaire, with pleasure, announced that of religion "il n'y a guère aujourd'hui dans la Grande Bretagne que le peu qu'il en faut pour distinguer les factions." Warburton would not allow this to be true: he acknowledged, thinking of the position of the clergy, that the condition of the Church was "miserable," but prophesied a revival. Again, some of the Dissenters complained that their churches also were showing signs of decay. Doddridge pointed out that if there were decay it was because the pulpit no longer proclaimed the old doctrines, and recommended a return to evangelical preaching.
The world, for the time, was weary of the old doctrinal preaching and the Calvinistic creed; this accounts for much of the so-called "decay." Responsible people settled down, in London at least, to an observance of outward forms, to serious and sober views of life, to the natural and moral grounds on which religion rests, rather than to the definition of doctrine. A more comfortable form of religion was unconsciously adopted—the eighteenth century loved comfort in all things. The citizens of the time dreaded fanaticism: there were memories of fanatics and enthusiasts still in the minds of men: what divines called the decay of faith was often nothing but a weariness over the disputes concerning those points of faith which, as a listless and heedless folk were from time to time reminded, if a man do not hold aright there is no doubt that he shall perish everlastingingly.
There was published in the first half of the eighteenth century a series of papers called the Athenian Oracle and the British Oracle. These papers, afterwards collected and bound up in volumes, consist of questions supposed to be put by the reader and to be answered by the Oracle. The persons who formed the Oracle were three or four: one scholar at least was among them; their journal was intended for the average citizen and his household—for the middle class of London. It therefore occupied itself entirely with such questions and answers as would amuse these people, and would treat of subjects which formed part of their daily conversation. In fact, the discourse and the thoughts of the well-to-do middle-class household are here fully revealed; they are books which tell us how in the matter of conversation and speculation the people lived. A very large proportion of the questions are upon
subjects either religious or arising out of the Bible. They show—which I insist upon as proving that the middle classes were still deeply religious—that the citizens read the Bible and talked over points which troubled them and were difficult of explanation. Here, for instance, are some of the questions:
How long did Adam and Eve continue in a state of innocence?
Has true Religion anything to fear from ridicule?
How can Light be created before the Sun?
Why is Moses depicted with horns upon his head?
Cain took a wife out of the Land of Nod. Of what family?
In what part of the body lies the Soul?
Where did the Lord reside before the Resurrection?
Is the Book of Job a real history?
Those questions which are not of the above religious character are just the general kind of questions that would occur to the average untaught mind, as:
What is Love?
What is the cause of Thunder?
What is Laughter?
What is your opinion of Stonehenge?
Is Envy a sin?
Why do Angels have wings?
What is the origin of the Horn Fair?
The first set of questions, which form the larger part, do distinctly reveal a religious atmosphere in the middle-class household. Another point which to my mind indicates the bourgeois respect for religion is this. It was an age in which a good deal that was coarse, a good deal that was intended to be lewd, a good deal that was designedly immoral, was written and published. To get behind the scenes in this century, as regards its manners and its literature, is one of the most amazing things possible. Except in one or two cases, the books of this kind always put on a sham deferential attitude towards religion: the most shameless narratives were advanced under the hypocritical disguise of upholding virtue and exposing vice. Of course, I am not speaking of the flagrant obscenities which were printed just to be handed round privately, but of the narratives of seduction and prostitution which were really written for one purpose, that of exciting the passions; and pretended to be written for another, that of chastising vice. If there was no religion left at all, why was it necessary to exhibit a continual deference to the religious spirit? Why was it necessary to apologise for writing on the sensual passions if there was no religion left to restrain the readers? Above all, we must take into account the differences in the way of regarding things then and now. The church, the ritual,
the sermons, were not such as we are accustomed to find in the present age. To begin with, the church itself was frankly a preaching-box—a barn if you will, yet ornamented with carved wood and gilding till it had a dignity and even a beauty of its own. Dignity is the special distinction of the Georgian Church: the rector was full of dignity; so were his churchwardens; so was the beadle, then in no way ridiculous; so were the citizens, who sat each in his own high pew with his family around him. The service was plain and simple; many churches, as we have seen, had not an organ; the sermon was preached from a high pulpit; the preacher wore a black gown; the preacher of the evening sermon was generally called the lecturer, and was in no sense a curate. The post was in the gift of the vestry. When it was vacant, the candidate had to canvass the vestrymen, to drink with the husbands, and to say soft things to the wives. It was sometimes endowed, but mostly paid by voluntary gifts of the parishioners, for which the churchwardens and overseers carried a collecting-book round the parish. If the lecturer were unpopular he found it out very quickly by the falling-off in the income. But the office was never well paid. Few of the lecturers got so much as £100 a year for preaching once every Sunday.
Things now called abominations flourished: it was not thought wrong for a man to be a pluralist; the parishioners were often left quite alone; there was no visiting; none of the modern working of a parish; no mothers' meetings, no "day in the country," no concerts, no lads' clubs, no lectures, no activity at all. But the people might come to church if they liked, for the sermon, and the sermons were sound.
There were as yet no Sunday Schools; there was no teaching of poor children at all. So far as the Companies still had control over the craftsmen, they were all expected at church on Sunday.
Station and order were preserved within the church as without. The rich merchants and the masters sat in the most beautiful pews possible to conceive, richly carved with blazoned shields and figures in white and gold, with high backs, above which the tops of the wigs proudly nodded. These pews were gathered about the pulpit, which was itself a miracle of carved work, though perhaps it was only a box stuck on to the wall. The altar, the walls, the galleries were all adorned with wood-carvings. Under the galleries and in the aisles, on plain benches, sat the folk who worked for wages; the bedesmen and bedeswomen; and the charity children. The retail people, who kept the shops, had less eligible pews behind their betters. They left the church in order, the great people first, then the lesser, and then the least. An excellent example of an eighteenth-century church was to be seen until the year 1898 in Thames Street. It was the church of Allhallows-the-Great, now pulled down. The building itself was just a square room, with no beauty except that of proportion. It was rich in wood-carvings: the pulpit, lavishly adorned with precious work, ought to have belonged to some great cathedral; it had a screen of carved wood standing right across the church, a most beautiful screen, now removed to St. Margaret's,
Lothbury. The old arrangement of the eighteenth century was preserved to the end: the pulpit was placed against the middle of the wall, the pews of the merchants were gathered about, while the pews of the common people were those nearest to the communion table. Formerly the latter were appropriated to the watermen's apprentices. These youths, once the hope of the Thames, sat with their backs to the table, and have left the record of their presence in their initials carved, with dates, on the sloping bookstand. There they are—'J. F. 1710,' 'B. R. 1734,' with a rude carving of a ship, showing how they beguiled the tedium of the sermon. The arrangement of the pews illustrated, you observe, the importance in which the sermon was held. The people, as at St. Paul's Cross, gathered about the preacher. The church is now gone: it was pulled down and ruthlessly destroyed by the hand which should have preserved it.
There were penalties for absence from service. A man who stayed away was liable to the censure of the Church, with a fine of one shilling for every offence. He was called upon to prove where he had been to church, because it was not thought possible that anybody should stay away from service altogether. If a person harboured in his house one who did not attend the parish church, he was liable to a fine of £20 a month, the third part of the fine being given to the informer. I do not suppose that these laws were ever rigidly enforced, otherwise the Nonconformists would have cried out oftener and louder. But the spirit of the laws remained. During the week, the parish, save for the services, was left to take care of itself. There were no visits, no concerts, no magic-lanterns, no Bible-classes, no missionary meeting—nothing; everybody attended to his own business. The men worked all day long; the women looked after the house all day long: in the evenings the taverns were crowded; there were clubs of all kinds; everybody took his tobacco and his glass at a tavern or a club, and no harm was thought of it.
For the old people there were almshouses, and there was the bounty of the Companies. And since there must be always poor people among us, there were doles in every parish. Special cases were provided for as they arose, by the merchants themselves. Finally, if one was sick or dying, the clergyman went to read the office appointed for the sick; and when one died, he read the office appointed for the dead.
All this is simple and intelligible. The Church provided instruction in doctrine for old and young, forms of prayer, consolation in sickness, baptism, communion, and burial for all. Some churches had charitable endowments; the rest was left to the parishioners themselves. This is not quite the modern idea of the parish, but it seems to have worked as well as our own practice. Their clergyman was a divine, and nothing more: ours undertakes the care of the poor first of all; he is the administrator of charity; he is, next, the director of schools, the organiser of amusements, the leader of athletics, the trainer of the choir, the president of musical
societies, the founder of working lads' institutes; he also reads the service at church, and he preaches a short sermon every Sunday; but the latter functions are not much regarded by his people. Their clergyman was a divine; he was therefore a scholar. Therein lies the whole difference. We have few divines now, and very few scholars among the parish clergy, or even among the bishops. Here and there one or two divines are found upon the Episcopal Bench, and one or two at Oxford and Cambridge; in the parish churches, few indeed. We do not ask for divines, or even for preachers; we want organisers, administrators, athletes, and singers. And the chief reason for calling the time of George the Second a dead time for the Church seems to be, so far as London is concerned, that its clergy were not like our own.
We have to consider, next, in connection with the religious side of the century, its charitable work: first, as regards the provision made for the young; and next, that made for the old.
Out of the 111 churches, representing 144 parishes, we find charity schools supported mainly by voluntary contributions of the parishioners in 63 of them. These schools received, educated, and in many cases put out as apprentices, or sent into service, 4783 boys and girls, without counting the cases—not very numerous—in which children were sent to "horn-book" schools kept by dames.
Schools are sometimes mentioned without the number of the children educated in them. Let us roughly estimate the whole number of children at the charity schools at 5000. If the population of the City about the middle of the eighteenth century was a million, the proportion of those who were under fourteen and over seven years of age was about one-eighth of the whole, or perhaps more. Let us set down the whole number of children between these ages at 200,000. Now, the schools of the poor consisted, first, of "dames' schools," or horn-book schools, where a little teaching of the merest rudiments was attempted; next, of schools kept by working-men, or craftsmen, broken down, and unable to work at their trade from age or infirmity—we know simply nothing of these schools or of their efficiency, only that they existed; next, of the charity schools above enumerated; then of the City public schools; and lastly, of the private schools which were scattered all over the City. Making every possible allowance, we must admit that though the Charities and the Companies educated a goodly number of children, there must have been many thousands who never received any kind of education at all. And this we know from other sources of information, as from Defoe and Hanway.
There remain the almshouses and the provision for the aged, the decrepit, and the impotent. So long as the craftsmen remained under the care of their Companies, they had no fear as to provision for their old age; the Companies looked after that time of life. In every parish there were appointed overseers, or collectors, for the poor. When a man or a child came upon the parish, he had to be kept: in some
cases there were workhouses belonging to the ward or parish, but not in all; the system was generally one of outdoor relief. Therefore the form of charity which most commended itself at the time was the endowment of almshouses—places where the aged poor might find a haven of rest for their last years, a sound roof, a fire, food in sufficiency, and not to be on the parish. A list of the almshouses existing in London in the year 1750 will be found in Appendix III.
There was, as will be seen from this list, accommodation provided in the almshouses of the City—allowing for those in which the number of bedesmen is not stated—for over 600, which is not much. There were many thousands, therefore, of aged poor who had to come upon the parish.
In addition to the schools, the almshouses, and the hospitals, the King sent every year the sum of £1000 to the poor in London. This sum was increased by the voluntary donations of citizens, and was then distributed among the parishes. About 500 families were thus relieved.
The number of persons contained in the various hospitals and almshouses, together with the children taught and apprenticed, amounted, in the middle of the eighteenth century, to over 8000, and the sum spent upon them to £78,519:1:2.
There were also benefit clubs, called Box Clubs, for mutual assistance in time of sickness or want of work. The subscription was two, three, or more pence per week; the members met once a month for the purpose of counting their money and considering cases of distress. It was calculated that many thousands of working-men belonged to these clubs, which were of the greatest benefit to the various parishes in keeping down the poor-rate.
The following were the principal hospitals:—Greenwich and Chelsea Hospitals, St. Bartholomew's, Christ's, Bridewell and Bethlehem, St. Thomas's, Guy's, the Westminster Infirmary, St. George's, the Foundling, three lying-in hospitals, the London, the Middlesex, the Smallpox, the French Protestant, the Lock, the Wounded Seamen's, St. Luke's, the Marian Society, the Welsh Charity, the Asylum, the Magdalen, the London Workhouse, the General, Public, Middlesex, and Westminster Dispensaries, the Medical Society, the Humane, the Corporation of the Care of the Clergy, the Orphan Asylum, the Trinity House. These institutions are treated in their place.
As an institution which belongs specially to this century, I would place here a brief account of the Foundling Hospital. As for the foundling himself, he has entirely disappeared from among us. It is wonderful to remember that he was once a common and ever-present burden. He is no longer seen, because the cause of his existence has vanished. The crowded roads, especially the roads that led to London, contained not only an endless procession of coaches, carriages, waggons, carts, pack-horses, pack-mules, pack-asses, getting along to London and coming away from London: at distances of five or six miles there stood the stage inn where the coaches
stopped and travellers fed, and which were full, every evening, of people who put up for the night. Soldiers, sailors, strolling actors, "riders" or merchants' travellers, servants,—these all slept under the same roof with the "quality," though they did not mess at the same table. There was also, in addition to these, another company not recognised or known, but a numerous company which thronged all the roads; these were the tramps. We have the tramp, it is true, still with us, but in lesser numbers and much more under control. These people, male and female, streamed along the road: there was no end to them; they were always going or coming; they begged, they stole, they robbed; they were a terror of the farmhouse and of the solitary wayfarer. Sometimes when a baby was born to them, they rid themselves of the trouble and the charge by leaving it on a doorstep. Then the guardians of the poor took charge of the child; baptized it, sometimes after the day of the week when it was found, and gave it a surname, often after the name of the parish. Thus, a child found in Cripplegate might be christened Saturday Cripplegate. Once a child, newly born, was found, still alive, in a cinder-heap; they christened that child Job e cinerē Extractus. Unfortunately, the child died next day, and lies buried in the churchyard of St. Helen's, Bishopsgate.
In the reign of Queen Anne certain worthy merchants of the City, observing the neglect of these poor children, and the way in which they were brought up to be a pest and nuisance, rather than a prop and help to the State, resolved to found some kind of hospital where they could be cared for in God-fearing fashion and put out to some honest trade. At the time they were opposed by those who regarded the place as an encouragement to vice, these children being for the most part baseborn. And so it remained for some years, when the plan was taken up by Thomas Coram, a captain in the merchant service, who gave up his work and laid himself out to carry through the scheme. Like a prudent man, he did all the work himself and got great people to give their names. In the year 1738, he was able to show a memorial document signed by twenty-one ladies of the highest rank.
He then drew up a similar memorial, to which he procured the signatures of many noblemen and persons of reputation. With these credentials he was able to procure, in December 1738, first a licence for nominating trustees, and next a charter for the purpose of erecting a hospital for foundlings. After the reading of the charter, the trustees formed themselves into a court and elected a secretary. The ground was bought of Lord Salisbury for £7000, and the architect was Theodore Jacobsen. The first foundlings admitted were named Thomas Coram and Eunice Coram, called after the founder and his wife. The stronger among the infants were designed for the sea, and were named Drake, Blake, etc. This was in 1741. The original purpose of the hospital did not long remain in force; the plan of receiving foundlings, i.e. children abandoned by their parents, was given up. The hospital,
THE FOUNDLING HOSPITAL
in place of it, received illegitimate children of mothers who were known to have been of previous good character. These poor creatures, in distress and shame, were tempted to conceal their children, to murder them, to put them out to the wretched people who received them and brought them up as thieves and prostitutes. The real foundlings, on the other hand, the children of the tramps, were taken care of by the guardians, for the most part in a charitable and humane manner. A child
A BEGGAR
From a contemporary print.
received in this hospital never learns the name of its mother or its father. It is pleasant to remember that good old Thomas Coram lies buried in the vaults of the chapel, and that his portrait, by Hogarth, occupies a place of honour in the Board-room.
Lastly, there were the workhouses. The first workhouse was that of the Middlesex Liberty, now the parish of St. Luke, Old Street. This was erected in the year 1724 for the reception of the poor of that Liberty. The poor-rates immediately went down from three shillings in the pound to two.
Other parishes began to follow this example, until the present workhouse system became universal. If you desire to know how the paupers lived, you can read the table that follows. The fare allotted to the inmates of St. Margaret's Workhouse, Westminster, was as follows (A.D. 1756):
| Day | Breakfast | Dinner | Supper |
|---------|--------------------|----------------------|---------------------|
| Sunday | Bread and beer | Meat and broth | Bread and cheese |
| Monday | Bread and broth | Pease and pottage | Bread and butter |
| Tuesday | Bread and gruel | Meat and broth | Bread and cheese |
| Wednesday | Bread and broth | Hasty pudding | Bread and butter |
| Thursday | Bread and gruel | Meat and broth | Bread and cheese |
| Friday | Bread and broth | Barley broth | Bread and butter |
| Saturday | Bread and gruel | Baked puddings | Bread and cheese |
This kind of fare may be taken as indicating the food of the humblest class. There was very little meat, but a good deal of cheese. There was neither tea nor coffee; but beer, it is added, was given both at dinner and at supper.
Almshouses, schools, Church services, hospitals—all these institutions flourishing and held in respect do not testify to a time when religion was dead, or even decaying. It must be owned, however, that there were many and weighty reasons for the cry which was heard, with more or less bitterness during a hundred years, that religion was decaying. The profligacy of Charles the Second no doubt produced abundant imitation outside the Court; there grew up a school of philosophic freethinkers; yet in 1705 Burnet thought that irreligion was no more widely spread than before. The charitable and religious institutions mentioned above prove that efforts, at least, were made to maintain Religion and her handmaid, Charity. I shall return to the subject immediately, at greater length. In this place I desire to consider these institutions with reference to the religious life of the time.
Nor did the above-mentioned efforts stand alone. Early in 1692 there was started a Society for the Reformation of Manners, which was followed, in 1698, by the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, and by other associations with objects definitely religious: such as the deepening of religious life among the people; the suppression of disorderly houses; the infliction of fines for swearing and drunkenness; the erection of charity schools; the diffusion of knowledge; societies for missionary work; associations holding services of preparation for the Holy Communion; for the founding of libraries. In considering the religious life of the century we must not omit these things, even while we acknowledge the immoral lives of (apparently) the greater part of the aristocracy, and the abandoned lives of (apparently) the whole of the lowest class, and the prevalence of Deism, Freethought, and Atheism. We must also consider the temper in which these efforts were regarded by the people. Addison, who observed and imitated—or reported—the thought and tendency of his own times, as much as he led and
suggested the thought and influenced the tendency, said of the charity school: "I have always looked on this institution of charity schools—which of late years has so universally prevailed through the whole nation—as the glory of the age we live in, and the most proper means that can be made use of to revive it out of its present degeneracy and depravation of manners. It seems to promise us an honest and virtuous posterity. There will be few in the next generation who will not at least be able to write and read, and have not had an early inculcation of religion."
We have seen that Addison spoke without consulting his arithmetic. Praiseworthy as was the establishment of charity schools, they went a very little way towards the education of the thousands of London children.
We must remember that the people of whom we are speaking, the mass of the citizens of London, were at this time inarticulate, or at least silent. There is neither a Pepys, nor an Evelyn, nor a Machyn; there is not even a single chronicler belonging to London of the eighteenth century. Men and women of the West End wrote anecdotes, reminiscences, and letters; we know very well what they thought and how they lived; their manners and customs are perfectly well known to us. But the merchant, the shopkeeper, the schoolmaster of the eighteenth century neither wrote chronicles, nor anecdotes, nor letters; we only know how he lived from certain novels and from certain essays. It is in the unknown and the forgotten novels that we find most light thrown upon the City manners. I have come to the conclusion, from the study of many books of this kind, that the standard of morality, especially of sexual morality, held by the merchants and men of position was always high, and that the religion to which they mostly clung was as formal and as well defined as their morality.
The voice of the more serious side of London was heard from time to time in the presentments made by the Grand Jury. These were, of course, always on the side of religion; they were always clothed in language which proved that their denunciations of vice and infidelity were not merely perfunctory, but genuine expressions of sincere piety. A small thing, perhaps; but so long as the leading members of a community can speak and think as the Grand Juries of the eighteenth century spoke and thought, it is idle to talk of religion as being dead.
In a word, the great mass of the respectable and responsible classes of London, all through the eighteenth century, remained profoundly and deeply religious. It was not the religion of Wesley and Whitefield. The merchant of London looked askance upon enthusiasm; he dreaded enthusiasm above all things; he had heard tales of the wild fanatics of the last century; all these people were canting hypocrites in his eyes; but he remained in his way religious. It was the religion of George III.—the King's strong sense of religion and high moral
principles—which made the people love him, though he would hear of no reforms, and would listen to no reason. London could not choose but love a king both moral and religious, though he snubbed the City and took no notice of their remonstrances.
The century saw many phases of faith as it passed through its allotted space; these things belong to the history of religion: they touched the bourgeois mind at one point or another; but whatever their transient effect, the responsible citizen of London remained throughout firm in his religion and his morality. The so-called "decay" of faith did not touch him; he took no part either in the polished atheism of Lord Chesterfield, or the brutal impieties of Newgate and the gaol-birds.
CHAPTER II
CHURCH DISCIPLINE
The arguments above advanced against the theory of universal decay might be strengthened by the following proofs of the vitality of Church discipline. They may be instanced, however, simply to prove that Church discipline did exist and was active. The first is a case of penance.
In the year 1790 an action was heard in the Arches Court, Doctors' Commons, in which a certain person named Ride was charged with committing what was called incest—that is to say, with marrying within the relationships forbidden by the Church.
The man and woman were sentenced to stand in white sheets at the porch of the church during the ringing of the last bell for divine service on Sunday, and until after the first lesson, asking forgiveness of all persons entering the church. They were then to be led into the church and made to stand in a conspicuous place. Here they were to remain until the gospel of the day was read. They were then to repeat a submissive acknowledgment of the crime imputed to them; to implore the forgiveness of God, promise not to offend again, and to entreat the whole congregation to join with them in saying the Lord's Prayer.
The second is a case of clandestine marriage.
Clandestine marriage, if the girl was under age, could be pronounced null and void if the case was brought into court. In most cases the remedy was considered worse than the disease. In this case one John Lester was indicted for marrying secretly, and enticing from the guardianship of her father, one Susannah Hyett, she being then under twenty-one years of age. The jury found him guilty; the judge declared the marriage null and void, and sentenced the offender to an hour's pillory and a year's imprisonment. The pillory seems out of place in such an offence, which certainly did not, without further complications, carry any sense of shame with it to the offender, or of disgrace or indignation to the spectators, but quite the contrary.
Excommunication as an ecclesiastical punishment is generally supposed to have ceased at the Reformation. It was, however, continued down to the nineteenth
century, as is shown by a certain case, *Beaurain v. Sir W. Scott*, tried in the year 1813. The case was as follows:
The plaintiff, an attorney, had a son who, although a minor, was already a married man. Against this son his wife brought an action for divorce on account of adultery and cruelty. The defendant, judge of the Bishop of London's Consistorial Court, ordered the father to act as defendant in such case: this he refused to do, fearing the liability of costs. He was, however, duly called to appear before the Court, and as he did not appear was excommunicated for manifest contempt and contumacy. The sentence of excommunication was pronounced in the plaintiff's parish church of St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, before the whole congregation. It lasted for ten months. The effect upon the person excommunicated was that he could not sue, nor be a juror, nor be a witness; one imagines also that there were certain disabilities connected with the Church and its services, especially the rite of Holy Communion, but of these disabilities nothing is said in the case before us.
Shortly after the sentence was pronounced the attorney found himself a prisoner for debt. This misfortune he attributed, together with the falling off in his practice, to his excommunication. He therefore addressed a letter to the judge, Sir W. Scott, then a man of very advanced age, begging relief; the judge, very compassionately, took him out of prison, paying off the detainers himself at a cost of £150. The grateful attorney, once released, cast about for some pretence for making the judge give him more. He found one. He pretended to interpret the first gift as directed by fear, and in the hope of averting further consequences. He therefore proposed that the judge should buy him a post worth £2000. When this attempt failed, he brought the action, which, on some technical points, he won. But the jury only gave him £40 costs, so that one hopes that he speedily retreated once more to the shade and the security of the Fleet Prison.
The case does not concern us except for the fact that people were liable to excommunication in 1813, and later; that it was a real thing, carrying with it definite penalties; and that it was a public thing, proclaimed aloud in the parish church.
The fourth is a case of non-residence.
An action was brought by one Middleton against the Rev. Mr. Blake, vicar of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch—then a rural parish—to recover eleven penalties for non-residence. He had been vicar for nineteen years, but lived on his estate at South Molton, Devon, and only came up to London once a year in order to receive the Easter offerings. The defence was that the vicar was in very bad health, and that the air of London made him worse. The jury found a verdict for the plaintiff for £100.
Lent was still observed by a very few, in a fish diet; by the more devout, in
going to church more frequently; the lower classes paid no heed to Lent at all. The pulpits and the communion tables were hung with black. The butchers' shops no longer put up their shutters during this season, as they certainly did until the Revolution. I suppose that the practice, then abandoned, was never again restored even under James the Second.
There was an office in the Royal Household called the "King's Crower," or the "King's Cock and Crier," whose office it was every night during Lent to crow the hours instead of calling them like an ordinary watchman. The practice was continued at least till the reign of George I.
It seems as natural that Good Friday should be kept as a holyday as Christmas Day; yet the great mass of the people had entirely forgotten it, or at least neglected it. The shops opened as usual; business was carried on as usual. It was Bishop Porteous, in 1772, who restored the ancient observance of the day, and procured the partial closing of the shops.
Easter Monday was a great holiday always. This was the day of the Epping Hunt. It was also a day for cock-fighting, bull-baiting, prize-fighting, and other amusements appropriate to the day and to the events it commemorated.
In the Church itself the Athanasian Creed was still read without question; the 30th of January was still observed, and Restoration Day; and the Commination Service still regularly cursed many and sundry. In time of war a general fast was always proclaimed, and kept by the cessation of business, if not by universal attendance at church.
There were customs of a strange and fanciful kind. Thus, the following is curious. When did the custom cease?
"The beadles and servants of the worshipful company of Salters are to attend divine service at St. Magnus Church, London Bridge, pursuant to the will of Sir John Salter, who died in the year 1605, who was a good benefactor to the said company, and ordered that the beadles and servants should go to the said church the first week in October, and knock upon his gravestone with sticks or staves, three times each person, and say, 'How do you do, brother Salter; I hope you are well?'"'
It will be remarked that, while Sunday of London in the eighteenth century was a day of amusement to most of the people, a day in which the taverns, gardens, and places of resort were crowded, when every suburban inn had its Sunday ordinary, no mention is made of water-parties on the river. The reason of this omission was that, by a certain ancient Act of Parliament, parties of pleasure could be kept off the river, because it was forbidden to hire or to let boats on Sunday. But the people could not be kept out of the gardens and the taverns, because the Act did not close these places. The observance of the Sunday as the Jewish Sabbath was not enforced by Act of Parliament till the Act of 1676. In earlier times the Sunday was always a day of rest. King Alfred, Canute, Edward III., Richard II., and Edward IV. all in turn forbade all labour, traffic, and legal processes on the Sunday. When the
Puritans began to teach and to hold that Sunday was the Sabbath of the Jews, they endeavoured to enforce a stricter observance of the day. The Act of Charles II. in 1676 laid down a very strict law on the subject, quite from the Puritanic point of view. No one was to follow his trade or calling on the Sunday. Works of necessity were excepted: a baker must not bake his bread, but he might bake other people's meat, as he does to this day. There was to be no paying for amusements; but already, fifty years before, by the Act of Charles I., it had been ordered that persons should not assemble out of their parishes for any sport whatever, nor should they have baiting of the bull, or plays, or interludes on the Sunday. The Act of 1676 contained a clause forbidding the hire of any boat or barge. This clause, already mentioned, actually closed the river to holiday-makers for nearly two hundred years afterwards. The Puritanic spirit kept the Sunday observance laws in force, but they were seldom applied, as is manifest when we read of the general holiday-making and even profli-gacy which belonged to the Sunday all through the eighteenth century. The early years of the nineteenth century, however, witnessed a far stricter observance of the day. Several causes were at work to produce this result. The City had been much sobered by the apparently endless struggle with France; the upper classes were more religious and less infidel; the prevalent religion had become a gloomy Calvinism, growing daily more gloomy, and the lower classes were gradually falling more and more under the influence and into the power of a religion which was simple and intelligible even if narrow and cruel. Everybody could understand the creed of the Particular Baptist or the Primitive Methodist; these were the sects most attractive to the common people: they seriously discussed, about this time, the great question whether shaving was lawful on a Sunday; at a conference of one of these sects it was resolved to expel from membership any barber who should shave a customer on a Sunday. We have ourselves seen, less than twenty years ago, a zealous minister of one of these sects waging war against a Sunday apple-stall; and every Sunday we may still see the suburban publican inviting his customers to utter lies before the Lord, before the law allows him to serve them with a glass of harmless beer. The Puritan Sabbath still lingers among us, though it is fast dying out. Yet a few years, and it will become merely an academic subject for the historian of manners. Already, Sunday concerts are given in London; on Sunday, the suburban youth play lawn-tennis in the summer and secular music in the winter; on Sunday, the roads are black with bicycles. We are returning to the Sunday of our ancestors. The workshops are shut, and only those people are made to toil who are wanted for the amusements of the rest—the railway servants, the steamboat crews, the omnibus-drivers, the cab-drivers, and the people of the suburban taverns. Even the streets are brighter owing to the new custom of keeping part of the shop-windows open to view. The Sunday that Dickens describes is gone. The day has become once more, what it was before, *Dies Dominica*, the Day of the Lord.
Of this day Tom Brown observed that "the Sabbath is a very fine institution, since the breaking of it is the support of half the villages about the metropolis."
The practice of "Sabbath-breaking," which was inveterate, and not to be put down by any laws or proclamations whatever, called forth frequent attempts at suppression by way of legislation. Of these attempts none succeeded but for a very short time. There must be no trading on the Sabbath, yet in the poorer parts the streets on the Sunday mornings were crowded with stalls; the gardens and wells were all day long filled with company eating and drinking; there was an Act introduced to forbid the publication of Sunday newspapers. Colonel Hanger satirically professes to lament the wickedness of those who ring the bells on a Sunday, and the equal wickedness of those who entertain their friends to dinner on that day. There was a book—nay, there were many sermons stern and sorrowful—published on the immorality of the age. Books and sermons alike advocated sharp and systematic punishment of the Sabbath-breaker. He should, the moralist urged, be treated leniently—that is to say, he was to be fined, but lightly—for the first offence: not more, he mercifully asked, than the third part of his estate; for the next offence, he should put up a seat at his own expense for himself in the parish church, which should be higher and more conspicuous than the rest, and there he should have to sit every Sunday for a twelvemonth; once a week he should be examined as to what he remembered of the sermon—a most terrible punishment! and once a month he should stand up in church and openly recite the Catechism before the whole congregation. Here was zeal for righteousness!
In the eighteenth century there were no longer sanctuaries recognised by law for the refuge and the resort of ruffians and murderers, but there were places where no bailiff dared to serve a writ, no constable dared to make an arrest; there were quarters in which no decent people could even venture, much less live; and these served all the purpose of sanctuary. These were the quarters where the thief-taker went in order to know what his man was doing, and where to find him when his time came; in these places lived and flourished roguery in all its branches; these were the houses of those who were taken out by dozens every year to be hanged. The name of the Sanctuary had gone, but its memory was preserved by the noisome and crowded alleys and lanes of Westminster; by the denizens of the Borough; by those of St. Giles, Holborn, and Whetstone Park; in parts of Clerkenwell—Field Lane, Blueberry Alley, and Saffron Hill, for instance, received chief part of the City rascality.
Sanctuary, in fact—although Westminster and St. Martin's no longer offered refuge, though Milford Lane and Fulbourne Rents were respectable, though Alsatia had disappeared,—still existed. Its last place was in the Borough; it left St. Saviour's Close, which was a seventeenth-century sanctuary, and it seized upon that small
precinct known as The Mint, Southwark. At another time a company of ruffians attempted successfully to open another sanctuary behind the Tower, calling it the New Mint. The following is a little story showing the reality and security of the refuge offered by The Mint, Southwark:
In the year 1715 a case was heard in Westminster Hall, Dormer v. Dormer and Jones, the case being one for divorce, in which the man Jones, the co-respondent, had been footman in the house of Mr. Dormer. It appeared that there was no doubt as to the facts, and the jury brought in a verdict for the plaintiff, awarding him the sum of £5000 damages. On hearing the award, the co-respondent rushed out of the Hall, made his way to the stairs, took boat across the river, and was safe on the other bank before any one pursued him. Why did he run away? Why did he get across to the Surrey side? And why was he safe there? First, because he
had no money at all with which to pay those damages; next, because there was no Court of Bankruptcy; thirdly, because he would infallibly be clapped into the King's Bench; and lastly, because he would most certainly have to spend the rest of his natural life between those walls. And he fled to the Surrey side because there was a district on the west side of the High Street called The Mint, and because The Mint was still a sanctuary where bailiffs and catchpoles were afraid to be seen and His Majesty's writ was never served. What became of this gallant afterwards is perfectly easy to read. Honest work being stopped for him, he became a rogue, a thief, a highwayman, an ornament to Tyburn tree.
CHAPTER III
DISSENTERS
The Dissenters of the eighteenth century laboured under the oppression of the Corporation Act of 1661 and the Test Act of 1673. By the first Act, every one who took office as mayor or alderman, common-councilman, recorder, bailiff, or town clerk in any city or town, must show that within twelve months before entering upon office he had taken the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the rites of the Church of England. The latter Act provided that any person who held any office at all in the pay of the king must within six months take the oaths and subscribe the declaration against transubstantiation, and must also, within six months, take the Sacrament according to the British ritual.
These Acts were felt by the Dissenters to be an intolerable injustice. Another Act, called the Occasional Conformity Act, turned out of office any one who should even attend a conventicle. The Nonconformists continually agitated for the repeal of these Acts. In 1717 Earl Stanhope introduced a Bill for the repeal of all three; he succeeded in procuring the repeal of the Occasional Conformity Act and a promise of the repeal of the other two—a promise never kept in the lifetime of any man then living. Seventy years later, in 1787, in 1789, and in 1790, Bills were introduced for the purpose, but the time was not then opportune for the enlargement of liberty; and it was not until 1828 that the Test and Corporation Acts were finally repealed.
Meantime, the Committee known as the Dissenting Deputies was founded in order to watch over religious rights and liberties. Before long this body found an opportunity of acting. It was customary for citizens who did not wish to serve as sheriff to pay a fine. Dissenters, of course, could not serve. If, therefore, they were nominated and refused on account of their disabilities, the imposition of a fine became not only a monstrous injustice, but the means of intolerable persecution.
In 1753, however, immediately after a General Election in which the Dissenters were active, two of them, Mr. George Streatfield and Mr. Alexander Sheafe, were nominated sheriffs, but refused to serve on the ground of being Dissenters. The Court of Common Council thereupon proceeded to another election, whereupon Mr. Allan Evans, being elected, refused to serve on the same grounds. The Court therefore resolved on prosecuting these gentlemen for the fines. They rested on a precedent in which the Court of King's Bench had supported the City in such a claim, and the fine was fixed at £400 for declining to stand for office and £600 for refusing to serve after being elected. There seems to have been at this time a disposition on the part of the City to elect a man because he was a Dissenter, solely in order to extract the fine from him. We hear of an accumulation of £15,000 collected in this way from Nonconformists (see also p. 23). This time the three who refused to serve also refused to pay. The Dissenting Deputies took up the case and fought it. The Sheriffs' Court gave judgment against them; the Recorders' Court of Hustings gave judgment against them. They then appealed for a special commission of five judges, who reversed the decision of the courts below. The City took up the case to the House of Lords, where they lost, receiving a well-merited rebuke from Lord Mansfield. There was an end to nominating Dissenters.
Nonconformists in the eighteenth century were naturally Protestant and Hanoverian to a man. In all the Jacobite riots, in the mad brawlings of a mob which in some muddled way called itself High Church and Tory, the chapels of the Dissenters were broken into, sacked, and burned, and the houses of well-known Dissenters had their windows broken.
Meantime, Nonconformity in London, as in the country, steadily declined in influence: there were many families who remained staunch to the old principles; there were many others who for social reasons went over to the English Church. To be only tolerated, to be refused office on account of opinions which really matter very little, while it stiffens and hardens some minds, makes others uncomfortable and unhappy,—it is more pleasant to swim with the current. Since the Universities were closed to Nonconformists, by the end of the century the ministry of the chapels, with few exceptions, had ceased to be learned: the congregations were no longer composed of substantial merchants, but of humble tradesmen; there were Dissenters in thousands, but Dissent no longer possessed any power. I am aware that power has now returned to Dissent, perhaps because learning has returned to her ministers; but by the end of the eighteenth century Dissent as a political force appeared to be dying.
The Dissenters generally belonged to the class of tradesmen and the better sort of working-men; the better families who belonged to the Nonconformist bodies in the seventeenth century dropped out with few exceptions in the eighteenth. Let us repeat the disabilities of Dissent—are they not quite sufficient reason to account for the withdrawal of the educated or the least stubborn? It is intolerable to live under a ban, outside the life of one's fellow-countrymen. By the working of the Acts already described a Dissenter could not hold a commission in the army or the navy;
he could not go to Oxford or Cambridge; he could not, therefore, be received by the College of Physicians; he could hold no municipal office; he could not become a judge, a member of Parliament, or a peer. Every avenue of distinction was closed to him, except literature. What wonder, then, that in spite of the most sturdy tenacity and the most unbending pride, young men were found willing to change the Church in which they had been brought up for the Church which oppressed them? The social disabilities of Dissent, apart from the civil disabilities, have caused many to fall off.
The salaries paid to the ministers were not such as to attract men. Dr. Watts, for instance, received £100 a year. The attractions to the Dissenting pulpit were, first, the undoubted "call"—the inward call; next, the honour and respect of the congregation; then the opportunity of "convincing" sinners; and lastly, with many of them, the life of study and meditation, so much more delightful than that of trade.
The Dissenting academies were famous private schools. Most of the ministers were educated at these places. At one of these schools were educated Secker, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, and the learned Butler, afterwards Bishop of Durham.
Local associations were formed at which the churches met once a year. In 1704 a meeting of thirteen Baptist churches was held in London. These associations, however, did not prevent the formation of new branches with new points of difference. There were, for instance, General Baptists and Particular Baptists. So, at the present day, there are Methodists, Primitive Methodists, Bible Christians, and so on.
The number of Nonconformists in London may be arrived at approximately from the statement of Daniel Neal, author of *The History of the Puritans*, that there were 91 congregations in Middlesex—including London. If we take 70 congregations for London, and estimate 400 as the average number of each congregation—we find some chapels, for instance, with 1500 members,—we have nearly 30,000 Dissenters for London alone.
It is strange to find the halls of Companies used as chapels. Yet a congregation of Independents met for many years at Pinners' Hall; another at Salters' Hall; and a third at Plasterers' Hall. The Moravians, who can hardly be called Dissenters, came over about 1728 and formed a small society which met in Red Lion Street. After bringing their claims before the House of Commons, the Moravians were recognised as being, not Dissenters, but an ancient Episcopal Church.
The arrival of the French refugees colonised Spitalfields and caused the erection of thirty churches for them. The rapid absorption of the people into those of their new country, which turned the children and the grandchildren into Englishmen and Englishwomen, caused these churches to decline and to die. There are now only two or three churches where the service is conducted in French. Methodism, or
Wesleyanism, was not founded in London, nor was the first Methodist church built in London. The second church, however, was built at the Foundry, Moorfields, in 1734. In 1744 the first Conference was held in London. In 1749 London was recognised as the Mother Church, to which all information was to be sent up, Wesley himself being superintendent of the London circuit.
The "Lady Huntingdon" Connection began by clinging to the Church of England. The famous chapel of Spa Fields belonged to this body, who were forced into declaring themselves Dissenters.
The Nonconformists remained to the end of the century a body of free churches, whose strength lay chiefly in the trading class. They enjoyed the teaching of many remarkable men of great piety and profound learning and singular eloquence; they formed a compact body of men and women who maintained a pure and simple form of Christianity; they taught, in an extremely coarse age, the virtues of decency in conversation and in morals; in a drunken age, the virtue of moderation; in a frivolous age, the seriousness of life. We ought to recognise these qualities in the Nonconformists of the time. The influence of Wesley fell upon all the churches from the Anglican downwards; by the end of the eighteenth century all alike had become Evangelical; in London, at least, religion had returned to thousands upon thousands who seemed fifty years before to have deserted their faith and thrown it aside as a worthless rag. But as yet the very lowest classes were untouched by the revival of religion.
The Quakers, during the eighteenth century, became a quiet, prosperous, and respected body. They were all engaged in trade, they had the reputation of honesty, many of them became rich; but their numbers did not increase. Occasionally the old spirit of enthusiasm broke out. Thus, the story of John Kelsey the Quaker is astonishing.
He conceived the idea of going to Constantinople in order to convert the Sultan. He found his way to that city, probably on board some trading ship, and began to preach at the corners of the streets. As he knew no language but his own, the people naturally took him for a madman, and locked him up for six months. At the end of that time one of the keepers heard him make use of the word English, and carried him to Lord Winchilsea, then our ambassador at the Porte. Kelsey appeared before the ambassador with a torn and dirty hat, which he would not remove. Lord Winchilsea, thinking that in Turkey one should behave like a Turk, ordered the man to be laid on his face and to receive a "drubbing on the feet." The story goes on to say—which one can hardly believe—that he confessed that the "drubbing had a good effect upon his spirit." In his pockets was found a letter addressed to the Sultan, in which he announced himself as a scourge in the hand of God to chastise the wicked; and that he was sent not only to announce but to execute vengeance. Lord Winchilsea put him on board a ship bound for London.
He escaped; returned to his preaching; was again caught and put on board another ship, where he was effectually bound and so brought home.
Let us next turn to the principal Meeting-houses of London, with the assistance of Mr. Godfrey Pike's book, *Ancient Meeting-houses* (1870). It is not necessary to give the history of each in such detail as will be found by the curious in that book.
The first is the Meeting-house of Devonshire Square. The year of its foundation cannot be ascertained, but it is believed to have been in 1638. The first minister of whom we hear is William Kiffin. Among the sturdy Dissenters of that century Kiffin stands out as one of the sturdiest and most interesting. He was born in 1616, and at the age of nine lost his parents by the plague of the year 1625. At the age of fourteen he was apprenticed to the notorious John Lilburne, the most quarrelsome man in the world, a brewer by trade. How Kiffin was "converted" and left the Church and became a Baptist we need not relate. He was imprisoned; he nearly died of fever; he became a merchant, prospered, and grew very rich. The two boys named Hewling who were executed for being out with Monmouth were Kiffin's grandchildren. It was Kiffin who made that famous reply to King James. He remained pastor of the Devonshire Square Chapel till his 77th year, when he withdrew. He died in 1701, in his 87th year.
In the year 1580 there came to London a Venetian named Verrelyn, as the Londoners wrote and pronounced it. This man was a glass-blower, who made glass after the beautiful Venetian fashion, and encountered considerable opposition by reason of the jealousy which was always felt towards foreigners. He carried on his work in the hall or refectory of the old Augustine Friary. After his death or retirement the hall was acquired, I know not how, by the Pinners' Company. This probably took place about the year 1610. The Company was poor and of very small account. It would seem that it was glad to let its hall on lease to a society of Baptists who used it as a meeting-house in the time of Cromwell; and to another of Independents, whose first pastor was Anthony Palmer, about the year 1661. In 1670 the famous Merchants' Lecture was begun in this hall. The congregation quarrelled over some doctrinal point, and a rival lecture was held in Salters' Hall. The Independents met only in the morning; in the afternoon it was used by the Seventh Day Baptists. Dr. Watts preached here for a time: a long succession of eminent Nonconformists preached in the hall. It was pulled down at the end of the eighteenth century. The Pinners' Company is now defunct.
Crosby Hall, fully described in its place, suffered from the Great Fire of 1666, which destroyed a part of it, and from another fire six years later, which destroyed more of it. Fortunately, the Great Hall remained. In 1672 Thomas Watson, ejected minister of St. Stephen's, Walbrook, took the Hall on lease and used it as a chapel. It is not, however, Thomas Watson who is the glory of the place, but Stephen
Charnock, the author of the *Discourses of the Attributes of God*. This extraordinary scholar and theologian died in 1680, aged 52. He was buried in the churchyard of St. Michael, Cornhill. The lease of Crosby Hall came to an end in 1769, and its members were too few to renew it. The congregation therefore broke up.
The Old Jewry is connected with the name of Calamy, dear to Nonconformists. There were two, father and son, of this name. The elder, Edmund Calamy, was born in London in 1600. He studied at Cambridge, took his degree, was ordained and received a chaplaincy from the Bishop of Ely. He was deprived of this for refusing to read the proclamation about the Book of Sports. He was presented to the living of Aldermanbury, where he became celebrated and popular as a preacher. He encouraged the Restoration, and was rewarded by being consigned to Newgate. His imprisonment was received with such an outcry that it was thought best to release him. Soon after the Great Fire he was driven in a carriage through the ruins of the City. The sight so much affected him that he retired to his room and shortly afterwards expired. One would like to know how many were affected in the same way—how many fell dead at the sight and thought of that terrible destruction.
His son, Edmund Calamy the younger, also graduated at Cambridge. On leaving the University he became minister of Moreton. At the Restoration he retired to London, and there preached to a congregation of Nonconformists who met in a private house. On the Proclamation of Indulgence in 1672 the congregation removed to Curriers' Hall, but there was more persecution. Calamy died at the age of 50. The congregation kept together, and in 1687, when the Act of Toleration was granted, they built a chapel in Old Jewry. Its site, however, is not in Meeting House Court, a name which commemorates a Presbyterian church. Among many able and distinguished men connected with the congregation must be mentioned Samuel Chandler, one of the last who discussed the subject of Comprehension in a friendly spirit with Bishops of the Church of England. A meeting was informally held between the Bishops of Salisbury (Sherlock) and Norwich (Gooch) and Chandler. On being asked what he would desire changed in doctrine, the Nonconformist replied that he should desire to see the Articles expressed in Scripture words and the Athanasian Creed abolished. Upon which both bishops replied that they wished nothing better than to get rid of that Creed, and would very much prefer that the Articles should be put into plain Scripture words.
It does not appear, however, that Chandler spoke the mind of the Nonconformist divines as a body, or that they were at all anxious for Comprehension. It has always, hitherto, been a reproach to the Church of England that she is inexorably stiff and narrow; the Church of Rome would have invented a dozen means of keeping in the Catholic fold such great men as Baxter, Watts, Chandler, and others who have glorified the history of Nonconformity.
It must, however, be remembered that conformity would mean to these divines
a lower position, a loss of authority, perhaps banishment to a country living; and to their congregations the loss of the freedom of thought to which they were accustomed, and which was constantly causing separations, schisms, and new sects, all of which, painful to the mind of the Anglican or the Catholic, were delighted in by the sectarians themselves. For these reasons the Nonconformist remained outside. The disabilities did not greatly affect him except to make him stiffer in his separation; he was not, generally, of a class which desired education at Oxford, Cambridge, or the public schools; he did not desire a commission for His Majesty's service; he did not aspire to municipal distinction. He was engaged in trade, sometimes in extensive and stately trade; his disabilities did not affect his mercantile transactions; and among other merchants, all living together in the City, he neither found, nor felt, the least social inferiority. I would dwell strongly on this point. The merchants and the tradesmen of London lived in the City, where they had their offices and their shops. The wealthier class formed the aristocracy, whether they were Anglicans or Nonconformists. His so-called social inferiority began when the merchant moved out to Hackney, Hoxton, Bow, Clapham, and elsewhere. Then began the bitterness of social inferiority; then the young men aspired to other things than trade, and chafed at the restraints which surrounded them. And then Nonconformity began to lose its wealthy adherents, who for social reasons went over, they and theirs, to the Church of England.
The history of the congregation of the Old Jewry Chapel illustrates this danger. Early in the nineteenth century the City began to move outwards; the merchants and the shopkeepers all began to live in the suburbs; then the congregation began to decrease in numbers. It was at length found necessary to sell the building. The Wesleyans bought it, and carried on a chapel there for thirty years.
There is a sect, never very strong in numbers, but interesting, called the Sabbatarian or Seventh Day Baptists. They are strong in logic, if weak in numbers. Nothing is more clear than the command to keep the Seventh Day in the week: nothing is more certain than the fact that baptisms were not at the first bestowed upon infants. At the same time, those who believe that the law was made for man and not man for the law will cheerfully accept modifications which preserve the spirit of Christianity. The founder of Seventh Day Baptists was a singular enthusiast named Bampfield. He belonged to a good Devonshire family, went to Oxford, obtained a prebend's stall at Exeter Cathedral, and the vicarage of Sherborne, which he held until the general secession of 1662. For conducting family worship after the Puritan order, he was imprisoned; but being of the stuff which imprisonment only hardens, he continued to pray and preach publicly after his own fashion. For this offence he was imprisoned for eight years in Dorchester gaol. On getting out of prison he immediately began to preach again; suffered a short imprisonment at Salisbury; and then went up to London, where the persecution was less rigorous.
There, in Pinners' Hall, he gathered a congregation and preached the observance of the Seventh Day. This was in 1676. The congregation, probably small and unnoticed, remained apparently unmolested until February 17th, 1682, when their worship was disturbed by a company of constables. "I have a warrant," said the leader, "from the Lord Mayor to disturb this meeting." "I too have a warrant," Bampfield replied, "from Christ, the Lord Maximus, to go on." However, he was carried with six of his companions before the Lord Mayor, who fined them ten pounds each.
On the following Saturday they were again disturbed and marched off to the Lord Mayor, Bampfield explaining to the people, Bible in hand, the tenets for which he was about to suffer. He was already seventy years of age, but this was no time for pity; the Nonconformists must be trampled out. Bampfield was taken to Newgate, where he died a year later.
The successor to Bampfield was a more amiable character named Edward Stennett. It is a proof that the congregation was small that Stennett lived at Wallingford, practising as a physician, and visited London at stated periods. His was a very remarkable family, united in bonds of the same religious views and the same scholarly attainments. Two of the sons became ministers; another wrote a grammar of Hebrew at nineteen; the only daughter is said to have acquired an extraordinary knowledge of ancient tongues and literatures. Stennett was succeeded by his son Joseph Stennett. It is noteworthy that Joseph Stennett and Daniel Williams, the founder of the library still flourishing, married sisters. Stennett became a public man, a writer of pamphlets and sermons in the reigns of William and Anne. We need not pursue the history of the Seventh Day Baptists. They eventually settled down—always a very small body, but generally with a pastor of learning—in Mill Yard, Whitechapel, whence they have lately moved to other quarters.
The Mill Yard Chapel has other associations besides those of the Seventh Day Baptists. It was here that the enthusiast John James preached. This unfortunate man became a preacher of the Fifth Monarchy. He was apparently a wild enthusiast who regarded neither his own life nor any other lives in preaching his fanatical and dangerous doctrines. John James belonged to a time when everybody searched the Scriptures with as much belief in his own powers of interpretation as in those of any scholar. He found in the texts warrant for the belief in the Fifth Monarchy, which was to be that of Christ Himself. He was an illiterate weaver of Spitalfields, who kept his family by his daily labours at the loom; his name was very probably Anglicised from a French form. He was arrested, charged with conspiring against the life of the King, and sentenced to the usual death of a traitor.
It is reported that the day before his execution James received a visit from the hangman, who demanded £20 as the price of speedy death, or at least death before disembowelling. If not £20, then £10; if not £10, then £5. Alas! James had
nothing. It is pitiful to read of his last days. The visitors crowded to see him in the prison yard. "I sup with you to-night," he said, "but you would be glad to sup with me to-morrow." At parting with his wife, so strong and fervent was her faith that they would be reunited, that they "were as willing to part as ever they were to come together."
They dragged him on a hurdle all the way to Tyburn on a wet and gloomy day in November—this must have been no small part of the punishment. Arrived at the place of execution, the sheriff mercifully ordered him to be hanged until he was dead. They then cut him down and proceeded with the remaining barbarities.
It was in October 1708 that the chapel in Bury Street built for an Independent congregation was opened. This church was founded by a man of some note, Joseph Caryl, ejected minister of St. Magnus', London Bridge. He was the author of a most laborious exposition of the Book of Job in twelve volumes quarto, which now, presumably, finds few readers. He was succeeded by William Bearman, ejected minister of St. Thomas', Southwark. Bearman lived in Hoxton Square, where he built, at the back of his house, almshouses for eight poor men. He in his turn was succeeded by John Owen, sometime Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, member of Parliament for that city, a laborious preacher and writer. When Richard Cromwell turned him out of his deanery he resolved on preaching elsewhere. When the persecution began he removed for greater safety to London. After the Great Fire he got together a congregation which was joined by many persons of distinction. The King himself received him with great favour and kindness, professing himself to be in favour of toleration. Owen died in 1683.
Another lecturer to the congregation was that arch-schemer and conspirator Robert Ferguson. Still another, Isaac Chauncy. We come to another and a much greater name, perhaps the greatest name in the whole long roll of Nonconformist worthies—that of Isaac Watts. He was born at Southampton in 1674, the son of a schoolmaster and the grandson of a naval captain. His father was driven out of the town by persecution, and retired to London, where he lived in obscurity. The boy was, however, brought up in his native town, and educated by a clergyman named Pinhorne, rector of All Saints. In 1690 he was sent to London to study divinity under Thomas Rowe, the pastor at Girdlers' Hall. In 1694 he left Mr. Rowe, and for two years remained with his father studying and meditating. In 1696 he went to Stoke Newington, to the house of Sir John Hartopp, as tutor and chaplain. In 1698 he preached his first sermon to the congregation of Dr. Chauncy; and in 1702, on the 8th of March, when William the Third died, Watts accepted the pastoral office.
The condition of his health, which was always delicate, obliged Watts to live with people who would look after him. Thus he resided first with the Hartopps, then with Thomas Hollis in the Minories. In 1705 he published the Lyrics, and two
years later the Hymns, the copyright of which he sold for ten guineas. His version of the Psalms appeared in 1719. In 1710 he left Hollis and went to live with Mr. Bowes. Here he was laid low for two years with fever and exhaustion. He was compelled to resign his pastorate. As soon as he recovered, he removed to the house of Sir Thomas Abney, with whom, and with his widow, Lady Abney, he lived for the rest of his life—six-and-thirty years. Thirty years later Watts received a visit from the Countess of Huntingdon. "You are come to see me," said the poet, "on a very remarkable day. This very day, thirty years ago, I came to the house of my good friend Sir Thomas Abney, intending to spend but a single week, and I have extended that visit to thirty years." Lady Abney, who was present, remarked, "Sir, what you term a long thirty years' visit I consider as the shortest my family ever received."
In the year 1828 the congregation of Bury Street Chapel broke up and removed to Founders' Hall, whence they removed to Bethnal Green.
The Meeting-house in Little Carter Lane is remarkable for its connection with two famous divines, Richard Baxter and Edmund Calamy. The life of Baxter belongs to the history of the time. His trial, especially, by the infamous Judge Jeffreys is too well known to need relation in this place. Edmund Calamy is perhaps not so well known. He was the son of Edmund Calamy the younger, who has been already mentioned, and was the author of that standard book and classic, An Account of Ejected Ministers. He also wrote an abridgment of Baxter's Life.
We cannot pretend to enumerate the whole number of noted chapels. The King's Weighhouse and the Salters' Hall Congregation possess many associations of great interest to Nonconformists, but perhaps of less interest to Anglicans. It must have been observed that the Companies' halls were often used for chapels. The reason is not far to seek. The chief strength of Dissent lay in the City among the trading classes, who were members of the City Companies; the halls were large and convenient; they were sometimes lent, and sometimes let out at an annual rent, for Sunday meetings. Besides the Pinners' Hall, the Girdlers', and the Salters', of which we have already heard, there were meeting-houses at Turners' Hall, Tallow-chandlers' Hall, Joiners' Hall, and Brewers' Hall.
The condition of the Jews during the eighteenth century seems to have been, with certain exceptions, deplorable. Apart from the wealthier class, the Disraelis and others, who enjoyed the consideration due to their standing in the City, there were large numbers engaged in the old-clothes trade, a branch of business then much more important than it is at present. Women, for instance, did not wear calicoes and things which could be washed, but thick quilted petticoats and gowns of stuff. Men wore wigs, which lasted a long time, and costly coats and small-clothes of velvet, silk, and finely embroidered stuff. At death, these things, unless they were left by special bequest, were generally sold to the itinerant Old Clo'men, and taken off to Monmouth Street, there to be got up again almost as good as new. The Old
Clo'man wore a long gaberdine, and, at a time when smooth faces were the rule, he flourished a long beard; in fact, he seemed to invite attention to himself, to proclaim his nationality. It was a common practice for the boys to get together and to pelt a Jew whenever they met him. When, as once happened, a certain band of Jews committed a barbarous murder, for which four of them were hanged, fresh fuel was poured upon the fire of popular hatred, and for a time it seemed as if an outburst were to be feared.
Fortunately, an unexpected occurrence saved the Jews and caused the popular hatred to desist from active manifestation. The thing is highly creditable to the courage and to the spirit of the Jews. One of them, Mendoza by name, of the Spanish Jews, became a prize-fighter, and was one of the best, if not the very first, of the prize-fighters of the time. Stimulated by his example, all the younger Jews learned boxing. Then, one day, I know not where or when, at the accustomed yell and hooting and at the familiar whizzing of the rotten egg about his ears, the Old Clo'man turned upon his adversaries, selected that Christian who was the strongest and the most energetic, invited him to take off his coat and have it out, and proceeded to show that astonished young Christian a little of the dexterity and the art of his com-patriot Mendoza; insomuch that the assailant was amazed and converted, and henceforth forbore even from yelling out or shying an egg when he passed a Jew.
Nay, the thing was bruited abroad; it became known that the Jews were actually ready to fight, had indeed fought; and for ever after they were allowed to walk about the streets with their long bags unmolested—even respected.
In the year 1894 there died an aged Jew who was in his hundred and fourth
year. I saw him and conversed with him six weeks before his death. By trade he had been a cook, and had found employment from the Lord Mayor and from the City Companies for their dinners. He illustrated the advantages of drinking wine by the admission that he always drank whatever he could get, which was no inconsiderable quantity, and in extreme old age was no whit the worse for it. He is, however, mentioned here because he had been in his youth one of those
pugnacious Jews, and was held in great respect by the Faculty and the noble patrons of the P.R. for his admirable conduct as second and bottle-holder at the encounters of the Fancy.
In 1753 a Bill to naturalise the Jews was passed, but repealed the next year by petition from all the cities in Great Britain. The public excitement was very great. Many were the public feasts held at which nothing but pork was eaten. Hams, legs of pork, spare-ribs, griskins, haslets, pigs' feet and ears, formed the menu. In the midst was a large barbecued hog, and hogs' puddings were served for dessert.
Ladies wore ribands with "No Jews; Christianity for Ever" on them. They also wore crosses; their pompons were arranged with crucifixes; all the decorations of their dresses were covered with crosses.
CHAPTER IV
SUPERSTITIONS
The City has never been quite so superstitious as the country. We hear very little about witches in London, though the country-people were murdering old women for witchcraft, and that until the middle of the century. The Londoners, however, had their little credulities. We need not insist on the harmless boy and girl beliefs, such as washing the face in May-dew to make it beautiful, and observing the old Christmas customs, and so forth. The people of London were conservative in all these customs; they only fell into disuse when the people left the City and scattered themselves—no longer a people, but lonely eremites, each family locked up in its own villa. Besides these customs they nourished their secret beliefs. They fervently believed, as they do now, in ghosts; in dreams of warning; in signs of good luck and bad luck. They believed, as many thousands do still, in astrology, fortunetelling, and secret powers. They believed in days when certain things might be done and other things must not be done. They believed, until the death of Queen Anne, that the sovereign could cure scrofula by touching the patient after a certain form of prayer. When the House of Hanover came to the throne, it was a proof of their usurpation that they could not pretend to touch for scrofula; while it was whispered that the Pretender possessed that power. Another miraculous remedy for the disease was then found: it was discovered that the hand of a man just hanged, if applied to a scrofulous child, cured the disease. There were other superstitions connected with this disease.
As regards ghosts, we need not be in the least surprised at the belief in the Stockwell Ghost or the Cock Lane Ghost; for it is only a year or two since we ourselves had the Hackney Ghost. Indeed, since there are so many persons of learning and education—men of science—who still believe in the return of the dead to the living, and in the actual daily communication of the world of spirits with the world of life and action, we must not permit ourselves the luxury of a sneer at our grandfathers. It is only thirty years since a ghost was solemnly and with ancient ritual laid in Somersetshire.
The following is contemporary evidence as to the prevalent belief in ghosts:
"Nothing weakens the Minds, and turns the Brains of the English people more than the delusive Horrors which the common Stories of Daemons and Goblins bring along with them. He that is the staunchest Believer in this Point, is often the most wretched Infidel in Articles of a more useful nature; he swallows glibly the grossest Falsehoods and Forgeries, but cannot bear the Appearance of Truth and Conviction. If you tell them that a Spirit carry'd away the Side of a House, or play'd at Foot-ball with half a dozen Chairs, and as many Pewter Dishes, you win their Hearts and Assent; but if you go about to persuade them that a bodily Communication between the invisible Spirits of the other World, and the mortal Inhabitants of this, is not very likely, at least not very common, they hold up their Hands and wonder how you can be such an Atheist. We had the Testimony both of Men, Women, and Children for Appearance of all kinds of Ghosts, in the City and Suburbs of London, at proper Times and Seasons; some in Coaches, and Servants behind them, all without their Heads; and of Spirits as tall as Country May-poles, dancing at the doors of Women in Child-bed, forewarning them of their Deaths. Many of the antientest and finest Seats in the Kingdom are gone to ruin, having been totally neglected and uninhabited for some Ages, on account of their being haunted, nay, whole towns and Villages have ere now been depopulated, upon a White Horse's being seen within half a Mile of them, and near a Church-yard in the Night time. And I have heard of Travellers who have been so terrified at the Shadows of their own Horses, that they have often rode back twenty or thirty Miles when they have been going a Journey" (Brief and Merry History of Great Britain, pp. 9, 10).
Astrology, again, which was formerly, even in the early part of the eighteenth century, one of the learned professions, died out, or seemed to die out—at least, it disappeared; astrology has now revived, and is now again practised. We cannot therefore sneer at our ancestors for believing in astrology.
Fortune-telling, card-reading, palmistry, and all the branches of white witchery are as much practised by ourselves as by our ancestors.
Formerly there were prophets for the London papers who by arts and powers of their own could foretell events. Strange and bigoted superstition! Yet there are among us prophets who foretell the winner of the next horse-race. Strange and credulous generation! There were books and pamphlets, almanacs and handbooks, which contained messages from the stars, with instructions how to conduct business and agriculture in deference to their wishes. Strange credulity! Yet in the present year of grace, 1900, we have seen a message from the other world telling us what they do there, in a leading magazine, and perhaps half the readers have swallowed it. Wonderful and blind credulity!
The people of the eighteenth century had some advantages which we have lost. They had a State lottery; they could therefore consult the wise woman as to a
lucky number. On the occasion of the last French lottery, the "spirits" actually sent a special message to the present writer concerning a lucky number. He bought the ticket—such was his credulity!—and did not win a prize!
Again, they had a most inefficient police, and thefts were innumerable; they therefore consulted the wise woman instead of the police in order to recover their stolen property.
The people also believed very strongly in quack nostrums of all kinds. They had charms to send away warts, and prevent chilblains; they had ointments, drops, pills, powders, draughts, to cure everything, from stammering to consumption. They believed in the most ignorant quack that ever practised with a mountebank at the fair. Strange credulity of the age! As for ourselves, with equal credulity we buy whatever quack stuff is offered, provided only that it is sufficiently advertised. The quacks still advertise, as they always have done, in almost every paper; they placard the walls; they spoil the fields and destroy the view from the carriage window; they amass great fortunes. Yet we have the most highly educated and the most efficient medical practitioners that the world has ever seen; and we desert these trained and experienced men and transfer our confidence to the manufacturer of the pill, who knows nothing, and cannot know anything that is not known to science. Strange credulity of a superstitious age!
The superstitions of the age were at least more open and public than those of our own. The lucky and unlucky days were known to all: they were days when it was lucky to attempt some kind of business and unlucky to begin others; no acts of importance were approached without reference to the luck of the day. There were also prophets of the weather; one Gustavus Parker published a prophetic weather paper every month. There were also the calculators of nativities. "Almanack" John, shoemaker of the Strand, was one of these. He calculated and sold nativities. He also made and sold charms against violence, loss, robbery, and fire; these charms were called Sigils. Another person in the same line, John Bonner of Short's Garden, recovered lost property by necromancy, "he being paid for his trouble."
A remarkable example of popular credulity which has not, so far, been surpassed by ourselves, occurred in the year 1750. A slight shock of earthquake was experienced on the 8th of February, and another on the 8th of March of that year. Presently it was rumoured abroad that there was a prophet who knew when the next shock would be felt. The prophet turned out to be a soldier, a Lifeguardsman, who foretold an earthquake which would destroy all London on the 8th of April (see p. 19).
Other instances are always quoted to show the depths of credulity of the eighteenth century. We ourselves, who have witnessed the belief in a man who said he could float in the air, are amazed at the people who could believe in Mary
Tofts, who pretended to be the mother of rabbits; in the Stockwell Ghost; in "Scratching Fanny" of Cock Lane. Walpole says:
"I went to hear it, for it is not an apparition but an audition. We set out from the opera, changed our clothes at Northumberland House—the Duke of York, Lady Northumberland, Lady Mary Coke, Lord Hertford, and I, all in one hackney-coach, and drove to the spot. It rained torrents, yet the lane was full of mob, and the house so full we could not get in. At last they discovered it was the Duke of York, and the company squeezed themselves into one another's pockets to make room for us. The house, which is borrowed, and to which the ghost had adjourned, is wretchedly small and miserable. When we opened the chamber, in which were fifty people, with no light but one tallow candle at the end, we tumbled over the bed of the child to whom the ghost comes, and whom they are murdering by inches in such insufferable heat and stench. At the top of the room are ropes to dry clothes. I asked if we were to have rope-dancing between the acts. We heard nothing; they told us (as they would at a puppet-show) that it would not come that night till seven in the morning, that is, when there are only 'prentices and old women. We stayed, however, till half an hour after one. The Methodists have promised contributions; provisions are sent in like forage, and all the taverns and ale-houses in the neighbourhood make fortunes."
The following is Dr. Johnson's account of "Scratching Fanny":
"About ten at night, the gentlemen met in the chamber in which the girl, supposed to be disturbed by a spirit, had with proper caution been put to bed by several ladies. They sat rather more than an hour, and hearing nothing, went downstairs, where they interrogated the father of the girl, who denied in the strongest terms any knowledge or belief of fraud. While they were inquiring and deliberating, they were summoned into the girl's chamber by some ladies who were near her bed, and who had heard knocks and scratches. When the gentlemen entered, the girl declared that she felt a spirit like a mouse upon her back, when the spirit was very solemnly required to manifest its existence by appearance, by impression on the hand or body of any present, or any other agency; but no evidence of any preternatural power was exhibited. The spirit was then very seriously advised that the person to whom the promise was made of striking the coffin was then about to visit the vault, and that the performance of the promise was then claimed. The company at one o'clock went into the church, and the gentleman to whom the promise was made went with another into the vault. The spirit was solemnly required to perform its promise, but nothing more than silence ensued. The person supposed to be accused of the spirit then went down with several others, but no effect was perceived. Upon their return they examined the girl, but could draw no confession from her. Between two and three she desired and was permitted to go home with her father. It is therefore the opinion of the whole assembly that the child has some art of making or counterfeiting a particular noise, and that there is no agency of any higher cause."
It would be folly to spend much time and space over so ridiculous an imposture as the Stockwell Ghost. The ordinary excuse for doing so—the wide interest excited by the affair—seems an aggravation of the case, because the fact only proves how uncritical, how unreasoning, how credulous people must be who can believe in such things.
However, in a few words, there lived in 1772 on Stockwell Green, then a quiet rural retreat, a lady named Golding, with her one servant. The trouble began on Twelfth Day, when a quantity of drink, glass, and plates in Mrs. Golding's kitchen fell down without any apparent cause. A visitor came to call upon Mrs. Golding; she was invited to take a glass of wine, but the bottle broke. Mrs. Golding ran
into a neighbour's house to get out of the way; some of her furniture was brought in after her and dashed upon the ground; then the poor persecuted lady tried to take refuge at two other houses, where the same thing happened. The people of the houses openly accused her of some secret crime, Providence meantime taking this method of expressing indignation. This is nearly the whole story. Mrs. Golding went back to her house; the "manifestations" began again. Then some one remarked that she had always been accompanied by her servant, who was dismissed, on suspicion only.
That was the end of the Stockwell Ghost. There were no further disturbances. Yet a great many people went to see the house; and twenty years later, when Mrs. Golding was dead, there was an auction at the house and the "dancing furniture" commanded high prices. The servant, Ann Romsden, is said to have afterwards confessed that she herself had contrived everything.
The Hammersmith Ghost was a scare got up by some scoundrel for frightening those who had to pass through, or by, the churchyard of Hammersmith. He dressed in white and moved about, terrifying poor women so much that one woman died of the fright. One of the residents resolved to wait and watch for the ghost; he loaded a gun and sat down behind a tombstone. Presently something white appeared crossing the churchyard. He fired. It was a harmless bricklayer, whose white frock caused him to be mistaken for a ghost. The cause of the terror was never discovered.
In September 1815 the neighbourhood of St. Andrew's, Holborn, was alarmed by the undoubted appearance of a ghost, seen in the moonlight from the street. Crowds assembled to see this apparition. One night, about nine o'clock, while the street was filled with people, there was a shout of "The Ghost! the Ghost!" Hundreds fled in all directions. Those who remained saw the ghost skipping about from one tombstone to another: getting bolder, it advanced to the gate, groaned seven times, and climbed up the railing. This was unfortunate, because some one bolder than the rest seized the ghost by the leg and dragged it down. It proved to be a boy in a shirt; and so there was an end of the Holborn Ghost.
A similar alarm took place at Hackney two or three years ago. The churchyard is a large area covering the site of the old church, together with what was added when the new church was built. One night a crowd began to assemble: they were come to see a ghost; what ghost they knew not; they stayed about the place till past midnight. The next night they were in large force; the next, there was a vast crowd; and so on, night after night, until the crowd became an unruly mob, and in the interests of order was dispersed. Who started the rumour of a ghost, what was reported about its appearance, no one knew.
I must not linger over the strange prophets and visionaries who appeared in London during this century. Of the absurd sects, the most absurd was that of the
Muggletonians. They began in the seventeenth century, the leaders being one John Reeve and one Lodowick Muggleton. They were ignorant enthusiasts; yet for some reason that no one has discovered, their visions and their doctrines had some power of seizing upon men and holding them. They professed themselves to be the "two witnesses" of Revelation xi., but Muggleton declared himself to be the "mouth" of Reeve as Aaron was the mouth of Moses. Muggleton's followers were numerous all through the century; his writings were collected and published in 1736, and again in 1832. There is said to be still a remnant of his followers; they have an upper room which they use, but secretly, as a chapel, somewhere near Bishopsgate.
Another strange sect, whose doctrines I have not yet ascertained, was that of the Ranters. They met in Turners' Hall under the guidance of one Joseph Jacobs, called "Whisker Jacobs." One of their principles, in that age of shaven heads and wigs, was to wear their hair long, and their beards. There were also the Philadelphians, a mystic sect founded on "brotherly love." This, too, was a seventeenth century sect; it was founded by a Dr. John Perdage, with a certain Mrs. Leade and others, under the influence of Boehme's writings. The sect disappeared some time in the eighteenth century. The Sweet Singers, the Seekers, and other sects of enthusiasts became for the most part merged in the great wave of enthusiasm which swept over the country under the influence of Wesley and Whitefield.
The "French Prophets" who came over here in 1706 have now fallen into oblivion, perhaps undeserved, for they were undoubtedly enthusiasts of a very uncommon kind. Malcolm, who describes them, can find in them nothing but imposture. They were "impostors" of the "Corybantic" kind—a kind which is always with us. The leader was one Elias Marion, the son of Protestant parents, born in the Upper Cevennes in 1678. He caught the infection of enthusiasm from his brothers; he was concerned in the civil war, and either escaped or was allowed to retire to Lausanne. Here he received a message ordering him to depart to London. His companions were John Cavalier, Durand Fae, John Daude, Nicolas Facio, and Charles Portales. They held meetings at which one after the other fell into trances, uttered prophecies, and committed a thousand extravagances. One of their converts was a certain Sir Richard Bulkeley, a deformed person, who refused to change his clothes or to buy new ones, because "the Spirit had declared that he should be made straight." On this assurance he naturally waited for the miracle, because it would have been absurd to buy new clothes which would no longer fit him as soon as his hump disappeared. Among other proselytes were one Lacy and a Miss Betty Grey.
At one meeting, for instance, Betty Grey, violently agitated, personated the Scarlet Woman. "First, she barricaded the doors so that no one could get out. This done, she laid aside her manteau and night-clothes and tied up her hair with
singular modesty, then taking a peruke and hat, put them on her head and sat down in an elbow-chair very majestically with her arms akimbo."
The account is confusing. What does it mean by her "night-clothes"? Why did the lady come to the meeting in her night-clothes? Why did she take them off? How, in doing so, could she possibly display "singular" modesty? If it is intended that she sat in an arm-chair with only a peruke and a hat upon her, and her arms akimbo, then the word "majestic" is indeed applicable.
"After that she got up and began to beat and thump with her feet everybody in the room, especially the poor little hunchback, Sir Richard, whom she banged most unmercifully. Then she sat down again, and opening her mouth fell a-ranting, agreeably to the character represented."
For my own part, I think her version of the Scarlet Lady not warranted by the text. Another of them fell into a transport, and cried out, "Es-tu la grande bête, la putain de Babylon?" She then sprang to her feet, seized Betty Grey, threw her down upon the floor, kicked her about as if she had been a dead cat, and walked over her body, standing on her breast, so that she seemed lifeless. But she was not; she rose up and gave thanks that Antichrist and the Scarlet Lady had been overcome. They had to stand in the pillory for this and other enthusiasms. And then—then they fade away and are no more seen.
The current belief in witchcraft may be illustrated by the story of a wise woman. This woman did not belong to London, but there were plenty of wise women, fortunetellers, charmers, sorceresses, who did live and practise exactly in the same way as Mary Bateman.
One William Pettigo consulted her for his wife, who suffered from nervous disorders. Mary Bateman was a professional witch or wise woman. She told Pettigo that the case was beyond her powers, but that her friend "Miss Blythe," who lived in a neighbouring town, was able to "read the stars" and by their aid to effect a cure. She would require, however, as a preliminary, the flannel petticoat worn by Mrs. Pettigo. This article of dress, of so much efficacy in things astrological, was given to Mary, who then informed Pettigo that he must exchange with her four guinea notes—that is to say, he must give her four notes in return for which she would give him other four notes tied up in a bag; but he was not on any account to open the bag, or the charm would be broken. Similar exchanges were afterwards conducted, Pettigo in the end having advanced forty guineas and received the bags which he was not to open.
Meantime, his wife grew worse. Then it appeared that the star-reader, Miss Blythe, could not sleep in her own bed while certain planets ruled. Therefore Pettigo provided her with a new bed; then with more guineas; then with a set of china; and then with nine guineas. And still his wife grew worse instead of better. Having now lost all his money, Pettigo informed the wise woman that he intended to
open the bags. She warned him that the consequences would be terrible, and gave him a packet containing, she said, a most powerful charm; it was to be put into a pudding, of which no one but Pettigo and his wife must eat. They obeyed. They were both seized immediately with violent pains; the wife died five days later; the husband recovered, with the loss of his legs. Some of the pudding was given to a cat, which died; and to some fowls, which also died. Even now the poor dupe could not open his eyes. For some months afterwards he contrived to give her whatever she demanded. At last, when his creditors became impatient, he resolved to brave the awful peril of opening the bags. He did so. They contained nothing but bits of paper. Mary Bateman was then arrested and charged with murder and with fraud.
I am tempted also to relate the story of Anne Izzard, although she, like Mary Bateman, was not a resident of London. In the village of Great Paxton, a girl named Amy Brown tried to walk across the river on the ice. This broke under her and she was very nearly drowned, her danger and her rescue being witnessed by a friend named Fanny, who was so terrified that she fell into fits. As the fits continued, a belief sprang up among the people that she was bewitched, as well as the girl who fell into the river, and another girl. The witch was thought to be one Anne Izzard, a woman of sixty. She went with tears to the vicar and offered, in order to show that she was no witch, to be weighed against the Bible—a very old method of proving innocence, and the last survival of the ordeal which called upon the Lord to prove the guilt or the innocence. The vicar exhorted the people on the folly of their opinions, but in vain.
Some time after, Anne Izzard, with her son and another woman, was coming home from market in a cart. The second woman insisted, against Anne Izzard's advice, on putting a basket of groceries on some sacks of corn. The consequence was that when the horse grew restive, the basket was spilled. This was sheer witchcraft. The people were now convinced. Not only so, but they were horribly frightened. They ran to the woman's cottage, dragged her out of bed, stripped her naked, tore her arms with pins, beat her about the body, and left her bruised and bleeding. She ran to another cottage, tenanted by a Mrs. Russell, who took her in and bandaged her. The villagers told Mrs. Russell that those who protected a witch were as bad as the witch herself. It is almost incredible that the poor woman was so frightened that she went to bed and died of sheer terror. A second time the people dragged Anne Izzard from her bed and tore her arms with pins. This time she ran to the next village, where she took shelter.
In the end, about a dozen of the villagers were apprehended and tried for the assault.
In October 1808 one Joseph Powell was indicted, at the instance of the Society for the Suppression of Vice, for being a pretended astrologer. The man was a
vendor of quack medicines. He restored decayed teeth, cured rheumatism, headache, toothache, and everything else. In addition to this, he gave patients advice on their future as revealed by the stars. The Society sent their clerk, who bought a nostrum and asked an opinion. The latter was given gratis, so that the man could not be prosecuted; the Society therefore sent two girls to ask for nativities. The unlucky astrologer was then caught in the very act of casting their nativities, and was arrested and brought before the Middlesex magistrates. It is sad to relate that he was not only imprisoned but also publicly whipped.
At the same time a fortune-teller was sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment for telling the future from cards at a shilling a head.
The following took place not in London but in a country town. It was in the year 1766. A young woman, well dressed and handsome, came to church to be married. The bridegroom was already in the church waiting for her. As soon as she entered, the bridesmaid began to undress her until she was reduced to her shift, in which guise she was conducted to the altar and presented for the marriage service. She had suspicions that all was not well with the bridegroom's affairs; and she had been advised that if she was married in her smock he could claim no other marriage portion than that garment.
The next story, however, does belong to London, or rather to the Borough. It is of one Higginson, a journeyman carpenter in Southwark, who sold his wife to a brother-workman one night at the alehouse. Next day he repented and implored his wife to return to him. As she refused, probably outraged by the transfer, he went home—to the solitary home—and hanged himself.
A child of two years fell into the river and was drowned. As the body could not be found, a twopenny loaf was procured into which a certain quantity of quicksilver was poured. It was then set floating down the river. Suddenly it tacked about, floated across the stream, and sank, of course over the spot where lay the child.
On May 4, 1767, one Francis Gorman was hanged at Tyburn for murder. While he was hanging, a young woman with a wen upon her was lifted up and had the wen rubbed with the dead man's fingers, as a certain cure for the growth.
Were talismans and amulets still believed in? By the lower orders, certainly. The talisman represented the influence of a planet or zodiacal sign upon a person born under it. It was a symbolical figure drawn or engraved. It was supposed at once to procure love and to avert danger. The amulet averted danger of all kinds. Amber kept children from danger; a child's caul made lawyers prosper; the evil eye was averted by certain well-known symbols, including the locust, the closed hand, the pine-cone. The German Jew at the point of death still, it is said, ties his head round with knotted leather. The Turks cure apoplexy by encircling the
head with a parchment strip painted with signs of the zodiac. Spells, which were still asked for by those who consulted the wise woman, were of all kinds. The favourite was the blessed word Abracadabra.
"Thou shalt on paper write the spell divine,
Abracadabra called, in many a line,
Each under each in even order place,
But the last letter in each line efface.
As by degrees the elements grow few,
Still take away, but fix the residue.
Till at the last one letter stands alone,
And the whole dwindles to a tapering cone.
Tie this about the neck with flaxen string,
Nightly the god 'twill to the patient bring:
The wondrous potency shall guard his head
And drive disease and death far from his bed."
A B R A C A D A B R A
A B R A C A D A B R
A B R A C A D A B
A B R A C A D
A B R A C A
A B R A C
A B R A
A B R
A B
Would you like to know how the eighteenth-century maiden inquired after her lover? She continued, in matters of importance, the magic and spells of her grandmother. She saw him in the coffee-grounds; at the bottom of the tea-cup; she got up on May Morning to hear the cuckoo, who told her about him; she made the dunch\(^1\) cake, two and two, in order to dream of him. She sowed hempseed at midnight, saying, "Hempseed I sow; hempseed I hoe; and he that is my true love, come after me and mow."\(^2\) Then she looked behind and actually saw him.
She took a clean clout, wetted it, turned it inside out, and hung it over a chair before the fire. Then her sweetheart came and turned it right again.
She stuck up two Midsummer-men\(^3\)—branches,—one for herself, and one for him. If his branch died away, it was a bad sign; if it flowered, it was a good sign.
She went backwards into the garden on Midsummer Eve and gathered a rose, and put it away in clean sheets of paper till Christmas, when, if it was quite fresh,
---
\(^1\) Heavy or doughy as bread (Murray's *New English Dictionary*).
\(^2\) This charm is referred to in Burns's poem, "Halloween." Another version of it is, "Hempseed I saw thee, hempseed I saw thee; and him (or her) that is to be my true love, come after me and pou thee"; and on looking over one's shoulder one will see the appearance of the expected lover in the attitude of pulling hemp. —Note to J. A. Manson's *Annotated Edition of Burns* (A. and C. Black).
\(^3\) "Midsummer-men, the plant called Orpine or Live-long, one of the Sedum tribe."—Brewer's *Dictionary of Phrase and Fable*,
she put it into her bosom, and her sweetheart came and took it out. On lying in a strange bed, she tied her garter nine times round the bedpost and knitted nine knots in it, saying: "This knot I knit, this knot I tye, to see my love as he goes by; in his apparel and array, as he walks in every day." She put bridecake under her pillow and dreamed of her lover. She threw apple-peel over her shoulder. She stuck two kernels on her forehead; her love's remained on, the other fell off. She gathered five bay-leaves—pinned four of them to the corners of her pillow, and the other one to the middle, boiled an egg, took out the yolk, filled up with salt, ate it all, shell and all, without speaking or drinking. After this, of course, she dreamed of her lover.
CHAPTER V
LIBRARIES
Since education has always been connected with religion, and libraries play a large part in the education of the people, we may here enumerate the libraries of London. There were not many free libraries, in the modern sense of the word. Yet there were one or two. Even after the foundation of the British Museum, if a person wanted to visit it he had to get a card of admission the day before, and was tied to a certain hour. But there can be no doubt that if a scholar desired to use one of the libraries, which were many and important, he would readily receive permission.
The public records, State papers, and letters of foreign princes were preserved in the White Tower and the Wakefield Tower; with them were many papers relating to the monasteries. Other records and State papers were kept in the Exchequer, Westminster, under the care of the Lord Treasurer. Here were kept the two Domesday Books, the one in folio and the one in quarto.
The Parliament Rolls were kept in "an old stone tower" in Old Palace Yard, now the so-called Jewel House; some were also kept in the Holbein Gate.
The Cotton Library, which went to the British Museum, was originally kept at Westminster in the house which had been Sir Robert Cotton's; it contained a thousand volumes of charters, grants, letters, instruments, genealogies, registers, etc.
The Williams Library was founded by Dr. Williams, Dean of Westminster and Bishop of Lincoln, the last ecclesiastic who held the Great Seal. He purchased most of the books from one Baker of Highgate, and opened the library for public use every day in term time, viz. from nine till twelve in the forenoon, and from two till four in the afternoon. The writer in the Gentleman's Magazine, from which these notes are taken, states that by negligence many of the MSS. were burned. There was another "Williams" library. This was a library — still existing — originally of 25,000 volumes, bequeathed by the Rev. Dr. Williams, an eminent Presbyterian. He died in 1716. The library was originally deposited in Red Cross Street,
Cripplegate. A century or so later it was removed to Grafton Street, Tottenham Court Road.
There was a library at St. James's, and others at the royal palaces of Whitehall, Hampton, Windsor, and Greenwich, of MSS. and books, mostly collected by Leland after the dissolution of the monasteries. Where are those MSS. now?
The library of Lambeth Palace contained 14,572 printed books and 617 MSS. The nucleus of the library was the books belonging to Lord Dudley, Earl of Leicester; it was added to from time to time by different archbishops. Does any one know of the library founded by Prince Henry, son of James the First? It was between Leicester Fields and St. James's. The Prince laid out a piece of ground for the exercise of arms; at one end of it he built an armoury, with a library containing books relating to feats of arms, chivalry, fortification, military science of all kinds, for the custody of which he appointed a learned librarian. It was called the Artillery Ground, and continued till the Restoration, when Charles II. gave it to Lord Gerrard, who built upon it. What became of the books is not stated.
The records, charters, privileges, etc., of the City of London were preserved in the Guildhall in the custody of the town clerk. The Corporation possessed a library, which was kept in the chapel adjoining the Guildhall. The Duke of Somerset borrowed all the books for his new house in the Strand; they made five cartloads, and they were never returned.
Other libraries were: that of the Grey Friars, to which Whittington was a benefactor, dispersed at the Reformation; that of Sion College, the books of which were nearly all burned in the Great Fire (a new library, however, was got together); the Heralds' College, which contained a valuable collection of works connected with heraldry, court functions, genealogies, visitations, etc.; the French Church in Threadneedle Street had a library before the Fire; the Dutch Protestants of Austin Friars had a library for the use of foreign Protestants.
The remaining libraries are enumerated in alphabetical order:
Castle Street Library.—Founded in 1633 by Tennison, vicar of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, for the use of his school. It contained 4000 volumes in theology and history.
College of Physicians Library.—Containing 4940 books.
Sir Hans Sloane's Library.—42,000 volumes, besides collections of rarities. Both the Cotton and the Sloane Libraries were placed in the British Museum.
Doctors' Commons Library.—Every bishop on his consecration gave £20 to £50 towards the enrichment of the library.
Gray's Inn Library.—Books in eleven languages, but chiefly on law.
Inner Temple Library.—Remarkable for its collection of MSS.
Lincoln's Inn Library.—Called a "handsome collection."
Middle Temple Library.—Contained 3981 volumes.
Royal Society Library.—The history of this library is curious. On the death of Demetrius Corvinus, the last king of the Hungarian race, his library was sold. One third part of it, bought by Vilibaldus Perkeynherus of Nuremberg, was sold by him to the Earl of Arundel, who afterwards became Duke of Norfolk. He presented it in 1666 to the Royal Society. This princely gift contained 3287 printed books and 554 volumes of MSS. Another donor to the Royal Society was their whilom secretary, Francis Ashton. He gave the Society his own library, containing 3265 volumes.
The Surgeons' Library.—"A handsome collection."
The King's Library.—This was kept in 1756 in the old Dormitory, Westminster. It contained 10,200 printed books and 1800 MSS.
The Queen's Library, kept in a building specially erected for it at St. James's Palace, contained 4500 volumes.
The St. Paul's Library.
The Westminster Library, belonging to the Dean and Chapter, contained about 6000 volumes.
A curious story is related concerning the Jews and their library. The synagogue of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, in Bevis Marks, possessed a library of great value, including many MSS. relating to their ceremonies and worship. The question arose among them whether, if these books fell into the hands of Christians, they might not be disgraced by shameful translations. To prevent this calamity, which might have been prevented by locking the box, they actually resolved upon burning the whole of them in a kiln at Mile End. I give the story as it is related in the Gentleman's Magazine. I confess that the thing itself, as related, seems to me incredible.
These were the public libraries. In addition there were the circulating libraries, an institution created in the eighteenth century. The first of these libraries opened in London was one by a bookseller named Batho, in 1740. His shop was in the Strand. At the end of the century there were twenty-two in London. The names of some still survive, and in a few cases the libraries are still continued—such as Colburn's, Hookham's, Hodgson's, Cawthorne's.
The book-club, in country towns, was found more useful than the circulating library. A certain number of the better sort formed the club; they paid a subscription of a guinea; this enabled them to start with books to the amount of their combined subscriptions. At the end of the year they sold the books to each other, carrying the proceeds forward to increase the number of books for the following year. It will easily be understood that in a few years the amount available for
purchase would roll up considerably. I believe that the torrent of rubbish issued in the form of three-volume novels proved the destruction of these book-clubs. They were impossible in London, owing to the difficulties of getting people together: in the country their success depended entirely on judicious management and mutual consideration. They were managed generally by ladies. A few of the country book-clubs still survive, but as a rule it is found less troublesome to depend on one or other of the great circulating libraries.
GOVERNMENT AND TRADE OF THE CITY
CHAPTER I
THE TEMPORAL GOVERNMENT
The jurisdiction and temporal government of London in the eighteenth century represent the outcome before the attempt at any reform or change in the constitution of the City as we have read it. There was no more fear of losing the charter, or of finding the exchequer closed, or of being called upon for a benevolence, or a tallage, or a fifteenth. London was free and her freedom was assured. Let us therefore take the opportunity of describing the constitution of the City in the last century. This is—with certain changes and modifications, mostly insignificant—that of the present day.
The City of London was divided into twenty-six wards, each of which was under the jurisdiction of an Alderman, chosen at the ward mote by the free inhabitants of the ward. The Mayor, or supreme magistrate over the whole City, was chosen annually from the aldermen. His election took place on Michaelmas Day, and he entered upon his office on the 9th of November following.
The Common Councilmen were chosen in the same manner as the aldermen, by the free inhabitants of the ward at the ward mote. But there was this difference, that the Lord Mayor presided over the election of an alderman, and the alderman of the ward over the election of a Common Councilman. The Court of Common Council consisted of the Lord Mayor, the aldermen, and the Common Councilmen. Nothing could be done for the City without the full concurrence of this court, which was called together whenever the Mayor chose.
The power of the Lord Mayor was very great. He was Perpetual Coroner and Escheater within the City and the Liberties of London and Southwark; he was Chief Justice of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery of Newgate; Judge of the ward mote on the election of an alderman; Conservator of the Rivers Thames and Medway; Commissioner of the River Lea; and Chief Butler of the Kingdom at all coronations. Besides which, his office did not terminate at the King’s death. When this happened, the Lord Mayor was styled the principal officer in the kingdom, and took his place on the Privy Council until the new King was proclaimed.
The meaning of the last privilege or dignity was this:—On the death of the
King, all order and authority, save those of the Church, ceased; for the time there was actually no officer, magistrate, or judge in the whole country. If there was delay in proclaiming and crowning the King, the roads became covered with marauders and the seas with pirates. The Privy Council, therefore, fell back on the City as a centre of order and law. In case of doubt or dispute as to the rightful heir, London, at least, moved as one man, and could be trusted to maintain whatever side it espoused. We know how the City admitted William, and their price for his admission; how they elected Henry I. and Stephen.
The business of the City was transacted principally by means of committees. The aldermen were justices of the peace, each in his own ward; those who had passed the chair were justices of the quorum. An alderman continued in his post for life; if he refused to serve on election, he had to pay a heavy fine. This most useful regulation ensured that the freemen should take that active part or share in their municipal duties which is necessary for the maintenance of the City liberties. Every alderman was bound to hold ward motes for electing officers and for all business connected with the ward; but he might, if he pleased, appoint a deputy.
There were two Sheriffs of London and Middlesex; they were chosen annually on Midsummer Day, and entered upon their office on Michaelmas Day. A citizen might be alderman before he was sheriff, but he must have been sheriff before he could be Lord Mayor. A citizen chosen sheriff and refusing to serve was fined £400 to the City and £13:6:8 to the clergy of the prisons, unless he could swear that he was worth less than £15,000. The business of the sheriffs was to collect the revenues within their jurisdictions, to gather into the Exchequer all fines belonging to the Crown, to serve the King's writs of process, to attend the judges and execute their orders, to empanel the juries, to superintend the execution of criminals, and to discharge the orders of the Court of Common Council should they resolve to petition Parliament or to address the King.
The next officer was the Recorder, who was a lawyer; he was appointed by the Mayor and aldermen, for their guidance in matters of justice and proceedings according to law. He held office for life. In the Court of Common Council, and in all other courts, he took place before any who had not passed the chair. He was one of the justices of oyer and terminer, and justice of the peace. It was his office to speak in the name of the City, to read and present their addresses to the King, to deliver the sentence of the courts. His salary in the eighteenth century was £1000 a year.
The Chamberlain of London was chosen annually by the Livery on Midsummer Day; but the election was a matter of form, as, unless some complaint was alleged or proved against him, he held his office for life. He was the City Treasurer; he received and paid all the money belonging to the Corporation; he kept all bonds, securities, leases of the City.
There were also the following officers of the City:—the Coroner, the Town Clerk, the Common Serjeant, the City Remembrancer, the Sword Bearer, the Common Hunt, the Common Crier, the Water Bailiff, two Auditors, the Clerk of the Chamber, the Clerk to the Commissioners of the Sewers, the Surveyor of the City Works, the Printer to the City, the Justice of the Bridge Yard, the Steward of the Borough, the Bailiff of the Borough, the Comptroller of the Bridge House, Clerk to the Court of Conscience, and four beadles of the same court.
There were several City courts.
The Lord Mayor's Court was a "court of record," held before the Mayor, aldermen, and recorder in the King's Bench, Guildhall. At this court were heard actions of debt, trespass, attachments, covenants, etc., arising within the City and liberties. It was also a court of chancery and a court of appeal, and a court where suits between master and apprentices could be heard. In brief, suits of all kinds were heard here. It was claimed for this court that it was the cheapest in the kingdom, because an action could be commenced here for 4d. and finished for 30s., all in the space of a fortnight.
The Court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen exercised a great deal of power. All leases requiring the City seal were executed by them; the assize of bread was ascertained; the City officers were tried by them; they disposed of many of the City offices; they elected annually eleven observers of the City watermen. No person could become a freeman of the City except by serving his apprenticeship, or by an order obtained from the courts.
So far, in brief. Let us now give in greater detail an account of the various courts and offices. The following account of the courts is taken from the *British Directory* of 1793:
"The Court of Common Council consists of the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and representatives of the several wards, who assemble in Guildhall as often as the Lord Mayor, by his summons, thinks proper to convene them. They annually select from among themselves a committee of twelve aldermen and twenty-four commoners, for letting the City lands, to which end they generally meet at Guildhall on Wednesdays, whereof two aldermen and four commoners are a quorum. They appoint another committee of four aldermen and eight commoners for transacting the affairs belonging to the benefactions of Sir Thomas Gresham, who generally meet at Mercers' Hall by appointment of the Lord Mayor. They also, by virtue of a royal grant, yearly appoint a governor, deputy, and assistants, for managing the Irish estates. They have likewise a right of disposing of the offices of town-clerk, common serjeant, judges of the Sheriffs' Court, common crier, coroner, bailiff of the borough of Southwark, and City garbler.
*Common Hall.*—In this court, on Midsummer Day, the livery of the respective companies choose their sheriffs, chamberlain, two auditors of the chamberlains' and
bridge-house accounts, two bridge masters, and four ale-conners. Here also the livery on Michaelmas Day return two aldermen to the court of Lord Mayor and aldermen, for them to choose a Lord Mayor for the following year.
The Sheriffs' Courts are courts of record held at Guildhall every Wednesday and Friday, for actions entered at Wood Street Compter, and on Thursdays and Saturdays for those entered at the Poultry Compter, of which the sheriffs being judges, each has his assistant, or deputy, who are called the judges of those courts, before whom are tried actions of debt, trespass, covenant, etc.
The Court of Hustings is the supreme court of judicature in the City of London as that of the Common Council is of its legislature. In this court all lands and tenements, rents and services, within the City and liberties of London are pleadable, in two hustings, the one called husting of a plea of land, the other husting of common pleas, which are held distinctly. The judges of this court are the Lord Mayor and sheriffs for the time being, who are assisted by the recorder in all cases of consequence; the pleas are held distinctly, one court of pleas merely real, and another for actions mized.
The Court of Wardmote answers to that of folkmote among the Saxons, and is defined to be an assembly of the whole people,—that is, free citizens of one ward duly summoned by the Lord Mayor, and held before the proper alderman of the ward or his deputy,—to correct disorders, remove annoyances, and to promote the common interest of the ward. In London, parishes are as towns, and wards as hundreds: wherefore this court resembles that of the leet in the country; for, as the latter derives its authority from the County Court, so does the former from that of the Lord Mayor, as is manifest by the annual precept issued by the Lord Mayor to the several aldermen, for holding their respective wardmotes on St. Thomas's day, for the election of proper officers in each ward.
The Court of Conservancy is held four times a year before the Lord Mayor, at such places and times as he shall appoint within the respective counties of Middlesex, Essex, Kent, and Surrey; in which several counties he has a power of summoning juries, who for the better preservation of the fishery of the river Thames, and regulation of the fishermen that fish therein, are upon oath to make inquisition of all offences committed in and upon the said river from Stainesbridge in the west to Yenfleet in the east.
The Court of Requests or Court of Conscience determines all disputes between citizens where the debt is under 40s. It is of great use to persons who have small debts owing to them, which they could not otherwise recover without entering into expensive proceedings; and it is also of great benefit to such persons as are not able to pay their debts at once, as the court determines the payment to be made in such portions as are suitable to the debtor's circumstances. The Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen appoint monthly such aldermen and commons to sit as commissioners in
this court as they think fit: any three of whom compose a court, kept in Guildhall every Wednesday and Saturday, from eleven till two o'clock, to hear and determine such cases as are brought before them. In this court a cause may be brought and determined for the value of tenpence, viz. sixpence for the plaint and summons, and fourpence for the order; if the defendant does not appear the first court day after the summons, an attachment may be awarded against him; on neglect or refusal then to appear, he will be committed to prison.
**Court of Escheator.**—This court is held before the Lord Mayor (he being Perpetual Escheator within the City) or his deputy; to him all original writs of *Diem clausit extremum*, *Mandamus deveneunt*, *Melius inquirend*, etc., are directed to find an office for the King, after the death of his tenant who held by knight's service. The Escheator may also find an office for treason, felony, etc.
**Chamberlain’s Court.**—This is an office kept in Guildhall, in a room on the right-hand side of the passage leading into the Court of King’s Bench, where the Chamberlain attends every day to determine differences between masters and apprentices, to
enrol and turn over the latter, and to admit all who are duly qualified to the freedom of the City.
The Court of Orphans.—This court is held before the Lord Mayor and aldermen, who are guardians to the children of all freemen under the age of twenty-one years of age, at the decease of all fathers. The common serjeant of the City is the only person entrusted by the Court of Aldermen to take accounts and inventories of freemen's estates; and the youngest attorney of the Mayor's Court, being clerk to that of the orphans, is appointed to take securities for their several portions, in the name of the Chamberlain of London, who for this purpose is a sole corporation of himself, for the service of the said orphans. A recognisance or bond, therefore, made to him on the account of an orphan shall, by the custom of London, descend to his successor. It is here to be observed, that a freeman's widow may require a third part of his personal estate after all incumbrances are discharged; his children are entitled to another third part thereof, and he may dispose of the remaining third part by his will. If he leaves no children, his widow may require a moiety of his personal estate. If a citizen dies without a will, administration shall be granted to his wife, who may claim one third part by the custom of London; one third part must be divided among the children, and the remaining third part between the wife and children; in this case the widow is generally allowed two-thirds of this last third part. It is likewise to be observed, that when a freeman dies, and leaves property to his children, either in money or estates, the executor or executors make application to the Court of Aldermen to admit such property into the Orphan's Fund. On this application a wheel is brought into the court, containing a number of tickets, which mention the respective sums belonging to those who have arrived at full age, or whose stock has been sold or transferred to some other person. The Lord Mayor then draws from the wheel as many tickets as contain the sum requested to be admitted by the new claimant, when the proprietors of the old stock have notice given them to receive their property in three months. Four per cent is allowed for the money during the time it continues in the fund.
The Court of Hallmote.—This is the court which each of the City companies keep in their respective halls or places of meeting, for the transaction of their private affairs.
Pie Powder Court.—This court is held by the Lord Mayor and the steward during Bartholomew Fair in the City of London, to administer justice between buyers and sellers, and for the redress of such disorders as may be committed there, in breach of a proclamation, which is annually made before the Lord Mayor on the eve of St. Bartholomew, for the better regulation of the said fair.
Justice Hall Court, in the Old Bailey.—This court is the Court of Session, held eight times a year by the King's commission of Oyer and Terminer, for trying offenders for crimes committed within the City of London and county of Middlesex.
The judges of this court are, the Lord Mayor, the aldermen past the chair, and the recorder, who on all such occasions are attended by both the sheriffs, and generally by one or more of the national judges. The offenders for crimes committed in the City are tried by a jury of citizens, and those committed in the county by a Middlesex jury. The offences tried in this court are high and petty treason, murder, felony, forgery, petty larceny, burglary, etc. To the courts already enumerated, which are properly City courts, may be added the two following, which are held within the City, though exempt from its jurisdiction:
*St. Martin's le Grand Court.*—This court belongs to the liberty of that name, and is subject to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. It is a court of record, held weekly on Wednesdays, for the trial of all personal actions whatever; the leading process is a capias against the body or an attachment against the goods; so that a man’s goods may be seized upon in his own house, if his person is not seized before: which is according to the practice of all ancient liberties or franchises.
*The Court of the Tower of London.*—This is a court of record held by prescription within the verge of the City on Great Tower Hill, by a steward appointed by the Constable of the Tower of London, by whom are tried actions of debt for any sum, damage, and trespass.
Besides the civil government of London already described, it is also subject to an ecclesiastical and military government, the first of which is under a bishop, archdeacon, and ministers or pastors.
The military government is vested in a Court of Lieutenancy, composed of a number of citizens, the principal of whom are the Lord Mayor and aldermen, who appoint the officers to the six regiments of the City Militia, which are distinguished by the titles of the Blue, Green, Yellow, Orange, White, and Red regiments. These corps are now put on a plan similar to the respective counties: the City of London boasting a peculiar privilege in not having the military quartered on the inhabitants, for which singular advantage they maintain in time of peace their own militia, which maintenance arises from a tax levied by virtue of the King’s letter, denominated Trophy Tax. This exemption is of such importance that the greatest care should be taken to have an effective body of men for the service of the inhabitants, in aid of the civil magistracy and for the defence of the kingdom. . . . The Honourable Artillery Company, which is one of the most ancient, claims the honour of being founded and supported by many royal authorities. It was formerly of the first consequence in this kingdom, for military achievements, and could boast the most distinguished personages, as well royal as noble, for its members. The original foundation was in the year 1537 by patent, and has continued to the present period. It has a royal charter from his present Majesty, with considerable privileges, as well as a capital estate for its maintenance and
support, and a noble parade, called the Artillery Ground, which, from its institution, was demised and granted as a military field for the citizens of London.
The four representatives in Parliament for the City of London, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Chamberlain, Bridge masters, and other City officers, are elected at the Common Halls, at which the sheriffs for the time being are the presiding judges, and the whole body of liverymen, who live in the City, or the suburbs and out-parts, or wheresoever dispersed throughout the kingdom, are entitled to give their votes, provided they are not disqualified by any established rules or regulations within the City, whereby these elections are governed.
It is required that every elector shall be both a freeman and a liveryman, and that his name shall have been entered upon the Livery twelve calendar months previous to the day of election, or he can have no vote; but if he takes up his freedom of the City at any time before the commencement of the election, it is, as to that qualification, deemed sufficient. And here let it be particularly observed that the day of commencement of an election, by which all claims in point of time are to be decided, is the day on which the candidates present themselves to fill the vacancies, and their election is declared by a show of hands; the poll and scrutiny which follow being only subsequent proceedings, to adjust the numbers and qualifications of the electors. If a liveryman applies to the Court of Aldermen, to be translated from one company to another, he should be careful to see the particulars of that translation faithfully recorded on the Chamberlain's books; for if he votes in the company to which he has been translated, before such record is entered, it will annul his right to vote; for example, if I. S., formerly a cooper, having gained his license to be transferred over to the Vintners' Company, should vote in that company, and his name not appear on the record, it would be contended that there is no such person as I. S., vintner; and, upon his name being made on a poll or scrutiny, it would be too late to show that his name appears as a liveryman on the books of the former company, because every man's right, as to that election, must abide by the test of the qualification upon which he was admitted to vote.
It is also further provided, that no person shall have a title to vote, who has not duly paid his Livery fines; or who, having paid the same, shall receive all or part thereof back again, or accept of any allowance in respect thereof. So that the receiving back the fine, or any part of it, or any allowance as an equivalent, is in every instance where it can be proved equally the same disqualification as if the fines had not been paid at all. It is, however, an indulgence not unfrequently granted by most of the companies, to take a promissory note at six months after date for the fine; if therefore it can be proved at the time of election that the voter, who must have been twelve clear months upon the Livery, has refused or been unable to satisfy his note, after demand made since it became due, he is liable to be set aside for such non-payment, equally the same as if he had been admitted without any note being given, because his
fines, in this case, are not *bonâ fide* paid; but if, on the other hand, such note be paid, at any time before the election, or it be proved that the elector was always ready and willing to pay it, but no demand had been made, it is then to be deemed equally legal. Another disqualification may happen to liverymen who are householders within the jurisdiction of the City, that does not apply to liverymen who are householders out of the City, nor to any liverymen not householders. It arises upon the 14th section of the Statute II. George I., which enacts 'that no householder in the City, who has within two years next before any such election requested to be, and who is accordingly discharged from paying to the rates and taxes which the citizens of London, inhabiting therein, are liable unto, shall vote at such elections.' And again, there is another disqualifying clause, which extends alike to all liverymen, whether in or out of London, and to all other persons whatsoever, voting at any election within the City, and that is 'for having taken or received, within two years next before the election, any charity or alms whatsoever.' Upon proof in either of these cases, the vote of every person so circumstanced is to be 'declared null and void to all intents and purposes...'
The election of all ward officers must be at a Court of Wardmote, viz. for the alderman of the ward, its common-council-men, etc., which courts are held by virtue of a precept from the Lord Mayor, who is the presiding judge on those occasions. Any citizen may be chosen alderman of a ward, although he be not an inhabitant thereof, for if he be free of the City, and of sufficient ability, these are all the qualifications prescribed to entitle him to the right of filling that high office, in any ward where there is a vacancy, notwithstanding he may live in another part, or even without the walls of the City. It is, however, expressly directed that every common-council-man shall be an inhabitant of the ward for which he serves, otherwise he is ineligible for the office. The electors consist of all the inhabitants within the ward, who are 'freemen of London, occupying houses of the value of £10 a year or upwards, and paying scot and bearing lot when required.' All such are entitled to vote at their respective wardmotes, on the election of alderman, common-council-man, or other officer belonging to their ward, unless disqualified by any of the following rules and regulations stipulated for their good order and government.
The first qualification for an elector at a wardmote is that of being a freeman of the City of London; so that, on one hand, to be free of a company only is not sufficient; nor is it necessary, on the other, that he should be on the Livery; nor is any time limited how long he ought to have taken up his freedom, so that it be done before the holding up of hands at the election. A freedom obtained after the holding up of hands, in order to entitle the elector to take the oath when he is polling 'that he is then a freeman,' may indeed enable him to swear what is true, but cannot antedate his right of voting, or make it legal. Such freeman, in the next place, must be an householder, to the amount of £10 per annum, 'and the real occupier
for twelve calendar months next before the election.' So that, if a landlord is only in the possession of a house which he never lives in, though rated thereto, but suffers another to be the sole occupier thereof, who is not taxed, in such cases neither the owner nor occupier are entitled to vote; for it must be distinguished in either instance that the being rated to a house, and not in the occupation of it, or being the occupier and not rated, are equally insufficient qualifications. A citizen, however, having two houses in different wards, each of the value of £10 per annum, making use of one for his trade, and the other for the residence of his family, and rated to both, entitles him to a vote in each ward. A person also in possession of two houses in the same ward, which both together amount to £10 a year, though separately they are neither of them of that value, yet if he pays equal rates, and performs the same duty as a person inhabiting a house of the rent of £10, he has a legal title to vote. Occupancy, however, in all cases must be proved for twelve clear months, previous to the day appointed for the election.
The next qualification is 'that every such householder shall have been rated and charged, and contributed and paid, his scot to all and singular the rates and taxes (except annual aids granted by Parliament) whereunto he shall or may be liable, or shall have paid in the whole, to the said rates and taxes, or some of them, thirty shillings a year, at the least, otherwise his vote shall be null and void at all such elections.' And further, 'that every freeman, being liable to the rates and assessments for lamps and watch, and neglecting and refusing, or desiring to be excused from the payment of the same, shall be under the like incapacity of voting as those persons are who do not pay their scot and lot, which the citizens of London are liable unto.' But in order that these disqualifications should have their full force, it will be necessary to prove that a regular demand has been made of all such rates and assessments, by the person legally authorised to receive them, otherwise no objection can or ought to be made to the vote. It is likewise always to be remembered, 'that nothing shall be construed to oblige persons to pay any scot, or bear any lot, from the doing of which they were exempted by Act of Parliament, charter, or writ of privilege,' which is understood as a saving clause to physicians, apothecaries, attorneys, etc., who claim the privilege of being excused by reason of their other necessary avocations. Also to constables, or other ward officers, in such wards only where, by custom, service is accepted as an equivalent for the payment of rates; or, in the case of a certificate in the possession of a person who has apprehended and convicted any one guilty of stealing in that ward, either by night or day, goods to the amount of 5s., that then, and in all such cases, these privileges of exemption are to be admitted, so far as they shall prove to be within the plain intent and meaning of the writ, charter, or Act of Parliament on which they may be grounded.
The foregoing are the qualifications which the sole occupier of a house ought to possess, in order to maintain his right of voting at these elections; but in cases of
partnerships it is further to be remarked, ‘that if any two or more persons carry on a joint trade in any such house together, and shall have been householders such space of time as aforesaid, such partners shall, upon paying their scot, and bearing their respective lot, in manner aforesaid, when required, have good and legal votes; provided, nevertheless, that such house wherein such partners carry on their joint trade shall be of the true and real value of as many respective sums of £10 a year, computed together, as there are partners.’ There is likewise another provision, very singular, ‘that where two persons, and no more, not being partners, shall have, by the space aforesaid, severally inhabited in the same house, such two persons, severally paying their scots, and bearing their respective lots, shall have votes, etc., so as such house, wherein such two persons inhabit, be of the yearly value of £20, and that each of them pay the yearly rent of £10 for their respective parts thereof.’ Yet nothing is to be hence inferred, that a house of £30 a year should give votes to three persons, and so on, it being, by the statute, confined only to two. In all cases, however, that relate to the elections of wardmote, it is absolutely declared, ‘that the vote of every person, who has at any time within two years next before the election, requested to be, and accordingly has been, discharged from paying all or any of the rates and taxes which the citizens of London inhabiting therein are liable unto, shall be utterly void, and of none effect.’
The same disqualifying clauses, which operate against persons for receiving alms, in elections at the common-halls, likewise hold good in elections at wardmotes; and therefore all persons, however sufficiently qualified in other respects, are incapacitated from voting, who have asked and received any sum of money as charity from any private person, or public collection, or from any charitable legacies or bequests, or the share of any forfeiture by a penal Act of Parliament to the use of the poor, or part of the King’s annual bounty money, or of the ward charity coals distributed within the City. Such who have been in any hospital or infirmary, for relief of the sick or lame, or received physic or advice from thence gratis, as out-patients; or have been in the London or any parish workhouse; such also as have been confined in any prison, and received part of the allowance of bread and beer, or of the box-money, or bequests to prisoners, or have been released by the charity of some other person,—these and all similar instances of temporary relief totally disqualify the parties from giving their votes at any election within the City of London.” (See Appendix IV., Taxes and Inferior Offices.)
CHAPTER II
CHANGES IN THE POLITICAL POWER OF THE CITY
Attention has already been called to the changed relations of Crown and City when the latter ceased to be the lender and advancer of money to the King. It seems to me that the City, all through the century, failed to grasp the new situation. Else why did the Common Council and the Livery continue to send in one remonstrance after another, all leading to no result? They remembered, I believe, the great power wielded by the City in history; a power acknowledged, conciliated, courted by king after king—by William, whom they acknowledged as Conqueror, and by his successors. Perhaps they remembered who deposed Richard and set up Henry; who set up Edward the Fourth; who turned out James the Second. But the King no longer wanted to borrow money of them; their wealth no longer gave them power; they had become politically powerless except through their representatives in the House, and the House itself was in the hands of a majority of placemen. As for any influence and weight which their opinions and their voices might command upon the nation at large, it was as yet but small owing to the difficulty of getting at the nation. What did York or Exeter know of the strength and bitterness of the City's opinions on the American War? Little or nothing. The King, therefore, had no longer any fear of the City: he could afford, so long as that majority in the House was maintained, to rule in defiance of the City; and he did so. And the Livery, seeing the impotence of their own efforts, marvelled; and, not understanding that they were as those who beat the air with strenuous hands, they cried, "Let us make more remonstrances, more addresses, more petitions." They did so, and got mighty little by their pains.
Meantime, out of all these humiliations there arose the perception, growing daily stronger, that reform was necessary. Alas! there wanted fifty years before that reform could be carried out—fifty years, of which nearly half were to be spent in a struggle for existence. In 1779 (Sharpe, iii. 174) some of the Lords protested that "in such a situation a change of system appears to us to be our indispensable duty to advise." The Common Council sympathised with them, and was convinced that the cause of the troubles lay in the "enormous and undue influence of the
Crown.” Committees of “Association” were formed, their object being economy and the abolition of sinecures. Burke introduced a Bill for reform, which had to be abandoned.
In 1780 Dunning moved that it is “the opinion of this Committee that the influence of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished.” The reforms chiefly wanted, in the opinion of the country, were (1) the cutting down of public expenditure, (2) shortening the duration of parliaments, and (3) reforming the representation.
The work of these committees was for a time checked by the mischief due to the Protestant Associations and the clamour against Catholic Emancipation. The history of the Gordon Riots will be found in another place. And as for reform, we hear little more of it until the French Revolution and the Corresponding Societies.
The ten years that passed between the Peace of Paris and the declaration of war in 1793 were for the most part those happy years in which there is no history beyond that of domestic events. The Protestant dissenters were active in endeavouring to procure a repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts; they failed in 1789 by a small majority, and hoped in 1790 to secure the co-operation of the Common Council. In this they were disappointed, for the court passed by a large majority the following resolutions:
“I. That it is the indispensable duty of this court to support the rights and privileges of the Church of England, as by law established; they being essentially connected with, and forming a part of, our happy constitution.
II. That a full, perfect, and free toleration, in the exercise of religious duties, must be the wish and glory of every liberal mind; but, to remove the two bulwarks to our sacred constitution, in Church and State, by a repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, would tend to produce that civil anarchy, which at first pointed out to the legislature the necessity of making such wise and salutary restrictive laws.
III. That this court do consider themselves called upon to strengthen the hands of those friends to the Established Church in the House of Commons who have twice successfully opposed the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, by expressing their public thanks for such conduct; and to solicit the members of this court, who have seats in Parliament, strenuously to resist every attempt that shall be made to obtain that repeal.”
The Excise Bill of Walpole (see p. 12) aroused an opposition which that minister was totally unable to understand. We have another example of incredible inability to understand the mind of the people in the tax upon shops imposed by Pitt. Retail trade is, except in comparatively rare instances, a mode of livelihood which is anxious, precarious, and cut down by competition to the narrowest margin possible. Conceive, therefore, the dismay with which the world learned that Pitt was laying a tax upon retail shops. This was in May 1785. A committee was
instantly formed and a conference held with Pitt. Nothing came of the conference, however, except a recommendation by Pitt that they should raise the price of their goods, so as to make the customer pay. He was unable to understand that this general rise of so much per cent all round is, in trade, an absolute impossibility; and that, in any case, as the tradesmen buy of each other, they would themselves be the payers of the tax.
They then drew up a petition against the Bill, but the composition of the House would not allow any weight to be attached to these representations of the shopkeepers. The agricultural labourers might make their grievances heard, but not the shopkeepers, of whose lives and necessities the House of country squires understood nothing. For four years the shopkeepers bombarded the House with petitions and remonstrances. At last, in 1789, they got the Bill repealed.
CHAPTER III
TRADE
The South Sea Company, which was not killed by the Bubble of 1720, obtained permission from the Spanish Government to send one ship every year to trade with the Spanish ports of the Gulf of Mexico. In 1721 they sent out a trading ship to Porto Bello and Carthagena; in 1723 another to Vera Cruz; in 1725 they sent ships to the Arctic Seas for the whale-fishery. Over the last venture, however, they lost nearly £180,000 in eight years. In 1730 their ship the Prince Frederick returned from Santa Cruz with a cargo worth £350,000.
The principal trade of the country was carried on by means of the companies founded in the sixteenth century: the Levant, the Russia, the East India, the South Sea, the Hudson's Bay, and the Royal African.
The West Indies sent us sugar, coffee, cotton, mahogany, logwood, and indigo:
Virginia sent us tobacco; from the northern parts of America we had timber, tar, and other things formerly supplied from the Baltic.
A large number of vessels were employed in the slave-trade; London was the centre of the diamond-trade. The East India Company had seventeen ships one year sailing from India. The following table (Capper's Port and Trade of London) shows the extent and the nature of the exports and imports for one month:
**Exports from London for the month of May 1730**
| Item | Quantity |
|-----------------------------|-------------------|
| Woollen cloths | 5357 pieces |
| Bays, Colchester, etc. | 6990 |
| Stuff, druggets, etc. | 24,484 |
| Perpets and serges | 4108 |
| Hats | 2028 dozen |
| Hose | 9368 doz. pairs |
| Flannels and cotton | 53,953 yards |
| Frieze | 7858 |
| Gartering | 774 gross |
| Leather | 2290 cwt. |
| Block tin | 1936 |
| Pewter (wrought) | 499½ |
| Lead | 184 fodder |
| Ditto in shot | 847 cwt. |
| Alum | 1275 |
| Copperas | 4933 |
| Tobacco | 866,163 lbs. |
| Calicoes | 76,847 pieces |
| Gold watches | 47 |
| Silver | 113 |
| Wrought plate | 972 ounces |
Besides 339,353 oz. of silver and 36,294 oz. of gold.
**Imports into London, May 1730**
| Item | Quantity |
|-----------------------------|-------------------|
| Wines | 4299 casks |
| Ditto from Leghorn | 459 chests |
| Ditto Rhenish | 1019 aums |
| Brandy from Dunkirk | 24,687 galls. |
| Rum from British Colonies | 6327 |
| Sugar | 1,421 hhds. |
| Rice from Carolina | 3025 |
| Spanish wool | 1,144 bags |
| Indigo from Spain and our Colonies | 57,784 lbs. |
| Hemp from the East Country | 1160 cwt. |
| Thrown silk from Italy | 31,218 lbs. |
| Raw silk | 3441 |
| Coffee from Turkey only | 1781 cwt. |
| Oil from Gallipoli | 390 tons |
| Holland cloth or fine linen | 66,286 ells |
Ditto from Hamburgh and Bremen . . . 1,232,209 ells
Irish linen . . . . . . . . . . . . 179,114 yards
Irish yarn from Hamburgh . . . . . . 73,450 lbs.
Coffee from Mocha . . . . . . . . . 5000 bales
In the year 1732 the colony of Georgia was founded, with the incentive of providing for some of the wretched prisoners for debt—those, that is, who were able-bodied and willing to become emigrants. A subscription was opened for them; the first batch of settlers went out in 1733. The promoters in London provided the new colonists with seeds of everything likely to prove useful; they also procured a grant of land from the Government; they sent out European vines in the hope of creating the production of wine, and Piedmontese to instruct in the manufacture of silk. At first this industry promised fairly well: in 1758 they sent home 7000 lbs.; in 1764, 15,000 lbs.; but the Georgian cocoons were found to be "round and spongy," being badly wound. Therefore, the silk trade declined and the cotton trade took its place.
The Spanish War (1729-1748) checked the advance of trade for a time. The result of the war was that Spain kept her right of search, but that trade was permitted with Spanish ports in Europe, a concession which gave Great Britain considerable advantages. Spain began to buy largely English manufactures for export to her colonies; and the South Sea Company lost its right of sending one ship every year to the Spanish-American ports.
On the termination of this war the private traders grew restless at seeing the whole trade in the hands of a few companies. They first attacked the Hudson's Bay Company: they charged the company with neglecting to develop the mines, fisheries, and the fertile lands which they controlled. The Government considered the case, and decided that the company had done, and was doing, the best in its power. Therefore the Hudson's Bay Company remained, and it remains to this day.
Private traders, however, were more successful with the Royal African Company, which surrendered its charter, its lands, forts, and stores, and gave up its trade. Private traders, also, were more successful with the Levant Company, for they obtained an Act of Parliament throwing open all the privileges of that company for any who would pay £20 to the use of the company.
The years 1756-1763 were marked by war with France. This war lasted for seven years. The British arms were successful both by land and sea;—there were checks and losses at sea, as was inevitable with the seas swarming with privateers; yet to drive the French out of Canada was a great achievement, while on the whole the prosperity of our trade went on increasing steadily.
The Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce was established in 1754.
Maitland gives a list of all the ships that belonged to the Port of London in the year 1728. In all there were 1417 vessels, with a tonnage of 178,557 tons,
and 21,927 men; most of these vessels were very small, some of no more than 20 tons. Taking one column alone of 90 ships, there are 42 over 100 tons, 14 over 200 tons, 9 over 300, and 4 over 400 tons. In this column there are none over 500 tons; but in other columns are found a few exceeding this tonnage, and in one case we find a ship of 700 tons. The names given to these vessels continually recur. For instance, it must have been impossible to know the Dolphin of London when there were 10 Dolphins; or the Anne when there were 19 Annes; or the Charming Sally when there were 6 Charmers named Sally; or the Mary when there were 44 ships of that name.
The ships which entered the Port of London during the year 1728 were—
\[
\begin{align*}
(1) & \text{ British vessels from beyond the seas} & 1839 \\
(2) & \text{ Foreign ships} & 213 \\
(3) & \text{ Coasters from British ports} & 6837 \\
(4) & \text{ Foreign ships} & 2052 \\
\end{align*}
\]
For unloading the merchandise arriving, and for loading the ships which were taking in cargo, there were 144 wharves, 2000 lighters, barges, and boats, and 607 great carts or waggons. Maitland does not tell us the number of men employed in the service of the wharfingers and barge-owners.
The war with the revolted colonies proved very disastrous to our trade. In 1778 it was estimated that our merchants had lost 733 ships, with cargoes estimated at £2,600,000. The African trade had been practically destroyed; sugar and other colonial produce had been doubled in price; both imports and exports were greatly reduced. It was little comfort for the London merchant to learn that the Americans had lost 900 ships and that their fisheries had been destroyed. The insurance on vessels homeward bound from the West Indies rose, in 1777, to the rate of 23 per cent. In that year the Thames was filled with foreign ships waiting to be laden, instead of London ships, which they feared to send out.
The next year, 1778, promised things still worse; for France joined America and laid an embargo on all English shipping in her ports. At one time the French fleet held the Channel, and the greatest fears were entertained for the safety of the East and West Indian fleets. Admiral Keppel, however, fortunately defeated the French fleet off Brest and forced them to retreat into another port. This done, the position was reversed, and the English fleets and the English privateers speedily captured French ships to the value of £400,000. In fact, the alliance of France with America gave us a chance of plunder: there was little to be got from America, but a great deal from France; we fitted out hundreds of privateers, Liverpool alone sending out 170, with 1986 guns and 8754 men. Spain and Holland next joined France and America. Great Britain was thus carrying on war with four States at once.
The history of the war belongs to the history of the country. It is sufficient to record that peace was signed in 1783.
The spinning-mills of Arkwright were now beginning to change the north of England from an agricultural to a manufacturing country; the roads and postal communications were greatly improved; machinery of all kinds was invented and perfected. A complete system of inland communication by canals was opened, London being connected with the middle and the west of England by canals which enabled her to despatch and to receive merchandise at a rate very much below the old charge of freight by waggon.
In 1793 the National Convention of France declared war against Great Britain. A commercial panic followed, in which many houses failed. Pitt called a meeting at the Mansion House, passed resolutions of confidence, and issued Exchequer Bills to the extent of £5,000,000, by which means he restored confidence.
The war did not, however, as was expected, bring very material injury upon the trade of London, as is shown by the following figures:
| | Imports | Exports |
|-------|-------------|-------------|
| 1792 | £19,659,358 | £24,905,290 |
| 1800 | £30,570,605 | £43,152,019 |
In 1799 London possessed one-third of the whole trade of the Empire. The amount of property lying in the Pool every year was estimated as worth £70,000,000.
The following résumé of the trade of London is given in the British Directory for 1791:
"The commerce of the world being in perpetual fluctuation, we can never be too watchful, not only for preserving what we are now in possession of, but for availing ourselves of the mistakes or negligences of other nations, in order to acquire new branches of it. Who could have imagined, three hundred years ago, that those ports of the Levant, from whence, by means of the Venetians, England, and almost all the rest of Christendom, were supplied with the spices, drugs, etc., of India and China, should one day come themselves to be supplied with those very articles by the remote countries of England and Holland, at an easier rate than they were used to have them directly from the East; or that Venice should afterwards lose to Lisbon the lucrative trade of supplying the rest of Europe with them; or lastly, that Lisbon should afterwards lose the same to Amsterdam; or that Amsterdam and Haerlem should gradually lose, as in great part they have
done, their famous and fine linen manufactures to Ireland and Scotland? At present, our woollen manufacture is the noblest in the universe; and second to it is our metallic manufacture of iron, steel, tin, copper, lead, and brass, which is supposed to employ upwards of half a million of people. Our unmanufactured wool alone, of one year's produce or growth, has been estimated to be worth two millions sterling; and, when manufactured, it is valued at six millions more, and is thought to employ upwards of a million of our people in its manufacture; whereas in former times all our wool was exported unmanufactured, and our own people remained unemployed. Even within the three last centuries, the whole rental or value of all the lands and houses in England did not exceed five millions; but by the spirited exertions of the City of London, seconded by the merchants of the principal trading towns in the country, the rental of England is now estimated at twenty millions per annum, or more; of which vast benefit our nobility, gentry, and landholders begin to be fully sensible, by the immense increase in the value or fee-simple of their lands, which has gradually kept pace with the increase and value of our commercial intercourse with foreign nations, of which the following are at present the most considerable.
To Turkey we export woollen cloths, tin, lead, and iron, solely in our own shipping; and bring from thence raw silk, carpets, galls, and other dyeing ingredients, cotton, fruits, medicinal drugs, etc.
To Italy we export woollen goods of various kinds, peltry, leather, lead, tin, fish, and East India merchandise; and bring back raw and thrown silk, wines, oil, soap, olives, oranges, lemons, pomegranates, dried fruits, colours, anchovies, etc.
To Spain we send all kinds of woollen goods, leather, lead, tin, fish, corn, iron and brass manufactures, haberdashery wares, assortments of linen from Germany and elsewhere for her American colonies; and receive in return wines, oils, dried fruits, oranges, lemons, olives, wools, indigo, cochineal, and other dyeing drugs, colours, gold and silver coins, etc.
To Portugal we mostly send the same kind of merchandise as to Spain; and make returns in vast quantities of wines, oils, salt, dried and moist fruits, dyer's ingredients, and gold coins.
To France we export tobacco, lead, tin, flannels, horns, hardware, Manchester goods, etc., and sometimes great quantities of corn; and make our returns in wines, brandies, linens, cambricks, lace, velvets, brocades, etc. But as a commercial treaty has so lately taken place with France, added to the attention of its people being drawn off from trade, and almost wholly engrossed with the establishment of its late wonderful revolution, it is impossible to state the relative operations of this trade at present.
To Flanders we send serges, flannels, tin, lead, sugars, and tobacco; and make returns in fine lace, linen, cambricks, etc.
To Germany we send cloth and stuffs, tin, pewter, sugars, tobacco, and East India merchandise; and bring from thence linen, thread, goatskins, tinned plates, timbers for all uses, wines, and many other articles.
To Norway we send tobacco and woollen stuffs; and bring from thence vast quantities of deals and other timber.
To Sweden we send most of our home manufactures; and return with iron, timber, tar, copper, etc.
To Russia we send great quantities of woollen cloths and stuffs, tin, lead, tobacco, diamonds, household furniture, etc.; and make returns in hemp, flax, linen, thread, furs, potash, iron, wax, tallow, etc.
To Holland we send an immense quantity of different sorts of merchandise, such as all kinds of woollen goods, hides, corn, coals, East India and Turkey articles imported by those respective companies, tobacco, tar, sugar, rice, ginger, and other American productions; and return with fine linen, lace, cambricks, thread, tapes, inkle, madder, boards, drugs, whalebone, train-oil, toys, and various other articles of that country.
To America we still send our home manufactures of almost every kind; and make our returns in tobacco, sugars, rice, ginger, indigo, drugs, logwood, timber, etc.
To the coast of Guinea we send various sorts of coarse woollen and linen goods, iron, pewter, brass, and hardware manufactures, lead-shot, swords, knives, firearms, gunpowder, glass manufactures, etc.; and bring home vast numbers of negro slaves, and gold dust, dyeing and medicinal drugs, redwood, Guinea grains, ivory, etc.
To Arabia, Persia, East Indies, and China we send much foreign silver coin and bullion, manufactures of lead, iron, and brass, woollen goods, etc.; and bring home muslins, and cottons of various kinds, calicoes, raw and wrought silk, chintz, teas, porcelain, coffee, gold-dust, saltpetre, and many drugs for dyer's and medicinal uses. These are exclusive of our trade to Ireland, Newfoundland, West Indies, and many other of our settlements and factories in different parts of the world, which likewise contribute an immense annual return.
Our trade to the East Indies certainly contributes one of the most stupendous political as well as commercial machines that is to be met with in history. The trade itself is exclusive, and lodged in a company, which has a temporary monopoly of it, in consideration of money advanced to the Government. Without entering into the history of the East India trade, within these twenty years past, and the Company's concerns in that country, it is sufficient to say that, besides their settlements on the coast of India, which they enjoy under certain restrictions by Act of Parliament, they have, through the various internal revolutions which have happened at Indostan, and the ambition or avarice of their servants and officers, acquired such territorial possessions as render them the most formidable commercial republic (for
so it may be called in its present situation) that has been known in the world since the demolition of Carthage. Their revenues are only known, and that but imperfectly, to the Directors of the Company, who are chosen by the proprietors of the stock; but it has been publicly affirmed that they amount annually to above three millions and a half sterling. The expences of the Company in forts, fleets, and armies, for maintaining those acquisitions, are certainly very great; but after these are defrayed the Company not only cleared a vast sum, but was able to pay to the Government £400,000 yearly for a certain time, partly by way of indemnification for the expences of the public in protecting the Company, and partly as a tacit tribute for those possessions that are territorial and not commercial. This republic, therefore, cannot be said to be independent, and it is hard to say what form it may take when the term of its charter is expired, which will be in the year 1794. At present it appears to be the intention of Government that its exclusive commercial privileges shall then finally cease, and no new charter be granted."
About this time it was found that the wharves and the old system of lading and unloading had long ago become insufficient and dangerous; it was necessary to find less cumbersome and safer methods. Accordingly, the West Indies merchants obtained an Act of Parliament for the construction of docks, with wharves and warehouses, for the conduct of their trade. With the construction of the new docks the history of London trade in the eighteenth century enters upon a new chapter under new conditions; while to the riverside population, thus deprived of the means of robbery with impunity, the opening of the docks must have meant blank amazement and despair. What? no lighters wanted? No boats to receive casual odds and ends? No aprons with deep and ample pockets allowed? No one to leave the docks without having his pockets felt? Nothing for the honest dock-labourer but his wages? And if it was bad for him, it was worse for the fence. For him, after many years of living on the dishonest labours of the lighterman, to have nothing more to buy—no rum, no sugar, no spice, no parcels of silk and satin! Alas! poor fence!
I consider elsewhere the condition of the river, with its hordes of sharks and robbers. The whole of the cargoes brought to the Port of London had to be unladen by those persons in their lighters, barges, punts, lugger-boats, and billy-boys. There were between 3000 and 4000 of these boats engaged in this service; they employed many thousand labourers. It is easy to imagine that these people would resist to the uttermost any change which would deprive them of their work and their power of robbery. At the same time, the opposition came not from them—probably they hardly understood what was coming,—but from the vested interests, especially the owners of the "sufferance" wharves. There were only certain places where merchandise could be laded—on the "legal" quays, which extended for 1419 feet on the north side of the river, between the Bridge and the Tower; the "sufferance" wharves occupied about twice the area belonging to that line. Now it was estimated
that if the whole of the sugar were stored in all the wharves there would not be enough storage-room.
In 1795 the West Indies merchants opened a subscription for funds to construct a dock, and in two days raised a capital of £800,000.
The West India Docks were opened in August 1802. The Corporation, which had obtained permission to cut a canal through the Isle of Dogs, finished and opened it; but it proved a failure. In 1805 the London Docks were opened; in 1803 Parliament granted powers for the construction of the East India Docks; in 1810 the Rotherhithe Docks were commenced; and in 1828, after great opposition, the St. Katherine’s Dock Company obtained their Bill. The construction of the Victoria Docks completed the dock system of the Port of London, unless we take into account the docks at Tilbury opened a few years since.
The coinage towards the end of the century became debased to an extent which greatly interfered with trade.
The state of the coinage and the establishment of the Mint were reported to a committee of the Lords in the year 1798. This committee continued to sit and to act until the year 1816, when they sent in their Report. It was to the effect that:
(i.) Since they had begun to sit they had erected a new Mint near the Tower (where the coinage had been carried on). This Mint is the present building, designed by Sir Robert Smirke and Mr. John Johnson, and completed in 1810.
(ii.) That the Mint had been fitted with the most complete apparatus. This continued in use until the year 1881, when it was improved.
(iii.) That the return of peace, which had restored the precious metals to their normal value, made it possible to consider the subject of a new issue; and that the sum of £2,500,000 in silver would be issued as soon as possible. This Report was adopted on the 21st of May 1816.
Meantime, the whole community was suffering from the bad condition of the current coin. It was light; it was so much worn that they could not tell whether it was French or English; an immense amount of false coin was in circulation; numbers of men and women were constantly indicted for forging and uttering false coin; and traps of all kinds were set for making children, sailors, countrymen, and other innocent-looking persons pass the base money. One instance is that of a certain Solomon, commonly called, from a deformity in one of his feet, “Bubblefoot.” His occupation was that of a secret agent of the police, for whom he looked about for criminals who were “wanted.” He had to do this with the utmost circumspection, because his appearance was such that he could not disguise himself; besides, he had himself been more than once tried at the Old Bailey. This occupation giving him a little leisure, he employed it in creating offenders, with the connivance of the police-officers. He stationed himself somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Tower where sailors are found, and there he looked about for some ragged sailor
who had spent his money, and gave him a shilling, which the poor man took to the nearest tavern. When he proffered the coin in payment, he was seized by a police-officer, taken to prison, and tried for uttering base money. When these facts were discovered, it was found that eighteen persons were in Newgate, either tried and convicted or waiting trial, all brought there by the conspiracies of the police—who got £10 reward for every case—and the worthy "Bubblefoot."
The preparations for the new coinage lasted longer than was expected at first. In the autumn of 1816 the Bank of England issued a notice that it would buy up all the old shillings, with notes and tokens. This offer was eagerly accepted; but the consequences were at first embarrassing, for a kind of panic set in among retail dealers. In Westminster the police-office was crammed with people asking advice of the magistrates. One man had taken £50 in plain silver that morning, and no other tradesman would take any of it; pawnbroking was stopped; and at the markets the people began to get riotous. The panic was stopped by a handbill posted up in the streets ordering the people to take the current silver as usual. The new silver coinage was issued early in 1817.
CHAPTER IV
TRADES UNIONS
In 1744 the first serious and important attempt at a Trades Union, or at united action on the part of working-men, was made in London. The journeymen tailors and staymakers, to the number of 15,000, formed a combination for the advancement of their wages beyond the limit imposed by Act of Parliament. The same craftsmen, to the number of 7000, had attempted a combination in 1720. The "limit" of wage was that fixed in the year 1720. The Privy Council made short work with this union. They sent a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, then Custos Rotulorum for the county of Middlesex, and another to the Lord Mayor, commanding them to enforce the Acts regulating the wages of journeymen; to revoke the licences of those publicans who encouraged combinations; to commit any man, who refused to work for the regulated wage, for two months; and to fine any master who gave a higher rate of pay, £5 for each case. The men sent a deputation and a petition to the House. They complained of their loss of the liberty which every Englishman should enjoy by Magna Charta; but they got nothing by their action.
If, however, the journeymen were forbidden by Act of Parliament to make combinations or enter into unions, the law, on the other hand, gave them a minimum wage and protected them against the employment of non-freemen. A case was tried in the Lord Mayor's Court in the year 1750, between a club (not a union) of journeymen painters as plaintiffs, and a certain Row, citizen and master painter, defendant, for employing persons not free of the City to work for him in the City. The defendant pleaded that work had to be performed; that he could not get enough freemen; and that he never refused freemen. The jury were at first unable to agree; this seems to point to sympathy with the employer—no doubt it was a common practice,—but also to a desire to maintain the law. They sat over their verdict from two in the afternoon until six the next morning, without food, candle, or fire—and it was a night in December. They brought in, at last, a verdict for the plaintiffs.
That this verdict was a blow to the masters is proved by their immediate action
in drawing up a petition against the verdict and in praying for permission to employ non-freemen. The journeymen also sent in their petition.
The Common Council appointed a committee of sixteen, who sat over the case for nearly a year. Finally, it was decided that a master might employ one who was not a freeman, provided he could not get freemen, and had at the time, or had had during the last twelve months, an apprentice.
Another instance of the jealousy with which the journeymen regarded the law protecting the freemen was that in 1751, in which the tinplate-workers indicted one Milton at Hick's Hall for working at their trade without serving an apprenticeship. They depended upon a statute of Queen Elizabeth, which, however, was found not to help them, because they were not incorporated until after that statute was passed.
The condition of trade among the tailors and staymakers continued to be unsatisfactory. The number of petitions, indeed, from the masters in many trades at this time indicates uneasiness on the part of the masters and discontent on the part of the men. The master tailors and staymakers declared that they had been perfectly willing to comply with the recent Act for regulating the wages and work of their journeymen, but that they were constantly terrified, abused, and threatened by the men; that they had requested the magistrates at the Quarter Sessions of Middlesex to settle the wages afresh; that this had been done, giving the men 2s. a day in winter and 2s. 6d a day in summer; but that, in short, they wanted more.
Trade petitions were continually showered down upon Parliament. For instance, the hatmakers complained of foreign competition, and demanded protection, petitioning Parliament to that effect.
The merchants generally petitioned against the naturalisation of foreigners.
The merchants generally prayed also for protection against foreign cambrics.
The linen-drapers prayed for the prevention of smuggling. The sugar merchants prayed against the price of Muscovada sugar.
The history of trades unions and of the war between employer and employed belongs to the history of the country. All over the country during the eighteenth century the journeymen tried to wage war with the masters, and failed; rings were formed, unions were formed, which seemed for a time strong enough to crush the masters; yet in the long-run the masters crushed the men. The employers could persuade Parliament; there was the bogey of trade going abroad; there were divisions among the men; lastly, the Combination Acts of 1798 and 1800 for a time proved the death-blow of the trades unions. All trade combinations, by these Acts, were declared illegal. Yet only a few years afterwards, in the face of the Acts, unions, combinations, strikes, and lock-outs began again.
I have made notes of a few of the eighteenth-century strikes. The year 1768 was a year in which there was a great deal of turbulence.
Thus, on the 5th of May 1768, a body of sailors went on board their ships in the
Thames and unreefed their topsails, swearing that no ships should leave port till their wages were raised. The next day they assembled in St. George's Fields with flags, drums, and fifes, and went to St. James's with a petition to the King.
On the 11th of May a large body, estimated at 5000 to 15,000, marched to Palace Yard with a petition to Parliament. Afterwards they consented to meet the merchants and discuss their grievances.
On the 9th of May the watermen assembled before the Mansion House, anxious to ventilate their sorrows. The Lord Mayor advised them to lay their grievances before Parliament.
On the same day, the 9th of May, the hatters struck for higher pay. On the 10th the sawyers assembled and pulled down a new sawmill in order to bring their employers to a sense of their spirit. The coalheavers also met at Stepney and went to Palace Yard, where they were met by Sir John Fielding, who persuaded them to agree to a meeting with some of the masters. On the 11th of May the coalheavers again marched from Shadwell to Essex Stairs, calling on the Lord Mayor on the way. The Mayor, however, refused to help them or come to hear them.
On the 15th of May the glass-grinders assembled to petition Parliament for more wages, and on the same date the journeymen tailors also assembled for the same reason.
In June the sailors and coalheavers quarrelled and fought the matter out, with the result that the sailors were beaten.
On the 13th of June the coalheavers' insolence became so great that the soldiers were called in. In August the Spitalfields weavers rose, entered the house of one Nathaniel Farr, and destroyed the silk-work manufactory there, afterwards murdering a boy.
This is a sufficiently suggestive picture of the situation as to the content and the happiness of the working classes during the year 1768.
Early in 1769 the throwsters or silk manufacturers of Spitalfields rose and committed various outrages, extorting money from their masters; but by the vigilance of Sir John Fielding's officers they were dispersed "without much bloodshed."
On the 22nd of August of the same year the Spitalfields people rose again.
On the 19th of February 1770 the hat-dyers of Southwark seized a fellow-workman for working overtime without extra pay; mounted him, bearing a label descriptive of his offence, on an ass; visited all the hatworks in the borough, and those in the City, with a band of boys playing rough music; and compelled the men to strike at all the shops visited.
There was great jealousy as to letting trade secrets be carried out of the country.
Thus, in 1799, a man named Lammius, merchant and broker, was tried for
seducing artificers out of the country. He had been enticing artificers in the cotton-spinning trade to go to Hamburg and from there into France; he had also bought large quantities of implements used in the cotton manufactory for exportation. He was found guilty. The penalty was one year's imprisonment and a fine of £500. Ten years later, in 1809, one James Hewit was tried on a charge of seducing an artificer to leave the country and to go abroad and to work in a foreign country in a cotton factory.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
"What is it, then," some reader asks, "what is it that attaches your fancy so to fans and masks—to periwigs and patches?"—Austin Dobson.
In this chapter we have to treat of the manners and customs of a time so near to us that we seem almost to belong to it, and yet so far removed that the very memory of many customs has departed from our people. The railway, the steamboat, the omnibus have changed our City more in sixty years than it was changed before in five hundred years. I shall here endeavour to present a faithful picture of the London citizen, his manners, his way of living, his religion, his education, his amusements, and everything that he did during that long period beginning with William the Third and ending with the death of William the Fourth,—for the eighteenth century overlapped its close and ran on unchanged, though with signs of change, until the reign of Queen Victoria.
The former connection between the City and the country, which furnished so many well-born and well-connected merchants to the City, which dignified trade, and kept London in touch with the country, died out completely in the eighteenth century. The loss to the City in dignity, position, and influence was greater and more important than any historians have recognised. Nor, as has been noticed elsewhere, did the country gentlefolk and nobility maintain any longer their town-houses in London. They now came up every year to the new London—West London—the London bounded on the south by Pall Mall, on the north by the Tyburn Road, on the west by the Park, on the east by Gray's Inn, Lincoln's Inn, the Temple; and an impenetrable hedge of lawyers who divided the City from the West End belonged neither to the aristocracy nor the plutocracy. There was no friendship between these two parts of London. The country gentry grew richer and more powerful; they learned to despise more and more trade and the men who made their fortune by trade. There was occasionally some overstepping the town boundaries: sometimes a young lord, a "sprig of quality," married a City heiress; but this was rare. We may take it as a rule that between 1700 and the new era which began in 1837 the City life was one thing and the West End life was another.
In the same way, at the present day, the suburban life is one thing and the life of Society is quite another thing. The difference, however, is that the *grande dame de par le monde* of 1900 no longer despises the merchant who has made his great fortune: he lives beside her; he is invited to her receptions; he sends his sons with hers to Harrow and Eton, with hers into crack regiments; and, like her people, becomes a master of hounds, a J.P., a county magnate.
The tradition of sending the younger sons into trade survived the practice. It is alluded to by Pope (Epistle I.), though in his time the custom had practically ceased. Himself the son of a London tradesman, the poet might have been less scornful.
“’Tis education forms the common mind:
Just as the Twig is bent, the Tree’s inclined;
Boastful and rough, your first son is a Squire;
The next a Tradesman, meek, and much a Lyer.”
The younger sons of country gentry no longer sought apprenticeship and fortune in London; the mayors and sheriffs no longer bore ancient coats-of-arms, and were no longer descended from good old families; those who came to London were lads of low degree who brought their hands and nothing more. The House of Commons was principally made up of country gentry, placeholders, and well-born nominees of ministers; and since all political importance now lay in the House, that side of the importance of London was gone—a fact which the City did not yet understand. Again, while there were no family relations between the country gentry or the aristocracy and the City, they were also, as I have just pointed out, separated by their residences. The East and West of London, the City of London and the City of Westminster, were totally distinct, not only in government, but also by the position of their houses. The latter contained the town-houses of the aristocracy; the merchants all, without any exception to speak of, lived in the City, or, if they had country-houses, it was at Hackney, Hoxton, West Ham, Islington, Bromley, or Stepney. It was not till the middle of the century that a few merchants crossed the dividing area and settled in Bloomsbury. Only those who possessed large fortunes ventured to place themselves on the side sacred to aristocracy. It was considered an assertion of wealth, and a claim to social consideration on account of wealth.
This separation was, in many ways, a misfortune: it prevented the fusion of classes, which destroys caste and forbids the creation of a distinct aristocracy. Everything in the eighteenth century tended to create caste and to build up an aristocracy which should be a distinct and separate class; Society was composed exclusively of a distinct caste which admitted no outsiders, on any pretext whatever, either of wealth or of intellectual achievement. In order to belong to Society one had to be well born, *i.e.* born of a good and recognised family. This exclusiveness increased and became more marked, reaching its mischievous maximum in the days of the Regency. This caste claimed as its own, by right, every post in the country
worth having: its sons commanded the regiments and the armies, the men-o'-war and the fleets; they became ambassadors, ministers of state, members of Parliament, and placemen; they held the bishoprics, the deaneries, the rich livings, the pluralities. What they could not hold, or claim, or grasp were the great prizes of the bar and of medicine. It was considered beneath the dignity of a gentleman to sell anything, or to soil his fingers with any kind of trade, or to deal in any kind of commercial enterprise. The last occasion on which the aristocracy went into the City was in 1720, when the South Sea Bubble rose, swelled, and cracked. A gentleman might receive rents; he might also receive the emoluments of office and of his commission—that was all.
It was fortunate for the country that the aristocracy was at least the equal in ability of the plutocracy or the middle class; it was also fortunate that the aristocracy was, as a body, patriotic, courageous, resolute, and filled with a sense of honour. For these reasons its rule excited few jealousies and no resentments. It seemed natural, even to the citizens of London, that the aristocracy should rule.
Peerages, except in law, were conferred upon none but those of the caste; the distinctions in the gift of the Crown were given only to the caste. The people of the caste intermarried; they did what they could to keep out intruders. Had not the caste been broken down, partly by the necessities of the long war, during which outsiders had to be admitted into the services; partly by the increase of wealth among manufacturers and merchants; partly by the Reform Act; partly by the fall in the value of land; partly by the introduction of competitive examinations, we should have had, by this time, firmly fixed on our shoulders an actual ruling caste—a caste of the well-born—which would have left nothing open to our youth unless they could show sixteen quarterings. All the best things would have gone to the caste: outside it, there would have been circles of rich merchants and manufacturers; circles of scientific men; circles of professional men, artists, literary men—all without recognised positions or importance, political or social.
In the autobiography of Edward Gibbon, the historian, we find one of the latest examples of the country gentleman sending his son—the historian's grandfather—into London to be apprenticed to a trade. There may have been later examples, but I do not know of any; and, as I said above, I am strongly of opinion that in the eighteenth century the practice had entirely ceased. Let us consider this case.
Robert, son of Robert Gibbon, a country gentleman of Sussex, was sent up to London towards the end of the seventeenth century, to be apprenticed to a merchant citizen and clothworker. After serving his time, he took up his freedom as a member of the Clothworkers' Company. Apparently he made money by contracting for the clothing of King William's army. It does not appear that by this occupation he lost his position as a gentleman by birth and descent. He had two sons, one of whom became a draper in the City, and the other a scholar, traveller, writer, member
of the College of Heralds, and eventually Blue Mantle. The draper had two sons, of whom one became Dean of Carlisle, and the other—the historian does not tell us if the family shop was continued—developed into a Commissioner of Customs and, unfortunately for himself, a director of the South Sea Company. He was one of those whom the House of Commons deprived of their whole fortune; he lived, however, to make another fortune, which he bequeathed to his son Edward, the historian's father, who was a member of Parliament and a colonel of militia.
In this short family history we find that the contractor for clothing the army and the draper have in no way reduced the family below the consideration due to their position in the country. These views changed as the century went on, and it became a law with the country gentry, which has remained more or less to the present day, that a gentleman cannot go into trade. In London, however, even at the West End, this law is fast passing into oblivion. There has been, as we shall presently discover, an immigration into the City of the country gentry, which is more than a revival of the old custom of sending the younger sons into the City.
A book was published in the year 1800 which professed to present the history and parentage of the City fathers of that date. There are signs of exaggeration, and perhaps of personal feeling, in the work, which, combined with the fact that there must be, somewhere, many descendants of the persons named, make it prudent not to reproduce the names. There are 164 names mentioned. Among them we find the following cases. I believe they fully bear out my theory that the country gentry no longer sent their sons into the City. Observe that the men spoken of below were the City fathers, mayors, sheriffs, and aldermen:
(1) Began life with a small oil-shop in Aldgate. Married niece of "Checkapron Sal," a washerwoman.
(2) Apprenticed to a coffin-maker, became undertaker, hosier, and auctioneer, respectively.
(3) Came up to London as a penniless lad from Wales.
(4) The son of an Alderney smuggler. Began his business in a little room over a gateway.
(5) Began life as a journeyman tailor.
(6) The son of a day labourer.
(7) The son of a "very poor man."
(8) The son of the skipper of a coasting vessel.
(9) A paviour originally; married a cook.
(10) The son of a poor man.
(11) Ditto.
(12) Began as an oilman with a very small shop.
(13) Began as a journeyman silversmith.
(14) Began as a clerk.
(15) Began with small grocer’s shop.
(16) Perfectly uneducated.
(17) Was at first stable-boy at an inn; looked after the packhorses.
(18) Began as a servant in a warehouse.
(19) Another servant in the same warehouse.
(20) Began as a porter.
(21) Began as a shoebblack.
(22) Once kept a public-house.
(23) Could neither read nor write until he learned as an adult.
(24) Son of a miller in New York.
(25) Originally a barber.
(26) Began as a footman.
(27) At first a waiter.
(28) By trade a journeyman bricklayer.
(29) Was once a pastrycook.
(30) Was at first a chemist in Paternoster Row.
Besides these, we find one the son of an earl, one the son of a baronet, one the son of an M.P., one the son of a clergyman, three described as the sons of gentlemen—seven in all who are represented as of gentle birth. Several are sons of attorneys, but the attorney of that time was very far below the City solicitor of the present day in importance; some belonged to trades which may have been wholesale, as sugar-baker, leather-cutter, grocer, tea-seller, corn-factor; two of them came from New York; two, after the War of Independence, laid down the alderman’s gown and went out there.
It is therefore without possibility of dispute that the City was no longer recruited from the class called gentry; that the number of “gentlemen,” using the old sense of the word, who held office in the City was extremely small; that, for causes which can be explained, it was not only possible, but common, for quite poor lads to succeed in business and to amass great fortunes.
The causes to which I refer are these. It seems in the nature of trade that it is not hereditary—at least, not for long. When a merchant retires with a fortune, his first thought is to take it out of the risks and perils of trade; for the sake of his heirs, he proceeds to invest his money in land, and to become a country gentleman. In this way the house of business disappears, or has to be carried on in the same name by strangers. Again, which also happens, the house may become bankrupt and so disappear. Or the business, for some reason, falls into other channels or into new hands. It is very rare to find in the City a house of business which is in its third or fourth generation. Again, in the eighteenth century there occurred a
greater increase of trade than was ever known before, which opened the way for the advancement of new men.
Where could London find these recruits? Formerly, they came up from the country, as we have seen; they were the younger sons of country gentlemen; they came up as 'prentices to their cousins. If they showed ability they stepped into the place of the retiring merchant, or they took the place of the broken merchant, or they inherited the business of the dying merchant, or they started in business on their own account.
When this stream ceased, which was in the early part of the eighteenth century, where were the young men who would step into the vacant places? There were no longer the young gentlemen from the country; there were the nephews or sons of the retiring merchants; or there were the poor youths—those who had everything to gain, who were already employed in some capacity in the City, and understood what was wanted. There were thousands of such young men; there were but a few—there are never more than a few—who understood the first essentials of success—how to see and how to seize the opportunity. That these men were uneducated and vulgar we should expect. The book before us gives abundant evidence. One or two of the anecdotes may be quoted without fear that they may be taken in any way as reflecting on the present status of the Corporation, which is, of course, beyond any such charge or suggestion of illiteracy.
For instance, the following lines are said to have been written by one of them on the victory of the Nile:
"Great Nelson, in the grandest stile,
Bore down upon the shores of Nile;
And there obtained a famous victory,
Which puzzles much the French Directory.
The impudence of those there fellows,
As all the newspapers do tell us,
Had put the Grand Turk in a pet,
Which caused him to send Nelson an aigrette:
Likewise a grand pelisse—a noble boon—
Then let us hope a speedy peace and soon."
Of another it was reported that when he was Lord Mayor, and thought dancing had gone on long enough in the ballroom of the Mansion House, he would take the gardener's fumigating bellows and put out the lights; and if his daughters expostulated, he would reply, "Ar'n't it all for to make you good weight?"
Other anecdotes of the same kind may be found in this volume and those like it.
The question whether London was a more cheerful city—in other words, whether the people of London were more cheerful and happier—in the eighteenth century than now, has often been asked and never answered. For, in truth, cheerfulness or happiness depends entirely on the standard of life: we get what we desire, and we are happy; we cannot attain to what we think constitutes the most desirable form
of life, and we are therefore discontented. Let us ask what the City man desired in 1760.
He desired, first, such a sufficiency of the world's goods as would keep at a reasonable distance the ever-present terror of bankruptcy and the debtors' prison. The contemplation of those places; the misery of wife and children when the bread-winner could earn no more; the coldness of old friends—especially that of the industrious apprentice himself, raised to the civic chair—towards the less fortunate or the less industrious in the Fleet and the King's Bench, acted as a constant stimulus to work and moderation. The City man rose early and worked late; he lived frugally and spent little, till his money-bags began to fill out; he was decorous in his behaviour, moral in his sentiments, religious in observance; when he feasted it was at the expense of his Company. His wife was like-minded; their pleasures were simple—the toast and muffins of the tea-table, a roast and a pudding for dinner; when they grew rich, Vauxhall or Marylebone once or twice in the year. The theatre they cared nothing about; the opera was beyond them; of art or literature they knew nothing; sometimes, as at Christmas, they would play a game of cards—say Pope Joan or Speculation; they attended the week-day sermon and the two services on Sunday. The wife knew a great many people in the City and paid her rounds of visits; in dress she affected the substantial citizen and was dignified in silk or a gold chain. In the summer a drive to Tottenham or Walthamstow was a favourite pastime. As for her husband, he had his club to which he repaired either on stated evenings of the week or every evening. There were clubs of every kind; his, however, was the sober and steady kind, in which there was neither singing nor merriment. The members sat round the table and conversed in mannered and conventional speech, with great politeness and deference towards each other. They gave to each other what they most desired for themselves—the consideration due to credit and the reputation of soundness. This kind of London citizen was certainly as happy as a man can expect to be, because he got all he wished to get and died leaving a good round fortune. He died contentedly, knowing that he would "cut up" better than his friends expected; and that his memory would be, on that account, envied, admired, and respected.
CHAPTER II
THE DAILY LIFE
I now come to the daily life of the citizens. The middle classes, including the merchants, shopkeepers, solicitors, medical men, and all the professions, present great difficulties to one who endeavours to restore the past. They are not fashionable—it is easy to get at the life of fashion; they are not criminal—we seem to understand very well how the highwayman or the riverside thief lived. Play-writers found nothing interesting in the quiet, uneventful ways of the middle class. Satirists leave them alone, unless they gird and sneer at the citizen for his bad taste, his vulgar manners, and his ignorance.
The more substantial merchants took tea for breakfast—tea with bread-and-butter, at nine; they visited the coffee-house, where they generally took a morning glass, at ten; transacted business in their offices till noon; went on 'Change till two; repaired to the coffee-house again till four; took dinner at four; after dinner went to their clubs or to the coffee-house; at ten went home, took supper, and so to bed.
I have found, however, sufficient materials for the presentation of the life of a tradesman of the time we are considering, viz. the middle of the eighteenth century.
First, in general terms. I will go on to a more detailed account afterwards.
The example I have before me is that of a man who kept a shop in Cheapside. He lived behind and over his shop; he had one apprentice; his wife kept one maid. His daughters, after learning how to read, write, and cipher at a girls' school, remained at home and devoted themselves to the acquisition of the more solid accomplishments. That is to say, they made pickles, wine, cordials, puddings, and cakes; they understood household cookery; they made most of their own dress; they were great at needlework; they carefully preserved a manuscript household book handed down from a great-grandmother. This they consulted with reverence, and knew the contents by heart. It contained, first, the simpler remedies for the smaller complaints, and next a great quantity of receipts for making beer, wine, lavender-water, cordials, puddings, pies, and cakes.
The boys were taught neither Latin nor Greek. Writing and ciphering and
bookkeeping were their studies; when they were fourteen they became apprentices either to their father or to some other of the same class. All day long the head of the house attended to business, while the mother and daughters worked in the kitchen; in the evening the good man, as a loyal vestryman, served all the parish offices in turn; attended church, it is needless to say, on Sunday morning and Sunday afternoon, and often once in the week; there was daily service in his parish church, but this he left for his wife and daughters. He was punctual in meeting his liabilities: the greatest wickedness that any man could commit, in his eyes, was not to pay his debts; the greatest punishment that the law provided for a defaulter—imprisonment for life in a debtors' prison—he thought was not enough for such a wretch. Since, indeed, two or three defaulters might bring him to bankruptcy and to the same prison for life, it was natural that he should regard such an offender with the greatest loathing and hatred.
He rose betimes, and he entered his shop as soon as it was opened. His 'prentices slept under the counter, and took down the shutters, which were sliding shutters, one for the upper and one for the lower part, at half-past seven or eight. In the afternoon, when the ladies came along in their coaches to do their shopping, he was dressed after the fine fashion of the time in black velvet and white silk stockings, with silver buttons and buckles, with silver lace on his hat, his wig carefully dressed, and fine lace ruffles at his sleeve. In this array he stood at the door of his shop and invited people to step in, handing the ladies out of their coaches, and leaving his partner, or his apprentice, to conduct the sales.
As for his way of living, the "parlour" behind the shop was his dining-room and breakfast-room and sitting-room; it looked out upon the parish church and churchyard, where funerals were going on every day. He breakfasted on cold meat and small-beer. He dined at one: as a rule, he dined well; his 'prentice waited upon him; he drank strong ale out of a silver tankard. After dinner he regaled, but with moderation, on elder wine or the raisin wine made by his wife and daughters. Tea was not a daily article of food with the shopkeeper, but the citizen's wife sometimes gave a tea-party; the drinking of tea was followed by a dram or a cordial to guard against any possible bad effects—for the drink, though fashionable, was still regarded with some suspicion; the tea was then carefully put away and locked up for another month or two, until the next tea-party.
There was, as might be expected, a great deal too much drinking among men of business. Some of them began early in the morning, before eight, with a dram or pick-me-up. A favourite dram was composed of half a pint of sack with a dash of gentian in it. Imagine a City tradesman of the present day taking a tumblerful of sherry before breakfast as a "whet"! There were many other "whets": such as the "White and Wormwood"; the "Ratafia"; the "Nectar and Ambrosia," a dram prepared for "ladies' closets"; the "Rosolio"; and many others.
At inns and public dinners every man helped himself from the dish with his own knife and fork: sometimes two or three knives or forks would be engaged in the same dish together. Thus, in the *Grub Street Journal* we read that "last Wednesday a gentleman met with an odd accident in helping himself to some roast chicken. He found that he had conveyed two joints of another gentleman's forefinger to his plate together with the wing which he had just taken off." In Hogarth's "City Feast," one of the guests is thus helping himself out of the dish with his own knife and fork. The wine provided at the taverns was mostly port or Lisbon; it was a thick and heavy liquid, often made at home with sloes, blackberries, and boiled turnips, "fortified" with spirit. The Burgundy and Bordeaux were also fortified and made stupefying with spirit.
A writer of the year 1744 gives us an insight into certain City customs. It was during the Christmas holidays that he was bidden to an entertainment at the house of a rich citizen of Farringdon Without. He entered, was shown into the dining-room, which he found full of ladies. They all rose. He made a profound bow; he was repaid by a circle of courtesies. Having taken his seat, there followed a profound silence; then he heard one of them whisper, "I believe he thinks we smoke tobacco." "For my readers must know I had omitted the City custom and not kissed one of the ladies."
They talked mostly scandal in half-whispers. The ladies were then called away to a parlour for tea, while the men went off to another room for their bottle and their tobacco.
As for the middle-class education, that was principally carried on in "academies" kept by men broken-down, bankrupt, or turned out of some other employment. The master could teach nothing more than writing and arithmetic; he could also hear lessons learned by rote; he pretended to teach French, and had a Swiss retained on the establishment; needless to say that the boys learned no more French in the eighteenth century than they do in the present. The usher taught Latin to those boys who learned it; there was also a dancing-master on his staff.
The girls' schools were chiefly kept by ex-lady's-maids. They knew something about deportment, something about dress, and something about needlework. There was a dancing-master attached to the establishment in the winter, and a music-master all the year round; he was generally the deputy-organist of the parish church. As for any solid education for the girls, there was none; it would appear, however, that they behaved with as much decorum as their mothers, and with as much responsible dignity as their fathers. Perhaps they were little the worse for being ignorant of history, science, literature, art, geography, and political economy.
Saturday was the day for collecting debts—the day dreaded by the prodigal and the debtor. "A Saturday is the melancholiest part of the whole week, not so much by reason of the froppish and humorsome planet which governs it, but by reason of
The INDUSTRIOUS 'PRENTICE grown rich, & Sheriff of London.
From Hogarth's engraving, "The Industrious 'Prentice grown rich, and Sheriff of London" (Industry and Illness).
too many insufferable duns, who tread the streets in terror; and that is the reason so many citizens can as well be hanged as keep out of nine-pin houses in Moorfields on this day, to be out of the sight of those ghastly apparitions that haunt their ghost at the heel of the week. Poverty and Necessity, the god of the Andreans, that could stop the mouth of Themistocles, cannot appease the wrath of a City creditor, whose empty money-bag, twisted about his hand, is as killing as a Gorgon's head; and therefore it is well the poor man is out of the way, and is only practising those sports which are like to be his only livelihood in a short time; and what a kindness it is for a man to be removed from the cares and labours of this world to the sweet pleasures of drinking, smoking, and other sportive recreations!"
In a century of wigs, shaven heads, and smooth faces, the barber played an important part. He had to be visited every day; his 'prentices all day long were engaged in making wigs, dressing and curling wigs, powdering wigs, besides shaving heads and chins and cheeks. He kept the Sunday wigs for his customers' use in a box, as a solicitor now keeps the papers of his clients; on Sunday morning he and his boys were up early dressing the wigs for church and carrying them round. On week-days early in the morning the "flying-barber" was seen with his jug of hot water, his soap, and his "tackle," hurrying from house to house. Later on in the day, his shop was full of City men, tradesmen especially, who wanted an hour's holiday from the shop for a morning gossip, and very often a morning draught. The guitar which, in the sixteenth century, was found in every barber's shop was gone: the Puritans killed the natural love of music. Yet one would like to see a barber's shop as it was in the year 1740, say. It was filled with strange and curious instruments, which are noted by the lively writer of *Wine and Walnuts*:
"Long spiral machines, for frosting the hair, various other powdering puffs, toupees, braids, and wired cushions, braiding pins twelve, yea, fourteen inches long, crisping and other irons of every denomination, and leather rollers for the beaux' curls."
The following is a picture of a draper's shop in the year 1715:
"This afternoon some ladies, having an opinion of my fancy in clothes, desired me to accompany them to Ludgate-hill, which I take to be as agreeable an amusement as a lady can pass away three or four hours in. The shops are perfect gilded theatres, the variety of wrought silks so many changes of fine scenes, and the mercers are the performers in the opera; and instead of *vivitur ingenio* you have in gold capitals, 'No trust by retail.' They are the sweetest, fairest, nicest, dished-out creatures; and, by their elegant address and soft speeches, you would guess them to be Italians. As people glance within their doors, they salute them with—'Gardensilks, ladies; Italian silks; very fine mantua silks; any right Geneva velvet, English velvet, velvet embossed?' And to the meaner sort—'Fine thread satins, both striped and plain; fine mohair silks; satinnets; burdets; Persianets; Norwich
crapes; anterines; silks for hoods and scarves; hair camlets; druggets; sagathies; gentlemen's nightgowns ready-made; shalloons; durances; and right Scotch plaids.
We went into a shop which had three partners: two of them were to flourish out their silks, and, after an obliging smile and a pretty mouth made Cicero-like, to expatiate on their goodness; and the other's sole business was to be gentleman usher of the shop, to stand completely dressed at the door, bow to all the coaches that pass by, and hand ladies out and in. We saw abundance of gay fancies, fit for sea-captains' wives, sheriffs' feasts, and Taunton-dean ladies. 'This, madam, is wonderful charming. This, madam, is so diverting a silk. This, madam, my stars! how cool it looks! But this, madam—ye Gods! would I had 10,000 yards of it!' Then gathers up a sleeve, and places it to our shoulders. 'It suits your ladyship's face wonderfully well.' When we had pleased ourselves, and bid him ten shillings a-yard for what he asked fifteen: 'Fan me, ye winds, your ladyship rallies me! Should I part with it at such a price, the weavers would rise upon the very shop. Was you at the Park last night, madam? Your ladyship shall abate me sixpence. Have you read the Tatler to-day?'
These fellows are positively the greatest fops in the kingdom: they have their toilets and their fine nightgowns; their chocolate in the morning, and their green tea two hours after; turkey-polts for their dinner; and their perfumes, washes, and clean linen equip them for the Parade."
The following is a list of things sold by the draper or man's mercer in the year 1774:
"Dutch ratteens, duffles, frizes, beaver coatings, kerseymeres, forrest cloths, German serges, Wilton stuffs, sagathies, nankeens, Silasia cambricks, Manchester velvets, silks, grograms, double allapeens, silk camblets, barragons, Brussels camblets, princes stuffs, worsted damasks, silk knitpieces, corded silks, and gattias, shagg velvets, serge desoys, shalloons, and allapeens."
I next present the daily life of two tradesmen of the century, taken from their own diaries and journals.
The first is one Thomas Turner, not of London, but of East Hothley, Kent, general dealer and storekeeper. He lived from 1728 to 1789. He was prosperous in his business; he read a good deal; he was much respected for his knowledge; he enjoyed the company of his friends, and he had his weaknesses.
Like most men with weaknesses, he was fond of making resolutions for an improved kind of life: he resolved to get up early and breakfast before eight; he resolved to dine between twelve and one; to eat little meat but a great deal of garden stuff; to sup frugally on broth and milk pottage; never to drink more than four glasses of beer and eight glasses of wine or punch; and always to go to bed at or before ten.
At the Vestry audit he got drunk; he went to his friend Jones's, where they
drank a bowl of punch and "two muggs of bumboo," going home in liquor; he went to see a foot-race and got "very drunk,"—and so on. Each case of intemperance is followed by prayers and resolutions. On a certain night in January he and his wife, with two friends, sit down to cards and play all night without any "imprecations."
"January 26.—We went down to Whyly, and staid and supped there; we came home between twelve and one o'clock,—I may say, quite sober, considering the house we was at, though undoubtedly the worse for drinking, having, I believe, contracted a slight impediment in my speech, occasioned by the fumes of the liquor operating too furiously on my brain.
February 2.—We supped at Mr. Fuller's, and spent the evening with a great deal of mirth till between one and two. Thos. Fuller brought my wife home upon his back. I cannot say I came home sober, though I was far from being bad company. I think we spent the evening with a great deal of pleasure.
Wednesday.—About four p.m. I walked down to Whyly. We played at bragg the first part of the even. After ten we went to supper, on four boiled chickens, four boiled ducks, minced veal, sausages, cold roast goose, chicken pasty, and ham. Our company, Mr. and Mrs. Porter, Mr. and Mrs. Coates, Mrs. Atkins, Mrs. Hicks, Mr. Piper and wife, Joseph Fuller and wife, Tho. Fuller and wife, Dame Durrant, myself and wife, and Mr. French's family. After supper our behaviour was far from that of serious, harmless mirth: it was downright obstreperous, mixed with a great deal of folly and stupidity. Our diversion was dancing or jumping about, without a violin or any musick, singing of foolish healths, and drinking all the time as fast as it could be well poured down; and the parson of the parish was one among the mixed multitude. If conscience dictates right from wrong, as doubtless it sometimes does, mine is one that I may say is soon offended; for I must say, I am always very uneasy at such behaviour, thinking it not like the behaviour of the primitive Christians, which I imagine was most in conformity to our Saviour's gospel. Nor would I be thought to be either a synick or a stoick, but let social improving discourse pass round the company. About three o'clock, finding myself to have as much liquor as would do me good, I slipt away unobserved, leaving my wife to make my excuse. Though I was very far from sober, I came home, thank God, very safe and well, without even tumbling; and Mr. French's servant brought my wife home, at ten minutes past five" (probably upon his back).
"Thursday.—This morning about six o'clock, just as my wife was got to bed, we was awaked by Mrs. Porter, who pretended she wanted some cream of tartar; but as soon as my wife got out of bed, Mrs. Porter vowed she should come down. She found Mr. Porter, Mr. Fuller and his wife, with a lighted candle, and part of a bottle of wine and a glass. The next thing was to have me downstairs, which being apprized of, I fastened my door. Upstairs they came, and threatened to break it open; so I ordered the boys to open it, when they poured into my room; and as
modesty forbid me to get out of bed, so I refrained; but their immodesty permitted them to draw me out of bed, as the common phrase is, topsy-turvey; but, however, at the intercession of Mr. Porter, they permitted me to put on my small clothes, and instead of my upper clothes, they gave me time to put on my wife's petticoats; and in this manner they made me dance, without shoes and stockings, until they had emptied the bottle of wine, and also a bottle of my beer. About three o'clock in the afternoon, they found their way to their respective homes, beginning to be a little serious, and, in my opinion, ashamed of their stupid enterprise and drunken perambulation."
On March 7 they had another bout:—
"We continued drinking like horses, as the vulgar phrase is, and singing till many of us were very drunk, and then we went to dancing and pulling of wigs, caps, and hats; and thus we continued in this frantic manner, behaving more like mad people than they that profess the name of Christians. Whether this is inconsistent to the wise saying of Solomon let any one judge, 'Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging, and he that is deceived thereby is not wise.'"
When trade is slack he lays it on the luxury of the time, which will not allow people to buy things necessary. Especially he denounces the exorbitant practice of tea-drinking. On Christmas Day he and his wife stay to the Communion. His wife gave sixpence; "they not asking me, I gave nothing. Oh! may we increase in faith and good works!"—an aspiration which is very delightful after he has given nothing.
Here is another account of a tradesman's daily life. It is taken from the *Place Collection*, and contains the moral observations of one tradesman on the autobiography of another:
"Mr. Brasbridge kept a shop in Fleet Street within three or four doors of New Bridge Street; it was a neat shop, and when I first knew it, well stocked with silver and plated goods; he says he had a good business, and might from his own account have made a fortune, and this he might have done as some of his pot companions did, had he stuck a little closer to his shop for the first few years he was in business. His evening jollifications could not have ruined him as they did, but he became a jolly fellow before he had sufficiently established his business, and before it could bear to be neglected as all such men neglect their businesses."
If Mr. Brasbridge had been a more accurate observer and a better narrator, he would have drawn the correct picture of the better sort of tradesmen of the last age. He tells us he was a member of several clubs. He often spent his evenings at the Globe Tavern in Fleet Street. This was one of those places a little above a public-house in accommodation and character. There was a common parlour into which scarcely any one entered promiscuously; almost every one was more or less a regular frequenter of the room after being introduced by some of the old sets.
"I likewise," he says, "belonged to a sixpenny Card club at the Queen's Arms
in St. Paul's Churchyard. It consisted of about 20 members, of whom I am the only survivor.
Another place which I used to frequent was the Cider Cellar in Maiden Lane, Covent Garden." It was famous for the political debates and arguments. This was at the time Wilkes's short-lived popularity was beginning to dawn.
"The Free and Easy under the Rose was another society to which I belonged. It was founded in 1760 at the Queen's Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard, and was afterwards removed to the Horn Tavern in Carter Lane, Doctors' Commons. It consisted of some thousand members, and I never heard of any one of them that incurred any serious blame. Our great fault was sitting too late."
He tells us, however, that he "cannot say so much for the company that frequented the Spread Eagle in the Strand, a house famous for the resort of young men after the theatre. Shorter, the landlord, facetiously observed that his was a very uncommon set of customers, for what with hanging, drowning, and natural deaths, he had a change every six months." He shows, what indeed might be presumed, that neither of these "Free and Easys" was frequented by working-men, but by tradesmen, and by the sons of tradesmen who were called respectable; some among them men of property, and a few who were wealthy.
Lamentations over the increasing luxury of the time are common in every age. In the eighteenth century it seemed dreadful to the satirist that the "cit" and the 'prentice should venture among the haunts of fashionable folk:
"Time was, when sattin waistcoats and scratch wigs,
Enough distinguished all the city prigs,
Whilst every sunshine Sunday saw them run
To club their sixpences, at Islington;
When graver citizens, in suits of brown,
Lined all the dusty avenues to town,
Or led the children and the loving spouse,
To spend two shillings at White-Conduit-house:
But now, the 'prentices, in suits of green,
At Richmond or at Windsor may be seen;
Where in mad parties they run down to dine,
To play at gentlefolks, and drink bad wine."
Town Eclogues.
Again, time was when tradesmen brought up their families in frugal ways. Now, their wives and daughters scorn to make or mend: a dressmaker and a milliner must be sought for everything, while they spend half the day shopping:
"Whilst Miss despises all domestic rules,
But lisps the French of Hackney boarding-schools;
And ev'ry lane around Whitechapel bars
Resounds with screaming notes, and harsh guitars."
It was thought presumptuous and ridiculous when the London tradesman set up his small country-house on one of the suburban roads. It was good material, however, for the essayist. Thus, the "Box" of a certain Common Councilman is
described by the *Connoisseur*. It stood some miles from the City, by the roadside, but separated from it by a ditch, crossed by a bridge of two planks, giving a baronial touch to the affair. This would suit the Brixton Road, the ditch being the River Effra. "On the other side of the road was a high hedge, which shut out every view except from the garret windows, whence, however, could be enjoyed a beautiful vista of two men hanging in chains on Kennington Common, with a distant view of St. Paul's cupola enveloped in a cloud of smoke. The entrance 'hall' was decorated with a large map of London, a plan and elevation of the Mansion House, and smaller views of other public buildings, on one side; and on the other a coloured print of Overton's 'Death of the Stag.' Over the parlour door were affixed a couple of stags'-horns, and over these an amber-headed cane. In the parlour itself, above the chimney-piece, hung a portrait of the host drawn bolt upright, in a full-bottom'd periwig, a laced cravat with the fringed ends appearing through a buttonhole, a black linsey gown, a snuff-color'd velvet coat with gold buttons, a red velvet waist-coat trimm'd with gold, one hand stuck in the bosom of his shirt, and the other holding out a letter, with the superscription, 'To Mr. ——.' Another portrait in the same room was that of my friend's wife's great-great-uncle, who had been sheriff and knighted in the reign of King James I. Madam herself filled up a panel on the opposite side, in the habit of a shepherdess smelling a nosegay, and stroking a ram with gilt horns. The garden was some twenty feet in length, and contained a dozen pots on either side of the path, filled with lilies and coxcombs, trained up against old laths painted green, and surmounted with the bowls of tobacco-pipes—probably to catch the earwigs. The object of this 'Box' was the better avoidance of the Sabbath, to attain which desirable consummation one half of Saturday was lost in papering up cold chickens, bottling brandy punch, sorting clean shifts and nightcaps for the children, pinning baskets, and cording trunks; and one half of Monday was wasted in undoing the same packages and putting away the things on their return to town."
The City people even have their own pleasure-gardens. Monstrous!
"Hence spring assemblies with such uncouth names,
At Deptford, Wapping, Rotherhithe, and Shad-Thames,
Where every month the powder'd, white-glov'd sparks,
Spruce haberdashers, pert attorneys' clerks,
With deep-enamour'd 'prentices, prefer
Their suit to many a sighing milliner:
In scraps of plays their passions they impart,
With all the awkward bows they learn from Hart.
'Tis here they learn their genius to improve,
And throw by Wingate for the Art of Love;
They frame th'acrostic deep, and rebus terse,
And fill the day-book with enamour'd verse;
Ev'n learned Fenning on his vacant leaves,
The ill-according epigram receives,
And Cocker's margin hobling sonnets grace,
To Delia, measuring out a yard of lace."
The indignation of Smollett must be taken with large deductions. If, however, the tradesman had become so prosperous as to jump from 4½d. to 3s., why should he not? Cannot a man be allowed the enjoyment of his own prosperity?
"The substantial tradesman who went to pass his evenings at the ale-house for 4½d., now spends 3s. at the tavern, while his wife keeps card-tables at home; she must also have fine clothes, her chaise, or pad, with country lodgings, and go three times a week to public diversions. Every clerk, apprentice, and even waiter of a tavern or coffee-house, maintains a gelding by himself, or in partnership, and assumes the air and apparel of a petit maître. The gayest places of public entertainment are filled with fashionable figures, which, upon enquiry, will be found to be journeymen tailors, serving men, and abigails, disguised like their betters."
The West End on one side and Grub Street on the other, neither of which had the least intercourse with the City, were completely ignorant of the leaps and bounds with which the trade and the wealth of the London merchants, and therefore of the London tradesman, advanced in the eighteenth century. That the City shopkeeper should send his daughters to a good school—or what was considered a good school,—that his wife should buy what she wanted instead of making it,—seemed a clear proof of impending bankruptcy, not to speak of the impudence of stepping outside the rank and station to which these people were called. That the shopkeeper was entitled to all the pleasures which his increased wealth allowed was never considered by the satirist,—partly because, having no wealth of his own, and associating with none but such as himself, needy and dependent, he knew nothing about the increase of wealth. Nor was it till the merchants and rich tradesmen began to buy country estates, that the old respect for the City began to return, and the county families, which had to admit these new families into their society, began to ask whether a return to the old custom of sending boys into the City was not worth considering. In many places they have already considered this question; in others they are still considering it. But it would be interesting to learn, if we could discover the facts, how many country estates are now in the hands of families which made their money in the City during the years 1750 to 1850 or thereabouts.
CHAPTER III
THE CRAFTSMAN
The daily life of the craftsman and the appearance of his workshop are difficult to recover. His hours of labour were longer; he began about six, he worked till seven or eight; he consumed vast quantities of beer, mostly the black beer now called porter and stout; he would not touch tea or coffee; he took bread and cheese for breakfast and for supper; he regarded beefsteak as the only form of meat worthy the attention of a free Englishman. In his shops, where all worked together, there were no steam appliances, and such machines as the workman used were simple—such as the lathe, worked by a treadle. Every shop was governed by rules of the trade, enforced by the men themselves, to whom, indeed, they were more sacred than the Ten Commandments. Every trade had its own customs, which were unwritten rules. The workshops were small, and they presented the appearance of living-rooms as well as workshops. The walls were mostly plastered; the shelves were covered with old hour-glasses, candlesticks with thick tallow candles such as are used on board ship, snuffers, old lanterns of horn, tools and implements of all kinds; the windows were generally casements, with diamond panes set in leaden frames and studded with thick "bull's-eyes" of green glass, used to prevent breaking—one never sees these bull's-eyes now; the place was not too well lit even by day: after dark the men worked by the light of tallow candles, which they provided at their own expense. Some of the men sang songs and catches at their work. Especially was this the case with the weavers, who were said to have brought over the custom from Flanders. Falstaff says, "I would I were a weaver. I would say my psalms and all manner of songs." Hogarth, who frequented one weaver's shop at least, has represented his two apprentices at work at the beam. The walls are pasted with songs, political and comic, and dismal ballads of executions and confessions. In each corner of the workshop was a fireplace, and in winter evenings the men toasted their potatoes in the hot ashes.
The ceiling was covered with names of bygone workmen inscribed in candle smoke. The doors and the woodwork were covered all over with names; and on the wall was to be seen many a "hand next the heart." The custom has long since
The Fellow Prentices at their Looms
Industry and Idleness
From Hogarth's engraving, "The Fellow Prentices at their Looms" (Industry and Idleness).
The following is a list of the most important things to consider when choosing a career path:
1. **Interest**: Choose a career that you are passionate about and enjoy doing. This will make your work more fulfilling and less stressful.
2. **Skills**: Consider your strengths and weaknesses, and choose a career that aligns with your skills. For example, if you are good at math, you may want to consider a career in finance or engineering.
3. **Education**: Research the education requirements for different careers. Some careers require a bachelor's degree, while others may only require a high school diploma.
4. **Salary**: Consider the salary range for different careers. Some careers may offer higher salaries than others, but it is important to also consider the cost of living in your area.
5. **Job Outlook**: Research the job outlook for different careers. Some careers may be in high demand, while others may be declining.
6. **Work Environment**: Consider the work environment for different careers. Some careers may involve long hours or irregular schedules, while others may offer more flexibility.
7. **Career Advancement**: Research the potential for career advancement in different careers. Some careers may offer opportunities for promotion and advancement, while others may be more stagnant.
8. **Work-Life Balance**: Consider the work-life balance for different careers. Some careers may require long hours and frequent travel, while others may offer more flexibility.
9. **Industry Trends**: Research the industry trends for different careers. Some industries may be growing, while others may be declining.
10. **Personal Values**: Consider your personal values and how they align with different careers. For example, if you value community service, you may want to consider a career in social work or non-profit management.
By considering these factors, you can make an informed decision about your career path and find a career that is right for you.
died out, and few there are who know now what it means. It was this. When a man left the workshop, either for good or for a time, his fellow-workmen chalked his hand all over; he then stamped an impression of the chalked hand on the wall, which was left till it became worn out by time. When he returned, if he did return, it was the signal for the order of a gallon pewter pot filled with foaming porter. In such a shop Hogarth, with his dog Tramp between his feet, delighted to sit and watch the men and talk with them. He called them his "shopmates." They spoke of him as the greatest "limner"—that good old word still survived—in the whole world.
One of the things most desired by the working-man was to have a stately funeral. With this object he belonged to a burial-club. Every member, I believe, paid a shilling on the demise of another member. The shillings paid for the coffin; the society provided the black cloaks for the men and the hoods and scarves for the women. We must remember that the burial took place in the City churchyard, which was not far from every house in the parish; and that the funeral was a walking one. In some trades, when one died, the whole fraternity attended; the funeral took place in the night; and a subscription was paid for the cake and wine which marked the mourners' sense of their bereavement.
Franklin's Biography gives us some insight into the manners of the better class of working-men. He worked for a printer named Watts in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and had lodgings at the house of a Catholic lady in Duke Street (now Sardinia Street), opposite the Roman Catholic chapel. At the top of the house was a lady who had been sent to the Continent to take the veil, but, finding the climate disagree with her, she came home and lived in a nun-like solitude, performing her religious duties with the greatest regularity, living on £12 a year and giving the rest in charity. Franklin, for his part, also lived with the greatest frugality: his supper consisted of half an anchovy, a piece of bread, and half a pint of ale shared with his landlady. The other men at the press drank a pint of beer before breakfast, a pint with bread and cheese for breakfast, a pint between breakfast and dinner, one at dinner, one at six in the evening, one after work,—altogether six pints a day, which seems a good allowance. Franklin himself mostly drank water, and had gruel with butter, toast, and nutmeg for breakfast. But it does not appear that his method became popular.
The craftsmen of London still, in the eighteenth century, stood by each other. Many of the trades lived together, as the watchmakers of Clerkenwell and the weavers of Spitalfields. They all had their own distinguishing dress, and could be recognised by everybody; they had their laws and observances. The lamplighters, who were not a large body, went so far as to attend the funeral of any brother who died; they buried him at night; and they all wore white jackets and cocked hats, and carried flaming torches. And the following little anecdote shows a brotherly feeling actuating an episode of loyalty.
In the year 1730 the woolcombers of London resolved on paying their respects
to the Queen on her birthday. They therefore assembled "in their shirts"—why in their shirts?—and in their coloured woollen caps, and marched a hundred strong to St. James's Palace; they carried with them, beautifully made in white wool, an effigy of Bishop Blaze on horseback; they bawled under the windows of the Palace till the King and Queen appeared; they then threw up their caps, louted low, and retired.
There is to be found in a book of the eighteenth century, called *A General Description of all Trades digested in Alphabetical Order*, a list of crafts and trades. The date of the book is 1747.
From this instructive document we gather that there were 135 crafts then practised in London, and thought worthy of practice; there were also 175 trades or different kinds of shops at which things were sold. Of course the trade and the craft perpetually overlapped. The boatbuilder sold the boats at which he worked with his own hand. The horse-milliner kept a shop for selling his wares, which was at the same time a workshop for making them. The saddler worked with his journeymen, making the goods which he sold. The draper, the grocer, the mercer, the glover, the hosier, had shops which were for the sale of goods alone. Speaking generally, the vendor was a capitalist, small or great, who did not stand on the same level as the craftsman. He was a master, an employer of labour; he stood between the public and the craftsman; and although we get at the wages of the time, these figures help us very little to understanding the relations between the masters and the men.
The list is manifestly incomplete: one could name offhand a dozen trades omitted in this General List. I have, however, supplemented this list with that of the *Directory* of 1791. In the course of 44 years only, one thinks, there could not have been the addition of many new trades. The *Directory*, however, adds 182 trades to the list of 1747. So that in 1791 there were 492 different industries practised and different kinds of shops carried on in London. This list of trades and crafts must again be supplemented by other ways of earning a livelihood, such as that of a coachman or a footman; all the women's trades; the callings of lamplighter, scavenger, messenger, bailiff, constable, watchman, porter, stevedore, waterman, chairman, groom, stableman, barge- and lighter-man. It is, however, as it stands, an interesting and instructive list.
The hours of work were generally from 6 A.M. to 8 P.M., that is, fourteen hours a day—less, I suppose, breakfast and dinner hours. Sometimes they were 5 A.M. to 9 P.M. Now and then one finds 7 A.M. to 8 P.M., but very seldom. We may take it that the day's work for most trades began at 6 and ended at 8. There was no Saturday half-holiday and there was no Bank Holiday. As for the wages, they seem to have averaged about 15s. a week. Some workmen, as cordwainers, enamellers, fan-makers, commanded as much as 4s. a day or 24s. a week. The purchasing power of the shilling was for the working-man twice as great as at present, because his standard of life and comfort was very much lower: the people were far worse
housed, far worse fed, and far worse clothed than they are now. Yet they were not discontented on these grounds, simply because their standards were lower. There were apprentices to trades as well as crafts. The draper took an apprentice for £30; he paid his assistants from £25 to £30 a year with their board; and it was calculated that a young man might begin the business of a draper with a capital of £1000. The soap-maker asked a fee of £200 to £300 for an apprentice; he paid his assistants £50 to £100 a year with their board; and he wanted £2000 capital before he could start in business. An usher in a school received £10 to £20 with his board. If he went to a school as an apprentice we find that his parents paid from £10 to £20 for his fee.
One cannot understand why some trades boarded their men and others did not. It was formerly a much more common practice than it has since become. Chemists and grocers still continue to board their assistants; so do drapers: formerly, to take only a few, barbers, collar-makers, leather-cutters, jewellers, net-makers, soap-makers, butchers, distillers, fishmongers, hosiers, milliners, mercers, oilmen, packers, pawnbrokers, refiners, skinners, stuffmen, tobacconists, upholders, whalebonemen, and some others, all boarded their apprentices and assistants.
Apprentices, if refractory, were taken to Bridewell and there flogged and imprisoned. The cells are there still, but the apprentices are no longer flogged.
Dress in the eighteenth century, so far as men were concerned, showed a steady tendency towards a more natural and simpler method of clothing and adornment. The seventeenth century bequeathed to its successor a full flowing wig, a square-cut coat, a hat in which the crown had gone down and the brim had gone up—the old three-cornered hat,—a long waistcoat, knee-breeches, shoes with gold or silver buckles, a lace neckcloth, white ruffles, and silk stockings. The manners, as is always the case, corresponded with the fashion. With so vast a top-loading as was provided by the wig, it was impossible for the movements of the body to be otherwise than slow and artificial, if not dignified. In all the pursuits that required active movement, either the wig was blown off, or it was first carefully removed and a “night-cap” substituted. In representations of cavalry we see the horses ambling and caracoling, but not galloping; when cavalry charged in actual battle the wigs all fell off. In duelling the wigs were removed; masters of fence fought with bare skull. In Hogarth’s picture of “Southwark Fair,” a master of fence rides into the fair with a bare skull, showing the wounds he has received, patched up with sticking-plaster. The games of tennis and ball went out, with athletics and rough sports, among the better class, i.e. all those who wore wigs. One moved slowly, out of respect for the wig. Not only was it liable to be deranged or to be knocked off, but it demanded, so majestic was it, a corresponding dignity of carriage. One must live up to such a wig.
These huge periwigs went out of fashion early in the century. They were succeeded by a great variety of artificial head-coverings, until the wig finally disappeared. Why did they not wear their own hair? For more than one reason. The wig was a great leveller. With the aid of this contrivance, the handiwork of Time, the painter, could be annulled or destroyed. Where the chin and lip and cheek were smooth-shaven, there was no accusing the owner of grey; when the skull was shaven, there were no white locks: save for the wrinkles and the crows’-feet, the bowed shoulders and the bending limbs, the old man was on a level with the young. Nor were grey locks the only consideration. Baldness falls upon some men in quite
early manhood; upon others, later on; in either case it is a defect grievous and lamentable. With the wig it mattered nothing whether one was bald or not. Again, the wig was a great protection for the head; it saved the wearer from the effects of cold draughts; it was part of the comfort of the age, like the sash window and the wainscoted wall. And the wig, too, like the coat and the waistcoat, was a means of showing the wealth of its owner, because a wig of the best kind, new, properly curled and combed, cost a large sum of money. Practically it was indestructible, and, with certain alterations, descended. First, it was left by will to son or heir; next, it was given to the coachman; then, with alterations, to the gardener; then it went to the second-hand people in Monmouth Street, whence it continued a downward course until it finally entered upon its last career of usefulness in the shoeblack's box. There was, lastly, an excellent reason why, in the last century, it was found more convenient to wear a wig than the natural hair. Those of the lower classes who were not in domestic service wore their own hair. Their heads were filled with vermin. Even the maidservants of "gentle" houses suffered from the same reproach. These vermin were very easily "caught." They might be caught in a hackney- or a stage-coach; on a pillow in an inn; by the use of a hair-brush; by putting on a stranger's hat; by accidental contact in a crowd. They were very disagreeable things to have upon one, and they were very difficult to get rid of. Now, the man who shaved his head and wore a wig was free of this danger, though there were certain insects which did get into the wig. There is authority for saying that with children of all ranks—the children of the wealthy retailers of London are especially mentioned—the head was generally troubled in this respect.
It is, however, especially in the study of wigs that Hogarth seems to rejoice. In the picture of "Noon," the dwarf has one kind, the beau another, the clergyman a third, the old tradesman, whose back we see, has a fourth. In the "Enraged Musician" there is but one wig—that of the musician himself; the men who bawl their goods wear their own hair long and in tails. In "Taste in High Life" there is the wig in the highest and latest fashion, rolled at the sides, brought down over the forehead, and provided with a long pigtail. The portrait of Bishop Hoadly presents us with the episcopal wig—full, majestic, flowing. Captain Coram, on the other hand, wears his own venerable locks.
In "Marriage à la Mode" we find more wigs. Observe that of the bridegroom in the first of the series, the curl-papers of the visitor in the second. In the "Industry and Idleness," observe that the Industrious Apprentice is advanced from his own hair (in the second picture) to a wig in the fourth; that the porter wears a badge and a wig; that the musicians at the wedding wear wigs, but the butcher wears his own hair; that the Idle Apprentice wears his own hair.
The "House of Commons" gives us not only a collection of portraits, but an exact representation of the wigs worn by gentlemen—not fops and beaux—in the
year 1734; and the "Five Orders of Periwigs" offers a conspectus of all the wigs worn at the Coronation of 1761.
In the examination of Bambridge (1729) the Committee of Inquiry wear full wigs, as befits their position; the man himself, whom they are examining, wears his own hair. Position, however, is by no means indicated by wearing a wig: the practice spread wider and went lower; long before wigs went out altogether among the better sort, they lingered among certain callings and trades. In the "Laughing Audience" we observe half a dozen different kinds of head-dress, including the "toupee" and the "club" and the natural hair.
The advertisement of one William Philips, who professed to "manufacture all his own hairs," shows the variety of wigs. William Philips offered the public Brown Bobwigs, cut or dressed, 14s.; Scratches for the same price; Grizzle Bagwigs for 21s.; Grizzle Bobs, cut or dressed, also for 21s.; Dark Majors at 18s.; and Brown Bagwigs only 15s. But the Grizzle Major cost 25s., and Grizzle Tyes 21s.
About the year 1760 there began to be a revolt against the wig. The vast wig of 1700 had long since given place to a smaller erection, the ends of which were plaited and put into a silk bag. The "toupee" had come in—an array of curls over the forehead, with more curls, or a "club," on either side of the face. Now the wig itself began to go out. Yet it remained in use for a long time with divines and physicians, and with lawyers, who still preserve it.
It was also preserved, probably for the reasons above suggested, by the citizens of London, by men-servants, clerks, accountants, coachmen, gardeners, and so forth. Old wigs were used by the shoeblocks; nothing better was ever invented for this use. In Rosemary Lane there was a sixpenny lottery for wigs. If a man wanted one, he would pay sixpence, and dive into a cask where there were many old ones. Perhaps he would fetch up a good one, perhaps he would not. In the fashionable quarter men had begun to wear their own hair, long, powdered, tied behind with a black silk ribbon. It was not till near the end of the century that they began to leave off the powder, which still continued for a long time with less fashionable people.
The changes of fashion in men's dress need not be followed in detail. There were eccentricities and follies then as there are to-day. The waistcoat and the coat were altered from year to year. These grew more costly, more elaborate. Never at any time, except perhaps that of Richard II., was the dress of men more splendid than in the third quarter of the eighteenth century. In the City the merchants affected during the day a plain but substantial dress of brown cloth; they wore silver buckles to their shoes, and very fine ruffles. They carried a stick instead of a sword, and they were not ashamed to use it on occasion. The same merchants would dress themselves for an assembly in most gorgeous silk coats and waistcoats. The drapers and mercers seem to have affected a more pretentious style of dress than the
COVENT GARDEN AT MID-DAY
From Hogarth's engraving, "Noon" (Times of the Day).
merchants. One reads of a draper sallying forth to present some new goods to a lady. He wears a black velvet coat, a silk waistcoat, velvet breeches, white silk stockings, well-blacked shoes with silver buckles, fine lace at his throat and his cuffs, and a hat trimmed with silver lace. His 'prentice walks behind him carrying the parcel of silk. The affectations and airs of the mercers and drapers are noticed in contemporary essays and satires. In the West End swords were worn.
The dress of the common sort was little disturbed by fashion. They wore a checked shirt, no waistcoat, a frock of blue cloth, still preserved in the butchers' blue, and black horn buttons. Mechanics and servants of all kinds wore an apron, sometimes white and sometimes brown. The reason of the apron was twofold—to protect the body and to protect the clothes. A blacksmith protected the body from the flying sparks by his leather apron; a grocer protected his clothes from the stains of the various commodities in which he dealt by his white apron. They wore shoes, and in most cases woollen stockings. The poorer sort had no stockings, but in cold weather wrapped their legs with wisps of straw.
As regards the dress of the ladies, of course it changed perpetually; only in a book of costume and fashion would it be possible to follow it. The fashion of the hair, the head-dress, all changed from year to year, according to the caprice of La Mode, and the necessity of showing oneself not out of the fashion. One
hears constantly of the "swing-swang" of the hoop, of petticoats loaded with fringe to the top, of the scarlet tabby negligée trimmed with gold, and so on.
Girls wore commonly a blue mob-cap, a white frock, and a silk sash of some pleasing colour. The frock was often trimmed with yellow, and a black lace mantle was thrown over the shoulders. Their hair was powdered, so that they were always grey; a black ribbon was tied in it. Sometimes they wore a straw hat flapping on either side. The strawberry-girls and others wore the hat over a white cap; for the better sort, a red or pink ribbon tied the hat under the chin.
This is not the place to follow the fashions of the century. The women wore hoops throughout the whole century except a few years before the end. They wore hoods, small caps, enormous hats, tiny "milkmaid" straw hats; hair in curls and flat to the head; "pompons," or huge structures two or three feet high, with all kinds of decorations—ribbons, birds' nests, ships, carriages and waggons in gold and silver lace—in the erection; and finally, in 1794, the so-called "simplicity" or "classical simplicity," of which we have seen so many caricatures, with long ringlets, the waist under the armpits, a diaphanous gown which clung to the figure and revealed it even if it was not already visible through the dress.
In the year 1756 a favourite ornament was a wheeled vehicle in gold thread—
"Here in a fair one's head-dress sparkling sticks,
Swinging in silver springs, a coach and six;
There on a spring or sloped pompon you see
A chariot, sulky, chaise, or vis-à-vis."
The Connoisseur takes up the subject:—
"The curiosity I had of knowing the purport of this invention, and the general name of these machines, led me to make inquiry about them of a fashionable milliner, at the court end of the town. She obliged me with the sight of one of these equipages, designed for the head of a lady of quality, which I surveyed with much admiration; and placing it on the palm of my hand, could not help fancying myself, like Gulliver, taking up the Empress of Lilliput in her stage-coach. The vehicle itself was constructed of gold threads, and was drawn by six dapple greys of blown glass, with a coachman, postilion, and gentleman within, of the same brittle manufacture. Upon further inquiry, the milliner told me, with a smile, that it was difficult to give a reason for inventions so full of whim, but the name of this ornament (if it may be called such) was a Capriole or Cabriole; which we may trace from the same original with our English word Caprice, both being derived from the French word cabrer, which signifies to prance like a horse."
About the same time we find the following account of a "Pretty Fellow's Dressing-Room" (Connoisseur, ii. p. 231):—
"I was accordingly shown into a neat little chamber, hung round with Indian paper, and adorned with several little images of Pagods and Bramins, and vessels of Chelsea China, in which were set various-coloured sprigs of artificial flowers. But the toilet most excited my admiration, where I found everything was intended to be agreeable to the Chinese taste. A looking-glass, enclosed in a whimsical frame of Chinese paling, stood upon a Japan table, over which was spread a coverlid of the finest chintz. I could not but observe a number of boxes of different sizes, which were all of them Japan, and lay regularly disposed on the table. I had the curiosity to examine the contents of several; in one I found lip-salve, in
another a roll of pig-tail, and in another the ladies' black sticking-plaister; but the last which I opened very much surprised me, as I saw nothing in it but a number of little pills. I likewise remarked, on one part of the table, a tooth-brush and sponge, with a pot of Delescot's opiate; and on the other side, water for the eyes. In the middle stood a bottle of Eau de Luce, and a roll of perfumed pomatum. Almond pastes, powder-puffs, hair-combs, brushes, nippers, and the like, made up the rest of this fantastick equipage. But among many other whimsies I could not conceive for what use a very small ivory comb could be designed, till the valet informed me that it was a comb for the eyebrows."
The following is the complete outfit of a beau. It will be remarked that it cost a great sum to turn out a young man completely dressed in this century:
"Head-dresses
From a contemporary print.
"My wardrobe consisted of five fashionable coats full mounted, two of which were plain, one of cut velvet, one trimmed with gold, and another with silver lace; two frocks, one of white drab with large plate buttons, the other of blue with gold binding; one waistcoat of gold brocade, one of blue satin, embroidered with silver, one of green silk trimmed with broad figured gold lace, one of black silk with fringes, one of white satin, one of black cloth, and one of scarlet; six pair of cloth breeches, one pair of crimson, and another of black velvet; twelve pair of white silk stockings, as many of black silk, and the same number of fine cotton; one hat
laced with gold *point d'Espagne*, another with silver lace scolloped, a third with gold binding, and a fourth plain; three dozen of fine ruffled shirts, as many neckcloths; one dozen of cambric handkerchiefs, and the like number of silk. A gold watch with a chased case, two valuable diamond rings, two mourning swords, one with a silver handle, and a fourth cut steel inlaid with gold, a diamond stock-buckle, and a set of stone buckles for the knees and shoes; a pair of silver-mounted pistols with rich housings; a gold-headed cane, and a snuff-box of tortoise-shell mounted with gold, having the picture of a lady on the top."
**ON THE SAME IN VERSE**
"Painter! once more show thy art,
Draw the idol of my heart:
Draw him as he sports away,
Softly smiling, sweetly gay.
Carefully each mode express;
For man's judgment is his dress.
Cock his beaver neat and well,—
Beaver size of cockle-shell;
Cast around a silver cord,
Glit'ring like the polish'd sword;
Let his wig be thin of hairs,—
Wig that covers half his ears.
Be his frock quite *à la mode*,
Short, lest his steps it incommode;
Short as his waistcoat was of yore,
When dull men long garments wore.
Let the ruffle grace his hand,—
Ruffle, pride of Gallic land.
Be his waistcoat blue or yellow,
That besits a pretty fellow:
Let it be well trimm'd with lace,
Adding lustre, adding grace.
Make his breeches of Nankin,
Most like Nature, most like skin;
Let a ribband deck the knees,—
Dangling ribbands always please;
With stockings, of the finest silk,
Soft and shining, white as milk.
Let him wear the nice-made shoes,
Buckling just above the toes,—
Buckles of a fashion new,
Bigger almost than the shoe.
Thus equip't, he'll far excel
Every Beau, and charm each Belle."
The "Beau Parson" dresses in canonicals as seldom as possible, but cannot wear bright colours, or a sword, or a bagwig. He wears a Parson's Blue lined with white, a black satin waistcoat, velvet breeches, and silk stockings, pumps made of dog-skin. He has a wig with a bag front, properly cropped behind, so as not to eclipse the lustre of his diamond stock-buckle. He has had a joint of one toe removed so as to improve the shape of his foot and shoe. An extremely delicate creature!
The costumes of the earlier half of the century can be illustrated most readily
from the pages of Hogarth, the greater part of whose work was done before 1750. He died in 1764. Here are a few notes on his costumes.
The apprentice, we observe, wore a long coat, no waistcoat, and woollen stockings; a leather stock kept his neck warm. The Idle Apprentice illustrates his idleness by having his stockings down at heel. Of his three villainous companions at play in the churchyard, one, who is too villainous for anything, has his hair growing through his hat, his toes through his shoes, his elbow through his shirt; he is scratching his skin under his shirt. Another with a black patch over his eye is clearly cheating; a third, looking on, is scratching his head vigorously.
The travelling gentlemen wore some kind of kerchief tied round their heads under the hat; or they wore caps with long flaps at the side; or they tied their hats over their heads; or they wore a hat of another shape for travelling purposes: all these may be seen in Hogarth's "Country Inn Yard."
The "country girl," when she came to town in order to grace the First Picture of the "Harlot's Progress," wore a white cap tied under her chin, and a hat over the cap. Sarah Malcolm, the murderess, is similarly adorned; so is the "Shrimp Girl." The country girl wears a stuff frock and a white apron, a tucker over her shoulders, and a rose in her bosom; a bag hangs from her arm, and a needle-case and scissors from her belt.
The fashion of dress imparted an air of dignity to the City merchant which the modern fashions cannot do; see, for example, the merchant in "Industry and Idleness," where he takes the Industrious Apprentice into favour. It gave a splendour to the wealthy nobleman which he cannot now assume; it disguised a bad figure and set off a fine figure; in its more costly developments it presented a richer and more noble appearance than any dress ever invented. It would have been incomplete, however, without the wig.
The picturesqueness of the time is greatly due to the dress. We all know how effective on the stage, or at a fancy ball, is the dress of the year 1750. Never had gallant youth a better chance of displaying his manly charms. The flowered waistcoat tight to the figure, the white satin coat, the gold-laced hat, the ruffles and dainty necktie, the sword and the sword-sash, the powdered wig, the shaven face, the silk stockings and gold-buckled shoes—with what an air the young coxcomb advances, and with what a grace he handles his clouded cane and proffers his snuff-box!
Nothing like it remains in this century of ours. And the ladies matched the men in splendour of dress until the "swing swang" of the extravagant hoop spoiled all. Here comes one, on her way to church, where she will distract the men from their prayers with her beauty, and the women with her dress. She has a flowered silk body and cream-coloured skirts trimmed with lace; she has light-blue shoulder-knots; she wears an amber necklace, brown Swedish gloves, and a silver bracelet; she has a flowered-silk belt of green and grey and yellow, with a bow at the side, and a brown straw hat with flowers of green and yellow. "Sir," says one who watches her with admiration, "she is all apple blossom."
The white satin coat is not often seen east of Temple Bar. See the sober citizen approaching: he is dressed in brown stockings; he has laced ruffles and a shirt of snowy whiteness; his shoes have silver buckles; his wig is dark grizzle, full-bottomed; he carries his hat under his left arm, and a gold-headed stick in his right hand. He is accosted by a wreck—there are always some of these about London streets—who has struck upon the rock of bankruptcy and gone down. He, too, is dressed in brown, but where are the ruffles? Where is the shirt? The waistcoat buttoned high shows no shirt; his stockings are of black worsted, darned, and in holes; his shoes are slipshod, without buckles. Alas! poor gentleman! And his wig is an old grizzle, uncombed, undressed, which has perhaps been used for rubbing shoes by a shoeblack. On the other side of the street walks one, followed by an apprentice carrying a bundle. It is a mercer of Cheapside, taking some stuff to a lady. He wears black cloth, not brown; he has a white tye-wig, white silk stockings, muslin ruffles, and japanned pumps. Here comes a mechanic; he wears a warm waistcoat, with long sleeves, grey worsted stockings, stout shoes, a three-cornered hat, and an apron. All working-men wear an apron; it is a mark of their condition. They are no more ashamed of their apron than your scarlet-coated captain is ashamed of his uniform.
Let us next note the whiteness of the shirts and ruffles. A merchant will change his shirt three times a day; it is a custom of the City thus to present snow-white linen. The clerks, we see, wear wigs like their masters, but they are smaller. They do not wear the full-bottomed wig, to assume which would be presumptuous in one in service. Most of the mechanics wear their hair tied behind; the rustics, sailors, stevedores, watermen, and riversidemen generally, wear it long, loose, and unkempt. Here is a company of sailors rolling along, armed with clubs. They are bound to Ratcliffe, where, this evening, when the men are all drinking in the taverns, there will be a press. Their hats are three-cornered; they wear blue jackets, blue shirts, and blue petticoats. Their hair hangs about their ears. Beside them marches the lieutenant in the new uniform of blue faced with white.
About the year 1775 there were strict rules about evening dress. No one went into company except in full dress; a frock was not worn in the evening; at the
theatre one had to appear in a dress-coat, wig, and sword; no gentleman would venture into a side box in boots; if ladies were insulted in the lobbies, swords were drawn. The dress-clothes of a man of fashion were extremely costly. Colonel Hanger says that he spent £900 on his dress-clothes for one winter only; and that he employed other tailors for his morning and hunting frocks and his servants' liveries.
"I was always handsomely dressed at every birthday; but for one in particular I put myself to a very great expense, having two suits for that day. My morning vestments cost me near eighty pounds, and those for the ball above one hundred and eighty. It was a satin coat brodé en plain et sur les coutures: and the first satin coat that had ever made its appearance in this country. Shortly after, satin dress-clothes became common amongst well-dressed men. Great officers of state are in honour compelled to appear in a handsome suit of clothes at the birthday of their king; it is but a small part of that gratitude and duty they owe to their sovereign, for the dignified situation he has given them, to attend on his person."
Let us return to the costume of the Londoner about the middle of this century. To begin with the craftsman. His dress, in most cases, was a kind of uniform by which his trade was known. The carpenter wore a white apron looped up at the side—there was a fashion in wearing aprons—and a brown paper cap neatly folded in shape; the shoemaker wore a short leathern apron; the blacksmith a long leathern apron; the fellowship porter a black hat with a long brim behind; the barber a white apron with pockets in front to hold the tackle. Besides, he carried a basin in his hand, and generally ran through the streets in his character of "the flying-barber." The butcher wore a blue coat and apron; the baker was all in white, including his cap; the waterman wore a sailor's kilt or petticoat, and a woollen jersey; the tapster was in short sleeves rolled up, with a white apron, the corner tucked into the waistband; the brewer's drayman wore a leather apron and a red cap; the printer, a stuff apron from head to foot; the shopmen, except those of the draper, all wore aprons. The apron, indeed, was the symbol of the servant and the craftsman; it belonged in varied form to every trade.
To take a step upwards. The attorney, the notary, and the proctor dressed in black; so did the physician, but with a huge three-tailed periwig, and a gold-headed cane with the pomander at top; the barrister dressed in black, with a gown which he appears to have worn habitually as he did his wig—there was then, as there is now, a special wig for every step on the legal ladder, from Utter Bar to Bench; everybody knew the difference between the lawyer's wig and that of the physician. The clergyman dressed in black, with a wig and cassock, a flowing gown, and long Geneva bands. The respectable tradesman's dress in 1750 is described as consisting of a Spanish snuff-coloured coat. I think that Dr. Johnson, who would not rank himself above a respectable tradesman, always wore a brown coat, waistcoat and breeches of the same, a dark grizzle, full-bottomed wig, metal buttons and buckles, lace necktie, and lace ruffles. Apprentices acquired their
ruffles by theft and exchange. Later on, the wig became powdered hair tied behind; the brown coat became a black velvet or cloth coat; the stockings were of white silk; muslin ruffles, japanned pumps, and silver buttons. The less prosperous tradesman appeared in a brown grogram coat; on Sundays he wore a white waistcoat; his stockings were of thin thread in summer; and he wore what was called a ‘grizzle unpowdered brigadier’ wig. I have notes of a tradesman bankrupt and down on his luck. He is described as wearing a brown coat and waistcoat, no shirt, the buttons off his coat, and even a skewer acting the part of buttons where things had necessarily to be kept together; stockings of worsted darned here and there with thread of different colours; shoes without buckles and down at heel; and, to crown all, a nondescript wig which could never have been in any fashion. One can hardly imagine a more poverty-stricken figure. The description is not exaggerated. Such a scarecrow was by no means uncommon in the debtors’ prisons.
Officers in the navy wore scarlet until the year 1748, when George the Second was so much struck with the dress of the Duchess of Bedford as she rode in the Park, that he ordered her blue riding-habit, with white silk facings, to be taken as the model of his new naval uniform. The masters and warrant-officers wore blue coats trimmed with green and stuck about with brass buttons wherever a button could be placed; the common sailors wore petticoats or kilts, with a thick jersey like those now worn by fishermen: they were bare-footed; they seem to have worn their hair long and ragged or matted, both untidy and uncleanly—it was before the days of pigtails; and their hats are described as “triangular apple-pasty shaped.”
The gentlemen enjoyed a great choice of fashion. The Park was not like Piccadilly to-day, filled with young fellows all dressed in the same coat, the same collar, the same tie, the same umbrella carried at the same angle: in 1750 every young man struck out his own line for himself; he would be original within certain limits. One who held, or had ever held, His Majesty’s commission, wore his scarlet coat always.
The coats were made of silk of all colours, brocade, flowered silk, flowered
velvet and satin, trimmed with gold and embroidered; the waistcoat was of rich silk, flowered with gold. Gold buckles and buttons were common; the lace at the wrists and neck was the finest lace of Valenciennes; they still wore swords as part of the daily dress, but in the West End and the Court, not in the City.
Towards the end of the century the wig disappeared and the hair was curled, powdered, pomatumed, and tied behind. Among the minor "Miseries of Life" is mentioned the slipping and sliding of lumps of the powder and pomatum from the head down to the plate at dinner; this must have been misery indeed, but a greater misery was having to put on the stuff at all. Then they went on to wear the hair cut short in order to evade the duty on powder. There were many varieties of the fashionable youth: the beau became successively the macaroni, the jessamy, the dandy, the smart young man, and the "rain beau," so called because he carried an umbrella. One year it was the "high kick of fashion" to wear a single spur, like a postillion; the next year, men carried clubs, or they wore topcoats like coachmen. In one year, horresco, it was the fashion for ladies to be "eight months gone"! In fact, there was no end to the freaks and follies of fashion. At this present day there are freaks and follies, but the older men and the sober quiet people know nothing about them, and go on their own way unregarding. So a hundred and fifty years ago, while the workaday world went on with the work of the world, the men and the women of fashion dressed for each other, and prinked for each other, and carried on the little freemasonry of speech, carriage, and dress, which separated the fashionable world from the outside.
In the pictures of the time the ordinary citizen is commonly represented as possessed of a protuberance of person which at the present day is extremely rare. The alderman did actually bear before him an enormous abdomen; so also did the citizen who was not an alderman. We are apt to consider this phenomenon as due to the habit of living freely, drinking much, and taking no exercise. There is authority for believing that the enlargement of the person was, in some measure, perhaps in great measure, due to the tightness with which the breeches were girt round the loins; thus, says the authority, "the circulation of the fluids of the system was dammed up like a mill pool, and a preternatural obesity in the abdomen was developed." When braces were invented the tightness ceased and the protuberance itself was no longer produced. Braces were first used by sailors and by working-men for greater convenience; they were called at first "gallowses." The breeches were buttoned tightly below the knee, displaying a pair of silver buckles. The throat was tightly swathed with a stock showing another silver buckle behind. That this tightness was dangerous is shown by the fact that when a gentleman fell under the table he was instantly relieved of his stock. The same writer goes on to describe the waistcoat. Formerly, he tells us, the waistcoat was really a waistcoat; it was a coat, and it came below the waist. In fact, the waistcoat was the successor of
the doublet, while the coat was the successor of the cloak. When a country gentleman went on a visit, he would drop a clean shirt into one pocket of his waistcoat and a brace of birds into the other. Formerly, as soon as the bridal visits were all received, and "the six small choice cups and saucers were carefully replaced in the corner cupboard"—who does not remember the corner cupboard?—the young housewife set herself to embroider the ample white silk waistcoat of her husband, garnishing it with what appeared to be parallel streams of parsley and butter. And, at any gathering, one would point to this embroidery, and to the worked ruffles and the embossed cravats, as illustrations of the lady's accomplishments and taste.
The following reminiscences on the subject of old clothes are preserved in Place’s Collection:—
“Since I can remember, the number of Jews who went about the streets crying ‘Old Clothes’ was much greater than it is now. Clothes were much dearer then than now; there was much less aptitude among the people in converting garments to various uses then than now. Women also now buy cotton goods at a small price and make their own clothes, and either employ a mantua-maker or buy their outside garments either ready-made or at second-hand. There was not then as now the same desire to wear clothes made purposely for men, working-men and small tradesmen; they were purchased either at the ‘Slop Shops,’ of which but few comparatively remain, or at the second-hand clothes shops, which are reduced to a still smaller comparative number. Old-clothes shops were indeed very numerous. Monmouth Street was filled with them, and so was Middle Row, Holborn. In the City of London, and the eastern end of the metropolis, they were very numerous. Field Lane or Holborn Bridge is still occupied by sellers of old clothes; these are principally old-shoe shops and fences for stolen goods. Rosemary Lane, commonly called ‘Rag Fair,’ has now comparatively but few old-clothes shops. In fact, the dealing in old clothes has greatly diminished. People have more contrivances to consume their clothes in various useful ways, and do not like to wear second-hand things, and consequently the number of those who used to cry ‘Old Clothes’ has greatly diminished. Most of the clothes sold by gentlemen’s servants and others are now sent abroad to Holland and Germany, and some few to North America.
The Jews were the only people who went about crying ‘Old Clothes’ for the purpose of purchasing them. They were then, as now, exceedingly dirty in their persons, but they were then much more ragged than they are now, and they then almost universally wore their beards long. It was thought good sport to maltreat a Jew, and they were often most barbarously used, even in the principal streets. In 1771 eight Jews broke into the house of Mrs. Hitching, a widow woman at Chelsea, robbed the house, and murdered one of the servants. It was one of those daring outrageous robberies which had been but too common in the eighteenth century. For this robbery and murder four of the gang were hanged. It seems that they all wore their beards, and as their persons were not known every Jew was in public opinion implicated, and the prejudice, ill-will, and brutal conduct this brought upon the Jews, even after they had been tried and punished, did not cease for many years. ‘Go to Chelsea’ was a common exclamation, when a Jew was seen in the streets, and was often the signal of assault. I have seen many Jews hooted, hunted, kicked, cuffed, pulled by the beard, spit upon, and so barbarously assaulted in the streets, without any protection from the passers-by or the police, as seems, when compared with present times, almost impossible to have existed at any time. Dogs could not now be used in the streets in the manner many Jews were treated.”
CHAPTER V
WEDDINGS
The wedding of a daughter was an occasion for all the display and hospitality that the family could afford: in fact, many families attempted too much, and seriously impaired their fortunes by the splendour of a single wedding.
In the first place, a lucky day must be chosen. For this purpose the almanac was consulted; then the days proper for various occasions were duly set forth, and of course the day must not fall within a prohibited season. Now, the general rule, to quote an old almanac, was as follows:
"Marriage comes in on the 13th day of January: at Septuagesima Sunday it is out again until Low Sunday, at which time it comes in and goes not out until Rogation Sunday; thence it is forbidden until Trinity Sunday; from whence it is unforsbidden until Advent Sunday: but then it goes out and comes not in again until the 13th day of January next following."
In other words, Advent, Christmas, Lent, Ascension, and Whitsuntide were counted unlucky. This was clearly a survival of the ecclesiastical rule which, while it called marriage a sacrament, could not withhold the sense of something impure or unholy about it. With the exception of Lent, the superstition of an unlucky season for marriage has now passed away.
Again, in choosing the day care was had as to the proclamation of banns—this must not take place at the end of one quarter of the year, so that the marriage would be held in the next quarter. In some places—no doubt with such Londoners as belonged to such places—there were local customs, too many to be repeated. True lovers'-knots were exchanged—the knot being always a symbol of constancy and of willing bonds.
Thus Gay:
"As Lubberkin once slept beneath a tree,
I twitched his dangling garter from his knee:
He wist not when the ninepin string I drew,
Now mine I quickly doff of Inkle blue:
Together fast I tye the garters twaine,
And while I knit the knot, repeat this strain—
Three times a lovers' knot I tye secure:
Firm be the knot, firm may his love endure."
Rings made of threefold gold wire were given to the guests. On the morning of the wedding the bridal bed was decked and dressed by the bridesmaids; it was adorned with ribbons of blue and green; sprigs of rosemary dipped in scented waters were tied to the posts. Wedding favours were prepared by the same fair hands—streamers of ribbons for the girls, and topknots or cockades in the same colours for the young men's hats. On the way to and from the church all the guests carried sprigs of rosemary. When it came to drinking the health of the bride, each in turn dipped his sprig of rosemary in the bowl before he drank. It was expected at a wedding that the ladies should solemnly inspect the bride's trousseau. Silver spoons were given her, and teacups.
The wedding festivities lasted two or three days; there was no honeymoon, no wedding journey—the young couple remained in their own house; the wedding tour, with the bridesmaid for companion, came later. The wearing of wedding favours, however, continued until the first half of the nineteenth century. After the celebration in the church there was a great banquet given by the bride's father; there was dancing and music after the feast; outside, the butchers performed with their marrow-bones and cleavers; beggars collected; the bridegroom, whose duty it was to wait upon the guests, gave the broken meats to the poor. The bride was put to bed by the bridesmaids, and the bridegroom was escorted to the bridal chamber by the best man. In the morning the bride was awakened by a band of trumpets or clarions which came to discourse sweet music and give her pleasant dreams before she awoke.
All these marriage ceremonies and expenses led people to think of a cheaper and readier way of getting married. Such a way was offered by the parsons of the Fleet, Mayfair, and Sion Chapel, Hampstead. It is generally believed that the Fleet marriages were the first of the clandestine marriages which became so common and so dangerous in London during the first half of the century. They had been carried on quietly, at the Savoy and at the Mayfair Chapel. The law recognised as valid a marriage celebrated with or without banns or licence, whether performed in a church or not. In the year 1686 one Adam Elliot, rector of St. James's, Duke's Place, was excommunicated for marrying without licence or banns. Orders had already been issued by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners against the clandestine marriages of the Savoy and Mayfair. Now, the beneficed clergymen might be excommunicated or deprived; but what about the unbeneficed, of whom there were always some in the Fleet? Excommunication would not hurt them, and they held no office of which they could be deprived. Therefore they began to carry on these marriages with zeal and profit. At first they were held in the Fleet Chapel; but in 1710, marriages in chapels without banns being prohibited, rooms were fitted up outside the Fleet in the taverns and houses of the Fleet parsons, and a trade in clandestine marriages began which lasted for more than forty years.
The Fleet Wedding, which was not confined to the Fleet, is an episode in the
history of London which may be described as simply amazing. It is amazing to think that it was ever permitted at all; it is more amazing to think that it was allowed to continue so long.
Before the Act, commonly called Lord Hardwicke's Act (26 George II., c. 33) which forbade the solemnisation of marriage without banns or licence, "any contract," according to Blackstone,\(^1\) made *per verba in praesenti*, or in words of the present tense, and, in case of cohabitation, *per verba de futuro* also, was deemed valid marriage to many purposes, and the parties might be compelled in the spiritual courts to celebrate it *in facie ecclesiae*.
In other words, the law of marriage thus interpreted recognised a contract, with consummation, as the essential part of valid marriage, with the condition that the parties might be afterwards called upon to go through the ceremony of marriage in a church.
The ceremony of the church was the part of the law understood by the people. But what church? If the parish church, it was necessary to put up the banns or to procure a special licence. The former came to be considered vulgar, or even indecent; the latter was costly. But since there was no law obliging persons about to marry to go to the parish church, a practice grew up of celebrating marriages, *i.e.* of reading the marriage service, in churches and chapels outside the jurisdiction of the bishop. Such churches were those standing in the former precincts of religious houses, such as St. James's, Duke's Place, in the ancient precinct of the Holy Trinity Priory, and the Savoy; such chapels as those of the King's Bench Prison, the Marshalsea, the Fleet Prison; and such unconsecrated chapels as that of Mayfair.
It was discovered soon after the Restoration that marriages celebrated in these places of worship, since they carried with them a formal contract *per verba in praesenti*, before witnesses, which alone made them valid, and since they were conducted *in facie ecclesiae*, could not be in any way disputed. Therefore, all those who desired to marry secretly, or hurriedly, or cheaply, began to flock to the churches where these "irregular" marriages were solemnised by the rites of the Church.
In the year 1686, the custom having already become a scandal, an attempt was made to put a stop to it by suspending the minister, or perpetual curate, of St. James's Church, Duke's Place, one Adam Elliot, for three years, for solemnising marriages without banns or licence; but he was able to prove that his church was extra-parochial and therefore the suspension illegal. He then resumed his marriages at the rate of some sixteen couples a day.
All that the people wanted was a chapel of some kind, an ordained clergyman, a prayer-book, the wedding service, a register, and the "marriage lines"—the certificate which proved the wife to be an honest woman.
\(^1\) *Encyclopædia Britannica*, vol. xv. p. 567.
The clergymen who were prisoners for debt took advantage of this belief. They used the chapels of the Fleet and the King's Bench for the marriage service, and, for a fee of a few shillings or a guinea, or whatever they could get, they married all comers without inquiry and without banns or licence. Nearly 3000 persons were married in the chapel of the Fleet in five months—October 1704 to February 1705. The scandal grew and assumed greater proportions. It was necessary to do something; therefore, in 1712, an Act was passed by which the use of these chapels for marriages was prohibited.
Since they were turned out of the chapel, the clergymen of the Fleet went into the rules outside the prison. Here they put up small chapels or converted rooms in taverns into chapels. They sent out their touts, or "plyers," who walked about Fleet Street and Ludgate Hill and brought in couples to be married. The open scandal of the thing was notorious. Pennant (History of London) says that "in walking along the street in his youth on the side next to the prison, he had often been tempted by the question, 'Sir, will you be pleased to walk in and be married?' Along this most lawless space," he says, "was hung up the frequent sign of a male and female hand conjoined, with 'Marriages performed within' written beneath. A dirty fellow invited you in. The parson was seen walking before his shop, a squalid, profligate figure, clad in a tattered plaid night-gown, with a fiery face, and ready to couple you for a dram of gin or a roll of tobacco."
There is a letter in the Grub Street Journal of 1735 which gives an excellent picture of the things which were permitted:
"Since midsummer last a young lady of birth and fortune was deluded and forced from her friends, and by the assistance of a wry-necked, swearing parson, married to an atheistical wretch whose life is a continued practice of all manner of vice and debauchery. And since the ruin of my relation another lady of my acquaintance had like to have been trepanned in the following manner:—This lady had appointed to meet a gentlewoman at the Old Playhouse in Drury Lane, but extraordinary business prevented her coming. Being alone when the play was done she bade a boy call a coach for the City. One dressed like a gentleman helps her into it, and jumps in after her. 'Madam,' says he, 'this coach was called for me, and since the weather is so bad, and there is no other, I beg leave to bear you company. I am going into the City and will set you down wherever you please.' The lady begged to be excused, but he bade the coachman drive on. Being come to Ludgate Hill, he told her his sister, who waited his coming but five doors up the court, would go with her in two minutes. He went and returned with his pretended sister, who asked her to step in one minute and she would wait upon her in the coach. Deluded with the assurance of having his sister's company the poor lady foolishly followed her into the house, when instantly the sister vanished, and a tawny fellow in a black coat and a black wig appeared. 'Madam, you are come in good time, the Doctor was just a-going!' 'The Doctor?' says she, horribly frightened, fearing it was a mad-house, 'What has the Doctor to do with me?' 'To marry you to that gentleman; the Doctor has waited for you these three hours, and will be paid by you or that gentleman before you go.' 'That gentleman!' says she, recovering herself, 'is worthy a better fortune than mine,' and begged hard to be gone. But Doctor Wryneck swore she should be married, or if she would not he would still have his fee and register their marriage from that night. The lady, finding she could not escape without money or a pledge, told them she liked the gentleman so well she would certainly meet him to-morrow night, and gave them a ring as a pledge, which, says she, 'was my mother's gift on her death-bed, injoining that if ever I married
it should be my wedding-ring.' By which cunning contrivance she was delivered from the black Doctor and his tawny crew."
Many of the clergymen went halves with tavern-keepers; after the wedding there was generally a carouse. Some of the officiators in the cassock and gown were not in holy orders at all; some were in the service of the tavern-keepers on a small salary.
But the Fleet was not the only place where these marriages were celebrated. The chapel in Mayfair, the chapel of the Savoy, the Mint in Southwark, the King's Bench Prison rules, were also used for this purpose. In Mayfair Chapel the Rev. Alexander Keith married for some years an average of 6000 couples (or persons?) every year. His advertisement in the *Daily Post* of July 1744 is given by Burn in his history of Fleet weddings:
"To prevent mistakes, the little new chapel in Mayfair, near Hyde Park Corner, is in the corner house opposite to the City side of the great chapel, and within ten yards of it, and the minister and clerk live in the same corner house where the little chapel is, and the licence on a crown stamp, minister and clerk's fees, together with the certificate, amount to one guinea as heretofore, at any hour till four in the afternoon. And that it may be better known, there is a porch at the door like a country church porch" (Sydney, vol. ii. p. 399).
Most of the weddings were those of quite common people. Looking through some of the lists, we find a butcher, a soldier, a tile-maker, a coach-painter, a baker, a mariner, a waggoner, a cordwainer, a smith, and here and there a gentleman.
There are some names, however, which point to histories that one would like to know. Thus Henry Fox, son of Sir Stephen Fox, was married by a Fleet parson to the daughter of the Duke of Richmond; Lord Abergavenny married here one Catharine Tatton; Sir John Bloy married Anne Moore; John Bourke, afterwards Viscount Mayo, married Catherine Hamilton; the Honourable John Graydon married Kasandra Tahourdin; the Marquis of Annandale married Charlotta Bempden; Lord Montagu married Harriet Dunch; and so on.
There are fifty-three names of ministers known to Burn, the historian of the Fleet weddings, and fifteen unknown. He also knew of thirty-eight tavern-keepers who were clerks as well.
It was customary at these marriages, not only to give the woman a certificate, but also to enter the marriage in a register. These registers were often mere pocket-books. A great many of them were preserved, and in the year 1821 they were bought up by the Government for preservation. In 1837 they were taken to Somerset House, where they remain to this day.
The registers and pocket-books contain marginal notes, many of which were copied by Mr. Burn for his book on Fleet weddings. These notes show in many cases the reasons why this method of marriage was adopted:—
“(1) For purposes of secrecy, as when a marriage was solemnised which would have been forbidden by the parents; or when a man of rank married a woman of lower station (see above, the marriage of the Honourable John Graydon and ‘Kasandra’ Tahourdin).
(2) For purposes of fraud when a real marriage was solemnised, but ante-dated; or when a death certificate was bought and a false entry was made and ante-dated.
(3) For cheapness. The notes are full of cases in which labourers, sailors, and the like were married and tried to get off without paying anything or stole what they could.
(4) When a woman desired to shift her debts to the shoulders of her husband. Many sailors and soldiers, especially guardsmen, who could not be arrested for debt, were ready to marry and take over any amount for a consideration.
(5) When a woman, as in the case of a certain Quakeress, objected to the ceremonies of the Church and was personated by another woman.
(6) When a woman desired to get rid of her debts by marriage, yet shrank from putting herself into the power of some low ruffian. In the case of one Deborah Nolan the bridegroom was a woman dressed as a man, and calling himself John Ferren, Gentleman. Of course the creditors might look for John Ferren, Gentleman, as long as they pleased.
(7) For shifting the burden of a pauper on another parish, as when the churchwardens of a certain City parish gave 40s. and the expenses of a Fleet wedding to a poor blind fiddler in order to get him and his family settled on Shoreditch parish.
(8) For purposes of abduction, of which there are many cases quoted.
(9) For saving the expenses of the wedding festivities. It was customary in the City to celebrate a marriage by a feast lasting two or three days, in which the family of the bride displayed their wealth by a reckless ostentation of profusion with music, gifts to the poor, and the assemblage of all their relations and all their acquaintances. To avoid this expense, a prudent pair went off together to Fleet Market, were married for a guinea, returned with the certificate of marriage, fell on their knees before the injured parents, who feigned amazement and wrath, but were easily pacified.”
The Act introduced by Lord Hardwicke which made banns or licence necessary, and therefore marriage in a church, together with the consent of the parents, so long as the parties were under age, was vehemently opposed. Horace Walpole wrote strongly against it:
“It was amazing,” he says, “in a country where liberty gives choice, where trade and money confer equality, and where facility of marriage had always produced populousness—it was amazing to see a law promulgated that cramped inclination, that discountenanced matrimony, and that seemed to annex as sacred privileges to birth as could be devised in the proudest, poorest, little Italian principality. . . . The abuse of pre-contracts had occasioned the demand of a remedy; the physician immediately prescribes medicines for every ailment to which the ceremony of marriage was or could be supposed liable. Publication of banns was already an established ordinance, but totally in disuse except amongst the inferior people, who did not blush to obey the law. Persons of quality, who proclaimed every other step of their conjugation by the most public parade, were ashamed to have the intention of it notified, and were constantly married by special licence.”
Charles Townshend spoke against the Bill in the House:
“I must look upon this Bill as one of the most cruel enterprises against the fair sex that ever entered into the heart of man; and if I were concerned in promoting it, I should expect to have my eyes torn out by the young women of the first country town I passed through, for, against such an enemy, I could not surely hope for the protection of the gentlemen of our army.”
A Captain Saunders gave as his reason for voting against the Bill the case of sailors, which he illustrated by remarking that he had once given forty of his crew leave to go on shore, and the whole returned married! And not sailors only, it was carefully pointed out, would be hindered in their endeavours to obtain the comforts of wedlock, but the whole tribe of soldiers, waggoners, stage-coachmen, pedlars, etc.
As for Alexander Keith, he wrote against the Bill—but in vain, for it passed:
"'Happy is the wooing that is not long a-doing,' is an old proverb and a very true one, but we shall have no occasion for it after the 25th day of March, when we are commanded to read it backwards, and from that period (fatal indeed to Old England!) we must date the declension of the numbers of the inhabitants of England."
In conversation he said, "Damn the bishops! So they will hinder my marrying! Well—let 'em! I'll be revenged. I'll buy two or three acres of ground and I'll underbury them all."
On the last day of the old order Keith married nearly a hundred. And in one of the registers there are 217 entries.
CHAPTER VI
FUNERALS
The cheap and unostentatious funeral had, as yet, no advocates. On the contrary, the good people of London made a funeral the occasion for displaying, as much as possible, the respectability and the wealth of the family. No one of any consideration was allowed to be buried until he had had a lying-in-state, for which purpose the house was hung with black; mourners in black scarves, bearing black poles ornamented with black plumes, stood at the door; and the coffin with the lid off, as in Hogarth’s funeral scene, was laid in the best room, which was hung with black and lighted by wax candles in sconces. The widow received the visitors in her own bedroom, sitting up in bed. The bed was draped in black; the room was lit by a single taper; the grandchildren stood at the foot of the bed; the white cover was draped in black; and the very soles of the shoes were blacked. After the funeral the chamber of death was closed in memory of the deceased, and kept closed as long as was convenient.
At the funeral the mourners were presented with black scarves and weepers, black cloaks, black gloves, and rings; everybody carried a sprig of rosemary, which was thrown into the grave; and as the funeral was generally conducted at night, the mourners wore long black cloaks, black gloves, and scarves; they carried torches which, after the service, they put out by knocking them on the ground. Many of the London churches kept very handsome velvet palls for the use of the parishioners. The City parishes being very small, it was always possible for the mourners to walk to the church. The procession was headed by one or more beadles; there were sometimes twelve or even more pall-bearers; the pall was adorned by the dead man’s coat-of-arms, if he had any; the mourners followed two by two; the church was hung with black; plumes were borne before the coffin; the lights were sometimes carried by hired men. Those who died maids or bachelors had their hearses decorated with white and black; married people with black only. The hearse was painted on the sides; in the case of a maid or a bachelor, the horses were black and white, and the driver was dressed in black and white, while on the hearse nodded black and white plumes.
After the ceremony the friends returned to the house and took supper, with punch and wine. Everybody who knows the City churches has remarked the tablets to the memory of dead and gone citizens. These are sometimes adorned with shields, and enriched with a distich or a quatrain of Latin verse. It is suggested by a satirical visitor that after the death of the head of the house, his sons would obtain a grant of a coat-of-arms from the Earl Marshal—which cost twenty guineas; they would also obtain from the rector of their parish a set of Latin verses in praise of the deceased. Thus they stepped at once into the position of armigeri, i.e. gentlemen, and their father took rank as a City worthy in praise of whose virtues these verses had spontaneously flowed from the pen of the parish clergyman. Of the pretty custom of hanging garlands in the church on the death of a girl, and such observances, I find no trace in the customs of London.
An engraving, however, of the eighteenth century of the West Front of St. Paul's, Covent Garden, shows a funeral in which the pall-bearers are six girls in white with white caps. The coffin is preceded by two men bearing white plumes. The men wear white scarves and white weepers. The mourners wear black cloaks with white scarves and white weepers. The funeral was therefore one of an unmarried girl.
The expense of funerals continually afforded materials for the essayist, who corresponded with the later leader-writer. Thus, a certain worthy cheesemonger who died in Thames Street was taken to Whitechapel Churchyard in a stately hearse, followed by three mourning-coaches, each drawn by six horses, and accompanied by many hired mourners bearing flambeaux in their hands to dispel the darkness of the night. The hearse, says the essayist, was originally introduced to convey to their family vaults persons of distinction, who had all their lives been used to state and parade. But it is absurd for a tradesman who has trudged on foot all his life to be carried after death, scarce one hundred yards from his own house, with the equipage and retinue of a lord; and the plodding cit, whose ambition never soared beyond the occasional one-horse chair, must be dragged to his long home by six horses. Such folly is after the manner of the highwayman who sold his body to the surgeons that he might have a mourning-coach and go to the gallows like a gentleman. In the beginning, when the hearse was the exclusive appendage of people of note, it was hung round with escutcheons blazoned with the arms of the deceased, and an "achievement" was affixed to the front of the house to tell the passer-by that sorrow was a guest within. This custom probably derived its origin from the time of the Plague, when a mark was put upon every house visited by the pestilence, and the rich, indulging in "the luxury of woe," introduced a new fashion into the dreary realms of grief. But now the most ordinary plebeian must do the same as his lordly patron and customer; and a tavern-keeper, having lost his wife, stuck up the royal arms, the sign of his hostelry, as a hatchment.
Another ridiculous and ostentatious practice was beginning to prevail—that of putting the whole household into mourning. The kitchen-wench scours her dishes in crape, and the helper in the stables rubs down his horses in black leather breeches. Everything must put on a dismal appearance; even the coach must be covered and lined with black, and yet was regularly seen at night awaiting at the door of the opera-house or the theatre. A story, too, is told of a young lady who wore a ring set round with death's-heads and cross marrow-bones, for the loss of her father, and another on the same finger prettily embellished with burning hearts pierced through with darts, in respect to her lover. A letter to a relative, though filled with the most frivolous nonsense, must be written on black-edged paper, and sealed with black wax. A friend, ever since the death of his wife, has made use of black sand, and writes with nothing but a crow-quill pen. Even in these trifles the commonalty learned to ape their betters, and grudged them even the distinction of their follies. Both black- and gilt-edged paper were in as great demand in the City as in the more fashionable regions west of Temple Bar. And not only did the citizens treat themselves to mourning-paper; even their shop books were edged with black. An ingenious and enterprising stationer proposed to carry out the conceit to the utmost, and to manufacture mourning-paper on the principle of the paper for amatory epistles, lately introduced from France. As the margin of the other is prettily adorned with flowers, true lovers'-knots, little cupids, and amorous posies, in red ink, he proposed that the margin of his paper should be dismally stamped in black ink, with the figures of tombstones, hour-glasses, bones, skulls, and other emblems of death, to be used by persons of quality when in mourning.
CHAPTER VII
SERVANTS
London housewives suffered much at the hands of their servants. They became so exorbitant in their demands, we are told, that their wages, from thirty or forty shillings a year at the beginning of the century, increased to six, seven, or eight pounds per annum. An ordinary tradesman, unless with a very flourishing business, could not afford to keep a servant. The history and progress of the maid-of-all-work in the eighteenth century was this. She came up from the country in the waggon; she was engaged without difficulty at forty or fifty shillings a year; she very soon began to learn her value; she resolved on getting higher wages; she engaged the herb-woman or the chandler-woman—who were the friends of all maid-servants—to find out another place for her; when it was found, she left her mistress; she took the better place with a higher wage; still unsatisfied, she began at once to look out for one still better. Then observe the change in her dress. "Her neat's leather shoes are now transformed into laced ones; her yarn stockings are turned into fine white ones; her high wooden pattens are kicked away for leather clogs; she must have a hoop as well as her mistress; her poor, scanty, linsey-woolsey petticoat is changed into a good silk one, four or five yards wide at the least. In short, plain country Jane is changed into a fine London madam; can drink tea, can take snuff, and can carry herself as high as the rest."
A lady with far greater plainness of speech than can be here presented, gives the writer whose words I have quoted her own experience with servants. The very language put into the narrator's mouth, which is such as only a man could use, shows the invention of the whole. Suffice it to say, that one was an impertinent liar, another a slattern, a third of violent temper, a fourth a lazy slut, a fifth a clever servant but a thief, a sixth gifted with an incurable tongue, and so on; it is just such a list as would be furnished at the present day by a lady who could not manage her servants, and found faults which she ought to have met and repressed quietly and with tact.
The following advertisement must be taken as sarcastic. It is from Poor Robin's Intelligence:—
"A maid-servant to be hired, either weekly, monthly, or quarterly, for reasonable wages. One that is an incomparable slut, and goes all the day slip-shod with her stockings out at heels; an excellent house-wife, that wastes more of everything than she spends; an egregious scold, that will always have the last word; an everlasting gossip, that tells abroad whatsoever is done in the house; a lazy trollop, that cares not how late she sits up, nor how long she lies in the morning; and, in short, one that is light-fingered, knowing nothing, and yet pretending to know everything."
The men-servants were certainly a corrective to the pride of the men of rank and wealth. They seem to have been an intolerable nuisance. They demanded their own gallery at the theatre, where they made disturbances and riots so that the piece could not be heard; they would not allow a visitor, especially one who came to ask a favour, into their master's presence without a bribe; they got drunk—in the country the coachman was never allowed to mount the box for the return journey till he was so drunk that he could hardly sit there; they formed a secret company or confederacy with each other; they robbed their masters; they took bribes and perquisites; they were in communication with the shops which pretended to buy kitchen-stuff, bones, grease, etc., and were really receivers of stolen goods; and they demanded vails of every guest that came to the house. When the dinner was over and the company went away, the men-servants stood in a double row, holding out their hands. It was a most monstrous tax. On the custom of giving vails a great deal was written, and all in condemnation of the practice, which was continued simply because people were afraid of their servants. The following is from "Angeloni"—a pretended Italian:
"I need not write a further comment, or notes, to illustrate the truth of what has been said; to prove that the English nobility and gentry ruin their being well served by a licentious and mistaken habit of suffering their servants to receive money from any other persons but themselves. In fact, the domestic scarce conceives himself the menial servant of him who supplies him with his daily bread and apparel, and in general has very little good-will towards him.
From this one evil habit of giving money to servants, the nobility of no nation appear so mean as the English; my lord looks on whilst his guest discharges the house by paying the servants; and no domestics are in any comparison so insolent and inattentive in their service, because they know that it is not his lordship's hands from which they receive their money."
Every great house maintained a small army of servants. There were my lord's valet, the butler, the hall-porter, the steward, the housekeeper, my lady's maid, for principal servants. There were the footmen who waited at table, climbed on behind the carriage, followed the ladies carrying a pole of office, and stood in readiness in the hall. There were the running footmen, who ran before my lord's carriage dressed in white and carrying white wands; they notified the approach of their master to the innkeeper, and stood one each side of the door to receive him. There were the coachman, the grooms, the gardeners, the cooks, the women-servantsthose of the kitchen, the pantry, the still-room, and the spinning-wheel. In the City the wealthy merchant had his footmen; the tradesman was followed to church by his apprentice carrying the books. The manners and the morals and the conversation of the servants may be learned, provided allowance is made for exaggeration, in Swift's *Conversations*. There is only one point in which I admire the great man's lackey. It is noticed by a French traveller. He will not allow himself to be "corrected," i.e. beaten, by his master. The French lackey condescended to receive a jacketing as part of the work for which he was paid. Not so the Englishman. If his master attempted "correction," very likely he was himself drubbed for his pains.
Gentlemen of the shoulder-knot took the names of their masters, so that it was not uncommon to hear of a company of bishops drinking at a tavern.
CHAPTER VIII
COARSENESS
The coarseness prevalent in the eighteenth century, the gross indecencies and ribaldry of its songs, of the daily and common talk, makes itself felt in the whole of its literature—in the plays, the poems, the essays, the novels. At the beginning of the century there was very little current literature except the Restoration Plays, which were not extremely edifying. The Rake's Progress and the Harlot's Progress ran side by side at certain points; the progress of both was terribly coarse and gross. But the grossness belonged not only to the poor wretch of a harlot, but to all classes alike. When we read that after dinner the whole of the Guards' mess, from colonel to ensign, turned out to spend the evening at a certain notorious house in St. James's Street; when we find Dr. Johnson welcomed by a lady on the avowed ground that his presence will be a check on the indecent conversation of her husband and his friends; when we read some of the toasts that were given at every gathering; when we look at a certain volume in the Collection of Francis Place; when we consult the unsavoury books of Ned Ward and Tom Brown; when we read how ladies spoke freely of things;—there is nothing left but to confess that of all the centuries which have sinned in this respect—they all have sinned, including our own—the eighteenth century is the worst.
Yet we must not exaggerate. These things belong to the men. They were tolerated and welcomed because the men for the most part kept their own society to themselves apart from the women. They passed, every day, many hours at the tavern, the club, and the coffee-house. The surest and the shortest way to make men brutal is to separate them from the women. I dare say that the poor ladies of the time had much to endure, and constantly heard things which should not have been said. Remember, however, that ladies of the present day must hear things bawled aloud in the street which ought not to be said in their hearing. What happens? They do not hear them; they not only make as if they do not hear them, but the words pass through their brains as a disagreeable object passes before their eyes, making no mark and disappearing. I say that the coarseness of the period was mainly caused by the separation of the men from the women in their natural
amusements. It is nothing to the point that there were assemblies, gardens, and places of meeting; the fact remains that the national habits kept the great mass of the men apart from the women every evening in their taverns, coffee-houses, and clubs, and that this separation caused a great deal of the common coarseness. This position is proved by one fact. When the taverns and coffee-houses ceased to be the resort of the better class; when merchants, lawyers, and responsible persons generally, left off frequenting the tavern; when they began to spend the evening in their own homes and in the society of their wives and daughters,—then language purified itself, stories and jests previously laughed at became impossible, the old ribaldry disappeared and found shelter in holes and corners, and society, from the highest to the lowest, became distinctly cleaner and purer in language. I believe, too, under the new influence of women, that it became cleaner and purer in reality. It is true that life became also much duller. The life of the bourgeois suburban resident, the man who goes to a dull, though innocent, home every evening all the year round, is infinitely more dull and monotonous than that of his great-grandfather, whose evenings were spent at the tavern, where every day there was something new said or told, and some new jest to hear.
CHAPTER IX
THE POSITION OF WOMEN
The position of women in the eighteenth century needs little comment. A few towards the end of the century had already begun to claim equality with men in all respects. Their claim was received either with derision, or with contempt, or with pity, or with a condescending snub, of which the following is a fair example:
"The idea of the equality of the sexes is truly ridiculous. Man is the natural protector of woman; and the shade of subordination is so delicate as to be almost imperceptible. Let the fair sex enjoy their privileges, and leave imperial man in possession of his prerogatives. They may believe a friend who begs leave to assure them that Venus appears more amiable encircled with her cestus, than Minerva armed with her helm and shield."
Women, however, had begun, and not without distinction, to appear in the fields of literature. In painting, they could show as yet but one name; in science, none; in music, none; in sculpture, none; in architecture, none. In acting, many and great were the women who showed that in one art, at least, they were the equals of men. In literature, the names of Sarah Fielding, Mrs. Barbauld, Mrs. Opie, Catherine Macaulay, Mary Wollstonecraft, Hannah More, and many others, show that women had entered this field not without honour.
In the ranks of working-women were, first, all those—an immense army—who were connected with dress and fashion,—the dressmaker, milliner, and all the rest; there were women also who served in shops, especially shops where gloves and scarves were sold; there were the girls who took the money at the coffee-house; there were women who made fans, artificial flowers, gloves, stays, etc.; there were the domestic servants, washerwomen, and all those who attended to the house and its daily wants; there were the women who sold things in the street. In the houses, even in the town-houses, a great deal more was made than we can quite understand. Even in the town-houses there were housewives who brewed their own beer; there were still spinning-wheels in use; the still-room was in daily use for the making of jam and jelly, pickles, cordials, and strong waters, perfumes, and preserved fruits, and home-made wines. Most of the clothes for the women were made by themselves; they washed at home, the laundress beginning at midnight or very early in the morning; they ironed and "got up" the linen at home; they made their own stockings—the old woollen stockings which could no longer be darned were made into tinder for the tinder-box; in the country, but not, I think, in town, they made their own rush candles; broken things were either mended at home or by the ambulatory smith,—indeed, most of the necessary repairs were executed by the itinerant craftsman in the street: he sat on the doorstep and mended the cane-bottomed chair; he ground the knives and scissors; he soldered the saucepan and "made good" the kettle. For all these wants and work many more servants were required than we now have to maintain: the mystery of housewifery is greatly simplified; there is no longer any pride in placing on the table the home-made jam, or in offering home-brewed beer; when one has to buy everything, there is no longer any responsibility; if things are bad, the purveyor is changed. Formerly the purveyor could not be changed, because she was the wife. In a word, the middle-class woman was a housewife, a mother, and a nurse. She never thought of any work except household work—to make her own livelihood seemed disgraceful; she looked on marriage and maternity and housewifery as the whole end of womanhood; she regarded the single woman as an imperfect creature; and she felt herself inferior to man only in those fields of work by which he made his money.
The ordinary education of girls is illustrated by the following advertisements. Observe that things practical and useful are taught, as well as accomplishments, and the useless arts then considered necessary to mark young ladyhood:
"Young ladies are compleatly finished in every polite, as well as useful branch of education: viz., French, Music, Dancing, Writing, Fine Work, Plain Work, Child-bed Linen, etc. There is great care taken of their health, a strict regard paid to the improvement of their morals, a very proper method used to make them good housewives. The Shading is taught by the true rule, and the Brussels Lace and Dresden Work done in a new and perfect taste. Any lady may be waited on by sending a line, and inform'd of further particulars. My terms are very reasonable, which I hope will be no objection, as I have had several years' experience, which makes me acquainted with the disposition of all sorts of children, both foreigners and natives; so that I don't fear making an improvement in the most unpolish'd young ladies from any part of the world, to the satisfaction of any parent or disposer of children that will please to favor me with their commands. Parlour Boarders are admitted after 15 years of age. I also take half Boarders."
"To such parents and Guardians as live near Hart's United Academy in Essex Street in the Strand, and Lemon Street, Goodman's Fields:—
Mr. Hart takes this Method to inform them that he has appointed separate Days and Hours on which he teaches Masters and Mistresses to dance (who are under seventeen years of Age), at the Rate of a Guinea Entrance, and a Guinea a
Quarter. And the French Language is likewise taught them on the same terms by a Gentleman who is a Native of Paris and has had a University Education; and such as chuse it may learn the Italian on the same condition; and there is a Harpsichord always kept in order for the convenience of those that learn to play on that instrument. The Days and Evenings of Attendance for the above Purpose on Mondays and Thursdays. Grown Persons continue to be taught Musick, Dancing, Fencing, etc., with as much Privacy and Expedition as can possibly be wished for, without any Connection with the above. The Practising and Assembly Nights continue as usual.
There are back doors to both Academies."
Ladies' work in the eighteenth century depended on their rank and condition of life. If they were rich and noble, they did nothing except play cards and dress; if they were not rich, but only belonged to the better sort, they had many occupations: they made feather-work and shawl-work; they spun wool; they worked in silk; they netted, knitted, and knotted; they cut out paper; they played the harpsichord; they talked scandal.
A fashionable occupation of 1770-80 was pulling the gold and silver threads from epaulettes, lace, tassels, etc. The threads were afterwards sold. The ladies carried their bags in their pockets. Very few of them read anything or knew anything at all about books; they knew, however, all the details about housekeeping; they knew the genealogies of the whole country, and they could describe the coats-of-arms of all their friends in terms of scientific heraldry.
English society in the middle of the eighteenth century seems to have been entirely given over to cards. It is observed that Englishmen are only happy when they are apart from women, and that women are only happy when they are gambling. "Nothing," says an essayist of the time, "is more common than to find gentlemen of family and fortune, who know nothing of the fair sex but what they have collected from the most abandoned part of it, and can scarce reckon a virtuous family among their whole acquaintance." Thus, when such a gentleman found himself sitting next to a lady at dinner, he had nothing to say to her nor she to say to him. Indeed, the low and profligate companions of the man made him as dull in the company of a lady as her constant habit of playing cards made her insipid and stupid. Ladies, chiefly without the company of gentlemen, played cards every evening. The lives of ladies, indeed, were so monotonous and dull that the excitement of cards became necessary for them. A great lady had none of her husband's company except perhaps at dinner: he had his own pursuits, his own friends, often his mistresses as well; he was drunk most nights. The lady, for her part, had no intellectual resources whatever: she read no books; she knew nothing that went on, and cared nothing; her maid dressed her; she had a carriage and four horses—her running footmen before, her hanging footmen behind; she had her town and her country house; her nurse looked
after the children; her life was that portentously dull kind of life in which everything is provided and there is nothing left to desire.
Certain sets of ladies met every evening to gamble. They began by putting a shilling for every player under the candlesticks. This offering was not a kind of gift to Lady Fortune, but to the servants; it was supposed to pay for the cards; and as it was renewed every game, there was always a handsome sum at the close of the evening. Some ladies were accused of appropriating the card-money to themselves, an act of meanness strongly denounced.
The term "Blue-stocking," applied to women who pretended to learning, is said to have originated in the appearance of Benjamin Stillingfleet, at a party composed chiefly of ladies, in the grey stockings of morning wear instead of the orthodox black silk for evening. The leader of the Blue-stockings was Mrs. Montagu, who began in the year 1750 to get up evening parties without cards. The eighteenth-century gentlewoman had many admirable points, but she had her faults. In the country she was a perfect housewife, and in household administration she passed her whole time. In town, where there was less to do, she gave up, as we have said, her evenings to cards. High and low, from the duchess to the butcher's wife, they all played at cards whenever they gathered together. Of literature, books, science, art, or any intellectual branch the women of the period knew nothing. Hence the contempt of woman's intellectual powers which began in the last century and is only now disappearing. From this contempt Mrs. Montagu and her friends, among whom Dr. Johnson must not be forgotten, did their best to rescue their sex. Without accomplishing very much by themselves—yet Mrs. Montagu's Letters are delightful—they encouraged other women to brave ridicule and to take up studies seriously. They made it possible for Mrs. Barbauld, Hannah More, Lucy Aikin, Fanny Burney, Jane Austen, Mary Wollstonecraft, Harriet Martineau, and others, to prove that, if women are frivolous and ignorant, it is because their education makes them so, and because men like to think them so. Very possibly the conversations were a little self-conscious and sometimes conducted with an insufficient supply of preliminary knowledge. Yet honour is due to women who could dare to break away from conventionality and to brave ridicule for the sake of raising their self-respect.
As regards the condition of women in the lower class there is little direct information, but a good deal may be learned indirectly. Thus, in the autumn of 1793, when Lord George Gordon died in Newgate, two or three other cases of malignant fever, all of which ended fatally, appeared in the prison. The public mind was greatly alarmed at the time by a recent mortality in the West Indies, due to yellow fever. Dr. Lettsom, therefore, was requested to examine and report upon the condition of Newgate. He found that precautions had been taken. Pitch-barrels were burned every day in the area between the women's yard and the state side-court and on the staircases, while the rooms were washed and aired and sprinkled with vinegar. In
the women's sick-ward were six cases of fever, besides that of a woman who had died in the night. On the women's side there were 95; a few days before there had been 200; the proportion of sick, therefore, was not large. On the common side, where there were 250 prisoners, there was not a single case of fever. The recommendations made by the learned physician do not concern us here; but the light which he throws on the condition of the poor wretches lying in the prison is valuable. They were, for the most part, the very dregs of the population; half of them were clad in rags insufficient and unwashed. The women especially were miserably provided: they had neither shoes nor stockings; they had no ideas of personal cleanliness; they slept on beds provided by themselves and thrown upon the floor in a filthy condition, and never moved or ventilated or cleaned. Obviously, as they came into the prison, so they went out of the prison. The lower classes of the women therefore went barefooted, and went all the year round in rags which were never washed; personal cleanliness was unknown; they slept on beds thrown upon the floor; the beds were never cleaned, and swarmed with vermin.
I have found a great many cases during the century of women who chose to pass for men, sometimes for their whole lives. I have copied out a few of these, not all belonging to London. The frequency of the thing makes one inclined to think that it was a common practice. The life of a sailor at sea was rough, but it was infinitely preferable to the life of Poll and Moll on shore.
In April 1793 there died in an outhouse at Worcester a well-known pedlar who had been on the road for many years. Just before his death the pedlar told his landlady that he was a woman in disguise, and that his name was Fanny. She had been active in the riots of 1780, and, being afraid of arrest and trial, she assumed the dress of a man, which she continued to wear.
Two women lived together at Poplar for thirty-six years, nominally as man and wife, one of them dressed in a man's coat, woollen cap, and blue apron. They kept a public-house, the White Horse. On the death of the supposed wife, the other woman retired from the business. She had served every office in the parish except that of churchwarden, which she was going to serve the next year. Shortly after her retirement the woman brought an action against one William Barwick for blackmailing her. He knew the secret of her sex, and got money out of her by threatening to reveal the truth. He was convicted and sentenced to stand four times in pillory and to endure four years' imprisonment.
Among the cases on record of this difficult transformation, the following is perhaps the most curious and the most amazing. The girl was the daughter of a woman living at Smithfield. She had the misfortune to fall into the hands of a man who seduced her, and then, to avoid pursuit and discovery, dressed her up like a boy. With him she continued for a twelvemonth, when they separated. She
then went on board ship and sailed on a voyage for twelve months, doing all the duties of a common sailor without the least suspicion. She then bound herself to a Mr. Angel, painter, in the Green Walk, near Paris Garden stairs. Here she made the acquaintance of a girl called Mary Parlour, whom she married in October 1766. The wife pawned her clothes for the maintenance of this strange husband. After her marriage the so-called Samuel Bundy entered on board the Prince Frederick of Chatham, but ran away on account of the great number of hands on board; she then went on board a merchantman, but ran away from that because she could not keep away from her beloved wife. Indeed, there was the greatest love and friendship in both for each other.
Large numbers of women who enlisted in the army volunteered for the navy. In one case a woman in the Marines was sentenced to 500 lashes, and actually received 400 before the officers begged her off. Yet her sex was not discovered. In another case a woman was found out by being tied up for two dozen lashes. They always made good soldiers and sailors, and were never discovered by their comrades. In many cases they enlisted in order to look after a sweetheart.
Another singular case is that of a woman who succeeded her father as sexton and grave-digger of the parish; dug the graves herself; would never frequent the society of women; spent her evenings with the men in the taproom; talked, drank, took tobacco, and swore like them. She wore a man's coat and cap, short hair, a woman's skirt, and man's boots.
In September 1815, H.M.S. Queen Charlotte, 110 guns, was paid off. Among her crew was a negress who had served as a seaman in the navy for eleven years, passing by the name of William Brown. She was actually captain of the foretop, and she is reported to have been handsome and active.
Another of the women who followed the drum was one named Christian Cavenaugh, or, afterwards, Mother Ross. Her father was a man of some means, a brewer and maltster of Dublin, who, though a Protestant, lost his fortune by the battle of the Boyne, and his life soon after by grief. Christian, after a beginning which promised much for the future, found an asylum with an aunt who kept a public-house in Dublin. Here on her aunt's death she married the waiter, and had by him three children. He was kidnapped and carried off to Holland, where he had to enlist as a private soldier. When the wife heard what had happened, she placed her children under the care of her brother, dressed herself as a man, enlisted as a private soldier, and went out in search of her husband. She fought at the battle of Landen, where she got a wound in the ankle; was made prisoner by the French and taken to Saint Germain-en-Laye, where she stayed till she was exchanged. On her return she quarrelled with a sergeant in her regiment over a girl; a duel followed, in which she wounded her antagonist. After this, her relations were able to get her discharge, to escape the consequence of this
encounter. She then, however, enlisted in another regiment. At Donauworth she received a bullet in the hip, but escaped discovery. After the battle of Hochstadt she found her husband, who was making love to a Dutchwoman. The wife, discovering herself, reproached him with this infidelity, and pointed out that he must not think of her as his wife so long as the war lasted.
She went through the battle of Ramillies, and had her skull fractured, in the treatment of which her sex was discovered. She was then reconciled to her husband, and was permitted first to cook for the regiment and afterwards to become sutler. Her husband was shortly afterwards killed in battle, and a few weeks later she found consolation with one Hugh Jones, a grenadier. She was now a marauder as well as a sutler, and ranged over the field of battle after every encounter, searching and stripping the dead. At one of the many sieges she lost her second husband. She then returned to England, and presented a petition to Queen Anne setting forth that she had served in the Earl of Orkney's regiment for twelve years, had received several wounds, and had lost two husbands in the service. The Queen gave her a bounty of £50 and a pension of one shilling a day. She went to Dublin, set up a pieshop, and married a third time, again a soldier; once more she joined the barracks as sutler, and so continued till her husband was admitted to Chelsea Hospital, where she lived with him until her death in 1739. She was buried in Chelsea Hospital with military honours.
As regards the rough work done by women of the lower classes, it is difficult to arrive at facts, because there was little curiosity felt about these women. Considering, however, the cases in which they successfully personated men in the army and the navy, the allusion to their fighting with fists like men, the stories of the Billingsgate women, the accounts of the riverside women, and other indications, it may be judged that a great deal of the roughest work was done by them. One industry seems to have been entirely in their hands—that of market-gardening. All round London there were market-gardens for the supply of the town with vegetables and fruit; these gardens were tilled and cultivated by women, the fruit was carried to the markets in baskets on the heads of women, it was cried in the streets by women, and the women so employed were known by the name of "codders." Like the ladies of Billingsgate, they were endowed with great gifts of speech and powers of repartee, and, like these ladies, they carried on a perpetual exchange of compliments with the passers-by.
The universal presence of the courtesan through the whole of the century has been already noticed. The laws against her toleration were most sharp and severe. In theory she could not exist. If she was found in the streets at night, she was taken to the roundhouse; thence to the magistrate; thence to Bridewell, where she was whipped and imprisoned. If she was found at a public place of resort,
she was bundled off to Bridewell; if she was found in a lodging-house, the landlord was fined and imprisoned. Yet she flourished, she continued, she increased. For she was never fined, never imprisoned, never whipped, except when she had sunk to the lowest level, where the unfortunate creatures could not command toleration.
First, she bribed the watch; then, if necessary, she bribed the constable; thirdly, she bribed the magistrate. At the concert, at the dance, at the suburban garden, she flocked in troops and multitudes; she turned innocent pleasure into an orgy, and dragged the trail of her conversation across the decorous talk of the citizen’s wife and daughter. If she was to be prosecuted, some one would have to inform. The informer offered himself to be bought off. She could not be turned out of her lodgings, however disorderly they were, because the landlord squared the beadle for her, and the beadle shut his eyes and closed his ears. She was all day long, as well as all night, in evidence; she met the stage-coaches with smiles of welcome; she smiled in resplendent attire at open windows; she walked about the public gardens; she was not in the least repressed by law or by public opinion. In new neighbourhoods she found a place of retreat, of sure and undisturbed retreat; in fact, she was always the first tenant in a new neighbourhood. Not that she was by any means unknown in older parts of the town; there were whole streets entirely occupied by her and her friends—such as Exeter Street, Strand. As for the poor wretches hurried off to Bridewell, they were only the lowest and the most miserable, who could not bribe the watch or pay blackmail to the constable.
We complain of this lamentable person at the present day. From time to time the cry uprises of those who are indignant and those who are pitiful; of those who would protect the young; of those who would keep the streets clean; of those who would make the strange woman impossible. Then silence falls again; for the woman defies philanthropy and religion, pity and indignation, the laws of man and the Law of God. It seems as if nothing can be done.
Reform in this direction will be, in fact, only possible when the general voice and consent of men—not of some men and all women, but of all men—is found on the side of reform. If only half the men desire such a reform, it will not be possible; if only three-fourths of the men desire such a reform, it will not be possible; because in a large population even a small fraction of the incontinent will render public virtue impossible. It is, however, certain that things are far better now than they were in the century we are considering; that London in this respect is far more orderly, and perhaps more virtuous, than it was forty years ago; that it was then far more orderly than it had been towards the close of the eighteenth century. The night-houses, the haunts of the lost woman and her friends, were then open all night long; the streets were filled with these poor creatures; in every thoroughfare they swarmed; they lurked in the courts and narrow lanes; they gathered under the open windows
with their loud and shameless ribaldry. We have seen that they did this with impunity, and why. Yet it was not without remonstrance from those who led public opinion—from the clergy and from the men of letters. I have before me a tract on the subject complaining of the condition of the streets about the Strand. The writer begins by asking whether the man ought not to be punished for this offence as much as the woman; whether the man ought not to be held up to shame as much as the woman; whether, at all events, men innocent or guilty should not do all in their power to reform and to restore the unhappy victim of man’s ungoverned lust. He quotes Dr. Johnson on the subject. The Doctor says, roundly, that “no irregular intercourse ought to be allowed between the sexes”—but he does not tell us how to stop it. He says that “laws, severe laws, steadily enforced,” would be enough—but he does not tell us how to enforce these laws. Strange, that in a century when laws of all kinds were passed, only to be evaded and ignored, this great philosopher should still place so much reliance on the law. He quotes Paley, who also speaks strongly on the subject. He shows how this vice, in man, prepares the way for all others, indisposes the mind for intellectual and religious pleasures, and depraves the moral character more than any other. He makes a strong point, however, when he shows how it militates against marriage, and quotes another author to show that “bad women multiply the seduction of youth, more rapidly than bad men seduce modest women.”
He proceeds to point out the inconveniences from their appearance in the streets; how they not only attract and lead astray young men, but also gather together pickpockets and thieves. The rest of the article is commonplace. He mentions, however, the society newly formed for the reform of the fallen, that called the “Forlorn Female Fund of Mercy.” I have no other information concerning the Fund except that a written note in my copy of the tract speaks of twelve women as having been reformed in that year—which year?—by means of the Fund. The Magdalen Hospital, now removed to Streatham, has room for 138 women. It was founded in 1758.
We read so much about disorderly houses, dancing-places, and resorts of the worst company, that we are fain to ask what was the use of the Act of Parliament which forbade any such houses without a licence. The answer is simply that, without information laid, evidence offered, and formal proof, nothing could be done. Sir John Fielding, it is true, suddenly visited one place, seized all the people there, sent the women to Bridewell and the men to prison. But he was the only strong magistrate of his time. The Act was evaded in many ways. The disorderly house offered pretended concerts for charitable objects; the people paid for admission on the pretence of benefiting the charity: if it was a dancing-crib of a notorious and disorderly kind, it called itself a school, and the people who went there were the pupils. Another and a better way was to bribe the authorities. How
else did the "Dog and Duck" and the "Apollo Garden" in St. George's Fields, or the "Cave" of Highgate, continue so long?
Among the societies of London, now more than thirty in number, which attempt the work of rescue and reform, two only belong to the eighteenth century; the rest were all founded in the nineteenth century, twenty at least since the year 1850. The hospitals, however, and especially the Lock Hospital, founded in 1746, have always worked in the direction of rescue and reform. Law, societies, hospitals are only alleviations, not remedies; the only true remedy is the restraining force of united public opinion. I cannot believe that the strenuous efforts of certain very well-meaning people have hitherto done much to influence public opinion. Education of the higher kind, such as is only beginning to be understood; that which breaks away from the schools and pushes aside examinations, which gives the mind occupation, provides healthy recreation, brings the sexes together under the electric light, which teaches that love is the one thing desirable, which encourages the young people to look forward to marriage as the first and greatest prize that any conceivable order of society can offer;—this, which is the education of the nation and hope of the individual, this alone will gradually reduce the terrible evil under which all great cities groan and suffer and are heavy laden. It is a most hopeful sign that this kind of education has begun to be understood. There is another hopeful sign. I have stated that the condition of London, at least, is greatly improved in this respect since the eighteenth century, and that the improvement has been most marked during the last thirty years. I have made on this subject such inquiries as one can make who is neither a physician nor a woman. Now, the opinion of those who have had opportunities of studying the question, as to the reasons and causes which drive women to take up this mode of life, is that necessity or want of food is never the cause; nor is it, as the eighteenth century was never tired of preaching, seduction. It is either inclination—the desire to take the easier way and to get out of the groove of laborious work,—or it is, at first, the desire to supplement poor wages and to get the means of better dress and greater comfort. This theory, if it is true, is hopeful. It increases our pity for the poor creatures; it increases, in a way, one's respect for woman. It shows us that if we can make the lives of the working-girls brighter and happier for them, if we can give them clubs and places of recreation in which the spirit of self-respect is dominant, and friends who are filled with that spirit, the temptation which even now is met, at first, with horror, may never arise at all. As for seduction, I believe that the man who, in the old books, laid himself out for the systematic seduction and desertion of girls has now become a very, very rare creature. One's hope, therefore, is not in laws, nor in policemen, nor in prisons, nor in fines, nor in the breaking up of a den here which is opened next day in another place. It lies in the newly born sense of responsibility of the higher towards the lower class, in
the thought and care which thousands of ladies now take for their lowlier sisters, in the happier and brighter lives which are now open to them, in the protection afforded by the friendship of those ladies, the influence of their own companions, and the growing force of public opinion, which, by restraining young men, removes the temptation from girls. Now, few, if any, of these influences were at work in the eighteenth century.
CHAPTER X
FOOD AND DRINK
The breweries of London in 1760 turned out 35,107,812 gallons of beer. If we take Maitland's estimate of three-quarters of a million for the number of inhabitants, we shall have about 47 gallons a head of beer produced for the citizens of London. But if we allow for infants, boys, and girls, we get 70 gallons a head. And if we suppose that the men drank as much again as the women, we have 100 gallons a head for the men and 40 for the women. And this I take to be a very probable amount. For 100 gallons a head is not much more than a quart a day, and the working classes certainly drank a great deal more than a quart a day.
The dreadful drunkenness, of which we must presently speak more fully, which prevailed all through the century, must be acknowledged to have belonged far more
to the upper and lower classes than to the bourgeois and merchants, although even among these there was too much drinking. The sleek faces and fat figures of the eighteenth-century portraits speak of little exercise and much meat and drink; the early deaths of so many statesmen, generals, and noblemen point to the same cause; while we read of such hard drinkers as William Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Eldon, Stowell, and many others, with amazement. They could drink their six bottles. Is there a man now living who could drink his six, or even his three, bottles of port? Lower down, the drink was rum. Even with the citizen who did not get drunk, punch taken at his club was the usual evening drink; but I imagine that the punch brewed at the tavern was not always a very strong compound. At home, the housewife brewed her home-made wines—cowslip, raspberry, currant, ginger wine,—which were offered to visitors. Sometimes a cordial was produced, also made at home. In the early years of the century, when the ladies took tea, they counteracted any bad effect from it by taking a dram of cordial or strong waters after it. Beer remained the national drink, morning, noon, and night; and this, although the lower classes for a time went hankering after the Destroyer of Man, the drink called Gin. I think that the beer grew stronger as the century went on. The small-beer, which was perfectly innocuous, and by its sour taste, like cider, gave the drinker that grip of the throat which he liked, became much like our mild ale; while the black beer, the stout or porter, was certainly very much stronger than the small-beer of old. But in every house in the country, and at many in town, there was home-brewed ale; and we may be very sure that the thrifty housewife was not going to provide strong beer for her children and her maids.
One carries away from the various sources of information a general impression that the eighteenth century was a time in which men and women ate a great deal; that the habit of eating largely was universal; and that there was everywhere a great plenty. It was a thriving time: trade was extending daily in all directions; the merchant, the tradesman, the craftsman, all classes joined in the general prosperity. Even in a thieves' den we find the frequenters having a roast leg of pork, roast fowls, a leg of mutton, roast goose, and wild ducks for their supper: the profusion shows that the standard of living was high in the class from which these people came; they knew, at least, what good cheer meant.
What we should expect, on being invited, say, in 1760, to a dinner in London, would be a profusion of excellent things all put on the table at once. There was a great deal of the useless and unmeaning ceremony which belonged to the time; the hostess pressed food upon her guests; it was bad manners to refuse; compliments were expected as to the excellence of the dishes; children and young people sat mute. The meats were served with more seasoning and stuffing than at present; the puddings were, we should now consider, far too sweet. A love for sweet things still remained a characteristic of English cookery: the folk did not, as in former times,
pour honey over roast mutton, nor did they fill the cup of sack with sugar; but they still loved sweet things.
The dinner of the eighteenth century, so far as the food was concerned, appears at first sight to have been very much like our own dinner. If we examine a little more closely, however, we shall find very great differences. Thus, with the better sort in the City the dinner-time was generally at four; at the West End it was at five, or say any time after five, for it was a movable feast. The dinner of the wealthy people consisted of solid joints, pies of all kinds, fowls, turkeys, geese, and game, with puddings. When there was soup or fish it was not served separately: everything was put on the table at once; the same plate served for the pigeon-pie first and the roast veal afterwards. The table was not decorated with flowers; the wine was not set upon the table before each person. Holinshed remarks that in his time the wine or ale was not set on the table in pots or cruises, "but each one calleth for a cup of such as he listeth to have, or as necessity urgeth him, so that when he hath tasted of it, he delivereth the cup again to some one of the bystanders, who making it clean, restoreth it to the cupboard from whence he fetched the same."
This custom was observed at banquets, if not in private houses, throughout the eighteenth century. A writer in 1790 notes the fact that it has only lately become the fashion to put the wine on the table during meal-time, and that the new custom was then very far from being general. In Hogarth's picture of the City Feast there is no wine on the table; one of the guests is drinking from a cup, and the attendant waits behind.
The guests helped themselves to what was before them; they drank wine formally to each other; they shovelled green peas into their mouths with the assistance of the knife, because the two-pronged fork was of no use; they gnawed and sucked the bones of birds; they rinsed their mouths after dinner out of water-bowls. In the summer they retired to the garden for dessert and wine. There was very little drinking of wine during dinner; all kinds of wine were used, but port alone after dinner.
There was a certain amount of observance of Lent, especially among the clergy; but the practice of fasting or abstinence from any meat food gradually went out, even with the clergy. At different seasons there were dishes to mark the day: roast lamb was served at Easter; gooseberry-pie at Whitsuntide; goose at Michaelmas; brawn, turkey, mince-pies, plum-porridge, which afterwards became plum-pudding, at Christmas.
One who has looked at Mrs. Glass's wonderful book on Cookery, and has reflected upon the variety and wealth of dishes which then graced the board, would not lightly approach the subject of food. Yet there are a few *plats*, favourites with the people, which may be noticed. Sage tea, for instance, with bread-and-butter, is no longer taken for breakfast; and some of the following dishes have disappeared:—
hasty pudding, made of flour and water boiled together, to which dabs of butter and spoonsful of brown sugar were added when it was poured out of the pot—no one now ever sees sugar quite so brown as that which the West Indies used to send over a hundred and fifty years ago. Onion pottage has assumed the more complex form of soup. A bean tansy was once universally beloved. There are two forms of it: in the first, after bruising your beans you put them in a dish with pepper, salt, cloves, mace, the yolks of six eggs, a quarter of a pound of butter, and some slices of bacon; this you baked. The other form was when you mixed beans, biscuits, sugar, sack, cream, and baked all in a dish with garnish of candied orange-peel.
For those who dined at the tavern or a cook-shop, the facilities and the choice were great in number and various in quality. A young man in the early days of the century could "dive"—that is, take his food in a mixed company of footmen out of place, chairmen, and so forth—for threepence-halfpenny. Or he might take a sausage at a "farthing fry"; or he might go to an ordinary, where he paid from sixpence to a shilling for a very good dinner. Johnson used to dine for sevenpence. After dinner, he repaired to a coffee-house with the air of a man who had dined pleasantly and copiously. The dinner-hour varied from one to four in the City. It grew gradually later.
The following notes are taken from a certain practical *Art of Cookery*:
"Gooseberries were served with mackerel; fennel with crab, lobster, and salmon. Pickled mangoes were already in use with potargo, another West Indian pickle.
'What Lord of old would bid his cook prepare
Mangoes, Potargo, Champignons, Cavare?'
Quince was first introduced into apple-pie—a most admirable invention—by one Trotter. Requiescat! Lettuce was eaten to induce sleep; pie-crust was very rightly supposed to cause seriousness—for that reason let us forswear it. Squat-pie was indigenous to Cornwall, white-pot to Devon, beans and bacon—food for kings—to Leicester. A boar's head was graced with sweet rosemary and bays, and an orange or a pippin was stuck in his mouth.
'Sack and the well-spiced Hippocras the wine;
Wassail the Bowl with ancient Ribbands fine;
Porridge with Plumbs and Turkeys with the Chine.'
Currants were served with veal, and honey was still sometimes poured over beef; but, says my authority, these customs are changed since we have discovered the flavour of rocombolic, shalot, and garlic. We must, however, says the poet, have patience with the failings of the cook.
'Good nature must some Failings overlook,
Not Wilfulness, but Errors of the Cook.
A String won't always give the Sound design'd
By the Musician's Touch and Heavenly Mind.'
Perhaps no Salt is thrown about the Dish,
Or no fried Parsley scattered o'er the Fish.
Shall I in passion from my Dinner fly,
And Hopes of Pardon to my Cook deny
For Things which Carelessness might oversee,
And all Mankind commit as well as he?"
Tea, as a luxury, made its way very rapidly; as a necessary of life, very slowly and against the most vehement opposition. In 1745 the *Female Spectator* declares that tea is the bane of housewifery, the destruction of economy, and the source of idleness. In 1753 we are told that country-people keep tea, but "as they seldom offer it but to the best company," less than a pound will last them for a twelvemonth. Jonas Hanway hated tea. In 1757 four millions of pounds were imported, but a great many men still refused to take it.
In the time of William and Mary a duty of 5s. a pound was imposed. The tea-duties continued for a long time to be very heavy: they amounted at one time to cent per cent. As a natural consequence, two-thirds of the tea used in this country was landed by smugglers; and just as the justices of the peace scrupled not to drink brandy which they knew to be smuggled, and remained on friendly terms with men whom they knew to be concerned with gangs of smugglers, so their ladies drank tea, bought lace, and wore silk dresses, all of which they knew to be smuggled.
The growth in the demand for tea, and the growth of tea-drinking, from 1728 to 1833, is illustrated by the facts that in the former of these two years the average price per pound was 32s. 6d., and the quantity imported was 1,493,626 lbs.; and in the latter year the price was from 2s. 6d. to 4s. 2d., when the amount imported was 31,829,620 lbs.
For a hundred years there was waged a fierce fight over the taking of tea. There is before me a pamphlet dated 1758, on *The Good and Bad Effects of Tea*, in which the author, though he recognises the extent of tea-drinking, deplores the consequences. In fact, he overestimates the extent when he says that "prevalent custom hath introduced it into every cottage, and my gammer must have her tea twice a day." The importation of tea into this country was no more than five or six millions of pounds a year, which was by no means enough to go round every cottage after providing the tables of the better class.
The tea-table was denounced as an extravagance—certainly tea at 30s. a pound was not a cheap luxury. Dr. Johnson defended the drinking of tea, but not for the lower classes, because it contains no nourishment for the body. Some writers endeavoured to substitute sage tea as being more wholesome and much cheaper than China tea. Other drinks were set up as rivals: saloop, an infusion of sassafras; chocolate, which has never become a popular drink; coffee, which has been the most formidable rival to tea, but cannot compare with it for popularity; and of
late years, cocoa. Tea remains the queen of those drinks "that cheer but not inebriate."
In the year 1722 Mr. Humphrey Broadbent of London, coffeeeman, put forth a pamphlet called *The Domestick Coffeeman*, in which he showed the true way of making chocolate, coffee, tea, and other drinks. He says that, whatever is said, tea has but two sorts, Green and Bohea. He stands up for tea, as indeed he must, the purveying of tea being his trade. Quoting one Schröder, he enumerates the properties of the herb:
"It is to dissipate or drive away the thinnest humours: whence it follows, that in all cases where any persons are affected with Rheums, and thin and moist humours, it is to good purpose used, whether to preserve from or cure them of the same, especially in those distillations of humours which are called Catarrhs, from whence proceed infirmities of the head and breasts, running of the eyes, heaviness of the head, noise in the ears, shortness of breath, palpitations of the heart, etc. 'Tis also useful for weak stomachs, and want of digestion; in the weakness of the Joynts; it is also serviceable in the Gout. In short, the inhabitants of China who use it much, are free from Diseases of the Joynts and Reins; to sum up all, it is esteemed the great Corroboration of human strength, preserving from all accidents which proceed from ill air, to which purpose divers Embassadors residing in those parts use it in the morning. This herb is prodigiously used and esteem'd by most people of our own country, and deserves great recommendations, it being admirably grateful to the smell and taste, and carries an agreeable roughness along with it into the stomach; it is a very gentle astringent and very requisite to a good digestion: its use after dinner, or eating, is of very great service in assisting digestion, in preventing the uneasiness which usually attends a full or weakly stomach; it is accounted one of the best, pleasantest, and safest herbs that was ever introduced into food or medicine; in the frequent use of which persons generally enjoy a constant health; it is best in the morning and after dinner, and not so good at night (except on purpose to keep you awake), because it is said to enable a person to continue a long time wakeful."
Dr. Lettsom (1772) wrote on the habit of tea-drinking. He says that the long and constant use of tea, as a part of our diet, makes us forget to inquire whether it has any medicinal properties. He confesses that some persons have taken it from infancy to old age without any bad consequences. These are the very strong. Those less robust find themselves fluttered and shaky after a tea breakfast; often have sickness and disorder of the stomach after a dish of tea. It causes weakness and debility of the system; a trembling hand; it drives people to drink spirits; while the poor, in throwing away their money on the herb, entail debility and wasting in their children.
The manners of the tea-table were regulated by strict rules. When a lady finished her cup she tapped it with a spoon as a sign of the fact, when it was the pleasure and the duty of the gentlemen to relieve her of the cup. If she desired no more she turned the cup over in the saucer.
"Dear Mrs. Hoggins, what? Your cup
Turned in your saucer, bottom up!
Dear me, how soon you've had your fill!"
Let us leave tea and turn to other articles of a less harmless nature.
The drink called punch, in its various forms, plays so large a part in the literature of the eighteenth century, that it is necessary for us to understand exactly what it meant.
Common punch made on a large scale for a company was compounded in the following manner:—three dozen lemons peeled; two pounds of lump sugar; boiling water poured over these; the lemons cut and squeezed; the kernels taken away; then more boiling water poured over the lemons; three quarts of sherbet, one pint of brandy, and one of rum.
If gin punch was made, gin was used instead of brandy and rum. A glass or two of blackberry whisky or black-currant whisky was added.
"Quack" punch was made by adding two pods of sweet tamarinds to each bowl.
"Oxford" punch was made with cherry brandy.
"Rumfustian" was composed of twelve eggs whisked; a quart of strong beer; a pint of gin; a bottle of sherry; with nutmeg, sugar, and rind of lemon.
Milk punch contained for each bowl two quarts of water, one quart of milk, one quart of rum, and two quarts of brandy, with the lemons and spirits as before.
For a bad cold the remedy was a pepper posset. You took a dozen corns of pepper and an equal weight of allspice; you put them into a pint of milk and let it simmer; you then put in a gill of sherry, and boiled the whole.
As a provocative to drink, a turkey's gizzard sliced and rubbed with cayenne pepper was found the best thing possible.
The popular drinks were beer, "bub"—Christian bub, excellent bub, mighty bub, "humming bub"—affectionate for ale. Cordials: sweet apple, twopenny, punch, gin, egg flip, gill ale, stout, brandy, rum of Barbadoes, stocky, half-and-half, cider, cherry beer, amber beer, mild beer, purl, old Pharaoh, knock-me-down, huntie-duntie, stipple, shouldree, rum shrub, possets of many kinds and cups of many kinds.
There were then, as now, many kinds of ale; the most famous were the ales of Oxford, Wales, Burton, York, Nottingham, and Derby.
The *Vade Mecum for Malt Worms*, which is a guide to the taverns for the early eighteenth century, is a slangy book, and, as might be expected, tolerably coarse. When you settle down for an evening of drink, you "fly your kite"; the tavern is a "Fuddling School"; drink is *rum bouse, strong bouse*; the *Hissing Road of Gutter Lane* explains itself; the "Props" are the principal customers—here named; a big drink is a *double dabber*; good food is good *peck*; and so on.
Some were houses of resort to various trades and professions. Thus, porters and carmen frequented the White Lion, Gracechurch Street; stock-jobbers met at the White Horse in Castle Alley: at the Woolsack in Foster Lane were found lawyers and physicians, besides a lower class of tradesmen; at St. Paul's Chapter House, booksellers and printers struck their bargains. Lawyers also frequented the Hell at
Westminster. There were tradesmen's clubs which met once a week, and once a year the members had an outing with their wives and families in the country. At the King's Head, Spitalfields, there were gardens and arbours.
"On Tuesday nights here gentry do commence,
Skilled in the noble art of self-defence,
Learn how to make a parry and a thrust;
To all the rules of taverns truly just."
On Fridays they had at the tavern a minstrel club. The Harp, or the Welsh Harp, Chancery Lane, was frequented by Welshmen.
The two principal vices of a century which practised them all, perhaps with greater avidity than its successor, were drinking and gambling. It is difficult to say which of the two was the more fatal or the more widely spread. Probably the former would claim the larger following and the more numerous victims. In the City every kind of business was transacted at the tavern, and nothing was concluded without a bottle. The morning draught was common in the early part of the century, though it vanished later on; the men who dined together sat down early and rose up late. The higher one mounted in rank the more one drank; almost every member of the Royal Family except the King drank heavily. Port and punch were the principal drinks of the upper classes. It was considered bad form not to leave the feast half-drunk, at least.
Mr. Humphrey Broadbent, quoted above, mentions many other drinks; among them is gill ale, made by the infusion of ground ivy in strong ale. Put in your ivy dry and add a little horse-radish.
There were also Dr. Butler's Ale, Dr. Quincey's Ale, and Scurvy Grass Ale—all extremely popular as medicines; no doubt with the additional recommendation that while you were being cured you were also getting drunk. I will quote the second only:
"Take bettoney, sage, agrimony, garden scurvy grass, common wormwood; of each three handfuls: roots of alicampane and horse-radish; of each four ounces; mix; put in a bag; hang them in four gallons of new ale while it works."
Alum was another famous drink. It is bewildering in its comprehensiveness; it demanded seventeen different herbs to make it well.
Dr. Stewart's Water, "the same which but lately kept the Archbishop of Canterbury alive so long," contained twenty ingredients worked up in a "limbeck" and distilled.
The cordials recommended are cinnamon-water, arrack, rosa solis, lemon-water, orange-water, and "Usquebaugh," which was not Scotch whisky at all, but a preparation of aqua vitae, liquorice, cloves, raisins, mace, and ginger.
Early in the eighteenth century there appeared, unnoticed at first, but rapidly growing and developing, a new and very threatening habit among the common
people of London, viz. the drinking of gin, a spirit brought over, it is believed, by King William’s people, and previously unknown to London. The time was not given to study or to watch with jealousy the manners and customs of the people. They had to work; they must not be allowed to combine; they must not be allowed to assemble; they must be kept down: what they did while they were down and out of sight and quiet, nobody cared. Presently, however, rumours began to spread that the people were seized with a new appetite. They craved insatiably and continually for a drink which afforded an intoxication more rapid, more complete, and more destructive than the simple beer on which the Londoner had got drunk from time immemorial. This new drink robbed the working-man of his skill and dexterity; it made his hand shake; it took away his strength, his will, his natural affections. For the sake of the gin-shop he pawned his tools, neglected his work, deserted his children; his wife, falling into the same insatiable thirst, sold the household goods and sent the children into the streets to starve. Everywhere the gin-shop appeared; at the corner of the street stood the stall where the women sold gin; it was so cheap that, according to Smollett, a man could get drunk on a penny and dead drunk on twopence. In the suburbs of London alone, not including the City, there were more than 7000 retailers of gin; everywhere the drunken people lay about on the pavements, in the road, in the cellars. Nor was the demand for gin confined to the lowest class: it spread upwards among the more responsible people, until it was feared that the whole nation would before long be destroyed by this pernicious habit.
The country was at length awakened to the danger that threatened: the Middlesex magistrates (March 1736) invited the attention of the House and asked for legislation. And legislation followed—such legislation as should be an abiding lesson for all those who think it possible to convert the people to ways of virtue by legislation. In a Committee of the whole House, Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of the Rolls, moved certain resolutions to the effect that the cheapness of gin was the chief inducement to the extravagant use of it; that it ought only to be sold by persons licensed and paying a large sum for these licences, and that it ought to be loaded with a heavy duty. The resolutions were followed by an Act which granted licence to sell gin only on payment of £50 per annum, and laid a duty of 20s. a gallon on gin. Infraction of the law was to be punished by a fine of £100.
This Act came into operation on the 29th day of September. At first the people did not understand what was intended. When, however, they found every gin-shop closed, all the distilleries silent, and no gin to be had anywhere, they showed signs of rising. A company of Guards was sent to protect Sir Joseph Jekyll’s house in Chancery Lane; the guard was doubled at Kensington, St. James’s, and Whitehall; and the Horse Guards paraded in Covent Garden. Some of the gin-shops, their signs draped with black, put a doll in a coffin in
their windows, calling it Lady Madam Geneva; some of them organised a funeral procession—that of Madam Geneva,—and marched down the streets following a coffin.
Then the popular indignation suddenly disappeared, and good temper and sweet contentment reigned once more. What happened was this. Some of the distilleries were closed or turned into breweries; the open stalls where gin had been sold in the streets were swept away. Only three persons were found to take the fifty-pound licences; only two were fined for infraction of the law. Yet the people went about their work with satisfied and smiling countenances. For they discovered that this Act made no difference whatever. Instead of asking for gin, the thirsty asked for "Sangree," "Tow Row," "Cuckold's Comfort," "Bob," "Make Shift," "The Last Shift," "The Ladies' Delight," "The Balk," "King Theodore of Corsica," "Cholick and Gripe Waters." Presently the sellers of gin became more audacious; the stalls in the streets reappeared; the distilleries went on again. When the informers did lay an information, it was only against those who could afford to pay the fine; the justices either would not or could not convict; the informers themselves were intimidated, brutally treated, and murdered: to call out upon a man in the street that he was an informer was to bring all the people within hearing upon him with cudgels and with fists and with sticks. In short, the whole voice of the people was resolved that the Act should not be obeyed. Therefore it became a mockery, as all Acts must become which try to change habits or passions that are universal and must be followed and obeyed. This Act continued nominally in force for nearly seven years, broken and disregarded all the time. It was at last repealed.
It is alleged as an illustration of the widespread habit of drinking that in 1750, in the City of London, there were 16,000 houses, of which 1050 are said to have been held by licensed victuallers, a proportion of 1 in 16. By the riverside the proportion was 1 in 7. Of the 17,000 houses that constituted the borough of Westminster, 1300 were licensed. Of the 7066 houses in the parish of Holborn, 1350 were devoted to the sale of wine, beer, and spirituous liquors. Of the 2000 houses in the parish of St. Giles, 506 were gin-shops, besides 82 "two-penny houses," where gin was the principal liquor drunk. In 1724 it was estimated that 1,172,494 barrels of strong ale and 798,495 of small-beer were consumed in London, and this was complained of as a decrease in consequence of the growing use of wines and spirituous liquors. In 1728 there were imported 30,044 tons of wine—namely, 18,208 tons from Portugal, 10,255 from Spain, 1105 from France, and 476 from Holland and Germany. The wines of the Peninsula were therefore the favourites. In 1733 the spirituous liquors consumed in London alone amounted to 11,200,000 gallons—namely, 56,800 gallons of arrack, 1,315,000 of brandy, 330 of citron-water,
316 of cordial-water, 380 of Geneva, 316 of Hungary-water, 103 of "rackee," 327,700 of rum, 12 of "vizney," 154 of usquebaugh, 8,601,290 of malt spirits, 12,527 of cider spirits, and 890,320 gallons of molasses spirits. If the population was then 800,000, the consumption of spirits was then 14 gallons a head, including men, women, and children. Excluding the two latter and the boys, we have for the men the average of 56 gallons a head per annum, which means very nearly a quart a day. The lowness of price had, naturally, much to do with this excessive indulgence in exciting beverages. Thus, British brandy was only 4s. a gallon; old cognac, 7s. 9d.; Jamaica rum, 3s. in bond, or 7s. 6d. retail, duty paid. Wine was also very cheap: red port wine and white Lisbon, 17s. for 13 bottles, or 1s. 4d. a bottle; Madeira from West Indies, 27s., and Valencia wine, 3s. 6d. per gallon. Country squires, the clergy, merchants, lawyers, craftsmen, tradesmen, and indeed all classes of society, were alike given to strong drink. Women of all classes followed the men—happily, at a distance.
The subjoined advertisement addresses itself especially to ladies:
"TO THE PEOPLE OF FASHION
At the Rich Cordial Warehouse, in Cross Street, near Carnaby Market,
Golden Square
Are continued to be sold the following Liqueurs, viz.:
Oil of Venus; Spirit of Saffron; Spirit of Cinnamon; Barbadoes Citron Cream; Orange Flower; Mint; Tansey; Spirit of Adonis; Viper Water; Usquebaugh, green, yellow, white; Coffee Water; Chocolate Water; Belle de Nuit; Turkey Visney; Fine Clarey; Lilly-cum-Valley; Marasquino; Flora Granata; red and brown Jacomonoodi; Parfait Amour; Eau Cordiale de Genève; Fenouilette de l'Isle de Rhé; Eau divine; Orangasse; Eau des Millefleurs; Eau d'Or; Limette des Indes; Cedra rouge et blanc; Eau de Bergamotte; Ratafias of Orange Flowers; Quinces red and white; Chamberry; Neuilly; Fine Cholic Water; Surfeit; Plague; and Peppermint Waters."
The following is a contemporary record of the excessive drinking of the time. It is from a pamphlet published in the year 1736:
"Every one who now passes thro' the streets of this great metropolis, and looks into the distillers' shops and those who deal in spirituous liquors, must see, even in shops of a creditable and wholesale appearance, a crowd of poor ragged people, cursing and quarrelling with one another, over repeated glasses of these destructive liquors. These sights we may behold at all hours of the day, in most strong-water shops, even in the High Streets, and I am informed that in some of the suburb parts it is much worse; particularly in one place not far from East Smithfield, that such a dealer has a large empty room backwards, where as his wretched guests get intoxicated they are laid together in heaps promiscuously, men, women, and children, 'till they recover their senses, when they proceed to drink on, or, having spent all they had, go out to find wherewithal to return to the same dreadful pursuit; and how they acquire more money the sessions papers too often acquaint us."
I have before me a table certified correct by J. V. Bearblock, "Yeoman of the Cellar," of the amount of wine consumed at the Mansion House, year after year, from 1774 to 1785. It is a huge total, but the amount means nothing unless we know the number of banquets and the number of guests at each. I subjoin, however, the table, as it may interest some. The number of bottles of each kind of wine shows the favourite wines of the period. Port comes first easily; next, Lisbon; Madeira, claret, hock, burgundy, and champagne follow; then a few kinds of wine for which there is a very slight demand. Sack, of which there were a few bottles taken, disappears in 1784, and is replaced by sherry, of which a great deal is drunk. Champagne had hardly begun to be a wine taken at dinner. During the whole period of ten years 1905 dozen of port were consumed and 1214 dozen of Lisbon; 142 dozen of champagne. The following are the totals:
| Year | Bottles |
|------|---------|
| 1774 | 626 doz. 2 bottles |
| 1775 | 516 ,, 11 ,, |
| 1778 | 466 ,, 7 ,, |
| 1779 | 412 ,, 10 ,, |
| 1780 | 507 ,, 3 ,, |
| 1781 | 566 doz. 10 bottles |
| 1782 | 389 ,, |
| 1783 | 433 ,, 6 ,, |
| 1784 | 470 ,, 6 ,, |
| 1785 | 426 ,, 9 ,, |
The table leaves out the years 1776 and 1777.
In January 1809 it was stated that the expenses of four committees only of the Corporation amounted to £7000 a year, chiefly in tavern bills and annual excursions.
A few more notes on food. Bread, in times of plenty, was sold at such a price that for $1\frac{1}{2}$d. a man could buy enough for the whole day. Strong beer cost 2d. the quart of the brewer, and 3d. at the tavern. At the cheaper dining-rooms a man might have as much meat as he could eat for 6d.
It was observed that green peas came into the London market earlier than into that of Paris. Pineapples could be procured, at a price, all the year round. There were in the market in season, good melons, peaches, figs, and grapes—wine was made of grapes ripened at Kensington.
There was an immense amount of adulteration of wine. Port was very easy to make or to adulterate: sloes, damsons, blackberries, cloudberries—all were pressed into the service. Champagne was even easier to imitate: perry formed the foundation, with sugar and brandy. Bordeaux was simply made by doctoring vin ordinaire to make it resemble Chateau Margaux or some other fine vintage.
Statistics are to most people unprofitable. To those who know how to use them, they are most valuable. For the latter class, therefore, I append the following figures:
In 1725 the consumption of the metropolis was estimated at 369,600 quarters of flour, 98,000 beeves, 60,000 calves, 70,000 sheep and lambs, 187,000 swine, 52,000
sucking pigs, 115,000 bushels of oysters, 14,750,000 mackerel, 1398 boatloads of cod, haddock, and whiting, 16,366,000 lbs. butter, 21,066,000 lbs. cheese, 5,000,000 gallons of milk—the use of which had decreased owing to the fashion of taking tea, coffee, and chocolate,—and 475,000 chaldrons of coals: the present consumption is about 2,800,000 chaldrons. At Leadenhall Market, on the 27th and 28th of September 1734, were sold upwards of 34,000 geese, and the supply fell short of the demand. About 30,000 acres of land in the immediate neighbourhood were devoted to the production of vegetables and fruit.
I conclude this chapter with the Voice of the Grumbler. He says much the same thing now, with much the same exaggeration:
"If I would drink water, I must quaff the mawkish contents of an open aqueduct, exposed to all manner of defilement, or swallow that which comes from the river Thames, impregnated with all the filth of London and Westminster. . . . As to the intoxicating potion sold for wine, it is a vile, unpalatable, and pernicious sophistication, balderdashed with cyder, corn-spirit, and the juice of sloes. In an action at law, laid against a carman, for having staved a cask of port, it appeared, from the evidence of the cooper, that there were not above five gallons of real wine in the whole pipe, which held above one hundred, and even that had been brewed and adulterated by the merchant of Oporto. The bread I eat in London is a deleterious paste, mixed up with chalk, alum, and bone-ashes, insipid to the taste,"
and destructive to the constitution... The veal is bleached by repeated bleedings and other villainous arts, till there is not a drop of juice left in the body, and the poor animal is paralytic before it dies; so devoid of all taste, nourishment, and flavour, that a man might dine as comfortably on a white fricassee of kid-skin gloves, or chip-hats from Leghorn. As they have discharged the natural colour from their bread, their butchers' meat and poultry, their cutlets, ragouts, fricassees and sauces of all kinds—so they insist upon having the complexion of their pot-herbs mended, even at the hazard of their lives. Perhaps you will hardly believe they can be so mad as to boil their greens with brass half-pence, in order to improve their colour; and yet nothing is more true.... I shall conclude this catalogue of London dainties with table-beer, guiltless of hops and malt, vapid and nauseous, much fitter to facilitate the operation of a vomit, than to quench thirst and promote digestion; the tallowy rancid mass called butter, manufactured with candle grease and kitchen stuff; and their fresh eggs imported from France and Scotland. Now all these enormities might be remedied with a very little attention to the article of police or civil regulation; but the wise patriots of London have taken it into their heads that all regulation is inconsistent with liberty; and that every man ought to live in his own way without restraint."
CHAPTER XI
COST OF LIVING
We have next to inquire into prices and the annual cost of living. I find the following figures in the *London Advertiser*, 1786, where there is an estimate of household expenses. The writer takes a family consisting of a man, his wife, four children, and two maids, and thus estimates their weekly expenses:
| Item | £ s. d. |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Bread for 8 persons at 8d. a week | 0 5 4 |
| Butter, 1 lb. a day at 9d. | 0 5 3 |
| Cheese, 3½ lbs. at 5d. | 0 1 5½ |
| Roots, herbs, spices, and decoraments of the table | 0 0 6 |
| Meat, fish, or fowl, 1 lb. for each person at 6d. a pound | 1 8 0 |
| Milk and cream at 2d. a day | 0 1 2 |
| Eggs 4d.; flour 1s. 2d. | 0 1 6 |
| Small beer at 14s a barrel of 36 gallons, 12 gallons consumed | 0 4 8 |
| Tea 2s.; sugar 3s. | 0 5 0 |
| Candles (summer and winter), 4 lbs. at 9d. | 0 3 0 |
| Coals, 2 fires in winter, one in summer, weekly average | 0 5 6 |
| Soap, blue, starch, and washing | 0 5 0 |
| Thread, needles, tapes, etc. | 0 1 9 |
| Sand, fuller's earth, whitening, scouring paper, brick dust, small coal, etc. | 0 0 4 |
| Repairs of furniture, etc. | 0 2 0 |
£3 13 5½
Food and small things cost, therefore, £3:13s.:5½ a week. We go on to complete the estimate for the year:
| Item | £ s. d. |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Food, fire, etc. | 189 18 8 |
| Clothes for the master and mistress, and hairdressing | 40 0 0 |
| Clothes for the four children | 24 0 0 |
| Lying-in expenses | 6 0 0 |
| Pocket expenses, including letters for the master, 4s. a week | 10 3 0 |
| Ditto for mistress and children | 5 4 0 |
| Physic and illness | 5 0 0 |
| Schooling | 8 0 0 |
Wages of maids and taxes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 10 0
Rent £50; taxes £16 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 0 0
Entertainments for friends . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 0 0
Wine and sundries, say . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 19 4
£400 0 0
Not a word is said about books and newspapers; nor is anything said about the nightly punch at the club, or the occasional bottle of port at a tavern, or about strong ale or cordials. There is no mention of church sittings; none of coach hire; none of any holidays. It will be seen that they live well. The principal drink is small ale; of this they drink twelve gallons a week, which is a gallon and a half, or six imperial quarts, a day; if the children take only a pint a day each—that is, two quarts—there remain four imperial quarts for the four adults; and this allowance was probably intended. The allowance for candles seems to be about three a day for winter and two a day for summer: one a day for the kitchen and two for the parlour. It was still a time of grievous darkness. I doubt if, in the ordinary household, the family lit more than one candle at a time. Since tea at that time was about 10s. a pound, only a quarter of a pound was consumed in a week. For entertaining friends there is allowed a handsome sum, namely, about 8s. a week. One guest, certainly, could be invited once a week on this allowance. But did the London citizen never buy any books at all? Such, I fear, was his practice.
The same writer gives an estimate for a family whose income did not exceed £200 a year:
| Item | £ | s. | d. |
|-------------------------------------------|-----|----|----|
| Bread for 7 persons | | | |
| Salt butter, 3 lbs. at 7½d. | | | |
| Cheese, 3 lbs. at 5d. | | | |
| Meat, 3 joints on an average | | | |
| Fish and bacon | | | |
| Vegetables, oil, vinegar, etc. | | | |
| Milk | | | |
| Flour and eggs | | | |
| Sand, whiting, etc. | | | |
| Small beer | | | |
| Tea and sugar | | | |
| Candles | | | |
| Haberdashery, as thread, pins, etc. | | | |
| Soap and starch, etc. | | | |
| Powder, blacking, etc. | | | |
| The weekly expenditure is per annum | | | |
| Clothes and pocket-money for the man | | | |
| Ditto for the woman | | | |
| Ditto for the four children | | | |
| Maid wages | | | |
| Boy to go errands, 6d. a day; not boarded| | | |
£88 10 2
8 0 0
6 0 0
16 0 0
5 0 0
7 16 0
We have seen what it cost a respectable householder to pay his way in the year 1786. If we take the same family with much the same scale of living at the present day, we shall arrive at the difference in the cost of things:
| Item | 1900 | 1760 |
|-------------------------------------------|--------|--------|
| Food, coals, lights, ale, etc. | £360 | £190 |
| Clothes | | 120 | 64 |
| Pocket expenses | | 45 | 15 |
| School | | 150 | 8 |
| Illness | | 30 | 11 |
| Wages of two maids | | 42 | 14 |
| Rent and taxes (not counting income-tax) | | 150 | 66 |
| Travelling | | 50 | nil |
| Books, magazines, and journals (say) | | 30 | nil |
| Wine, beer, spirits | | 70 | 31 |
| Furniture and the house | | 50 | nil |
| Income tax at 8d. in the pound on £1200 | | 40 | nil |
A comparison of the figures shows a very considerable raising of the standard as regards comfort and even necessaries. It is true that the modern figures have been taken from the accounts of a family which spends every year from £1200 to £1400.
It may be remarked in these figures that schooling is extremely cheap, viz. £8 per four children, or 10s. a quarter for each child. Therefore, for a schoolmaster to get an income of £200 a year, out of which he would have to maintain assistants, he must have 100 scholars. The "pocket expenses" include letters, and all for 6s. a week, which is indeed moderate. Entertainments, wine, etc., are all lumped together, showing that wine must be considered a very rare indulgence, and that small-beer was the daily beverage. Tea is set down at 2s. a week. In the year 1728 tea was 13s. a pound, but by 1760 it had gone down to about 6s. a pound, so that a third of a pound was allowed every week. This shows a careful measurement of the spoonful. Of course there was not, as yet, any tea allowed to the servants. Coals are estimated at £14 a year—two fires in winter, one in summer. Repairs to furniture, table-linen, sheets, etc., are set down at 2s. a week, or five guineas a year. Happy the household which can now manage this item at six times that amount!
The following is a table of the prices of meat, sugar, salt, coals, and bread in London in the time of the long war, when everything was frightfully dear.
The table from which this is taken gives the price from month to month. I have taken an average:
- Beef: 5s. 11\(\frac{1}{3}\)d. a stone of 8 lbs. or 9d. a lb.
- Mutton: 6s. 2\(\frac{2}{3}\)d. ,, ,, 9\(\frac{1}{2}\)d. a lb.
- Pork: 6s. 11\(\frac{1}{2}\)d. ,, ,, 10\(\frac{7}{6}\)d. a lb.
- Sugar: 48s. 8\(\frac{1}{2}\)d. a cwt., i.e. nearly 6d. a lb.
- Salt: 20s. a bushel, i.e. about 8\(\frac{3}{4}\)d. a lb.
- Coals: 6\(\frac{1}{2}\)s. 6d. a chaldron.
The cost of the quartern loaf ranged from 1s. in February to 1s. 5d. in June and July. Add, that tea was from 6s. to 5s. a pound, these prices being at a time of depressed trade and ruinous taxes. The incomes of the people were far less than they are now; they were still further crippled by the taxation; they had nothing like the money to spend that we have, so that the difference in the prices meant a great deal more than would at first sight appear. Our people get excellent meat at 7d. a pound. Their coals cost about three times what we pay; their salt, which we get for next to nothing, cost them $8\frac{1}{2}$d. a pound; and their quartern loaf was nearly three times as dear as our own.
The following is a list of the more common things in daily use, with their average prices; about the middle of the century common food was not so dear as in the time of the Long War:
"Wheat was 20s. to 25s. per quarter; Barley, 12s. to 14s.; Oats, 10s. to 12s. 6d.; Hay, £2:10s. to £3 per ton; Jamaica Coffee, 3s. 6d. per lb. Salmon, at Carlisle, 1\frac{3}{4}d. per lb.—servants making a proviso at their hiring that they should not be compelled to dine off it more than twice or thrice a week. Best Seville Oranges, 25s. a chest; Oranges, good for squeezing, 18s.; China Oranges from 15s. to 21s.; Lemons, 22s. a chest. Hogskin hunting saddles on double-riveted trees, 19s. each. Ladies' hunting Side-saddles, quilted, 30s.; Snaffle Bridles, with bound fronts, 2s. 3d.; Pelham Bridles, 3s. 3d.; Best coach-horse Dutch Collars, 8s. the pair. Yard wide Muslin, fine and clear, 4s. 6d. a yard; Book Muslin, yard wide, 7s.; Damask Table Cloths, 8s. a piece; Stays (extraordinarily cheap), 8s. a pair; Broad Cloth, 16s. 6d. a yard. Half-trimmed suit of Clothes, £5:5s.; Velvet Breeches, £2:2s.; French Frock, £3; Riding Habit, £2:18s.; Best 4-thread Knit Breeches, 17s.; Livery Suit, plain Cloth, laced, £4:4s. Holland shirts, 9s. to 21s. each; Scotch and Irish Linen, 4s. 6d. to 7s. 6d.; Gorgona Anchovies, 5s. a barrel."
CHAPTER XII
COFFEE-HOUSES AND CLUBS
The eighteenth century saw the Coffee-house at its highest popularity and power; it also witnessed its decline and fall. With the coffee-house flourished the Club, which was held at a tavern; and the tavern flourished separately and on its own merits beside the coffee-house and the club.
The coffee-house, of which it is said that there were once 3000 in London, was classified according to its frequenters. In the City rich merchants alone ventured to enter certain of the coffee-houses, where they transacted business more privately and more expeditiously than on the Exchange. There were coffee-houses where officers of the army alone were found; where the City shopkeeper met his chums; where actors congregated; where only divines, only lawyers, only physicians, only wits and those who came to hear them, were found. In all alike the visitor put down his penny and went in, taking his own seat if he was an habitué; he called for a cup of tea or coffee and paid his twopence for it; he could call also, if he pleased, for a cordial; he was expected to talk with his neighbour whether he knew him or not. Men went to certain coffee-houses in order to meet the well-known poets and writers who were to be found there, as Pope went in search of Dryden. The daily papers and the pamphlets of the day were taken in. Some of the coffee-houses, but not the more respectable, allowed the use of tobacco.
The coffee-houses were great schools of conversation. A man had to hold his own against a whole roomful of men eager to show their wit. The custom encouraged readiness and clearness of expression and of thought. Younger men did not venture to speak in some coffee-houses. And it is not sufficiently understood, in reading Johnson's sententious phrases, that his words were often spoken in a coffee-house so as to be heard by the whole listening room. So Dryden delivered his judgments, and was admired and worshipped by the younger men, as the oracle of the coffee-house. They, indeed, sat mute, diffident, afraid to speak in so great a presence; or, if they hazarded an opinion, did so with the greatest diffidence, and congratulated themselves afterwards if it had been favourably received. In a time of furious partisans, every side of politics had its own coffee-houses: a Tory would have been as much out of his element at the St. James's as a Whig at Ozinda's.
Letters were received at the coffee-house. Of course, the sharper and the adventurer found their way to the coffee-house: many a fine young fellow on his way to Tyburn was recognised as a frequenter at this house or that. They came to pick up the credulous and the ignorant; they fell into conversation with their dupe, found out his weak point, and laid themselves out to please him and to gratify
ALEXANDER POPE
From the painting by Charles Jervas in the National Portrait Gallery, London.
him, with the usual result. The coffee-house, in fact, corresponded to certain of the more sociable clubs of our time, except in one particular—that there was no ceremony of election: any one could enter. At most houses, however, very few presented themselves except those who formed the special clientele of the house.
"After the play," Defoe writes, "the best company generally go to Tom's and Will's coffee-houses, near adjoining, where there is playing at piquet, and the best of conversation till midnight. Here you will see blue and green ribbons and stars
sitting familiarly and talking with the same freedom as if they had left their equality and degrees of distance at home."
Garraway's was frequented by people of "quality" who had business in the City; Robins's by the more wealthy citizens; Jonathan's by those who bought and sold stock. Garraway's was also an auction-room for the sale of wines "by candle." That is, when the sale began an inch of candle was lit, and the latest bidder, when the candle went out, was to be the buyer. In its later days it was better known as an auction-room than a coffee-house. The second coffee-house set up was the Rainbow in 1656. This place is still a tavern and restaurant. The coffee-houses speedily increased in number, in spite of assaults made upon them by poets and satirists:
"Say, shall then
These less than coffee's self, these coffee-men,
These sons of nothing, that can hardly make
Their broth for laughing how the jest does take,
Yet grin, and give ye for the vine's pure blood
A loathsome potion—not yet understood,
Syrup of soot, or essence of old shoes,
Dash'd with diurnals or the book of news?"
And in the year 1674 a "Women's Petition against Coffee" was circulated, in which the ladies complain that coffee makes men "unfruitful as the deserts where that unhappy berry is said to be bought."
Among the 3000 coffee-houses which flourished in London during the century, many were connected with illustrious names. Most, of course, belong to the unknown multitude. For a picture of a coffee-house of that time we may go to Ned Ward. The house he describes is Old Man's, Scotland Yard:
"We now ascended a pair of stairs, which brought us into an old-fashioned room, where a gaudy crowd of odoriferous Tom-Essences were walking backwards and forwards, with their hats in their hands, not daring to convert them to their intended use, lest it should put the foretops of their wigs into some disorder. We squeezed through till we got to the end of the room, where, at a small table, we sat down, and observed that it was as great a rarity to hear anybody call for a dish of Politician's Porridge, or any other liquor, as it is to hear a beau call for a pipe of tobacco; their whole exercise being to charge and discharge their nostrils, and keep the curls of their periwigs in their proper order. The clashing of their snush-box lids, in opening and shutting, made more noise than their tongues. Bows and cringes of the newest mode were here exchanged, 'twixt friend and friend, with wonderful exactness. They made a humming like so many hornets in a country chimney, not with their talking, but with their whispering over their new Minuets and Bories, with the hands in their pockets, if only freed from their snush-box. We now began to be thoughtful of a pipe of tobacco; whereupon we ventured to call for some instruments of evaporation, which were accordingly brought us, but with such a kind of unwillingness, as if they would much rather been rid of our company; for their tables were so very neat, and shined with rubbing, like the upper-leathers of an alderman's shoes, and as brown as the top of a country housewife's cupboard. The floor was as clean swept as a Sir Courtly's dining-room, which made us look round, to see if there were no orders hung up to impose the forfeiture of so much Mop-money upon any person that should spit out of the chimney-corner. Notwithstanding we wanted an example to encourage us in our porterly rudeness, we ordered them to light the wax-candle, by which we ignifiéd our pipes and blew about our whiffs; at which several Sir Foplins drew their faces into as many peevish wrinkles as the beaux at the Bow Street Coffee-house, near Covent
Garden did when the gentleman in masquerade came in amongst them, with his oyster-barrel muff and turnip-buttons, to ridicule their fopperies."
The following is from *A Brief and Merry History of Great Britain*, A.D. . . .
"There's a prodigious Number of Coffee-Houses in London, after the manner I have seen some in Constantinople. The Outsides have nothing remarkable or worth describing, so that I'll speak only of their Customs, which deserve some Notice, because most of the Men resort to them to pass away the Time. These Coffee-Houses are the constant Rendezvous for Men of Business, as well as the idle People, so that a Man is sooner asked about his Coffee-House than his Lodgings. Besides Coffee, there are many other Liquors, which People cannot well relish at first. They smoak Tobacco, game, and read Papers of Intelligence; here they treat of Matters of State, make Leagues with Foreign Princes, break them again, and transact Affairs of the last Consequence to the whole World. In a word, 'tis here the English discourse freely of everything, and where they may in a very little time be known; their Character likewise may be partly discovered, even by People that are Strangers to the Language, if they appear cool in their Discourses, and attentive to what they hear. They represent these Coffee-houses as the most agreeable things in London, and they are, in my Opinion, very proper Places to find People that a Man has Business with, or to pass away the Time a little more agreeably than he can do at home; but in other respects they are loathsome, full of smoak, like a Guard-Room, and as much crowded. I believe 'tis these Places that furnish the Inhabitants with Slander, for there one hears exact Accounts of everything done in Town, as if it were but a Village.
At those Coffee-Houses, near the Court, called White's, St. James's, Williams's, the Conversation turns chiefly upon Equipages, Essence, Horse-Matches, Tupees, Modes, and Mortgages; the Cocoa-Tree upon Bribery and Corruption, Evil ministers, Errors and Mistakes in Government; the Scotch Coffee-Houses towards Charing-Cross, on Places and Pensions; the Tilt-yard and Young Man's on Affronts, Honour, Satisfaction, Duels, and Rencounters. I was informed that the latter happen so frequently, in this part of the Town, that a Surgeon and a Sollicitor are kept constantly in waiting; the one to dress and heal such Wounds as may be given, and the other in case of Death to bring off the Survivor with a Verdict of Se Devendendo or Manslaughter. In those Coffee-Houses about the Temple, the Subjects are generally on Causes, Costs, Demurrers, Rejoinders, and Exceptions; Daniel's, the Welch Coffee-House in Fleet Street, on Births, Pedigrees, and Descents; Child's and the Chapter upon Glebes, Tithes, Advowsons, Rectories, and Lectureships; North's, Undue Elections, False-Polling, Scrutinies, etc.; Hamlin's, Infant-Baptism, Lay-Ordination, Free-will, Election and Reprobation; Batson's, the Prices of Pepper, Indigo, and Salt-Petre; and all those about the Exchange, where the Merchants meet to transact their Affairs, are in a perpetual hurry about StockJobbing, Lying, Cheating, Tricking Widows and Orphans, and committing Spoil and Rapine on the Publick.”
Tobacco, we observe, had fallen into disuse, except in the form of snuff.
The practice of snuff-taking, which is first mentioned as early as 1589 (Buckle’s Common Place Book, ii. 674), flourished among us until the middle of the nineteenth century, when it rapidly fell into disuse. The habitual snuff-taker, who formerly kept his box always before him and stained his shirt-front—not to speak of his upper lip—with snuff, has quite disappeared. A box is found at a club, but is seldom used; while women, who used to be inveterate snuff-takers, seem to have abandoned the practice entirely. It held its ground, however, for nearly three hundred years, and it always had friends and defenders. It was said to clear the brain, to sooth the nerves. Like coffee in its early days, snuff was a medicine for all kinds of diseases. On the other hand, it had enemies. Snuff-taking in church was forbidden under penalty of excommunication, by two Popes. It was considered at the court of Louis XIV. a coarse habit, fit only for common people. After the Restoration fine ladies carried snuff-boxes, while a beau was not complete without his box. Forty years later ladies are described as taking generally to the practice. It passed from ladies of fashion to the lower classes; women who hawked things with a wheelbarrow, fishwives, nurses, and others, all carried snuff-boxes. From time to time voices were lifted up against the habit, but it took long to extirpate it—a fact which should be borne in mind by those who inveigh against it, as proving that it gave pleasure at least, if not profit, to those who took it.
I have a pamphlet called Free Thoughts on Snuff-Taking, by a Friend to Female Beauty. It is dated 1782, and is principally filled with remonstrances against its use by women:
“Who without regret can see an agreeable and well-dressed Lady with a beautiful Countenance, elegant Symmetry, and fine natural colouring of the Features, pull off a glove, and, with a fine white delicate hand, take out a box, and put her pretty thumb and finger into a nasty-coloured powder, and apply the same to a beautiful Face and spoil it, by changing the fine natural colour of the Skin in more places than where this filthy drug is laid on, and causing the blood to rise into the face by coughing, etc.? This is not uncommon even to those constantly addicted to this nauseous custom.”
But they all do it. “Little Miss would never have thought of snuff-taking, if she had not seen her Mother and old maiden Aunt do it before her, and Betty the Chamber-maid, Molly the House-maid, and Mrs. Cook, would never have thought of buying Snuff Boxes but to imitate their Mistress; and the Girl next door, just come from the country, seeing Mrs. Molly (while washing the stone steps at the door) set down her mop to take a pinch of Snuff, thinks all London maids do so likewise, and she to be sure must resemble them. She conquers the first difficulty of it, and
continues it, even to old age, when with poverty, sluttishness, and dram-drinking added to it, make her as disagreeable an object as any Female possibly can be.”
Or we may turn to the Journey through England of 1714:
“I am lodged in the street called Pall Mall, the ordinary residence of all strangers, because of its vicinity to the Queen’s Palace, the Park, the Parliament House, the Theatres, and the Chocolate- and Coffee-houses, where the best company frequent. If you would know our manner of living, ’tis thus: we rise by nine, and those that frequent great men’s levées find entertainment at them till eleven, or, as in Holland, go to tea-tables; about twelve the beau monde assemble in several coffee- or chocolate-houses; the best of which are the Cocoa-tree and White’s Chocolate-houses, St. James’s, the Smyrna, Mrs. Rochford’s, and the British Coffee-houses; and all these so near one another, that in less than an hour you see the company of them all. We are carried to these places in chairs (or sedans), which are here very cheap, a guinea a week, or a shilling per hour, and your chairmen serve you for porters to run on errands, as your gondoliers do at Venice.
If it be fine weather, we take a turn into the Park till two, when we go to dinner; and if it be dirty, you are entertained at picquet or basset at White’s, or you may talk politics at the Smyrna or St. James’s. I must not forget to tell you that the parties have their different places, where, however, a stranger is always well received; but a Whig will no more go to the Cocoa-tree than a Tory will be seen at the coffee-house St. James’s.
The Scots go generally to the British, and a mixture of all sorts to the Smyrna. There are other little coffee-houses much frequented in this neighbourhood,—Young Man’s for officers; Old Man’s for stock-jobbers, pay-masters, and courtiers; and Little Man’s for sharpers. I never was so confounded in my life as when I entered into this last; I saw two or three tables full at faro, and was surrounded by a set of sharp faces, that I was afraid would have devoured me with their eyes. I was glad to drop two or three half crowns at faro to get off with a clear skin, and was overjoyed I so got rid of them.
At two we generally go to dinner: ordinaries are not so common here as abroad, yet the French have set up two or three good ones for the convenience of foreigners in Suffolk Street, where one is tolerably well served; but the general way here is to make a party at the coffee-house to go to dine at the tavern, where we sit till six, when we go to the play; except you are invited to the table of some great man, which strangers are always courted to and nobly entertained.”
Before entering the coffee-house, every one is recommended by the Tatler to prepare his body with three dishes of bohea and to purge his brains with two pinches of snuff. Men had their coffee-houses as now they have their clubs: sometimes contented with one, sometimes belonging to three or four. Johnson, for instance, is connected with St. James’s, the Turk’s Head, the Bedford, Peele’s, besides the taverns which he frequented. Addison and Steele used Button’s; Swift, Button’s, the Smyrna, and St. James’s; Dryden, Will’s; Pope, Will’s and Button’s; Goldsmith, the St. James’s and the Chapter; Fielding, the Bedford; Hogarth, the Bedford and Slaughter’s; Sheridan, the Piazza; Thurlow, Nando’s.
Will’s was for a long time the chief resort of the men of letters. They went there at first to see and converse with Dryden, who held his own place, by the fireside in winter and at the window in summer, which every one respected. To exchange a few words with Dryden was an honour greatly coveted by young men. Thus Dean Lockier narrates his own good fortune in attracting the great man’s attention:—
"I was about seventeen when I first came up to town, an odd-looking boy, with short rough hair, and that sort of awkwardness which one always brings up at first out of the country with one. However, in spite of my bashfulness and appearance, I used now and then to thrust myself into Will's, to have the pleasure of seeing the most celebrated wits of that time, who then resorted thither. The second time that ever I was there, Mr. Dryden was speaking of his own things, as he frequently did, especially of such as had been lately published. 'If anything of mine is good,' says he, 'tis Mac-Fleeno; and I value myself the more upon it, because it is the first piece of ridicule written in heroics.' On hearing this I plucked up my spirit so far as to say, in a voice but just loud enough to be heard, 'that Mac-Fleeno was a very fine poem, but that I had not imagined it to be the first that was ever writ that way.' On this, Dryden turned short upon me, as surprised at my interposing; asked me how long 'I had been a dealer in poetry'; and added, with a smile, 'Pray, sir, what is it that you did imagine to have been writ so before?' I named Boileau's Lutrin and Tassoni's Secchia Rapita, which I had read, and knew Dryden had borrowed some strokes from each. 'Tis true,' said Dryden, 'I had forgot them.' A little after, Dryden went out, and in going, spoke to me again, and desired me to come and see him the next day. I was highly delighted with the invitation, went to see him accordingly, and was well acquainted with him after, as long as he lived."
Addison's days, before he married, were almost wholly spent in the tavern and the coffee-house—that is, in conversation with his friends. Pope says that Addison studied all the morning, then met his party at Button's, dined there, sat for five or six hours, sometimes far into the night,—a way of life that may possibly
account for his early death. The Smyrna, the St. James's, the Bedford, the British in turn became the resort of the wits.
The Chapter Coffee-house must not be omitted. The men of letters and the wits frequented Will's, Button's, the St. James's, the Bedford, and the Smyrna; but the Chapter Coffee-house was sacred to the trade which grew rich on the men of letters and the wits. The meetings of booksellers took place in the great room of this house; here they bought and sold their copyrights and stock; here they arranged about sharing the risk of a new venture; here the literary hacks used to go in search of employment. The house is described as containing many small rooms, low and having heavy beams running across them; the walls were wainscoted breast-high; the staircase was shallow and broad and dark. It became the place of resort of visitors who wished to learn what was going on in the world of letters, and came here to listen to the talk. Young Chatterton was one of the country visitors. Towards the close of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, there was a knot of scholars and writers who assembled here every evening. I think they talked for the house to hear them, and talked of such subjects as the visitors came to hear—books and authors. Among them—the names
are no longer greatly distinguished—were Dr. Buchan, the author of *Domestic Medicine*; Mr. Murray, a Scots minister; Dr. Birdman, Master of the Charterhouse; Walker, the dictionary-maker; several physicians; Robinson, the bookseller; Alexander Chalmers, his workman; and many others. It was a noisy box in which they sat. But when they died, one by one, and no others came to take their place, the Chapter Coffee-house fell into decay.
When we read of Dryden in his accustomed place by the fire, of Addison, Pope, Swift, and the other great men in their places at the coffee-house, we fail to realise the animated, cheerful flow of conversation which went on around them. The "wits" included a great many men whose names are now forgotten, except by those who have dwelt long among the records and memories of the century. Those who haunted Will's were not always waiting in silence for the oracle of the great man. Quite the contrary: they were carrying on their own discourse, and producing their own impromptu epigram and repartee. Let me, for instance, attempt to introduce the reader to some of the company at Old Slaughter's, St. Martin's Lane. Some of them were called "members," as if the place—tavern and coffee-house—was a club-house. I think, however, that "member" meant no more than frequenter in most cases. There was a club, like one of the clubs founded by Johnson, which met once a week. But on every evening of the week the house was filled with a company, numerous, distinguished, artistic, scholarly, literary. Old Slaughter's was, in fact, a true literary club of the eighteenth century. Not so much a club containing the leaders of any branch of intellectual achievement, with a great many who were neither leaders nor rank-and-file, but a society of which we have no modern successor, including all the "men of the time," the craftsmen of Art and Literature—of whom a few are still remembered, but most are long since forgotten.
At Old Slaughter's, coffee was not the only beverage called for: wine and punch could also be obtained, and were called for every evening. The head waiter, called "Sock" by the *habitue's*, was the natural son of an actor well known in his day, named Spiller; Sock was also called the "Punch Spiller," a joke which was repeated every evening, one of those jokes which never fail to be well received. The fellow inherited not only his father's face, but also some of his father's genius; he was an excellent mimic.
As for the frequenters and the members, I fear that a list would be something like Homer's list of warriors long, long ago—names and only names. But they may serve our purpose to show something of the literary and artistic side of London. The company was especially rich in painters. Here one could meet—not all together at the same time—Gainsborough; Hogarth, whose death made all London sad; Ramsay, son of Allan Ramsay the poet, himself a portrait-painter; Frank Hayman, scene-painter, who was also a member of the Beefsteak Club, the Spiller's Head,
Clare Market, and other convivial resorts; Oman, who painted halls and staircases; Kettle, member of the Academy in St. Martin's Lane, where they taught painting from the nude; Roquet, a Swiss, who painted on enamel, and wrote in 1755 a work on the *Present State of Art in England*; Samuel Scott, a friend of Hogarth's, one of the famous Gravesend party, painter of the picture of London Bridge now in the South Kensington Museum; Gerard Vandergucht, engraver; Shipley, painter; Richard Wilson, landscape-painter; Frank Vandermins, portrait-painter, always with a pipe in his mouth; Jonathan Richardson, painter; George Lambert, the
WILLIAM HOGARTH
From the picture painted by himself, in the National Gallery, London.
father and founder of the present Beefsteak Club,—his name stands first on the original list of members, that of Hogarth second; at Old Slaughter's, Lambert was acknowledged King of the Club; Jack Laguerre, son of Pope's Laguerre—
"Where sprawl the saints of Verrio and Laguerre"—scene-painter and a fellow of great wit and mimicry;—these members alone were enough to constitute a club of great distinction. In letters, there were Dr. Johnson; Arbuthnot; Cheyne; Stukeley the antiquary, who possessed a fine collection of caricatures; Thomas Martin; Ducarel, the librarian of Lambeth; Mathew Matey,
principal librarian of the British Museum; F. Grose, antiquary and humorist; David Garrick; Henry Fielding; Gostling the antiquary, who had a room in the house where he slept and kept his treasures, notably a set of sketches drawn by Butler himself to illustrate *Hudibras*; Dr. Chauncey, connoisseur and collector of black-letter books; Dr. Messenger Mouncey, physician to Chelsea College; Dr. Hoadley, physician to the Royal Household; Langford the auctioneer, who sold Hogarth's among other pictures; and lastly, Caleb Whitefoord, wine-merchant of Craven Street, who knew all the wits and loved them all. No doubt there were others like the honest Caleb, whose names have not been preserved. In every literary club or society there are always plenty who get in for no merit of their own, but because they take pride and pleasure in knowing literary and artistic people.
This list suggests great possibilities of social evenings. Johnson was seen there, but he did not rule there; Fielding was seen there, but he did not rule there. There are so many who are set down as humorists, mimics, and physicians—who are always good company,—that one is quite certain as to the mirth and merriment, the convivial hours, the songs and the punch-bowls which made Old Slaughter's so great a place of resort. One feels that if the "brilliant epigrams" of the Beefsteaks were wanting, there were good stories by the hundred; good things said by the thousand—none the worse because they were not barbed epigrams nor reflections on a man's calling. I do not think that at Old Slaughter's it was the custom to call a painter "Turps"; or a soap-manufacturer "Suds"; or Mr. Caleb Whitefoord, the wine-merchant of Craven Street, "Corks." If we want to know the kind of conversation which pleased the members of "Old Slaughter's," we have only to read Hogarth's account of his Tour to Gravesend. The members, in fact, were a genial, jovial brotherhood; they loved broad strokes of wit and humour; they laughed at the expected more than the unexpected; they sought no reputation for wit; they loved each other too much to stab with an epigram; most of them were comfortable bourgeois, with wit and genius which helped them out of the ruck of the class to which they belonged; they did not desire to enlist princes and royal dukes into their society like the Beefsteaks; nor noble lords like the Literary Society. The presence of a royal duke would have frozen them; the entrance of a noble lord would have cleared the room.
The coffee-house rapidly ceased to be a place of resort for people of the better kind, but it acquired a new lease of life when the demand for newspapers and the habit of reading newspapers descended the social ladder and therefore increased enormously. They were then frequented by men who came, not to talk, but to read; the smaller tradesmen and the better class of mechanic now came to the coffee-house, called for a cup of coffee, and with it the daily paper, which they could not afford to take in. Every coffee-house took three or four papers; there seems to have been in this latter phase of the once social institution no general conversation. The coffeehouse as a place of resort and conversation gradually declined; one can hardly say why, except that all human institutions do decay. Perhaps manners declined; the leaders in literature ceased to be seen there; the city clerk began to crowd in; the tavern and the club drew men from the coffee-house.
The club at its first beginning was a gathering of a small circle of friends for social intercourse and drinking. Its members were a selection from the general body of frequenters at a coffee-house. Early in the century there sprang up a profusion of clubs. A dozen shopkeepers in Cheapside agreed to meet together every Friday evening, perhaps from seven till ten. They drew up rules: every man was to spend so much and no more; there were fines for non-attendance; they could not bring strangers—it was their own club for themselves alone. In Ned Ward's *Secret History of Clubs* there is found a list of clubs which never existed save in the writer's imagination; but there were so many clubs and so various in kind that this book has actually been received and quoted as if it were a true account. The Early Club, the Atheistical Club, the Broken Shopkeepers' Club, the Ugly Face Club, the Lying Club, and the rest, were of course sheer imaginings and inventions;
so that it is amusing to find the book taken seriously by many writers. The club, then, was entirely social in its intention, yet narrowed to a society of friends. The tavern and the coffee-house were open to all the world; the club closed its doors to all the world. A few clubs yet survive which maintain the same spirit of separation; the modern clubs which allow strangers on condition that they are introduced by members, and that the members shall be responsible for the good conduct of their guests, have departed from the first practice, the first meaning, of a club.
In the early years of the club there were many which played a distinguished part in history. The October, a club of Tories, for instance; the Brothers' Club; the Scribblers' Club; the Kit-Kat, are all well known for the position and rank of their members.
The mughouse belongs to this period. It was hardly a club, since it does not appear that there was an election. It was held at an alehouse; nothing but beer was drunk; every member had his own mug; there was a chairman to keep order; toasts and healths were proposed; songs were given; a harper played. This kind of gathering, which admitted all classes to membership, became for a time extremely popular; on the accession of George I. it was used for political purposes, especially by the Whigs. As a weapon against the Tories, mughouse clubs were established in various parts of London. There was one in St. John's Lane; one at Salisbury Court, Fleet Street; one in Long Acre; one at the Harp in Tower Street; one at the Roebuck in Whitechapel; one in Tavistock Street; at the Roebuck in Cheapside; and at the Magpie and Stump, Old Bailey; with many others. Now it is, or was, the custom for the London mob to take up, with immense zeal, whatever cause was supposed to be opposite to that of the respectable citizens. The London citizens of respectability were largely Hanoverians; therefore, naturally, the mob became Jacobites. We have seen how the citizens fought the mob.
There were as many clubs towards the close of the eighteenth century as there had been coffee-houses at the beginning. Some of them had their own house, but most of them were very small clubs meeting once or twice a week. Many of the coffee-houses became clubs; in this way, for the first time, clubs began to have their own houses; thus White's became a gambling club. Many of the clubs, again, were political rather than social.
A great deal has been written upon the Mohocks' Club. Certainly, the town firmly believed in the Mohocks, but, as has been pointed out elsewhere, their existence cannot be proved. Addison's paper in the *Spectator* on the subject has been taken quite seriously; perhaps he himself partly believed in the half of what he set down. Swift certainly believed in their atrocious exploits. So did Gay (*Trivia*, iii. p. 161):
"Who has not trembled at the Mohocks' name?
Was there a watchman took his hourly rounds,
Safe from their blows, or new-invented wounds?"
I pass their desp'rate deeds, and mischiefs done,
Where from Snow-hill black steepy torrents run;
How matrons, hoist'd within the hogshead's womb,
Were tumbled furious thence, the rolling tomb
O'er the stones thunders, bounds from side to side;
So Regulus to save his country died."
The Bold Bucks and the Hell Fire Club were actual descendants of the mythical Mohocks. Their proceedings, however, must be taken with very great allowance and very large deductions. For instance, when we hear of their scouring the streets and murdering everybody they met, we naturally ask for some names of murdered persons. There are none. And when we read of the Medmenham Franciscans, we may remember that their orgies, if any, were celebrated in privacy, among themselves, and that it is extremely unlikely that they would tell the world what went on, if the thing was scandalous or blasphemous.
The clubs, in a word, belonged to every class of society, from the Royal Family downward. They brought the men together and taught much by the exchange of knowledge in conversation; they taught manners to people who would otherwise have had no manners at all; they civilised and humanised; and, which cannot be denied, they encouraged drinking. That they kept the men from their homes can
hardly be charged upon the clubs, because the tavern would have done the same thing if there had been no club.
There has been much discussion as to the origin of the word "club." The thing itself—what Aubrey calls a "sodality in a tavern"—existed before the name. There was the "sodality" of the Mermaid, said to have been founded by Raleigh, of which Shakespeare, Beaumont, Donne, Selden, and others, were members. There was also Ben Jonson's "sodality" of Apollo. The word "club" seems to have been first used about the year 1659. There were clubs for social purposes, political clubs, and clubs for mutual support and help.
Let us consider the more important clubs of the time—not Ned Ward's clubs. First in importance as well as in order of date must be reckoned the Kit-Kat Club, founded in the year 1700 by a society of thirty-nine noblemen and gentlemen. Behind an appearance of conviviality they concealed a perfectly serious purpose, viz. to organise a central place for the leaders in the Hanoverian party. Among them were six dukes, five earls, two barons, Sir Robert Walpole, Vanbrugh, Congreve, Grenville, Addison, Garth, Mainwaring, Stepney, and Walsh. Their early history is quite obscure. It is not known why they were called the Kit-Kat Club, whether from Christopher Katt, who appears to be a shadowy person, or from the name of a popular mutton pie—Kit-Kat. Jacob Tonson, the bookseller, was the secretary. It is said that they met at first in Shire Lane, Temple Bar, the lane next to Bell Court on the west. This lane is now covered by the Clock Tower of the High Courts of Justice. Perhaps in the year 1700 it was not so unsavoury a place as it became later, before it was cleared away. What the club did in its serious vein is not known; in its convivial hours it made verses on famous toasts and engraved them on the toast-glasses. The following lines were written by Lord Halifax:
"The Duchess of Beaufort
Offspring of a tuneful sire,
Blest with more than mortal fire;
Likeness of a Mother's face,
Blest with more than mortal grace;
You with double charms surprise
With his wit, and with her eyes."
"The Lady Sunderland
All Nature's charms in Sunderland appear,
Bright as her eyes, and as her reason clear;
Yet still their force to man not safely known,
Seems undiscover'd to herself alone."
Every member presented his picture by Sir Godfrey Kneller to Jacob Tonson. In the summer the club met at the Upper Flask, Hampstead.
The "Royal Society Club" or the "Club of Royal Philosophers" was founded
in the year 1743 for the convenience of Fellows of the Royal Society on days when the Society met. The following were the rules:
"Rules and Orders to be observed by the Thursday's Club, called the Royal Philosophers:—
A dinner to be ordered every Thursday for six, at one shilling and sixpence a head for eating. As many more as come to pay one shilling and sixpence per head each. If fewer than six come, the deficiency to be paid out of the fund subscribed. Each subscriber to pay down six shillings, viz. for four dinners, to make a fund. A pint of wine to be paid for by every one that comes, be the number what it will, and no more, unless more wine is brought in than that amounts to."
Forty was agreed upon as the number of members. The club met at the Mitre. The club was continued at least up to the year 1860.
The Cocoa-tree Club grew out of a chocolate-house. It was the headquarters of the Jacobite party, and was made into a club shortly before the Pretender's attempt upon the country.
The dinner-hour of the eighteenth century can never be stated with exactness, even when we speak of people of fashion; in fact, there was no rule: it was a movable feast. We find in 1743 the Philosophers dining at six. In 1764 the noblemen and gentlemen founding Almack's Club made a rule that dinner should be served up exactly at half-past four, and the bill should be brought in at seven. This little club was extremely exclusive, and would allow none of its members to belong to any other club except Old White's. It was a club of high play.
"The gaming at Almack's," writes Walpole to Mann, 2nd February 1770, "which has taken the pas of White's, is worthy the decline of our empire, or commonwealth, which you please. The young men of the age lose ten, fifteen, twenty thousand pounds in an evening there. Lord Stavordale, not one-and-twenty, lost £11,000 there last Tuesday, but recovered it by one great hand at hazard. He swore a great oath, 'Now, if I had been playing deep, I might have won millions.' His cousin, Charles Fox, shines equally there and in the House of Commons. He was twenty-one yesterday se'nnight, and is already one of our best speakers. Yesterday he was made a Lord of the Admiralty."
Almack, proprietor of the Thatched House Tavern in St. James's Street, built in King Street the suite of assembly rooms named after him. The world has forgotten Almack's Club, but it remembers Almack's Assemblies, the admission to which was formerly a prize which transformed a woman into one of the leaders of Society. Not to belong to Almack's, to be refused admission, meant that the unfortunate girl had no claim to belong to the really high circles. Perhaps it added to the humiliation that the ladies of the committee gave no reason for rejection.
"All on that magic list depends:
Fame, fortune, fashion, lovers, friends;
'Tis that which gratifies or vexes
All ranks, all ages, and both sexes.
If once to Almack's you belong,
Like monarchs, you can do no wrong:
But banished thence on Wednesday night,
By Jove, you can do nothing right."
There may be at the present moment exclusive circles the members of which believe that they alone represent the aristocracy of Great Britain, but one does not hear of them; no one applies for admission, no one therefore meets with any humiliation, and it matters nothing to the world whether such an exclusive circle is kept up or not.
Almack's Club, which was in Pall Mall, was transferred to a wine merchant and money-lender named Brooke. Of Brooke's, Tickell wrote to Sheridan:
"Derby shall send, if not his plate, his cooks,
And know, I've brought the best champagne from Brooke's,
From liberal Brooke, whose speculative skill
Is hasty credit and a distant bill;
Who, nursed in clubs, disdains a vulgar trade,
Exults to trust, and blushes to be paid."
In 1778 the club was removed from Pall Mall to No. 60 St. James's Street. Among the early members were Burke and Sir Joshua Reynolds, Garrick, Hume, Horace Walpole, Sheridan, Wilberforce, the Duke of Queensberry, George Selwyn.
Arthur's Club was originally Arthur's Chocolate-house. It was rebuilt in 1825.
White's Club, also a chocolate-house originally, was founded in 1692 and burned down in 1733, the gamesters being disturbed in the manner portrayed in "The Rake's Progress." The proprietor then removed to the opposite side of St. James's Street. In 1755 it was again removed to the east side, No. 38.
White's was from the outset a house of high play. Innumerable are the gambling stories connected with the club. Chesterfield, Bubb Doddington, Colley Cibber, Horace Walpole, Charles James Fox, and Selwyn are among the names of the bygone members. No one could be a member unless he was a man of fortune as well as family. Apparently the club was expensive in its charges, for we find that in 1780 the house dinner cost 12s., and in 1797, 10s. 6d. a head without wine; also that hot suppers could be had at 8s. or cold meat at 4s. Hazard was played all night long and every night. Whist was also played.
Boodle's Club, like White's and Brooke's, was a club for gentlemen—that is, for men of rank and good family only. Its traditions are less picturesque than those of White's, and the play is not reported to have been so ruinous. Its distinctive points were its entertainments.
In the year 1764 a subscription club, at one guinea a year, was founded at Tom's Coffee-house. This was another indication of the desire to limit the company from the catholic publicity of the coffee-house, which any one with a decent coat might enter, to those whose society might be desired, or at least tolerated. We have seen how the St. James's Clubs grew out of chocolate- and coffee-houses; the development of Tom's was another step in the same direction. But Tom's was neither a club of high play nor was it an aristocratic
club; stars and ribbons were seen there in the evening; poets, dramatists, essayists, travellers, lawyers, divines, physicians—in a word, all the "wits"—were found on the lists of the club. It is said that there were 700 members, but this would mean, apparently, 700 from the beginning to the end. The club had only two rooms, both on the first floor—a card-room and a conversation-room—so that 700 members all present together would be impossible. Among the members were Arthur Murphy, Garrick, Sir John Fielding, Lord Clive, Johnson, George Colman, Dr. Dodd, Goldsmith, and Samuel Foote. The club probably declined and fell into decay, for we hear no more about it, and the coffee-house business was closed in 1815. It is noticeable, however, as the first club in which noblemen associated on equal terms with the professional classes, the first club in which men of good family sat down on terms of equality with men of no family.
The number of minor clubs of the last century is enormous. As stated above, we must not take Ned Ward's account of clubs, as many writers have done, to be real—there were no such clubs as the Noseless, or the Lying Club; nor are we to
accept the *Spectator*'s clubs, such as the Fat Men, the Tall Men, the One-Eyed Men, the Everlasting, where they are always sitting and always drinking. There were, however, many clubs with general names: the "Great Bottle Club," the "Sons of the Thames," the "No Pay no Liquor Club," the "Society of Bucks," the "Purl Drinkers," and so forth.
There were coffee-houses where a certain society of men would meet and occupy one part of the room night after night, until they came to be regarded as a club. Thus at the Chapter Coffee-house, of which I have already spoken, at the end of the eighteenth century, a certain knot of well-known scholars occupied the same box every evening, and were called the Witenagemot. People came to the coffee-house in order to listen to the arguments and criticisms of this coterie. This
company, which attracted many visitors and filled the boxes of the coffee-house, took supper at a shilling and drank punch freely. It fell to pieces by degrees and was not replaced. One reason of its decay was the growing habit, among the better sort, of staying at home in the evening.
Debating societies were sometimes called clubs. Thus at the Clifford Street Coffee-house a club was held for the purposes of debate. Here George Canning practised the art of oratory, attack, and reply. The members of this club belonged to a superior class. Those of the Robin Hood Club—a much more famous club—
DR. JOHNSON
From an unfinished sketch in oils by James Barry, R.A., in the National Portrait Gallery, London.
belonged to all classes. Burke practised at the Robin Hood. Goldsmith also was a member, though for the most part a silent one.
Dr. Johnson's club life forms a large part of his biography. There was never any man more clubbable. He loved to talk; his full mind overflowed; he was only happy when he was seated in his chair at a club with scholars and poets round him. First and foremost among his clubs was that distinguished circle called afterwards the "Literary Club." It was founded by Johnson and Sir Joshua Reynolds in the year 1764. It was at first limited to nine, viz. Johnson, Reynolds, Hawkins, Beauclerk, Bennet Langton, Edmund Burke, Dr. Nugent, Chamier, and Oliver Goldsmith. They very soon broke their rule of limitation, and in a few years the
list of members numbered twelve. They met at first on Monday evening at the Turk's Head in Gerrard Street. They then changed their day to Friday, and agreed to dine together once a fortnight during the sitting of Parliament. In 1773 they raised their numbers to twenty; subsequently to twenty-five, thirty, thirty-five, and forty. The club still exists, and I believe, for I have not seen the list of members, has a roll of members distinguished in arms as well as letters. But the club no longer possesses any influence in literature, nor is any distinction understood to be conferred by membership. The list of members, however, for the first forty years of its existence is most remarkable, and certainly unequalled for the distinction of the members by any other club in the long list of such institutions. The names of Johnson, Goldsmith, Burke, Reynolds, Garrick, Colman, the two Wartons, Hallam, Milman, Frere, Steevens, Burney, Sir William Jones, Joseph Banks, Sheridan, Canning, Brougham, Macaulay, Fox, Lords Lansdowne and Aberdeen, Professor Owen, Bosworth, Adam Smith, Bishops Blomfield, Wilberforce, and Douglas, Sir Charles Eastlake, Sir Henry Halford, Lords Ashburton, Stowell, and Overstone, and Sir George Cornewall Lewis form indeed a long and splendid list.
In 1783, the landlord of the Turk's Head dying, the club was moved to Prince's in Sackville Street. When this house was closed they went to Thomas's in Dover Street; thence in 1792 to Parsloe's in St. James's Street; and in February 1799 to the Thatched House. Here also the "Society of Dilettanti" met. When the Thatched House was pulled down the club went to the Clarendon Hotel in Bond Street; in 1869 they moved to Willis's Rooms. The chair is taken by the members in turn, the only permanent official being the treasurer. The following is the list of treasurers from the commencement:—E. Malone, Sir H. C. Englefield, Rev. Dr. Charles Burney, Hatchett, Dean Milman, Sir Edmund Head, Henry Reeve, C.B. The election of a member is conveyed to him in a letter the form of which is never changed:
"Sir, I have the pleasure to inform you that you had last night the honour of being elected a member of the Club. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient humble servant."
Johnson founded two other clubs, the Ivy Lane and the Essex Head. These clubs were both intended for good talk—that is, the talk of scholars and men who had read. Goldsmith's clubs, on the contrary, were places where men met to sing, drink, and play the fool. One of them was the Shilling Whist Club at the Devil Tavern, Fleet Street; another was held at the Globe Tavern in the same street.
The Dilettanti Society, which exists still, was formed in the year 1734. It was a perfectly serious Society, intended to promote the study and cultivation of Art, which at the time of its foundation was at its lowest and most decayed condition. The Society has done great and signal service by its publications and its antiquarian researches.
The Beefsteak Club—the sublime Society of Beefsteaks—was founded in the reign of Queen Anne and before the year 1709, in which year it is mentioned in Dr. King's *Art of Cookery*. The early history of this club and that of the Sublime Society of Steaks which took its place are somewhat obscure. It seems, however, well ascertained that the present is the second club, and that their gridiron dates from 1735. In 1754 the Society is described as meeting every Saturday in a noble room at the top of Covent Garden Theatre, to dine on beefsteaks. George Lambert, Hogarth, Churchill, Wilkes, Garrick, Colman, Linley the brother of Mrs. Sheridan, Arthur Murphy, Bonnell Thornton, Tickell, Lord Sandwich (expelled for his treatment of Wilkes), Kemble, and Charles Morris—Captain Morris—the poet of the Sublime Society, were among the members of the club. The Prince of Wales and the Duke of Sussex were also members.
The Society, as a club, still exists and flourishes. The dinners, we are told, were formerly "radiant with the sallies of wit and epigram." In other words, everyone was allowed the most complete license of speech, the only condition being that there should be the accompaniment of wit and epigram. This kind of sparkling dialogue, often adorned with flints and broken glass instead of diamonds, was much
admired by some. For instance, on one occasion the chairman, an alderman, suffered the whole evening from continuous flashes of this forked lightning. It was, doubtless, because it is so stated, a perfect hailstorm of wit, and it was directed against him by the vice-chairman. At last he lost his patience and cried out, "I wish I had another vice-chairman, so that I could have a gentleman opposite to me." "Why," said the other, "you cannot be more opposite to a gentleman than you are at present." When we read of these feasts of wit, we must admire the patience of those who endured the things that were said. It seems to us, in these latter days, when there is said to be no conversation, that the boasted wit of that time mainly consisted in calling each other, at unexpected moments, and with the aid of unexpected materials, ass, dolt, cad, person of ignoble birth, person of repulsive appearance, person of uncleanly habits, person of contemptible calling. Now and then there would be something said that was extremely witty and unexpected. In the intervals of the wit they took turns to sing songs in praise of wine and women, or in praise of women only. The poet of the Beefsteak Club, Captain Charles Morris, who died at the age of ninety, has left two volumes of facile, fluent verse, the whole of it devoted to the praise of punch and port and woman. It is difficult to get through these two volumes. Perhaps one of the losses of the present age is that we no longer sing and laugh and call each other names at our clubs. The eighteenth was, certainly, a robust and a cheerful century. Formerly, at all the clubs except those of the West End, which were devoted to gaming, at all the taverns, at all the coffee-houses, at the "mug-houses," from one box to another arose in succession the song uplifted for the pleasure of the company. But men became less convivial; the fashion of sitting at taverns and at clubs, drinking punch and singing, died out, partly because people during the long war became poor and pinched in circumstances; partly because they left London and went to live in the suburbs. Charles Morris outlived his own songs; in the year 1827 a writer on London amusements laments that a song is seldom heard at the Cock.
It was to the Beefsteak that Wilkes presented his Essay on Woman privately, trusting to the honour of the members, who, if they disapproved of the poem, would at least destroy it and say nothing about it. In fact, the grossness of the poem greatly offended the Society, and Wilkes ceased to attend its dinners. But that Lord Sandwich should stand up in his place in the House of Lords in order to move that Wilkes, for this production, privately communicated to him under cover of his honour, should be taken into custody, was an act of private treason fouler than any that can be recorded against the House of Lords in that age. Thinking of "Jemmy Twitcher," one reads Churchill's lines about him with a peculiar satisfaction:—
"From his youth upwards to the present day,
When vices more than years have made him grey;
When riotous excess with wasteful hand
Shakes life's frail glass, and hastes each ebbing sand;"
Unmindful from what stock he drew his birth,
Untainted with one deed of real worth—
Lothario, holding honour at no price,
Folly to folly, added vice to vice,
Wrought sin with greediness, and courted shame
With greater zeal than good men seek for fame."
The members at one time wore a kind of uniform: a blue coat with red cape and cuffs, and buttons with the initials B. S. It reminds one of the Pickwick Club, whose members also distinguished and decorated themselves in the same way.
It would be a grave omission not to give an example of the Anacreontic verse which delighted the Beefsteaks; the poet delighted them also with the punch which he alone was suffered to compound for them. I have ventured to make one extract from the *Lyra Urbanica*. The reader will recognise that an old-world flavour is already clinging to the lines. The reader will also remember that all this fine sentiment about love and beauty was perfectly conventional. There was no time when there was less gallantry. Puritanism and port and punch among them had killed the spirit of gallantry. These topers never made love, except to the ladies of Covent Garden, and despised the insipid society of women of their own class.
"Come a toast,—'tis dismal weather,
Wine must clear this darken'd air;
Sunshine from the glass we'll gather,
Beauty's image slumbers there;
Bright in Passion's magic mirror,
Glow her charms when touch'd with wine;
Venus wakes if Fancy stir her,
And her sweetest smile is thine.
Like these icy clouds that blight us,
Reasoning sinks the heart with spleen;
But the sparkling goblets light us
Up to Love's celestial scene—
Dreams of joy will there transport thee,
Hope in fair fruition shine;
Sweetly varying visions court thee;
And a sip will make them thine.
Love's the charm for life allotted,
Cheerful cups exalt the plan;
'Tis the cold who live besotted,
Care's the muddled state of man—
Mark the toils of Pride and Power,
See their victims fret in gloom;
Mirth's the plant of Nature's bower,
And a sprinkle makes it bloom."
The club set apart a room in a tavern for the convenience of its members; the coffee-house admitted the whole world; the tavern, which provided dinner or supper, with wine and strong drink of every kind, was not a rival to either, yet was filled both with those who belonged to a club and those who frequented a coffee-house.
Many of the old inns remained through the eighteenth century—in a few
cases to the present day. For instance, the Belle Sauvage on Ludgate Hill, the Bull and Mouth, the Swan with Two Necks, the George and Blue Boar, the Tabard, the Hercules' Pillars, and many others. In fact, it is only by the site becoming too valuable for a tavern that an old inn is destroyed. It was not, however, on account of their antiquity that taverns were popular, but on account of their catering. Pontack's, for instance, the best place for dinners in London, was opened in the reign of William III., and lasted for three-quarters of a century. Here a dinner might be ordered, Defoe says, from 4s. or 5s. a head to a guinea or what you please. The best wines were charged 7s. a bottle.
Of eighteenth-century taverns the most memorable are the Boar's Head, called in 1739 the chief tavern in London; Pontack's, the above-mentioned famous dining-place; the Old Swan in Thames Street; the Mitre in Wood Street, which had associations with Pepys; the Salutation and Cat in Newgate Street, which was connected with Sir Christopher Wren, and later with Coleridge and Charles Lamb; the African, St. Michael's Alley, frequented by Porson; the Globe, Fleet Street, used by Goldsmith, Macklin, Akerman the keeper of Newgate, and Woodfall the reporter. Concerning the Devil tavern, as of the Boar's Head and many others, a whole history might be written. I have elsewhere noticed the Apollo Club, which was held at the Devil. The Cock of Fleet Street has been made immortal by Tennyson. Pepys frequented the tavern two hundred years before Tennyson. Hercules' Pillars was an alley opposite St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet Street; it was entirely occupied by taverns. The Mitre in Fleet Street was not the present tavern of the name, which is in a court off Fleet Street: it was No. 39 Fleet Street, and was taken down to enlarge Hoare's Banking House. The Mitre was Dr. Johnson's favourite house for supper. There were also the Fountain, in the Strand; the Coal Hole, where the visitors sang songs every night; and the Rose, Covent Garden, a house of extremely bad reputation:
"Not far from thence appears a pendent sign,
Whose bush declares the product of the vine,
Whence to the traveller's sight the full-blown Rose
Its dazzling beauties doth in gold disclose,
And painted faces flock in tally'd clothes."
Bishopsgate Street Without was famous for its inns. Among them was the White Hart, formerly the Magpie, which stood beside the gateway of Bethlehem Priory, supposed to have been the original hostelry of the Priory, afterwards an inn for travellers and carriers who arrived after the gates had been closed, or desired, for other reasons, to lie outside the city. This was rebuilt in 1480 and was standing in 1810. It was rebuilt in 1829 and stood at the corner of Liverpool Street. Then there was the Bull, where Burbage and his friend performed in the courtyard. Hebron, the Cambridge carrier, used this inn, and on a wall was his effigy in fresco.
One Van Horn frequented the house and drank in his time 35,680 bottles of wine, i.e. three bottles a day for thirty years of continuous drinking. There were also the Green Dragon, the Catherine Wheel (the last to be destroyed), and some others.
In 1881 the old inn called the Half Moon, which stood on the west side of Aldersgate Street, was taken down. The house is described by a visitor in 1866 as being filled with carved woodwork of an elaborate kind, and curious panelling. Under a piece of the woodwork was once found a coin dated 1596. These lines of Ben Jonson’s refer to the “Half Moon.” He went there in search of sack, but finding it closed, repaired to the “Sun” in Long Acre, where he wrote as follows:
“Since the ‘Half Moon’ is so unkind
To make me go about,
The ‘Sun’ my money now shall have,
The ‘Moon’ shall go without.”
The house, a striking object in the street, with its projecting gables, quaint orielis and bow windows, was known locally as “Shakespeare’s House.”
The third print in “The Rake’s Progress,” showing a midnight debauch, depicts a room at the Rose. The persons represented are all portraits; this becomes apparent if one studies the faces of the women; there is, however, a contemporary “key” in doggerel which gives the name of every one. The fellow with a silver or pewter tray and a candle entering at the door is the porter of the house; everybody at the time recognised the man and understood the meaning of the tray.
Evans’, Covent Garden, is a historic house. Here lived Sir Kenelm Digby after the Restoration; here lived Admiral Russell, afterwards Earl of Orford. The house was opened as a hotel in 1774; for a long time it was famous for its dinners. Its large room was then used as a singing-room; in 1855 the site of the garden was used for the building of a great hall where singing of glees and other entertainments were carried on. The place was closed about five-and-twenty years ago. Since then the house has been used as a club, but not, I believe, successfully.
The Cider Cellar, like the Coal Hole, was a “Midnight Concert-Room.” Porson came here frequently. Offley’s, Henrietta Street, was another singing-house, but of a higher class; the performers were all amateurs. The Heaven and Hell taverns, Westminster, were two ale-houses or eating-houses abutting on Westminster Hall. Fuller writes of the latter:
“I could wish it had another name, seeing it is ill jesting with edged tools. I am informed that formerly this place was appointed a prison for the King’s debtors, who never were freed thence until they had paid their uttermost due demanded of them. This proverb is since applied to moneys paid into the Exchequer, which thence are irrecoverable, upon what plea or pretence whatever.”
At the Star and Garter, Pall Mall, was fought the fatal duel between Lord Byron and Mr. Chaworth. There had been a somewhat lively discussion, other gentlemen being present. Mr. Chaworth said in conclusion, “As to myself, your
lordship knows where to find me, in Berkeley Row." He presently paid his reckoning and went out.
"Lord Byron now came out, and found Mr. Chaworth still on the stairs; it is doubtful whether his lordship called upon Mr. Chaworth or Mr. Chaworth called upon Lord Byron; but both went down to the first landing-place—having dined upon the second floor—and both called a waiter to show an empty room, which the waiter did, having first opened the door, and placed a small tallow-candle, which he had in his hand, on the table; he then retired, when the gentlemen entered and shut the door after them.
In a few minutes the affair was decided; the bell was rung, but by whom is uncertain; the waiter went up, and perceiving what had happened, ran down very frightened, told his master of the catastrophe, when he ran up to the room, and found the two antagonists standing close together; Mr. Chaworth had his sword in his left hand, and Lord Byron his sword in his right; Lord Byron's left hand was round Mr. Chaworth, and Mr. Chaworth's right hand was round Lord Byron's neck, and over his shoulder. Mr. Chaworth desired Mr. Fynmore, the landlord, to take his sword, and Lord Byron delivered up his sword at the same moment; a surgeon was sent for and came immediately. In the meantime, six of the company entered the room; when Mr. Chaworth said that he could not live many hours, that he forgave Lord Byron, and hoped the world would; that the affair had passed in the dark, only a small tallow-candle burning in the room; that Lord Byron asked him, if he addressed the observation on the game to Sir Charles Sedley or to him; to which he replied, 'If you have anything to say, we had better shut the door'; that while he was doing this, Lord Byron bid him draw, and in turning he saw his lordship's sword half-drawn, on which he whipped out his own sword and made the first pass; that the sword being through my lord's waistcoat, he thought that he had killed him; and, asking whether he was not mortally wounded, Lord Byron, while he was speaking, shortened his sword and stabbed him in the belly."
The London tavern was famous for its turtle and its immense wine-cellars. Freemasons' tavern, Great Queen Street, and the Glacière, Aldersgate, perhaps make up the list of those taverns which are most worthy of members.
The taverns were more than dining-rooms and the home of clubs. They were frequented as private places where business could be transacted in quiet over a bottle. The attorney attended every day at the tavern, where he met his client and took him to a private room, where the case was discussed over a bottle. The architect produced his plans and his estimates in a tavern—over a bottle. Bargains were concluded in a tavern—over a bottle. Booksellers divided their new books into shares, and sold their old books to each other in a tavern—over a bottle. Every new venture, every new company, was first considered and finally concluded in a tavern—over a bottle. So prevalent was this custom that, in the small area included between Threadneedle Street and Lombard Street, and Gracechurch Street and Bishopsgate Street in the east, there were thirty-three taverns and coffee-houses. Some of the taverns were also, of course, inns. Thus, the High Streets outside the gates—Bishopsgate, Aldersgate or Aldgate—were lined with inns. Those who came from the north put up at an inn in Bishopsgate Street Without. Those who came from Kent or the south went to the Tabard or the Queen's Head or the George of Southwark. These taverns had extensive yards round which they were built in open galleries; the yards were filled with the loaded waggons just arrived from the country on their way to distribution, or just about to
leave London. In the yard, also, were the post-chaise of the better-class traveller, the high gig of the bagman, the stage-coach and the stage waggon and the carrier's cart. Within there were small private rooms where the guests took their meals and performed their business; the food was good, the wine black and sweet and strong; the bedrooms were cold and draughty, the doors opening on the unprotected galleries, but the bed was heavily curtained and the feather bed deep; there was no comfort in the private house to compare with that of a great London tavern. "The true felicity of human life," said Dr. Johnson, "is in a tavern." To sit every evening among a group of men who seemed never sad, never oppressed, never anxious—the atmosphere of the tavern forbade the entrance of care—attracted all men alike. The shopkeeper spent most of his time and much more of his money than he could afford in the tavern. When he broke—an event which then happened much more commonly than at present—he generally retired into the Fleet or the King's Bench, and there he would have been wretched indeed but for the fact that he found a tavern in the prison.
The morning draught, which Pepys notices in the seventeenth century, continued to be a common practice long after the introduction of tea for breakfast. It was just a part of the drinking habits of the time. We are sometimes told by those who love a good round sweeping assertion, that the shopkeepers in the eighteenth century spent most of their time at the tavern. This is, of course, a ridiculous exaggeration. The wealth and trade of London, which increased enormously during the latter part of the century, was never created or enlarged by drunkards; nor did those citizens who spent all their days in the tavern commonly retire, when age fell upon them, to the comfortable villa on Clapham Common.
We must not forget the barmaid, to whom frequent reference is made. She is described by Tom Brown as "all ribbon, lace, and feathers, and making such a noise with her bell and her tongue together, that had half-a-dozen paper-mills been at work within three yards of her, they'd have signified no more to her clamorous voice than so many lutes to a drum, which alarmed two or three nimble fellows aloft, who shot themselves downstairs with as much celerity as a mountebank's mercury upon a rope from the top of a church-steeple, every one charged with a mouthful of coming, coming, coming." The girl (generally a vintner's daughter) is further described as "bred at the dancing-school, becoming a bar well, stepping a minuet finely, playing sweetly on the virginals, 'John, come kiss me now, now, now,' and as proud as she is handsome."
Upon one who considers the tavern of the time there presently falls a reminiscence of the past when we were all living in the eighteenth century. We are standing in the courtyard of a tavern in Leadenhall; our carriage—for we drove into town this morning from the country—is drawn up in the open court, where are also the waggons, now unloaded, which rumbled in from Edinburgh this morning. Three girls, come
up from service all the way from York, which is ten days' journey, are waiting for their new masters to call for them; an old lady, whose smile is meant to be benevolent, is whispering to one of the girls—the prettiest one—that she can offer her a place of much higher wages and much less work; there is a great yohoing and whistling from the stable which one can see—and smell—through the gate on the other side of the court; messengers and porters are bringing parcels for another waggon now receiving its load; at intervals the housemaids running about the galleries above lean over the rails and exchange a little light satire with the grooms below; gentlemen grave of aspect walk into the tavern and call for a bottle and a private room. You can see them through the open window; they exchange papers, they talk in low tones, they make notes, they drink but without merriment. There are twenty or thirty of these rooms; they are all occupied by merchants who are more private here than on 'Change. At four o'clock a company of gentlemen, headed by a rosy-cheeked divine, all of them sleek and some of them even obese, enter the inn with a kind of procession. They are met by the landlord, who bows obsequiously. "Gentlemen," he says, "you are welcome. John, show his Reverence and the Vestry to the Anchor. Gentlemen, you shall be served immediately." It is a parish feast. People from the country arrive, some in post-chaises, some by stage-coach. There is a bride with her bridegroom and her bridesmaid, blushing sweetly. She sees London for the first time; it will be the last time, yet it will remain the dream of her life. Outside there is the bawling of the street criers, the grinding and the rumbling of the carts. Here, in the tavern yard, there is the atmosphere of comfort and of rest. One perceives, after a hundred years, the fragrance of the kitchen; one hears the drawing of corks; one listens to the gobbling of the select Vestry; one hears the laughter of the country visitors. The servants run about; the landlord gives his orders; when the night falls the passengers for the eight o'clock stage arrive, and the great coach, piled high with luggage, rumbles out through the archway into the street.
I have before me certain notes on London in the eighteenth century. They are: (1) those by a foreign traveller in 1760; (2) those contained in Corry's Satirical View, 1790; (3) notes written in 1810 by a person who was recalling the streets of London and the manners of thirty or forty years before; and lastly, notes collected from a great many sources—from the literature, the diaries, the travels, the magazines, etc., of the time. I put these notes together in some kind of sequence.
On Sunday mornings the people who went to church had to pass on their way rows or groups of drunken men laid out on the pavement before the public-houses till they should recover consciousness. The working-men went habitually to the public-house every Saturday evening and drank until they became senseless, when they were dragged out and laid down on the pavement in rows until they cooled down and recovered. Even in the most respectable streets the ears of ladies were offended at all times in the day by the bawling of the coarsest and most abominable songs in the public-houses and at the corners of the streets by balladmongers. Girls—but in couples, being ashamed to do so if they were alone—would stand and listen to the most ribald songs sung either in these houses or in the streets. The dress of the lower or lowest class of women is described in plain terms, and one asks how the poor creatures could rise out of the slough and mire so long as they dressed in such a manner? Their chief garment was a linsey-woolsey quilted petticoat; this was never washed: it was impossible for it to be washed: it was not made for washing. They wore leathern stays, called "loose jumps," which were never washed and never changed. The better sort wore camlet petticoats lined with wool and quilted, very warm. These, too, were never washed or changed until they fell to pieces. Of under-linen the poorer sort of women seem to have had none. Those a little better wore the same under-linen day and night. Cleanliness of the body was impossible: it was never attempted; the chief reason, therefore, of the great gulf between the working classes and those who washed themselves and changed their clothes becomes immediately apparent. The first step, indeed, in the elevation of the lower classes was the introduction of cotton petticoats, cotton gowns, and other things which could
be washed. Then cleanliness of the body for the first time became possible, and with its sweetness and its comforts came cleanliness of other kinds. Civilisation, in fact, largely depends upon the possibility of wearing cheap garments which can be washed.
The footpath in the streets was four or five feet wide; across the streets were causeways at frequent intervals; the puddles in the roadway and in the broken pavement splashed the mud upon the clothes of the passengers; there were shops of "scourers" wholly occupied in cleaning clothes thus splashed; the 'prentices also were constantly occupied in cleaning and washing the splashed front of the shop.
In the years 1770-1780 there were still many courts and back streets of London into which the flagstones had not penetrated—which were still paved with pebbles, as a few of the courts of the Colleges at Cambridge are to this day. Some, even, were not paved at all. Of one such court we get a glimpse. The houses are small and crazy; the windows are casements; the window-frames and door-posts are black with soot and dirt; the rooms have not been painted or whitewashed for many years; broken panes are pasted over with paper or stuffed with rags; there are no blinds or curtains. The poor people who live in these hovels are perfectly suited to them in their clothes, their dirt, their manners, and their language. The women empty all their pails and pans at their doors; they go in and out in utter shamelessness without a gown on their backs, their leather stays half unlaced, without even a handkerchief over their necks.
A sensible improvement was observed in the manners of the town after the establishment of the Lancastrian schools. A great number of children—boys and girls—were educated in these schools. One rule was rigorously enforced—the children must be sent to school clean.
In quoting from a book professing to take a satirical view, it is necessary to be very careful. The satirist lives by exaggeration; he simulates indignation; he makes his exception stand for the rule; he lumps things together that ought to be taken separately; if he laughs, it is over a caricature; if he weeps, it is over an exaggerated statement; if he is indignant, one may be pretty certain that he is a pretender and a hypocrite, dwelling on pictures of vice for the sake of pleasing his readers as well as himself, while he cries out virtuously upon the wickedness of it, the shamefulness of it, the abomination of it. Out of the exaggerations and the caricatures, and by reading between the lines of the satirist, a sketch, imperfect and incomplete, may be drawn. The imperfections, in some cases, may be filled in from other sources. Yet, when all is done, the restoration of the past can never be complete: the atmosphere has gone out of it, and that no man can bring back.
London at all times contained a very large number of men who had come up from the country in search of fortune. Nearly the whole of the "service"—the carrying, hauling, loading, and unloading—was done by country-bred lads or farm-labourers.
There were many Welsh, Scots, and Irish in the town. The Welsh were characterised by honesty in their dealings, pride of ancestry, and, the satirist adds, "that simple dignity of conduct which is ever the companion of integrity." Was he, himself, a native of the Principality? The Scots made their way by their patience and frugality; among them were many literary adventurers. The Irish were remarkable for their vivacity and their eloquence: you could meet an Irish orator in every tavern. The Germans were distinguished by their bad habit of cavilling at all the institutions of the country which protected them; the French, of course, were vain—the satirist, one perceives, is far from original. Then there were Spaniards and Dutch, and there were Jews. The spirit in which the Jews were regarded is illustrated by the following passage, which is quoted merely for the purpose of comparison with what would be said of them at the present day:
"A very distinct class of the inhabitants of London consists of Jews. It is computed that they amount to twenty thousand; and though a few of them are respectable characters, the majority are notorious sharpers. Their adherence to the Mosaic law prevents them from mixing with the rest of their fellow-citizens; hence they absolutely subsist on the industry of others, and become public nuisances. The Jewish dealers in wearing apparel, gold, and silver purchase these articles at an undervalue without scruple; hence they are the principal receivers of stolen goods, while the itinerant Jew-boys circulate base money in every direction."
In his remarks upon fashionable manners the author follows the lead of all preceding satirists. Never was there a time more abandoned to luxury; never before did the women dress in fashions so immoderate; never were they so unblushing. You shall judge of the monstrous wickedness of women of fashion. Some, for instance, danced reels; some rode on horseback; one, at least, played the cymbals; at one private house some of the girls played a farce—one enacted the clown and one became the pantaloon; they even allowed their arms as high as the elbow to be bare. Did one ever hear of a more shameless time? After reading so much, it is almost tame to learn that some ladies wore wigs, and that some curled their hair over their foreheads.
On the subject of the clergy the author speaks in general terms only; and as he can bring no charge against them except that of pluralism, and therefore non-residence, we may infer—which, indeed, we know from other sources—that the London clergy of the time were respected for their piety and the general tenor of their lives and conversation.
On the lawyers he has more to say, yet all in general terms. He was, therefore, not a member of the bar or of any Inn of Court. The barristers, so eminently dignified and respectable, are "wholly supported by the folly and vices of their countrymen; and the pride and phrenzy which stimulate to legislation, enrich thousands of virtuous men educated to assist in the administration of justice." The
number of courts of justice in the town amounted to 61; there were 14 prisons; 4 houses of correction; and the whole number of persons employed in the different departments of the law, including catchpoles, was 7040.
"Clean your shoes!" "Black your shoes!" Among the minor customs of London we must not omit the shoeblack. He rose; he flourished; he decayed and disappeared: he has risen again, yet not to the height of prosperity which he formerly enjoyed. The former condition of the streets, which can now be traversed on foot, even after rain, without covering the boot with mud, but then made every foot thick with black mud and filth, gave to the shoeblack a popularity and even a greatness from which he has now fallen. Why, the same man might call for his services a dozen times in a single day. He wanted for his duties nothing but a three-legged stool and a tin kettle, an earthen pot filled with blacking (a mixture of ivory black, brown sugar, vinegar, and earth), two or three brushes, a rag, a knife, a stick, and an old wig with which to wipe off the dust or mud. In every occupation one finally arrives at the one thing which is best for the purpose intended. Thus, old woollen stockings, which had been darned until they were one great darn, were proved best for making tinder; and an old wig was found by experience to be the one thing necessary for shoeblacking. He who walked the streets wore shoes and not boots: he wore shoes with buckles, and the shoeblack showed his dexterity by laying on the blacking without tarnishing the silver buckle.
Umbrellas of some kind have always been in use in hot climates. In 1616 Ben Jonson speaks of an umbrella. Drayton speaks of one made of oiled silk. In 1708 it is defined as a kind of fan or screen used by women to keep off the rain. In 1710 Swift writes:
"The trick'd-up seamstress walks with hasty strides,
While streams run down her oiled umbrella's sides."
In 1730 the Duchess of Bedford is represented with a black holding an umbrella over her. Jonas Hanway was the first man who ventured to appear in public with an umbrella. For twenty years and more the mob jeered at any one who carried an umbrella. Chairmen and hackney-coachmen hated the sight of it.
There were fashions in walking as well as in dress. The Ludgate Hill hobble, the Cheapside swing, the City jolt, the City wriggle, are the names of some of these follies.
The print-shops of the time were full of caricatures and squibs; round their windows was always gathered a crowd to stare and laugh if not to buy. Any one who has seen the drawings of Gilray and Rowlandson will understand the
nature of these things: they were clever; they were also coarse—much more coarse than would be tolerated now. People looked at them, laughed, and went on their way; their own talk was quite as coarse as anything the caricaturist drew. Our author, of course, finds that the pictures were injurious to virtue; that girls went in little companies to look at them, being ashamed to go alone; that pickpockets got an opportunity; and that susceptible youth flattened its nose against the pane and imbibed corruption eagerly. For us it is sufficient to note that these caricatures, now scarce and difficult to procure, were formerly exposed openly in the windows. Perhaps posterity will remark with surprise that in this age pictures of the nude were allowed to be exhibited in the picture-shops of the Haymarket and Piccadilly. Perhaps the next age will regard the nude from a purely artistic point of view—any comparison between two ages, as to the extent and the prevalence of any kind of vice, can never be faithful or accurate for want of statistics, which are impossible to procure. Therefore I do not desire to represent the eighteenth century as much worse than our own in the matter of what is called morality, meaning one kind of morality. The "great" were allowed to be above the ordinary restraints of morality. A certain noble lord travelled with a harem of eight, which was, however, considered scandalous. Divorces were frequent for those who could pay for this costly luxury. One lady offered to produce in court thirty-two lovers. I have considered the part played by the courtesan in another place. Suffice it to repeat here that she swarmed in the pleasure-gardens, which were the resort of all classes; that she crowded the lobbies of the theatre; and that the streets were full of her at nightfall.
Here is an eighteenth-century library. At the time it was thought rather an extensive collection of books:
Bunyan's *Pilgrim's Progress*.
Foxe's *Book of Martyrs*.
*The Whole Duty of Man*.
Baker's *Chronicles*.
*The Complete Letter-Writer*.
*Robinson Crusoe*.
*Robin Hood's Garland*.
*The Seven Champions*.
Turner's *Spectator*.
*The Tale of a Tub*.
Culpepper's *Herbal*.
So far as can be ascertained, during the greater part of the century the average citizen of the middle class had no books—not even such a collection as the above; nor did he want any. Reading—except of the newspaper—was not part of his life, nor part of the household life. There were a few libraries: those of St. Paul's, Westminster Abbey, Sion College, the College of Physicians, the Royal Society, and the King's Library, for instance; but the citizen knew nothing of them. Nor did he concern himself about literature. Poets, he knew, were a ragamuffin tribe: who could respect the muse out at elbows, starving, and mendicant?
Of minor details, we learn that every event from a victory to the hanging of a highwayman was turned into a ballad and bawled about the streets; that the desire to appear opulent led many to ruin; that a prevalent profusion was partly caused by this desire; that there was a general longing for notoriety; that everybody affected to be a critic; that there was a rage to imitate the amusements and pursuits of the nobility; that it was thought genteel to go to Margate or Brighton, to get up private theatricals, to frequent masquerades, and to dress in the City as the beaux and jessamies dressed in Bond Street.
There are a few minor manners and morals. The ladies of the City were by no means fond of staying at home. They had card-parties and they had assemblies. When they went out they were escorted by the 'prentices, who carried clubs and a lantern. The dangers of venturing out after dark are summed up by Johnson with the customary poetic imagination:
"Prepare for death if here a night you roam,
And sign your will before you step from home.
Some fiery fop, with new commission vain,
Who sleeps on brambles till he kills his man—
Some frolic drunkard reeling from a feast,
Provokes a broil and stabs you for a jest.
Yet even these heroes mischievously gay,
Lords of the street and terrors of the way,
Flushed as they are with folly, youth, and wine,
Their prudent insults to the poor confine:
Afar they mark the flambeau's bright approach,
And shun the shining train and golden coach."
Those who wished to enter the Civil Service had to buy a place; the pay was small but the perquisites were large, and the opportunities of taking advantage of these perquisites made the service worth entering. Members of Parliament sold their privilege of franking, sometimes for £300 a year. Noble lords sold nominal places in their households for substantial sums: the holders could not be arrested for debt; so that when this misfortune seemed impending, the cautious and the crafty staved it off by becoming, nominally, a servant of some kind to a noble lord. All working-men wore aprons: the apron, sometimes of leather, sometimes of white linen, was the badge of the craftsman. Many shops had some outward mark which denoted the occupation of their tenants: the baker had a lattice; the alehouse had its chequers; the barbers had a pole; the clothier had a golden sheep. Walking along the street, one would notice many little things: the milk-score chalked on every doorpost; the "flying-barber" on the Sunday morning; the white glove on the knocker to show the arrival of a child; the pickpocket under the pump; the butchers' orchestral band of marrow-bones and cleavers congratulating the wedding couple. Through the open windows one could see the wedding feast; at midnight you might meet the washer-women hastening to begin their work.
One of the inconveniences of the street was the projection of doorsteps across the footway; another was the ruinous condition of the pavement in portions even where the pavement consisted of nothing but round stones; another was the danger from bullocks driven through the streets; another from the swarms of dogs—not the quiet dog of our time, but the creature taught to defend the house, to fly at strangers, and to fight in the ring. There were also crowds of beggars; a continual procession of street-cries; a continual bawling from the shops;—these things one expects in a city. The lighting, as we have already seen, was inefficient; but outside the freedom of the City there was no lighting at all.
Covent Garden and the surrounding streets were the centre of the nocturnal amusements and dissipations. Of these I shall speak at greater length in another place. Near Covent Garden were the two theatres; here were taverns and night-houses; here were many of the most notorious bagnios; here were the coffee-houses. In these places were found the wits in the afternoon, and the rakes at night. Here were many of the shilling ordinaries. The actors lived in the streets about this quarter: Quin, Booth, and Wilks in Bow Street; Colley Cibber in Charles Street; Pritchard in Craven Buildings; Garrick in Southampton Street. The courts of Drury Lane, not then so squalid as at present, provided lodgings for the inferior players.
In the theatre, the better sort, with the ladies, occupied the boxes; no disreputable or drunken persons were admitted; it was thought ill-mannered for a man to keep on his hat during the performance; the pit—there were no stalls—was occupied almost entirely by men, especially by young lawyers, young City men, and students who had read the play and were all ready with their criticism. As to the upper boxes nothing is said; we may imagine that they were frequented by a lower class. The footmen, for many years, had their own gallery, and very often proved noisy critics; order, if necessary, was preserved among the gods by the butchers of Clare Market, who were steady patrons of the theatre and staunch upholders of the actors.
The London of fashion lived entirely in the area bounded on the north by Great Berkeley Street and Queen Anne Street; on the south by Pall Mall; on the west by the Park; and on the east by Tottenham Court. A few great houses, such as Southampton House, Thanet House, Bedford House, and Montague House, stood in or near Bloomsbury; the lawyers, with their Inns of Court, formed a barrier between aristocracy and the City. As has been more than once observed, there was no kind of connection or intercourse between City and West End, to the great loss and injury of both;—the City growing every day richer, more purse-proud, and more vulgar, while the West End grew every day more insolent and more exclusive. The principal squares were those of Bloomsbury, the Queen, Cavendish, St. James’s, Hanover, Portman, and Grosvenor.
Let us illustrate domestic manners and customs by references to one year—the year 1771. It appears that breakfast of tea and bread-and-butter had then begun to be fashionable. This was an improvement on the morning draught of wine. About 3,000,000 lbs. of tea were imported, which is not more than 1 lb. a year for every five persons. If we allow 3 oz. of tea per week to each person, there were no more than 300,000 persons in the United Kingdom who drank tea; the whole of the rest—men, women, and children—had beer. At a certain dining-club of which a note is preserved, they began with a "cool tankard," composed of strong mountain-wine, "lowered" by a little lemon-and-water, and spiced. The dinner, which was served at three, was simple, consisting chiefly of soup and salt beef; but the guests complained that the meat was not sufficiently salted. They drank claret with their dinner, but sent for the landlord and complained that the wine possessed none of the silkiness which belongs to good claret. The landlord, however, declared that it was right Chateau Margaux. Dinner over at five, the cloth was taken away, and bottles, glasses, and "dishclouts" were placed upon the table. The drinking began, and continued until nine, every man being expected to drink his two or three bottles.
In this year (1771) the Pantheon was opened, and at the first ball there were over 2000 persons—among them several peers and gentlemen of rank; but it was observed by the critical that "Jew brokers, demi-reps, lottery insurers, and quack doctors" formed a large part of the company. Observe that if one desired this day to convey the idea of a mixed company, not one of these persons would be named.
There was a great deal of play; yet not, one would think, so much as followed afterwards. Betting, which is a part of gaming, was universal; yet it seems to have been kept in bounds. We hear of a man taking a purse of a hundred guineas with him to Newmarket: he would lose no more. There was no service of carriers or commissionaires; yet one could always, at the West End at least, find a man to carry a parcel. They were called messengers: they were known by wearing red jackets with brass buttons, and they chiefly stood about in the streets where a good many people went to and fro on horseback and wanted their horses held.
Most of the places under the Mayor or in the Government service were then bought and sold. One is not, therefore, surprised to find an advertisement to the effect that the undersigned undertakes to "manage business in the Government Departments, Treasury, Admiralty, Navy Office, Courts of Equity; to buy or sell estates; to lend money on security; to find and to buy places; and to take no fee until the business is accomplished."
In 1768 a place of coal-meter becoming vacant was sold for £6510. In the same year a corn-meter's place was sold for £3300.
The place of head keeper of Wood Street Compter was in the gift of the Sheriffs, who, when it fell vacant, sold it for £1500. In the year 1766 it was thought a wonderful thing that the two Sheriffs, Trecothick and Kennet, gave the place without any consideration whatever.
Some of the dangers of this system are illustrated in the case of the Honourable
Elizabeth Harriet Greeve. She appeared unexpectedly in fashionable lodgings; she drove about in a chariot with two footmen; she was closely related to most of the aristocracy, and she was especially a friend of the Hon. Charles James Fox. She drove about the town calling at great people's houses: at least, her carriage stopped at their doors, and she descended and spoke to the servants in the hall. It could not be denied that she was a friend of Fox, because he was to be seen calling at her lodgings nearly every day. Her appearance, her manners, her kindliness, her willingness to oblige, and the belief in her great influence, caused many to use her offices for getting them places and appointments. For these offices she naturally charged them substantial sums. One man paid £30 for a post as "settled tidesman"; another £40 for a post in the Admiralty; and so on. Finding, after an unreasonable delay, that the offices were not forthcoming, the people all trooped off together to Bow Street, where they laid the case before the magistrate. The lady was arrested. Her antecedents were investigated: she was proved to be a returned convict from Virginia, so they sent her to Newgate. Meantime her friendship with Fox was explained. He was at the moment reduced to the condition of impecuniosity which was not unusual with him. The Honourable Elizabeth offered him a West Indian heiress, worth £60,000. It was to inquire after this heiress that Fox called so often at the lodgings.
Of course, there was no heiress; the woman was not connected with any noble or influential people at all; she had no power; she had obtained money under false pretences. They kept her in Newgate for a twelvemonth, and then tried her and sent her out to Virginia again for seven years.
Then, though the time was profligate on the whole, there were not wanting persons of profound piety. To these, meditation among the tombs was found conducive to the religious spirit, which was held to be one of extreme sadness. Thus, we read of a garden constructed near Guildford after the following agreeable manner:
The garden lay on a hillside; it was provided with winding paths, labyrinths, and groves of trees. There were hung about, for the consideration of the visitor, flags with moral sentences and admonitions. Presently the visitor, already saddened by the moral sentences, arrived at the Temple of Death, which was simply furnished with a desk and a chair for meditation. There was also on the wall a minute-clock to mark and strike the flight of time. Besides the clock, the walls were covered with the finest sentiments and words of the deepest wisdom. Past the Temple an iron gate led to the Valley of the Shadow of Death. At either side of the gate stood a coffin as a pillar with a skull as capital, an inscription under each. You looked into the vale—which was deep, rocky, and gloomy—from a large alcove painted with the dying infidel in one compartment and the dying Christian in the other.
The Quakers of the eighteenth century were all in trade of various kinds; many
of them made large fortunes. As a body they enjoyed the reputation of being honest in their dealings, but keen hands at a bargain. Many of the shops in Gracechurch Street were owned by Quakers: their daughters kept the shops. The Quakeresses are described as pretty but demure; richly but soberly dressed, without hoops. A writer speaking of the dull and monotonous lives led by the Quakers, who had no music, no art, no poetry, no fighting, no change of dress, no dancing, no amusement of any kind, says that the rich Quaker rarely lasted till the age of fifty: he died of sheer stupidity and monotony and dulness. He took no exercise; he ate too much; he had no excitement to keep him alive.
Licences to sell ale were originally granted by the parish to broken-down tradesmen and others as a means of keeping them off the parish. But the business proved so profitable that it was taken up by other persons, especially by men who had been servants in the houses of gentlemen.
The practice of leaving infants on doorsteps is illustrated by a story in *The Midnight Rambler*, when a baby is found in a basket by the watchman. On the child's breast was pinned a label with these lines:
"Consider, good people, I pray,
To sin we're by nature inclined.
Though my father's a sinner, you'll say,
To his sin—oh! vouchsafe to be kind.
Convey me to bed and to board,
And carry me out of the weather,
Your help to the friendless afford,
And be to the orphan a father."
The basket and its contents were taken to the churchwarden, who was then tippling at a tavern. By him the child was ordered to be laid in front of the watch-house fire till morning, and then to be consigned to the tender mercies of the workhouse.
The lamps which were lit at sunset were mostly out by eleven o'clock, because the lighters stole most of the oil.
The city waits went about the streets at eleven playing before the houses every night in the winter.
The following passage is translated from a Frenchman's *Journey to London* during the latter half of the century:
"My friend C—— called upon me one morning with an air of great importance. 'Would you like,' he asked, 'to see a spectacle that no other country in the world can offer?'
'Can you doubt it?'
'Well, then, we must be off at once.'
I followed him, and he brought me to Smithfield, a grand 'place' in which is established the greatest market in London for the sale of cattle and sheep."
'Do you bring me here,' I asked, 'in order that you may learn the price of beef and mutton?'
'Patience,' he replied; 'you will very soon see that something else besides beef and mutton is sold here.' In fact, we had hardly been there ten minutes when there came along a man whose exterior announced him as belonging to that class of people who do not belong to the lowest ranks of society, yet can hardly be called of the middle class. He held in his hand a rope, the other end of which was tied round the neck of a woman who accompanied him. She appeared to be from twenty to twenty-three years of age. She was tolerably good-looking, but had one of those decided faces which belong to the virago. Several persons followed him, seemingly with the intention of becoming witnesses to the transaction which was going to take place. They marched straight into the middle of the market-place, and there in the midst of the cattle which surrounded them on all sides the husband, for he was a husband, began to bawl at the top of his voice, 'Fifteen shillings for my wife! Who will buy my wife for fifteen shillings?'
'Good heavens!' said I, 'are we in Constantinople, or on the Guinea Coast?'
'You need not be so astonished,' my friend replied. 'The same kind of traffic goes on in Circassia and in Georgia.'
'And in many other parts,' I said, 'but with certain differences.'
During this time the poor husband grew hoarse with crying 'Fifteen shillings for my wife.'
The troops of cattle and sheep round him disappeared by degrees, but his own merchandise rested on his hands; he looked like one who despaired, not knowing whether to stay or to go away. His wife, on the contrary, was completely tranquil, and one would have believed that she was ignorant of what was going on. At last a purchaser presented himself. He examined the woman just as a few minutes before he had been examining one of the cattle. He then approached the husband and offered him the price demanded. He repeated his cries for a few minutes, in the hope that some one would bid higher, but as no one arrived he took the fifteen shillings and went off with his friends, while the purchaser gave his arm to the woman he had bought, and marched off with her on the other side.
'Pray explain this extraordinary scene,' I said.
'The custom of selling one's wife,' my friend replied, 'is not sanctioned by any law, but it has been established in England from time immemorial, and although it is beginning to fall into disuse, from time to time there are examples of the custom.'
'Well,' I asked, 'what becomes of the woman that is sold? Is she the slave of the man who has bought her?'
'By no means, he has no rights at all over her except what she chooses, but it is understood that the husband loses his. It is not a legal divorce, but a kind of voluntary separation. I believe that the custom may have originated in the desire of a husband to rid himself of the responsibility of debts incurred by his wife.'
Next, I have before me one of those valuable works, a collection of newspaper scraps consisting chiefly of crimes, trials, and executions, belonging to the years 1774 to 1795.
In the year 1774 one Robert Collins was sentenced to a year's imprisonment for stealing a halfpenny. He was subsequently pardoned. In 1775 one Anne Harris was sentenced to be burned alive for false coining; she was, however, transported.
In 1777 one John Duff was executed in Dublin for robbing the mail. He hung for the usual time, when he was cut down and the body given to his friends, who actually restored him to life by bleeding and chafing him.
In 1774 it was discovered that out of 84 prisoners in Newgate only 8 were above twenty years of age.
In 1795 the public executioner and wielder of the cat-o'-nine-tails tendered his resignation unless the salary was raised. His business had fallen off, he said, in consequence of the war with France: there were fewer to hang and fewer to flog. The Court considered his case, raised his salary, and sent him to perform the lower branch of his profession, which he did with more than his usual zeal and skill.
He might have added that it was a post of some danger, as, in the case of a public flogging at the cart's tail, the mob often sided with the prisoner and pelted the executioner.
One or two cases of robbery recorded in these pages deserve to be placed on more permanent record:
"The following robbery, which borders rather on the marvellous, we are told is absolutely true:—A few nights ago a well-dressed sharper, observing a servant-maid conversing with a young man two doors from her mistress's house, and that she had left the street-door part open, took the opportunity of slipping in, and stepped into a parlour, where an elderly lady was sitting by the fire, with two candles on the table in silver candlesticks. Without the least ceremony he took a chair, and set himself opposite to her, and began with saying: 'Madam, if you please, I will tell you an odd story, which happened a few nights ago to a very worthy woman in our neighbourhood. Her servant-maid was talking at a little distance to a silly fellow, as your own servant now is, and had left her own door open; in the interim in slips a sharper, as I may do, and walks into a room where her mistress, good woman, was sitting before the fire with two candles on a table in silver candlesticks, as you may now do. Well—he had not sat much longer than I have done with you, before he
takes one of the candles out of the candlestick, snuffed it out, and put the candlestick into his pocket, as I may do now. The good woman was planet-struck, as you may be; upon which he takes out the other candle, as I may do now; puts the other candlestick into his pocket, as I shall do; and then wished her a good night, which I most sincerely do you.'—He was going out of the door, when the maid had finished
her conversation and was coming up the steps; he accosted her with saying: 'My dear, your mistress has rung twice for you'; and wishing her a good night, went clear off with the candlesticks."
"On Saturday eighteen prisoners were tried at the Old Bailey, two of whom were capitally convicted, viz. Richard Mitchell, for feloniously stealing out of a letter, sent by the general post from Mr. Whitfield, of Lewis, to Mr. Moxon at Lymington (and which came to the hands of Mitchell, then a sorter of letters at the general post-office, Lombard Street), a bank-note, value £100.—And William
Clifton, for robbing Mr. Thomas Dicker, of Chelsea, on the highway, near his own house. Dec. 1774."
"On Monday last, at noon, a woman, most handsomely drest, and affecting the woman of fashion, went into the shop of a hosier in the Strand, and appeared (being without a hat) as if she had just stepped out of a carriage; and indeed this was the case. She asked to look at some silk stockings; several pairs were shown her; and presently in came a fellow in livery, who, with his hat off, said, 'Sir Thomas is in the carriage, my lady.' She replied, it was very well, she would be with him in a few minutes. She then paid for two pair of stockings, went away, and got into a post-chaise standing in the street, and the footman followed her into the chaise, which then drove off. This latter circumstance somewhat surprising the hosier, he examined the different loose parcels of stockings that he had opened, and discovered that her ladyship had stolen nine pair."
CHAPTER XIV
THE RIVERSIDE
The Riverside, by which I mean Wapping and Limehouse, was a quarter of London different from any other. It harboured all the men who worked upon the ships—thieves all, to a man—and all the sailors of the mercantile marine. It was full of "fences" and receiving-shops; every other house was a tavern; nearly all the women were sailors' women—anybody's women.
The Riverside all through the century swarmed with these women. They were rough, rude, unclean in person, foul in language, and without any morality. As I have said, the introduction of stuffs and clothes that could be washed made a great difference in their condition. This special improvement took place towards the end of the century. They are described about the year 1780 as wearing long "quartered" shoes, large buckles, stockings for the most part clean; many wore no stays—the old-fashioned "loose jump" or leathern stays had then partly gone out. Their frocks cut low in the neck exposed the bosom, which with some was covered with a neckerchief. Their hair hung over their faces in "rats'-tails"; they were generally drunk; they fought with each other—it was as common for these women to stand up for a fight with fists as for the men their companions; their black eyes proclaimed their valour; their hair was full of vermin. They lived in miserable wooden hovels; but indeed the greater part of their life was passed in the taverns, full of noise and dirt and drunkenness, where the merchant-seamen drank and sang and danced. To all appearance, says one who describes the place, their age was between eighteen and twenty-five. What became of them after five-and-twenty the great churchyard of St. George's Ratcliffe knew full well.
The girl of the Riverside, after a childhood surrounded with every kind of vice and ignorance among other children, all vicious, ignorant, and squalid, fell naturally, without resistance, without repugnance, into the fate common to her sisters Doll and Moll and Poll: she became the sailors' darling. After a few years of squalid revelry the end came to her that came to all: foul disease and an early death.
The children of Wapping ran about barefooted in the streets, which had no pavement and were never cleaned except by the showers; they climbed about the
barges and prowled over the mud before the Stairs. They picked up coal from the mud, or stole it from the barges; they took it home in their pinafores to their mothers—no one on the Riverside ever bought coal. They learned at a very tender age to aid the robbery that went on all day long. As regards their physique, if we could see once more these children as they were we should be horrified at the many deformities among them—deformities then as common as they are now rare,—the hump back, the twisted shoulder, the bow legs, the knees turned in, the children with the "cheese-cutters"; all showing that the children were turned out to go and to grow as they pleased. The "cheese-cutter" has now quite disappeared—at least one never sees it. It was a form of bandy leg which consisted of an outward curving of the shin, apparently denoting hereditary weakness in the bone. That the children were in rags was a matter of course. Scald head and sores were common among them. That they were covered with vermin was also to be expected.
Billingsgate at midnight was crowded with people, not only those waiting for the arrival of the fishing-smacks, but those waiting for the departure of the Gravesend boats, which sailed at three in the morning. At the tavern outside the gates the visitor found a company of fish dames, fat and greasy, in conversation ribald, foul, and blasphemous. They were sitting round the fire drinking. The watchmen were taking supper—one of broiled red herring, the other of a high-flavoured Cheshire cheese and onions. There came blundering into the house a sailor just paid off: his pockets were full of money, and he ordered the waiter about with as much consequence as if he had been an admiral; however, he was soon observed by a showy lady with many gold rings, who accosted him in a friendly way and sat down to a bowl with him. In another room sat a company waiting for the sailing of the boats. Then there came in two more Jack Tars, also paid off, with bagpipes before them. They entertained the company with a hornpipe. After them came a fellow in the habit of a sergeant of the Guards, who led in four stout-looking country lads, all stupid with drink. He was a crimp, and had got these poor fellows, by means of drink, to enlist in the service of the East India Company.
The taverns of the Riverside were open all night as well as all day. Those of Wapping were frequented by a set of creatures more horrible than could be found in any other part of London. The men were thieves, of all kinds, but especially footpads who carried bludgeons and sometimes knives, and not only robbed the passengers of their money, but inflicted severe injury to their persons. They were attended by women as bad as themselves, whose part was to snare unfortunate sailors up some dark alley where their confederates were waiting to rob them. Not a face in any company of these people that was not marked by a scar: black eyes and bound-up hands were the rule among them, and the women fought with their fists as roundly as the men.
Both above and below Bridge the river presented a far more animated appearance
than at present, though the trade of the East has multiplied fivefold. The river above Bridge was crowded with loaded barges making their way up or down with the tide: there were no railways to convey produce or exports, or to distribute about the country the imports. Most of the work now done by railways was then done by rivers and canals, and quite as well done though much more slowly. The river was also covered with boats: although there were three bridges the old custom of getting across, or up and down the City, by means of the boats was still followed. It remained in practice until the introduction of the penny steamboat, which finally drove the watermen off the river.
There was also a sight to be seen every day on the Thames which has now passed wholly away; namely, the fisherman engaged at his work in mid-river. Still the Thames teemed with fish; still the salmon found their way up; still there were colonies of fisher people who lived by their nets: their last haunt was Lambeth. State barges and those of the Lord Mayor and of the City Companies swept up and down in state with their silken curtains, flags and streamers, and gilt and paint. The swans frequented the lower as well as the higher reaches.
Below Bridge the multitude of ships was bewildering: they all took in cargo and unloaded in mid-stream by means of lighters and barges. And besides the number of ships there was the great variety in build and rigging, which gave animation to the scene. These various crafts are portrayed by Cooke (1829), who presents in the first place the newly-introduced steamer with its tall funnel and its paddle-wheels just aft the foremast.
Here we find the sailing barge; the collier; the Dutch galliot; the Scotch smack; the brig-of-war; the oyster-boat; the fishing-smack; the schooner; the sloop-rigged barge; the barque; the hay-boat; the man-o'-war; the coasting schooner; the hatch-boat; the pilot-boat; the West Indiaman; the frigate under sail; the East Indiaman; the City Company's barge; the lugger; and fishing-boats of every kind.
Nor was the river ever without its men-o'-war. At Deptford Dockyard they still built ships: here was a dockyard of considerable importance, if only for the stores which it contained, and for the many offices which it had to bestow—resident commissioner, storekeeper, surveyor, master builder, master shipwright, and others. The squalid old town of Deptford was full of sailors and sailors' taverns. There were taverns for the special delectation of the captains; taverns for the first lieutenants; taverns for the lower—not always the younger—officers. During a war the people were rejoiced by the sight of many a fine prize taken from the French and brought home in safety. During the war of 1744-49 over 2100 ships and small vessels were captured by the King's ships, and nearly 1200 by privateers—a fact which should uplift the national pride but for the corresponding fact that the French took a great many ships from us.
THE HUMOURS OF BILLINGSGATE
From a print in the Crooke Collection.
The City always maintained strenuously the right of keeping the army and the navy outside the walls. No regiment except that still called the "Buffs," which was considered as the descendant of the trained bands, was allowed to march through the City without leave of the Mayor; no pressgang was admitted within the City Liberties, and no sailors were allowed to be pressed. On the other hand, the City never failed to recognise its duty in time of war, and offered large bounties to volunteers for the navy.
In the Pool and on the Riverside the press was very active. It was at such a time that James Cook, then a mate in a Whitby coaster, volunteered into the navy rather than be pressed, which would certainly have happened. So hot was the press at this time that they swept the merchantmen lying in the river of the greater part of their seamen. Sometimes, however, the merchantmen resisted. Thus, in 1770, the officers of H.M. Lynx man-o'-war boarded the Duke of Richmond, East Indiaman, off Gravesend, to press the men. They were informed that the men had seized the arms-chest and were not going to be pressed. The man-o'-war dropped alongside of the East Indiaman, and seeing the resolute appearance of the sailors, they thought better of it and sheered off, so the East Indiaman escaped.
The offer of bounty money to recruits was naturally open to abuse. The case of John Hodgson shows the kind of abuse which would certainly occur to the common rogue. This young man, whose career came to an end on Tyburn Tree, at the age of 26, confessed that he had enlisted, and deserted, 98 times in six years; that he had received 597 guineas as bounty money; and that he had filled up his time in the intervals of enlistment by robberies. He kept a ledger account of all these transactions, and at the time of his trial and conviction for highway robbery was worth £80, which he conveyed to a female favourite. He was taken up and flogged three times for desertion—on one occasion receiving 350 lashes, which he endured without a groan or a sigh.
If the City would not tolerate the impressment of sailors it allowed the practice of crimping—that, namely, of enlisting recruits for the East India service. The greatest abuses and abominations attended this enlistment. A young country-man was accosted by a plausible fellow who pretended to advise him and to warn him; he followed the man to a tavern and drank with him to his destruction, for when he recovered from the drunken fit which followed, he found that he had enlisted in the service of the East India Company. He was then kept confined in a lock-up house with other poor wretches also caught in the trap. The house was barred and bolted; escape was impossible. When the number was complete they were all marched off on board the vessel that was to carry them to India, whence they never came back again. I suppose that the influence of the Company was so strong in the City that no attempt was made except by the mob to suppress these infamous houses. There was one in Butcher Row at the back of St. Clement's, and another in
Chancery Lane, and another in Wapping; and many others of which I have no record.
The following story shows the suspicion with which these houses were regarded:
On February 24, 1767, an inhabitant of St. Bride's parish brought before the Vestry information that the gravedigger of the parish had brought a corpse to the burial-ground on the side of Fleet Market at eleven o'clock the previous night. The gravedigger denied the hour but acknowledged the fact. He said that he brought the body to the ground at nine, not eleven, at night; that he had received it from a lock-up house in Butcher Row, and that nothing had been said as to the cause of death. He also confessed that it was not the first time that he had received a body from such a house. On another occasion when the mob wrecked a lock-up house, the dead body of a young man was found lying on the boards of the garret in a putrefying condition. But recruits had to be found for the service of the Company.
A favourite trick with crimps was, after accosting a young fellow who looked a likely subject, and failing with him, to produce a paper and declare that they had a warrant against him for stealing a silver cup, value £21, or something else. They then seized the man and carried him off to a lock-up house where they kept him until they succeeded in enlisting him for the East India Company's service. In one case, in 1767, a gentleman caught a crimp trying on this trick, and compelled both the crimp and the lad to go before the Lord Mayor. This case caused a great deal of indignation. The man received a year's imprisonment in Newgate. One Captain Young, who was a crimp, and a master crimp, was also imprisoned for illegally confining a man in a lock-up house.
The fellows who manned the ships were in the merchant service in time of peace; when a war broke out the pressgang swept the ships in port, and swept the streets of Wapping in the north and of Deptford in the south. The men seem to have served with perfect goodwill when they were on board: the life and work were no worse in the navy than in the merchant service; they were liable to flogging in one service as much as in the other.
It not unfrequently happened that the prisoners on board a ship rose and recaptured the ship; to prevent this, they were all confined together in the after-hold, near the stern. The flooring of this pleasant residence was made of planks loosely laid on casks; a grating separated it from the cockpit, and a sentinel was placed at the grating night and day; no daylight reached the place. The prisoners were allowed on deck by a small number at a time.
A tender sailing down the river full of imprisoned men was suddenly seized by the impressed men, who broke open the hatches and got on deck. They were in number 110; they overpowered the officers and men without bloodshed, and ran the ship ashore at Grays, in Essex, where they landed and dispersed.
The sailor believed fervently in amulets and charms. A common and pretty form of amulet was a lock of his girl's hair tied round his arm or round his neck; another charm was to tattoo his girl's name on his arm, or his girl's name with a heart and joined hands on his right breast.
Until the service between London and the West Indies had become regular and continuous, passengers to or from London had to provide their own food. Thus when a young gentleman was sent home from Jamaica to be educated, the voyage was expected to take 75 days, and the following was the provision made on board for the boy and his servants:—there were 40 geese, 40 turkeys, 400 fowls, 20 hogs, 20 sheep, 50 dozen Bristol water, fruit, cashew nuts, yams, and sweet potatoes.
Not the slightest pretence at enforcing morality on board ships in harbour was made. When Lord Howe put to sea after the victory of 1st June there were thousands of women turned out of his ships at Spithead! When the Royal George went down, 400 women from Gosport and Portsmouth went down with her. Captain Cook explains that he made no attempt to maintain a decent appearance of morality when lying off one of the Pacific Islands, for the simple reason that it was useless to attempt such a thing.
CHAPTER XV
DUELLING
The custom of duelling prevailed during the whole of the eighteenth, and indeed more or less during the first half of the nineteenth century. There are men living now (1900) who can still remember the last fatal duel of 1845, when Lieutenant Seton was killed by Lieutenant Hawkey. There are not wanting some who lament the abolition of the duel; those who do so argue that the danger of being called out demanded and cultivated carefulness of speech, courtesy of manner, and imposed some checks on conduct. If it achieved or encouraged these fine things, it certainly encouraged also the bully; and it allowed every public place to be filled with adventurers who tried to get into Society, to marry an heiress, to be received as gentlemen, to exist by card-sharping, simply by terrorising the company. Fighting Fitzgerald, for instance, terrorised the committee of Boodle's into electing him, after he had been blackballed, by letting them understand that they would all have to fight him if he were blackballed again. The fighting captain was found at Bath, at Tunbridge Wells, at all places where there were heiresses to carry off and their brothers to terrorise. Considering this fighting captain; considering also the extreme uncertainty of the ordeal by battle; considering the danger of drawing a duel upon your head by any chance word, by any premeditated affront, by any loss of temper, we must feel that we are more easy in society, now that we have no longer to fear the duel. In its place we have the permanent committee of arbitration—the committee of the club: a body which visits offenders against honour by expulsion, a remedy which has proved, as far as we can understand the past, far more efficacious in the interests of good manners than the necessity of duelling and the point of honour.
There were many important and interesting duels in the eighteenth century. Wilkes, for instance, when he published his *North Briton*, ventured more than a prosecution by the Government; he risked his life: some one was sure to make up a quarrel with him and to challenge him. He fought Lord Talbot first and the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Maston, afterwards. The latter took up the
cause perhaps in all honesty and sincerity, perhaps as a useful move in the game of ambition. He insulted Wilkes in the House and fought him in the Park.
It was not thought unclerical for clergymen to fight duels. One clergyman was killed in a duel with an officer; another is said (Hone's *Table Book*) to have been created a baronet and made a dean after fighting three duels; a third killed his man without, according to the same authority, receiving any ecclesiastical censure.
Lord Falkland called his bosom friend, Mr. Powell, "Pogey." Then they quarrelled and kicked and cuffed each other. In the duel that followed Lord Falkland was killed.
Pitt went out with Mr. Tierney for charging him with obstructing the defences of the country. Fox fought Mr. Adam of the War Office, who took offence at certain strictures passed by Fox on the powder supplied to the army. Canning fought Lord Castlereagh.
"A duel took place early this morning between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, in which the latter received a wound in the left thigh; it is not dangerous, being merely a flesh-wound. The meeting took place at Putney Heath. Lord Yarmouth seconded Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. R. Ellis accompanied Mr. Canning. We understand they fired by signal, at the distance of ten yards. The first missed, and no explanation taking place, they fired a second time, when Mr. Canning was wounded in the left thigh, on the outer side of the bone; and thus the affair terminated. He was put into a coach and conveyed to Gloucester Lodge, his newly-purchased seat at Brompton, and Lord Castlereagh returned to his house in St. James's Square."
Duels were fought everywhere—in Hyde Park, in Kensington Gardens, in taverns, in the streets; but the fashionable place was the Field of the Forty Foot-steps behind Montague House, now the British Museum. In Hyde Park was fought the memorable duel between the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun. On this occasion the Duke was wounded mortally, and died as he was carried off the ground.
A great deal of rather cheap indignation has been expended over the practice of duelling. It is true that there were many duels fought; but as a matter of fact there were very few fatal duels. That of the Duke of Hamilton, of Mr. Chaworth, and a few more nearly exhaust the list. Those who stood opposite each other at thirty paces could not, for the most part, use a pistol at all; it is a weapon which requires a great deal of practice in order to be used with effect; they raised their arms and fired; the bullets hissed harmlessly over their heads; or they fired in the air; or at the last moment they were reconciled. Still there was always the danger, and when we consider that such men as Sheridan, Wilkes, Pitt, Fox, and Wellington had to imperil their valuable lives in this way, we may rejoice that the practice has been abandoned.
CHAPTER XVI
TWICE ROUND THE CLOCK
The little book called *Low Life*, written about the middle of the eighteenth century, offers a kind of catalogue of the twenty-four hours, and of what was done in every one of them from midnight to midnight. It is a most unsavoury tractate, because the author takes even too much pleasure in sparing his readers no single detail, and in dwelling upon everything that is most abominable in a city which was, and is, the most wicked city in the world, because it was—and is—the greatest. The author has also adopted the trick, invented by one of those two worthies, his predecessors, Tom Brown and Ned Ward, in which a thing done occasionally and with the greatest possible secrecy, or a thing suspected but not proved, is entered confidently as a thing common and even universal. Thus, under the head of midnight, we learn that a watchman takes fees from housebreakers for liberty to commit burglary within his beat, at the same time promising to give them notice if there is any danger of their being taken or disturbed! Such a statement, with many others equally sweeping, must not be taken seriously. If the practice had been common, the condition of things in London would have been intolerable; in a city of trade it would have been simply ruinous. The watch was far from effective—that is quite evident; there were doubtless corrupt watchmen in the force; but this statement cannot possibly be accepted as commonly true. This is only one example of hundreds equally doubtful and equally confident. Making all deductions, however, the pamphlet contains a mine of wealth nowhere else to be found, on the manners and customs of London citizens on Sunday; for we begin as the clock strikes twelve on Saturday night, and end as the clock strikes twelve on Sunday night. At midnight, then, of Saturday, the markets, late as it is, are still open; they are crowded with the wives of the working people, who thus pick up what is left on the purveyors' hands at a cheap price. Tiltboats, that is, large vessels with an awning, which carried twenty or thirty passengers, put off at this hour from Billingsgate, bound for Gravesend if the tide served. Houses that were left empty were seized upon by beggars and homeless vagabonds,
who made up beds of straw upon the boards, and tore up the stairs and floors and sold the wood to be cut up for firing. The tapsters of taverns in the fields brought home people too drunk, or too timid, to return alone. The custom, prevalent fifty years ago, of unscrewing knockers and carrying them off, was practised in 1759 under another form; the brave young fellows of the Hospitals and the Inns of Court went about the streets "on the randan": their object was to find a watchman asleep in his chair and to carry off his staff and lantern; see "The Rake's Progress" in the debauch scene. When the markets were closed at last, the women all gone home, and the shops shut up, the place was invaded by poor people called Finders; they came to carry off whatever in the nature of food was left lying about on the bulks or on the ground. The bulks of shops in the streets were in the summer the sleeping-places of men and boys who had been earning an honest penny by taking drunken men home or carrying links. Here goes a man with a deal box under his arm; he looks about him furtively, he shrinks to the wall if any one passes him; in the box is the dead body of his infant child, which he proposes to bury in the fields so as to escape the parish fees.
At four o'clock in the morning the streets are tolerably quiet. Beggars go about borrowing babies at 4d. a day from the parish nurses; in courts and alleys, where there is only one water-tap for all the people, women get up at four in order to secure, before the others come out, a supply for the whole of the week. Between five and six the church bells begin for the early service; the keepers of the asses bring them out to be milked for patients ordered to drink asses' milk; at six o'clock the beggars come out with wads of straw to sit upon, and get their sores dressed and painted for the day. At seven o'clock the barbers' shops are crammed. At eight o'clock the short stages set out filled with people for Hampstead, Hornsey, Richmond, Epping Forest, and other summer resorts.
From nine to ten the tea-gardens near town are filled with young fellows and their girls taking tea and coffee, telling stories, imitating actors, repeating love songs, and eating rolls and butter. A crowd of people gather to see the Lord Mayor attend service at St. Paul's in his state coach; the churches are filled with fashionable people; many of the ladies carry lap-dogs to church with them. "Fine fans," says the author, "rich brilliants, white hands, envious eyes, and enamelled snuff-boxes, are displayed in most places of divine worship." The "organ-hunters"—those people, namely, who go to church in order to hear the organ—run about from one church to another; after service the old women are accosted by idle apprentices who have been playing in the streets or in the churchyard, and are asked to give them the text. They must take home the text in order to satisfy their masters that they have been to church. Clerks and impecunious persons of all kinds take their "half-pints and dumplings" in the tavern-kitchens of Fleet Street. Dinner-time with the common people is noon.
In the afternoon those citizens who have gardens outside the walls walk out with their wives and children, intending to take tea or punch, and to come home laden with flowers "for beau pots." The merchants, meantime, do as much business on Sunday as on any week-day. In the morning they meet in Cornhill on the south side of the Exchange, or in the porch of St. Mary-le-Bow, or on the Custom-House Quay; or they lock themselves up in their country houses with a bottle—always that bottle—working out schemes for profit. In the evening they crowd the taverns about the Exchange; they drink, and they transact business. In the afternoon office-keepers of the theatres go round the West End streets telling the residents what pieces will be played next day. In the summer evening all the places of resort are crowded; the streets are filled with noisy people, half drunk, whooping, pushing, and fighting. Early in the evening gaming-tables at Charing Cross begin to fill with bullies, fools, and gamesters. People of fashion leave off gambling in order to take supper.
At midnight one-third of London is fast asleep and almost penniless.
Such is the picture, deprived of its grosser features, of London from hour to hour on a Sunday in 1759. It may be regarded as a picture of the times, or as a picture of Sunday as it was spent shortly before the great Evangelical movement of the eighteenth century. It would be easy to conclude from these pages that there was absolutely no religion left in the City. All the world are in the fields—at tea-gardens, hunting ducks, sitting in taverns, getting fuddled; the merchant carries on business as much on the Sunday as on any other day; the public gaming-houses are open in the evening; the tavern bells ring as loudly as the church bells. But it would be foolish to accept this picture as true. The churches, as we have seen, opened their doors to early service, to morning, afternoon, and evening services; the chapels were thronged with quiet worshippers; the masters sent their apprentices to church. But, this writer gives us to understand, Sunday was a general day of amusement. Well, Sunday has always been, except for a brief spell of Puritan rule, a day of amusement. Under the ancient faith the people attended mass in the morning and amused themselves in the afternoon; it was the traditional, time-honoured custom to make of Sunday not only a holy day but also a holiday. We may be quite sure that the account of *Low Life* was accepted by the readers of the time not as a "desecration" of Sunday, but as a legitimate way of spending the day, save that the people should have gone to church in the morning. The Evangelicals brought back the Puritan Sunday, and, if they did not fill the churches they at least emptied the taverns by the simple method of keeping their doors closed.
Taken as a picture of the times, it shows the people rising far earlier than is now the practice even on a summer morning; it shows a stupendous amount of drinking; and it seems to show—but on this subject one must be very cautious of
drawing conclusions—a much greater proportion of vagabonds, link-boys, pickpockets, and thieves than we can now boast. It also shows in parts omitted that, as has been already remarked, the woman in scarlet was everywhere, all day long: in the tea-gardens at six in the morning; at evening-tide in the Park; in the afternoon at Bagnigge and Sadler's Wells; in the night-house at ten. All through the eighteenth century she is everywhere; all through the century the writers love to talk about her; and they gratify that desire by assuming the garb, which they wear awkwardly, of the moralist who deplores and the Christian who exhorts.
CHAPTER XVII
MEDICINE
The eighteenth century witnessed a complete revolution not only in surgery and in medicine, but also in the conditions under which the medical profession was conducted. At the beginning of the century physicians were held in great respect; fashionable physicians, such as Radcliffe and Mead, made large incomes; apothecaries, who had hitherto confined themselves to the compounding and making up of drugs, were endeavouring to prescribe on their own account; surgeons, inferior to both apothecary and physician, were members of the Company of Barber Surgeons. They could only operate, except for the less important cases, in the presence of a physician; and in a hospital they could prescribe nothing for their patients without the permission and signature of a physician.
In 1687 the College of Physicians resolved, but not unanimously, to prescribe for the poor without fee; they fitted up and opened a Dispensary in their College, Warwick Lane. The apothecaries raised the greatest opposition: they would not make up the physicians' prescriptions; they refused to call them in for consultation. The physicians fell back upon their Charter and prosecuted an apothecary for attending and prescribing for a sick man. They won their case, but afterwards lost it by a decision of the House of Lords. The quarrel gave rise to Garth's poem of *The Dispensary*. Dryden also had a word to say about the apothecaries:
"From files a random recipe they take,
And many deaths from one prescription make:
Garth, generous as his muse, prescribes and gives:
The shopman sells and by destruction lives."
The Physicians' Dispensary was closed in 1724. Both sides won: the apothecaries continued to prescribe; the physicians, however, convinced the world that the prescriptions of those who had no science were dangerous things.
The Guild of Surgeons, apart from that of the Barbers, dates from 1345. They were incorporated with the Barbers in 1540. In the same year the Company obtained the right of practising dissection. The Surgeons broke off
in 1745. At first they had great difficulty in keeping their Society together. In 1790 it collapsed, but was founded again in 1800 as the Royal College of Surgeons of London; the title being changed in 1845 to that of the Royal College of Surgeons of England.
The only hospitals of London at the beginning of the century were St. Thomas's, St. Bartholomew, Bethlehem, and Bridewell—the last was occasionally used as a hospital. There were also the two "Pesthouses" of Finsbury and Westminster. Guy's Hospital was opened in 1725; the Westminster Dispensary (afterwards Hospital) in 1719; the London Hospital, which also began as a dispensary, in 1740; St. George's Hospital opened as an Infirmary in 1733; the Middlesex in 1745; the City of London Lying-In Hospital in 1770; the Lock Hospital, 1746; St. Luke's, 1751; Queen Charlotte's Lying-In Hospital, 1752; the Small-Pox Hospital in 1746, and others.
The list is creditable to the philanthropy of the country.
At a time when everybody who belonged to a reputable and recognised calling proclaimed his profession or his craft by his dress, it is not surprising that physicians should wear a garb which distinguished them. His profession was known by his ample wig—a physician, according to Fielding, can no more prescribe without a full wig than without a fee—by his black velvet coat, and by the gold-headed cane which carried in the ball the preventive against infection. Their manner was always one of studied gravity and solemnity, as if they were profoundly impressed, as they ought to be, with the responsibility of their calling;
their walk, their speech, their face, their eyes were composed to the same gravity. A coach was indispensable if a young man professed to be a fashionable physician; a treatise on some special disease or fashion in treatment was equally indispensable if one would get on. Such a treatise was intended not so much to advance medical science as to call attention to the great learning of the writer. Physicians, for the most part, thought it best to keep aloof from the common herd: they seldom frequented coffee-houses, and maintained by their seclusion something of the mystery which had formerly associated medicine with sorcery, or at least astrology. There were exceptions to this rule of separation. Mead, Arbuthnot, Garth, Freind frequented society—at least, literary society; later on, Dr. Buchan actually received his patients at the Chapter Coffee-house, and prescribed for them, it appears, in the presence of the whole company.
The physician was often a scholar—perhaps it is safe to say that the fashionable physician was always a scholar; for the simple reason that the manners required of a successful physician among the aristocracy could not be assumed or achieved by an unlettered quack. We find, therefore, such physicians as those mentioned above not only belonging to the best circles of the town, but also scholars, collectors, antiquaries, numismatists, lovers of painting and statuary, lovers of music, lovers of books. Mead, Radcliffe, Freind, Sloane, Woodward, Hunter, all made great collections of books, anatomical and medical objects, and antiquities. They were accused of thinking too much of their collections and too little of their patients. "Their inattention," says Rouquet, their contemporary, "is sometimes of incalculable value to the patient." Mead, whose practice is said to have brought him in £7000 a year, began to collect when he first began to practise. He lived successively at Stepney, in Crutched Friars, in Austin Friars, in Bloomsbury, and in Great Ormond Street, where the Children's Hospital stands. In his garden behind the house Dr. Mead erected a building for his collections and for his books, the latter numbering 10,000 volumes.
The name of Garth recalls his poem called *The Dispensary*. Garth was also a good scholar: he pronounced a Latin oration in the old College of Warwick Lane before the assembled faculty in 1697, which brought him great reputation; it was Garth, too, who pronounced the Funeral Oration over the body of Dryden in Westminster Abbey. Arbuthnot is better known as a writer than as a physician. Blackmore aimed at being a poet. Sloane is called by Young the "foremost toyman of his time." Radcliffe founded the great library at Oxford. Akenside was a physician. Goldsmith liked to be called the Doctor. Smollett was a physician.
I have mentioned the Gold-headed Cane. There is preserved in the library of the College of Physicians the cane which passed in succession from Radcliffe
to Mead; from Mead to Askew; from Askew to Pitcairn; and from Pitcairn to Baillie; then it stopped and was presented to the College. Of all the eighteenth-century physicians it is to Mead that we turn as the most pleasant, as well as the most remarkable figure. He was granted length of days as well as great success; he lived in the best society; he brought dignity to the profession; and, in the words of Johnson, "he lived more in the broad sunshine of life than almost any man."
As regards the tentative and experimental nature of medicine, the strange remedies still in use, the elementary condition of surgery,—I cannot deal with them here. I content myself with showing the formal and ceremonious way in which a physician conducted the simplest operation. I take the simple operation of bleeding, then commonly prescribed for a fever, for a fit, for a drunken stupor, or for a girl's attack of melancholy. First of all, if it was done in the presence of a physician, it must be done by a surgeon. Poor people, however, were content to go to an apothecary, or even to a barber. Sometimes it was performed on the neck; in the case of a woman, however, this was seldom the place chosen, because even the slight puncture of a lancet might make a disfiguring mark. The arm was therefore chosen.
They began by throwing a handkerchief over the patient's head, so that she should see nothing of the blood. Then the physician placed a ball of worsted in the patient's hand. When she pressed it, the veins of the arm swelled. The physician then took the basin. By long practice he knew exactly how far the fountain of blood would spring forth; the surgeon just touched with his lancet a blue vein; the jet of blood leaped out; the physician caught it dexterously, so that not a single drop was spilled. His task was to order the stop of the blood-letting when the proper amount had been taken. In cases of fever they took eight ounces—two and a half for health and five and a half for fever; this was called bleeding *ad defectionem*, because the patient generally fainted from loss of blood; or *ad plenum rivum*—a full bleeding. Taraxacum was then administered, with Rhenish wine, or broth in which borage had been steeped.
The apothecaries in the poorer parts of the town acted as general practitioners as well as druggists, whence arose the custom, out of self-defence, for the qualified general practitioner to make up and dispense his own medicines.
The richer sort called in the physician; the surgeon operated under the direction of the physician; the apothecary made up the prescriptions of the physician. Many apothecaries enjoyed a great local reputation and obtained a large practice. The most formidable rival, however, of the physician was the herbalist, the wise woman who understood the qualities and properties of the common wild herbs, and, with her sage and dandelion, boasted that she administered to sick people with as much success as the College of Physicians with their drugs.
The midwife exercised her functions without calling in the aid of the doctor; the bonesetter practised his or her trade without the help of the surgeon.
It must be confessed that it was a great time for the quack. He had none of the modesty of his successor, who sometimes owns that there are disorders which his medicines will not cure. He of the eighteenth century boldly claimed that he could cure everything. Sometimes his medicines took the form of diet, as when one learned person recommended stewed prunes and cold water as a universal medicine; sometimes it was a specific, as that of Dr. John Hill, who made a concoction of dock, sage, and valerian which cured everything; or it was tar water, recommended by the learned Bishop Berkeley.
The career of the famous Dr. Graham is interesting as a lesson in the power of humbug. Certainly people who would believe in Dr. Graham would believe in anybody. This is very easy to say, but we must remember that the most absurd pretensions when they are set off by a commanding figure, by an imposing manner, by a persuasive voice, lose nine-tenths of their absurdity. James Graham made his first appearance in the year 1780. He took a house on the Adelphi Terrace; adorned it externally with a large gilt sun; inscribed on the front the legend *Templum Aesculapio Sacrum*; furnished the house with splendour, all the walls being hung with mirrors; and gave lectures every night on his new discovery of restoring health and vigour by means of electricity. Crowds of people attended, though they had to pay two guineas each for a simple lecture. At the conclusion a girl was revealed standing in a recess with a curtain in front. She was the Goddess of Health, and she stood before the audience naked, but adorned with all the charms that properly belong to that most lovely of goddesses.
Graham became famous and made money. He removed from the Adelphi to Schomberg House, Pall Mall; here he continued his lectures, the charge for which he presently had to lower, little by little, till the two guineas became half-a-crown. The Temple of Health was next converted into an evening promenade, at one shilling admission. The chief object of attraction was the Celestial Bed, a four-poster standing on glass legs, by means of which children of the most perfect beauty could be begotten. It is even said that he charged £500 a night for the use of this bed. Of course he produced his universal specific, and he obtained large sums for the bottles of his "Elixir of Life." As he certainly fell immediately afterwards into great poverty, we may conclude that he sometimes took less than £500 a night for his bed, and that he offered large discounts for his "Elixir of Life."
People grew tired of both, and left off visiting the Temple. He then took another house—in Panton Street—and lectured on bathing in earth; he delivered the lecture sitting, with his Goddess of Health beside him, both up to the chin in earth. After this he fell into difficulties. His goddess left him; his creditors pursued him; he retired into the country. He seems to have become a student
at the University of Edinburgh: one of his former friends gave him an annuity of £50 a year, and in 1794 he died in Edinburgh.
We also read of one Doctor Brodum, by which name is designated a notorious quack of the time. He was originally the valet of a French quack, from whom he learned some medical jargon. On the strength of this, and of two scientific discoveries of the greatest benefit to mankind—the "Nervous Cordial," and the "Botanical Syrup"—he set up for himself and did well. To these two boons and blessings he subsequently added his "Baume de Vie," and his "Tea for Prolonging Life." He further enriched the medical literature of the country by his Guide to Old Age. He obtained a degree from Aberdeen—I know not whether the statement is intended as a charge that Aberdeen habitually sold diplomas to quacks—and took a house in London.
Another quack of the first water became famous under the name of Dr. Solomon of Liverpool. He, too, wrote books in praise of his own specifics: his Guide to Health laid many in their graves, and his "Anti-Impetigines"—skin eruptions—and "Cordial Balm" proved more useful in keeping down the population than the war itself.
The writer before us does not speak of Dr. Graham. But he pays a deserved tribute to the celebrated Perkins, who introduced to the country the Metallic Tractors. One is surprised that a credulous public ever allowed the Metallic Tractors to die. However, we have seen the day of the electric belt. The tractors were two pieces of metal drawn slowly over the part affected. For rheumatism, gout, sciatica, lumbago, pleurisy, and such diseases, the tractors were simply sovereign. The owner of this discovery sold his two bits of metal for five guineas.
The memory of the tractor survives, but that of Mr. Buzaglo, presumably an Italian, has perished. Yet this man of science cured gout, rheumatism, and lumbago in an hour—actually in an hour! of however long standing. Wasted calves he restored to their pristine fulness of flesh in a few days. Patients could, if they pleased, agree for a perfect cure, by the month, by the year, or for life.
On the general question of credulity in quacks and nostrums, perhaps there was not more faith than would be, and is, found to-day. The man Graham was clever enough to offer the town an exhibition, which was, to say the least, interesting. There are always people who have found the regular qualified doctors unable to restore the vigour of youth, or to drive away disease incurable; such people are always ready to try a new nostrum, or a new method, not so much in faith as in hope—very slight hope, in most cases, that there may be something in it. These are the principal reasons why quacks in all ages meet with success which is generally ephemeral. A few of the eighteenth-century nostrums are still remembered, and, I believe, used at the present day. To try one nostrum after another, when the
regular physicians have failed, does not necessarily indicate credulity, so much as despair. At this very day if another Graham were to arise, and, like him, promise to show the way to a hundred years of life and health, he would find as many eager and hopeful followers as ran after him in 1780.
The following is a contemporary character of a quack:
"His sagacity is remarkable, for he hath found out an art both to conceal his own ignorance, and impose on that of other folks to his own advantage; his prime care and greatest concern is, to get the names of diseases without book, and a bead-roll of rattling terms of art, which he desires only to remember, not to understand, so that he has more hard words than a juggler, and uses them to the same purpose, viz. to amuse and beguile the mobile, first of their senses, and next of their pence. Thus when people acquaint him with their grief, and their ills, though he know what the disease is no more than a horse, he tells them 'tis a scorbutick humour, caused by a defluxion from the os sacrum afflicting the diaphragm and cricoary thenoidal muscles, proceeding from heats and colds, with which the poor souls are abundantly satisfied, and wonder he should hit upon their distemper so exactly. He undertakes to spy out diseases whilst they are yet lurking in their remotest causes; has an excellent talent in persuading well people they are sick, and by giving them his trash verifies the prediction and is sure to make them so. When he walks the streets (which is with a Spanish gravity), if he lights upon a well-dressed woman, with a child in her arms, he stops on a sudden, and, clapping his hand on his breast to witness his sincerity, cries, "Ah, sweet babe, what pity 'tis it should be lost for want of looking after!" The good dame being frighted, a confederate that follows comes up and asks what the gentleman said. Then he tells the woman that he knows this gentleman by sight, and that he is one of the ablest doctors in the kingdom, especially for women and children, and withal acquaints her with his lodging. Away troops she next morning and purchases not only a dose for her child, but for herself too, for I never yet knew a female but ail'd something when she came in presence of a doctor."
In a collection of old London signs and advertisements issued by Mr. F. Cornman in 1891 and 1894, there are several which illustrate the sale and circulation of quack medicines in the eighteenth century. I take them without any order. Thus, "At the sign of 'The Anodyne Necklace,' over against Devereux Court, without Temple Bar," could be obtained Dr. Sydenham's "Experimental Observations on the Gout," given gratis with a picture of a sufferer, his foot on a stool, his whole leg swathed with flannel, his medicine in a bottle on a table ready for use, and his crutches for walking. At the same place could be obtained the "Great Diuretick Cleanser for Weaknesses," priced at 5s. the bottle, with a picture of a weak man sitting dolefully on a table; "Purging Sugar Plums," advertised to be without mercury "the Prettiest contrived Medicine for Families." Here, too, because it is good desipere in loco, could be procured gratis, a book upon Noses, containing remarks "on the long High Roman Nose (as was the fashion in King William's Dayes); on the Bottle Nose; the Snub Nose; the Little Contemptuous Grinning Turned-up Nose; the Short Cocking Nose; the Thin Pinch'd-in Nose; the Red Nose; and on those who have lost their Nose" (perhaps the book was chiefly designed as a consolation for the last unfortunates). Here was published, also to be had gratis, a "Treatise on Ague and Intermitting Fevers," with a picture of a man in night-dress complete,—i.e., gown, cap, and white stockings,—sitting beside a roaring
fire. At the same establishment could be found "Seven useful Discourses on Physical Necklaces for Fits and Children's Teeth, Traced up to 1700 years." At the sign of "The Anodyne Necklace" lived the famous Dr. Chamberlain in the year 1729. His sign is given in two forms as represented below.
Mrs. Carter, an oculist, lived at the sign of the "Hand and Eye"—the hand represented by a finger dexterously manipulating the eye. Dr. Clark, dentist to Charles II., lived in Fountain Court, Strand, at the sign of the "Sun and Eye," with the motto "Post Nubila Phœbus." This was in 1721, when Charles had been dead thirty-four years. Dr. Clark, therefore, was then advanced in years. A "Speedy Cure for Agues of all Sorts" was to be had of William Denman at "The Golden
Advertisement in "The Weekly Journal" 1718
From Some Illustrations of Olde London (Cormnan, 1894).
Advertisement in "The Country Journal" 1729
From Some Illustrations of Olde London (Cormnan, 1894).
Ball," near Hyde Park Corner, "and no where else"—one might therefore catch an ague in the Fulham Marshes and get it cured without going farther than Hyde Park Corner. Hungary Water was sold at the "Black Boy and Comb," next door to the Pastry Cook's, Ludgate Hill. A surgeon's sign was the Golden Ball and Acorn; trusses were sold at the "Blackamoor and Truss," Bartholomew Close; the "Specifick Bombs," price 1s., could only be bought of Mr. Greeg, bookseller, next to Northumberland House, Strand—he gave, as well, for nothing, an account of this great discovery; the "Grand Angelica," or the "True Scots Pills," left to posterity by Dr. Patrick Anderson, were faithfully prepared by Isabella Inglish at the "Unicorn" over against the Watchhouse near the May Pole, Strand; persons whom Dr. Chamberlain, at the "Golden Anodyne," could not cure, might repair with confidence to J. C. Kelly at the "Golden Gallon," three doors
without Temple Bar. This great man would effect a cure in forty-eight hours. Those who were troubled with the itch could buy "of the author," Dr. Rock, his infallible liquor at the sign of the "Hand and Face," Water Lane, Blackfriars; if Dr. Rock's infallibility proved, for once, a breaking reed, there was Pille, at Dr. Bateman's warehouse, Bow Church Yard, who made and sold, in tin boxes, a "Grand Antidote." Tansies were also made by Peter Bartlet at the "Golden Bull," in St. Paul's Churchyard. The "Grand Cathartick, or Great Restorer of Health," was made and sold at the "Black Boy" on London Bridge; the "Original Grand Elixir" (if the Grand Cathartick failed) could be had at the "Squire's Head," Jewin Street, Cripplegate. Dr. Tipping, at the "Cherubim's Head," Half Moon Street, Strand, offered his "Original and only True Pleasant Cordial," each bottle being decorated with a coat-of-arms, presumably Tipping's own; Cox, on the other hand, gave away his coat-of-arms in a decoration to his "Inestimable Angelical Tincture" at the Golden Ball, Nicholas Lane, Lombard Street; the "Pectorial Drops of Dr. Bateman were sold at Ewer's warehouse, Bow Churchyard, at the sign of the "Boar's Head"—these were patent; while Mr. Cooper at the Great Toy Shop, Corner of Charles Court, Hungerford Market, kept for sale that "Tripple Pill," which was the stand-by of so many faithful believers. Dropsy and Rheumatism were cured by the same great practitioner, Dr. Rock, who has been mentioned above. He was not above selling other people's preparations, and recommended Pitcairn's "Purging Elixir." "Tar water" could be had anywhere; "hemlock pills," with an infusion of ground ivy, scabious, and speedwell, were greatly respected by many; "egg liquor," which was simply water with an egg beaten up in it, was recommended for the palsy.
The scare of the Resurrection man belongs strictly to the close of the eighteenth century, when the practice of dissection increased at all the medical schools, and the demand for subjects never ceased. Then it became known that men made a living by robbing the graves, and the indignation of the people was only equalled by their horror. First, watchmen were set to guard the burial grounds; this became useless, because, as might have been expected, they were bribed by the Resurrection men. Then the friends of the deceased sat up to watch the grave. This was efficacious so long as they continued to watch. But it is not pleasant to sit in a damp burial ground all through a cold night. The friends soon went home. Then the Resurrection men came again. They could get a body out of a grave, cover all up again, and have the body safe in their cart, in less than forty minutes. A very odd branch of the profession was the getting of teeth. One man followed the English Army abroad—was it Spain?—and from the heads of the dead on the field of battle drew teeth, which he brought to England and sold for £300.
The money made by robbing the graves was really incredible. In October, at the beginning of term, a Resurrection man was paid by a certain hospital a retaining
fee of £50, and received, in addition, the sum of nine guineas to twelve guineas for every body that he brought to the hospital.
On the 13th of March 1798 a hackney coach was found standing at a very early hour near the Methodist Burial Ground (Whitfield's Tabernacle) in the Tottenham Court Road, with the dead body of a child in it. An alarm was given, and a general search was made in the ground, when the disagreeable discovery was made that a great number of bodies had been removed by the Resurrection men for dissection. It must be remembered that the Tabernacle then stood almost in the fields, with few houses between it and St. Giles's, while opposite lay a broad stretch of open fields, covered with ponds and ditches, where prize-fights and sports were held on Sundays, but which were deserted during the rest of the week. (See Appendix V.)
CHAPTER XVIII
BETHLEHEM ROYAL HOSPITAL
The religious house of St. Mary of Bethlehem has been already considered. Henry VIII. granted the place to the City as a hospital for lunatics, and the Proctor to the Hospital was licensed by Edward VI. to beg within the counties of Lincoln, Cambridge, the City of London, and the Isle of Ely, for this hospital. In the reign of Elizabeth the church and chapel were taken down and houses built in their place. In 1557 the management of this hospital was united with that of Bridewell, under the same management. The Hospital for Lunatics at Charing Cross was also transferred to this place.
The new Bethlehem was built on the south side of what is now called Finsbury Square. This was in the year 1675. It was open to the public as an exhibition, and for two hundred years it was a common practice to go to Bethlehem in order to see the lunatics, as one of the sights of London. Payment was made for admission, and a considerable addition—as much as £400 a year—accrued to the revenues of the place by this entrance fee. The hospital could accommodate 150, and when it was found in 1799 too small and too ill-contrived, the Committee bought a site of nearly twelve acres in St. George's Fields, Lambeth, covering, among other places, the ground on which stood the gardens and houses called the "Dog and Duck," one of the most disreputable places in the suburbs of London. The new building was completed in 1815. It consists of an Ionic portico in the front, and a centre with advanced wings. The front is nearly 600 feet long and is surmounted by a lofty dome. The dome was built after the rest of the building in order to provide a chapel for the hospital, which before had none. The hospital can now hold 450 patients, but the average number is not more than 250. Within, the house is furnished comfortably and even luxuriously. On the male side there are smoking rooms, billiard rooms, music rooms, and sitting rooms. On the female side there are similar conveniences. There are also lecture rooms and a theatre and large gardens. The old practice of restraint with manacles and strait-waistcoats, etc., has long since vanished entirely before modern treatment. Kindness alone is the method of the present day.
Compare the present treatment with that of the eighteenth century. In the
year 1815 a Committee of the House of Commons was appointed to examine into the conduct and management of Bethlehem Hospital. We may assume that no change had been made since the new century began. Among other things, they found in one of the side rooms—
“About ten patients, each chained by one arm or leg to the wall, the chain allowing them merely to stand up by the bench or form fixed to the wall, or to sit down on it. For dress, each had only a sort of blanket-gown, made like a dressing-gown, but with nothing to fasten it round the body. The feet were without shoes or stockings. Some of these patients were lost in imbecility, dirty, and offensive. Associated with them were others capable of coherent conversation, and sensible and accomplished. Many women were locked up in their cells, chained, without clothing, and with only one blanket for a covering. In the men’s wing, six patients in the side room were chained close to the wall, five were handcuffed, and one was locked to the wall by the right arm as well as by the right leg. Except the blanket-gown, these men had no clothing; the room had the appearance of a dog-kennel. Chains were universally substituted for the strait-waistcoat. Those who were not cleanly, and all who were disinclined to get up, were allowed to lie in bed—in what state may be imagined.
In one cell they found a patient, whose condition is represented in a plate in Esquirol’s work,
not much to the honour of English treatment. This patient's name was Norris. He had been a powerful and violent man. Having on one occasion resented what he considered some improper treatment by his keeper, he was fastened by a long chain, which was ingeniously passed through a wall into the next room, where the victorious keeper, out of the patient's reach, could drag the unfortunate man close to the wall whenever he pleased. To prevent this sort of outrage poor Norris muffled the chain with straw, but the savage inclinations of the keeper were either checked by no superintending eye, or the officers of the asylum partook of his cruelty; for now a new and refined torture for the patient was invented in the shape of an ingenious apparatus of iron. A stout iron ring was riveted round his neck, from which a short chain passed to a ring made to slide upwards or downwards on an upright massive iron bar, more than six feet high, inserted into the wall. Round his body a strong iron bar, about two inches wide, was riveted; on each side of the bar was a circular projection, which, being fastened to and enclosing each of his arms, pinioned them close to his sides. The effect of this apparatus was, that the patient could indeed raise himself up so as to stand against the wall; but could not stir one foot from it, could not walk one step, and could not even lie down, except on his back; and in this thraldom he had lived for twelve years. During much of that time he is reported to have been rational in his conversation. But for him in all those twelve years, there had been no variety of any kind—no refreshing change, no relief, no fresh air, no exercise, no sight of fields or gardens, or earth or heaven."
An English lunatic asylum was indeed the most horrible place possible; the most hopeless; the most filthy; the most terrible. Hope, indeed, could be abandoned by those who entered here.
In Hogarth's picture of Bedlam in the "Rake's Progress," there is represented a long gallery barred halfway across, probably the separation of the men from the women; on one side of the gallery runs a row of cells. They are lighted by barred unglazed windows; the doors, thrown open in the drawing, are provided with gratings, by which the inmates can be watched. Two tradesmen are confined in the cells; one of them is an imaginary emperor wearing an Imperial crown of straw and bearing a wooden sceptre; he is stark naked, sitting on straw, and happily unconscious of his condition. In the next cell is one who has gone mad with religion; he gazes upon the Cross with ecstasy. Outside, in the gallery, there are other madmen. One is constructing a system of spherical trigonometry on the wall with chalk—his mind is entirely absorbed in the task; another surveys an imaginary heaven through a paper telescope; another plays upon a violin; another is happily and cheerfully mad; another is the Pope of Rome; and another is a poor gentleman gone off his head for love of Betty Careless. "Charming Betty Careless" was a very famous, or infamous, lady, who flourished about the years 1720-1740. She is buried in St. Paul's Churchyard, Covent Garden, and was thought of consequence enough to receive a brief obituary notice in the Gentleman's Magazine for April 1752: "Was buried from the poorhouse of St. Paul's, Covent Garden, the famed Betty Careless, who had helped the gay gentlemen of this country to squander £50,000."
Lastly, in the foreground, is the miserable Rake himself. He is now a raving maniac; they are fixing the chains on his legs; one can see that his end
TREATMENT OF THE INSANE
From Hogarth's engraving, "Scene in Bedlam" (The Rake's Progress)
is not far off. The wife, whom he has ruined, has left him; but there is with him the woman whom he has also ruined, and who loves him still and will never leave him.
Bedlam, until the year 1770, was one of the shows of London. If it was a horrible place, it was at least a public place. Things that were done there were done openly. In private madhouses there was no publicity; things were done there in privacy; nobody knew what was done; the only safeguard was the interest of the keeper to keep his patients alive. What safeguard was there that he would not admit sane persons? There was none. It is the most difficult thing in the world to prove that a person is not mad. Yet there was the most widespread belief that for purposes of gain, of revenge, or malice, many persons, perfectly sane, were hurried off and confined for life in a private lunatic asylum. There is the case, for instance, of Mrs. Hawley.
On the 15th of September 1762, Mrs. Hawley, with her mother and husband, went out on what she understood to be a party of pleasure at Turnham Green. On the way the coach stopped at a house in Chelsea, where they all got down: this was a private madhouse, kept by one Turlington, the proprietor, who farmed it out to a man named King. Mrs. Hawley found that the party of pleasure stopped here, and that she was to be detained as a lunatic. In some way or other this unhappy lady found means to let her friends know where she was. Mr. Turlington and Dr. Riddle, the medical adviser of the place, to whom the friends applied, refused access to the lady. One of them, however, obtained a writ of *habeas corpus*; the case was tried; it was proved that the keeper of the asylum had not even pretended that she was insane, and had put her under no kind of medical treatment. The lady was therefore released.
Then Mr. Turlington thought it advisable to explain, and defend the conduct of his asylum. He employed, he said, a deputy keeper, one King, whose qualification for the post was an unsuccessful career in the wool trade. King said that he never asked for a written authority from Mr. Turlington before admitting patients; that he had always admitted people brought to him by their friends and relations, without any question or inquiry; that he had admitted many for drunkenness; that Mrs. Hawley herself was brought to the house by a woman calling herself her mother, and placed in the asylum on an alleged charge of drunkenness; that persons in the asylum were not allowed to write letters or to communicate with the outer world; that his patients were at liberty to walk in the garden and from room to room; and as to their diet and apartments, that depended on the amount they paid, which varied from £20 to £60 a year.
Another case. Mrs. Mills made oath to Sir John Fielding. She said that one Gunston came to her and said that her husband was in trouble. As he had been arrested that day she believed it and went with Gunston in a hackney coach. He took her to Bethnal Green. As soon as she got there, she suspected what had been done,
and told Gunston that she had been decoyed into a madhouse. He replied practically by throwing her down and dragging her up the steps by the feet. As soon as she was in the house he handcuffed her. Then the housekeeper appeared and saluted her with the language common to the time and to her class. She was taken to a room where she was confined till the morning, when a basin of tea was brought to her. The woman who brought it told her that she herself had long been confined there by her husband, and exhorted her to take it easy. A day or two afterwards Mrs. Mills' husband appeared, expressed his sorrow, and carried her away. She then bethought her of the woman who had exhorted her to patience and went to Sir John Fielding. The end of it was that the unhappy woman—Mrs. Ewbank by name—who was quite sane, and had been imprisoned for a year and three-quarters, was taken out, and the persons concerned were prosecuted. This story is incomplete. Why was the man Mills arrested? Why did he send his wife to a madhouse? Why did he take her out and "express his sorrow"? What happened at the prosecution, and why was Mrs. Ewbank confined in the madhouse? We must remember that it was an expensive thing to lock up a person in a private madhouse—sane or not.
In the treatment of insane persons there was even a darker side than that presented by the asylums, public or private. In the private asylums the chief horror was the ease, illustrated above, with which a person, perfectly sane, could be arrested and kept in one of them until death. Among the lower class, however, or to speak more distinctly, among the lower middle class, a dreadful custom prevailed, when one member of the family became a madman, of keeping him in the house out of sight, and, as they hoped, out of mind. The unfortunate wretch was chained up either in a cellar or under the stairs, or in a cold garret in the top of the house. He was there confined and looked after by his own relations. Many cases are reported of these poor creatures being neglected, starved, kept in the dark, and in many cases done to death, by their relations. The only thing that could be said in excuse is the curious fact that people generally believed that insane persons had little feeling for cold, warmth, hunger, pain, thirst, etc. It must also be remembered that the expense of private asylums was far greater than most people could afford, and that public asylums bore so horrible a character for cruelty that they shrank from putting their mad people into them. Another reason for keeping them out of sight and locked up was probably a kind of shame in having a madman in the family, and the hope that he would die quietly without the thing being discovered. In the same way in certain countries where leprosy still exists, it is not unknown that when it declares itself in a family, the patient is put into a room and kept there till he dies, while his relations try to persuade their friends, who know perfectly well what has happened, that the patient has gone to Europe.
Here is a case of hiding away a madman. A certain old woman named Surr, accidentally fell upon a piece of ice and fractured her skull, so that she died. One of the neighbours, moved by her situation, went into the house, and, after rendering the last offices to her remains, walked into the cellar to wash her hands. She there heard a moan as from a human voice, and on examination she found that it proceeded from an object, so neglected and destitute, that it was difficult to say whether it was of the human or the brute species. This discovery she communicated to the neighbours, and a considerable number of persons assembled round the house; but John Surr, the father of the family, had locked the door, and refused to admit any of them. The overseers and constable were then sent for. The old man, probably from an apprehension of the fury of the populace, refusing still to open the door, they were obliged to force their way into the house. On obtaining admission, they proceeded into the cellar, and here they found an unfortunate man squatted under the cellar steps, chained by a leg to the wall, and in so loathsome a state, that it was evident he had not been washed for years. A few sacks and a little straw served him for a bed; his appearance was that of a spectre; and his bones had in several places penetrated through his skin, which was much excoriated. As a first step the parish officers ordered him to be taken to the workhouse; and on viewing a comfortable bed which had been prepared for him, he exclaimed—"What! is this for me? God bless you! you will go to heaven for this," and other expressions of a similar import. Sometimes he conversed freely, but frequently incoherently. There was, moreover, a vacuity in his look, which showed a want of mind. He appeared, however, to be perfectly inoffensive and tractable, and it was evident that he knew and felt the difference between his present and his late situation. When the young man, who seemed to be about thirty years of age, was taken to the workhouse, his father was arrested and taken for examination before the magistrates at the Court House. The reason, we understand, that was assigned by the old man for keeping his unfortunate son in the situation in which he was found, was, that he was deranged in his intellect, and required restraint. It also appeared that the prisoner had always maintained a good character; and though it was impossible to justify his conduct towards his son, the nature of his offence was not judged to be cognisable by the law; it was therefore determined that he should be discharged. The lunatic died a few days after the change in his treatment.
This practice did not apply to the case of idiots; those unfortunates, who were generally harmless, were allowed to go about free. It was one of the less agreeable features of street life in London and elsewhere that one met the idiot and the imbecile in the streets unrestrained and unprotected.
CHAPTER XIX
THE DURATION OF LIFE
The Weekly Bills of Mortality began in the year 1592, on the 21st of December. They were continued till the 18th of December 1595, and recommenced on the 21st of December 1603. They first included 109 parishes. The other parishes outside the City walls were gradually added, one after the other, until all were included. The Bills are not all extant, some having been lost and some having been carelessly treated.
These lists were considered by Maitland as important, chiefly for giving some materials out of which to make an estimate of the population. He comes to the conclusion that London in 1750 contained 725,903 inhabitants, including Westminster and the suburbs.
Maitland also used the Bills of Mortality to dispel certain vulgar errors, such as (1) a common belief that there were two girls born for one boy; (2) that only one in a thousand lived to seventy years of age; (3) that the Dissenters of all kinds, including Jews, etc., were together equal to the numbers of the Established Church. He showed that there were $5\frac{1}{2}$ per cent more boys than girls; that 4 per cent reached seventy, 2 per cent reached eighty, and 1 in two hundred attained the age of ninety; that all the Dissenters taken together were in number to the Church of England in London as 1 is to $7\frac{1}{2}$.
I have made some inquiry into the average duration of life in London of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, by taking the Registers of St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, for two or three years towards the end of the former century. These Registers give the date of the death, and the name and age of the deceased. In a few cases the age is not mentioned, but these are too few to affect the general result, which in one respect at least is surprising.
From the Register we arrive at the following table. The number of entries taken from the Register was 885:
| Age Group | Number |
|-----------|--------|
| 5 years and under | 516 |
| " over 5 " | 18 |
| " 10 " | 26 |
| Total | 380 |
I advance figures taken from a parish register of two or three years only, without venturing to conclude absolutely that they represent the exact average for that time of the mortality spread over the whole city. It is not impossible that there may have been special reasons for the mortality of children at that time. But we may go so far as to expect a reasonable approximation to correctness.
And concerning the very great mortality of children—59 per cent in any parish register—47 per cent in Maitland's figures, it is probable that bad air, bad drainage, and bad food must be made to account for the loss of so many. Clearly the weaker were killed off in the early years of infancy because we find so few deaths—only about 3 per cent—occurring between the ages of five and twenty.
Between twenty and thirty there is a high average. This is, for men, the most active time of life. No doubt many of the deaths among the men are due to the accidents or risks of their work. Among the women we may attribute many deaths to child-bearing, which especially belongs to the ages between twenty and thirty.
CHAPTER XX
INDIGENCE
Colquhoun, to whom we shall have to refer on the subject of the Police of London, produced an instructive treatise on the Indigence of London. The number of mendicants in the metropolis and its vicinity he estimated at 6000 adults and 9298 children; he divided them into those who belonged to London and its vicinity, and vagrants belonging to different parishes. In the whole country there were, roughly speaking, 50,000 beggars, 20,000 vagrants, 10,000 men who worked as little as possible, 100,000 prostitutes, 10,000 rogues and vagabonds, 10,000 lottery vagrants—persons engaged in getting insurances during the drawing of the lotteries, or promoting the "Little Go" lotteries—criminals of all kinds, 80,000; and objects of parish relief, 1,040,716. All this in England and Wales alone out of a population of 10,000,000!
In this book, also, he presents the reader with an account of the manners and customs of the lower classes; and since his field of observation was limited to London alone, his rules, which he applies to the whole country, belong—exceptis excipiendis—to London alone. Thus, he speaks of the injurious effects of things that debase the people. The children of vagrants, seeing their parents bandied about from parish to parish, naturally imbibe ideas of vagrancy; they become, in their own estimation, pariahs and outcasts; and they know what it means to be a pariah. Therefore, the first object to be sought, in reclaiming a class, is the restoration of that much abused quality—respectability. Let the children begin by thinking well of themselves.
The beer shop and the tavern swallow up a great part of the men's earnings; they could earn enough to keep them all the week, by doing three or four days' work; they spend the rest of the time drinking and talking in the public-house. The pawnbroker's shop was their resort on every occasion of want or tightness. They would pawn the coat at night to take out the blanket, and the blanket in the morning to take out the coat. Nor did they understand how great a leakage in their wages was created by these incessant visits to the pawnbroker. There were then 240 pawnbrokers in London, and the number was rapidly increasing.
To the labouring classes of that time a temptation was every year held out, which is now happily removed. They could any day or all day long buy some share or part of a share in a lottery; it was called insuring in a lottery; thus quite small shares were offered and bought; the whole of the population therefore revelled every year in dreams of possible wealth, which they neither saved, nor created, nor deserved.
A very large proportion of the people lived in a state of illicit cohabitation without marriage; their offspring, owing to the vicious lives and habits of the parents, were rickety and feeble, and grew up weak mentally or bodily, or sometimes both. Utterly neglected, having received no education, knowing no religion, having learned no trade, what could be expected in after life of these unfortunates?
As for the parish system of relief, it was noted by Colquhoun that the method of assessing the rates was monstrously unjust. For instance, the two parishes of Bethnal Green and Christ Church, comprehending Spitalfields, contained a population entirely poor. These people were heavily assessed to relieve the indigent among them, while their rich employers, who were not resident in the parish, contributed nothing.
Colquhoun, far in advance of his own time, advocated an equal assessment over the whole country; a complete change in the parish system and in the settlement of paupers in their own parish, and in passing them on from parish to parish; he demanded the establishment of a free system of education; the inculcation of economical habits; teaching the art of frugal cookery, keeping the young men from tobacco, which was always, he thought, accompanied by drinking—it must be remembered that few of the better classes then took tobacco, except in the form of snuff.
Mostly, however, he considers, as we shall also see in examining his book on the police of London, the rag and old iron shop as the principal cause and encouragement of thieving, vagrancy, and indigence.
The eighteenth century was the Paradise of Beggars, especially in London, where, though all the parish officers knew them to be impostors, vagabonds, and rogues, there were immense numbers of professional beggars. "Every alley," writes Francis Grose, "presents some miserable object, covered with loathsome sores, blind, mutilated, exposed almost naked to the cold wintry blast." Begging was a trade, and a very good trade; there was even a King of the Beggars, who appointed to each superior beggar his beat or district; he in his turn farmed it out to others. They also sent their children out begging, and kept servants for the purpose, who had to bring home every evening a certain sum at least. "What is this?" cried one of them, when a girl brought home her earnings of the day. "Why, Russell Square alone, well 'begged, would give you double that sum!" In
this profession mutilation was the most useful qualification; the man with no arms was accounted luckier than he who had only one, while a man with no legs who crawled along on a porridge pot was a desirable *parti* for a young lady in that way of life.
In 1815 a certain Hale, a silk-weaver, gave evidence before a Royal Commission on the subject of mendicity in London. His testimony anticipated the theory of the Charity Organisation Society by sixty years. Not one case in a hundred of mendicity, he declared, deserved relief; the beggars of London were a worthless, indolent, and depraved company; many working people were not too proud to get money by begging; they had to keep the paupers close in the workhouses to prevent them begging; they kept them at work in order to deter the professional beggars from seeking shelter in the workhouse; if the paupers got out for a few hours, they always begged in order to get more drink; the beggars found out the days when the committee of the parish gave out-door relief, and applied at each one in turn through the week; they lived extremely well on rump steak and oyster sauce, for instance, getting drunk three or four times a week; a house, called the Beggars' Opera, in Whitechapel, was their favourite resort; mendicity would be put down in a week if no one would give a farthing to any street beggar, and if no beggars were allowed in the streets.
He went on to point out the good influence of the Sunday School in a place like Spitalfields, densely populated, yet quiet and orderly; he said that this influence was not upon the children only, but upon the parents, helping them to be sober and frugal.
The desertion of children was common among the lower classes; nothing could prove more plainly the general brutality than this practice. Defoe shows us the children wandering about the streets picking up what they could get. In the year 1732, after Defoe wrote, the Mayor instructs the watch to take all children found sleeping in bulks and about ash-heaps to the constable, to be delivered over to the parish authorities. The dropping of babies on doorsteps was a practice which was carried on systematically. Tramps and vagrants refused to be burdened with infants; they were left on the doorstep. A girl desired to hide the evidence of her fall, it was taken from her by her nurse and left on a doorstep. On one occasion a child was thus left at St. James's Palace. The Queen was told of it, she gave orders that the child was to be taken in, christened, and brought up; but that tramps, beggars, and mothers of illegitimate children were not to expect a second act of generosity in this direction. The child was named Caroline Augusta Matilda.
In 1771 a boy was laid in one of the offices of the "Queen's House" in a basket. A woman with a basket was seen to pass in but not to go out, nor could any one discover who the woman was or how she got out of the Palace.
The boy was taken by the King, who christened him George and ordered him to be properly brought up.
The babies thus picked up were taken to the workhouse and were then placed out to nurse with women called parish nurses at a weekly payment of 1s. to 2s. 6d.—a few being sent out of town into the country. A Parliamentary Committee of inquiry reported in 1765 that, of all the children born in workhouses, or received under the age of twelve months, during the years 1763, 1764, and 1765, only seven out of every hundred were alive at the end of 1765. Of older children the mortality was less. Thus, taking the figures of sixteen parishes, 1767-1778, we find that out of 9727 children under charge of the parish during that time, 2042 died; or a mortality of twenty per cent, which is not perhaps excessive. It is interesting to note that 4600 were returned to their parents.
Complaints were made that the parish apprenticed the boys to the age of 24, and the girls to the age of 21, by which means early marriages were made impossible. Observe that what we discourage by all means in our power—the early marriage—the eighteenth century desired by all means. The reason, of course, was the constant demand for fighting men in that age of continual warfare. And therefore the desire of the State for large families.
The streets were full of deformed people, children, and adults. They were deformed to an extent and in a manner which is never seen now. The bow legs were semicircular, the knock knees made a sharp angle, the shoulders were not even square, the chest was hollow or pigeon-breasted—one never sees a pigeon-breast now,—hunchbacks were common, one leg was frequently shorter than the other, feet were crippled, the shin was round in front like a scimitar. All these deformities were due to the carelessness of the parents; children were constantly being dropped on the floor; the mothers got drunk, presently down fell the baby, as in Hogarth's "Gin Fair."
In a word, it was a very dreadful, pitiful time for the helpless children. Then Captain Coram arose. This excellent person, formerly a merchant captain, was over 70 years of age when he took up the cause of the children and wrote his petition concerning the establishment of a home or refuge for them. The scheme was adopted with enthusiasm; money was raised without difficulty, and the Foundling Hospital was opened on the 25th of March 1741 for the reception of 19 boys and 11 girls. Two of them received the honour of being named Thomas and Eunice Coram; the rest were called after Drake, Blake, and other heroes. If this were the present custom, it would be perhaps inconvenient for the rightful holders of the names of Nelson, Wellesley, Lawrence, Tennyson, Dickens, Gordon, etc., to find other and previously unknown branches with the same names flourishing round them.
All through the eighteenth century and well into the nineteenth, the chimneysweeps were little boys who were forced to climb the chimneys in order to bring down the soot. Every one knows the terrible evils of the practice. It is well, perhaps, to show from the report of the Committee on the Employment of Boys in Chimneys what these evils were. It was presented on June 22, 1817, and resulted in a Bill for preventing the further use of climbing boys in the sweeping of chimneys. The following are extracts from the Report:
"Your Committee refer generally to the evidence for proofs of the cruelties that are practised, and of the ill-usage, and the peculiar hardships that are the lot of the wretched children who are employed in this trade. It is in evidence that they are stolen from their parents, and inveigled out of workhouses; that in order to conquer the natural repugnance of the infants to ascend the narrow and dangerous chimneys, to clean which their labour is required, blows are used; that pins are forced into their feet by the boy that follows them up the chimney, in order to compel them to ascend it, and that lighted straw has been applied for that purpose; that the children are subject to sores and bruises, and wounds and burns on their thighs, knees, and elbows; and that it will require many months before the extremities of the elbows and knees become sufficiently hard to resist the excoriations to which they are at first subject; and that one of the masters being asked if those boys are employed in sweeping chimneys during the soreness of those parts, he answered, 'It depends upon the sort of master they have got. Some are obliged to put them to work sooner than others; you must keep them a little at it even during the sores, or they will never learn their business.'
Your Committee are informed that the deformity of the spine, legs, arms, etc., of these boys, proceeds generally, if not wholly, from the circumstance of their being obliged to ascend chimneys at an age when their bones are in a soft and growing state; but likewise by their being compelled to carry bags of soot and cloths, the weight of which sometimes exceed twenty or thirty pounds, not including the soot, the burthen of which they also occasionally bear for a great length of distance and time; the knees and ankle joints become deformed, in the first instance, from the position they are obliged to put them in, in order to support themselves, not only while climbing up the chimney, but more particularly so when coming down, when they rest solely on the lower extremities, the arms being used for scraping and sweeping down the soot. Your Committee refer generally to the observation of every one as to the stunted growth, the deformed state of body, the look of wretchedness and disease which characterises this unfortunate class; but it is in evidence before them, that there is a formidable complaint which chimney-sweepers in particular are liable to, from which circumstance, by way of distinction, it is called Chimney-sweeper's Cancer. . . .
But it is not only the early and hard labour, the spare diet, wretched lodging, and harsh treatment which is the lot of these children, but in general they are kept almost entirely destitute of education, and moral or religious instruction; they form a sort of class by themselves, and from their work being done early in the day, they are turned into the streets to pass their time in idleness and depravity; thus they become an easy prey to those whose occupation it is to delude the ignorant and entrap the unwary; and if their constitution is strong enough to resist the diseases and deformities which are the consequences of their trade, and that they should grow so much in stature as no longer to be useful in it, they are cast upon the world without any means of obtaining a livelihood, with no habits of industry, or rather, what too frequently happens, with confirmed habits of idleness and vice."
Here is a true story of extreme destitution. Poor and destitute people it was well known frequently sought shelter in empty houses in winter, when for the sake of warmth they often burned up the stairs, banisters, and upper floors.
In November 1763 a house-agent, engaged to show some houses for sale in Stonecutter Street, took a gentleman to see them. On entering a room on the
first floor they found the dead body of a woman lying naked on the floor. On the second floor they found another dead body, also nearly destitute of clothing; and on the top story they found two women and a girl of eighteen, all three in the last stages of emaciation.
They were carried away and examined. One of the women, Elizabeth Stanhope, deposed that she came to the house, being penniless, for shelter; that she there met the woman found with her, named Pallcat, who shared the garret with her; that Pallcat, a basket-woman of the Fleet, had been brought to the house by the deceased women, who were also basket-women; that some days before the deceased women were taken ill, Pallcat pawned her apron for sixpence to get them some beef and plum-pudding, which they were able to eat; that they saw no more of the poor women.
The girl, in her turn questioned, said she was the daughter of a working jeweller in Bell Alley; her parents died when she was only six; she was brought up by the next-door neighbour until her death four years later; that she then went to Spitalfields and got work by winding quills and silk. She then went to a baby-farm as nurse and servant, till she was taken ill. This caused her to be discharged. She then applied to the churchwarden of the parish where her father had been a householder for relief. He refused without even letting the girl know that she had gained a settlement by servitude. She tried to move his heart by sleeping on his door-step all night, but in vain. She then heard of the empty house, where she began to sleep. She had an ague and was nursed by the woman Pallcat; she went out begging in the day and brought the money home to her friends at night. But she was taken ill again, and was nursed again by Pallcat, until they were found and carried away.
It is a singular story. Observe that not one of the women ever thought of applying to the parish clergy for assistance. Observe also the extreme goodness of the poor woman Pallcat. She pawns her apron to buy something for the sick women; she receives the girl; she nurses her through two sicknesses; one would like to know what became of Elizabeth Pallcat, this good Samaritan who had not even twopence.
I can present you with the life of a workhouse boy of 1766. He was the son of a labourer, who died when the boy was only five years of age. He was put upon the parish, but as his father had been a wandering kind of man, no one knew exactly where he was born; they took him from parish to parish, but at last fixed him. As soon as he could handle a mallet, he was put to work; and as they fed him well and only made him work ten hours a day, he was happy. At the age of fourteen they bound him to a farmer, with whom he had plenty to eat, but was at work early and late. The farmer died and the boy had to turn out and work for himself. So he began to roam about the country, sometimes
CAPTAIN THOMAS CORAM
From an engraving by W. Nutter, after the portrait by Hogarth in the Foundling Hospital.
getting work and sometimes not. He was clearly a nomad by instinct and by inheritance, as is plainly apparent from the pleasure he took in roving from one village to another. One day he had just knocked down a hare and was carrying it off in triumph, when he was caught with the hare in his hand by a Justice of the Peace. This was a misfortune indeed. He was indicted at Sessions, found guilty, and sentenced to be transported as a vagabond. Until the sailing of the next ship he was sent to Newgate. This place, generally described by those who knew it at this period as horrible to the last degree, with its gaol-fever, its companionship, its orgies, appeared to the young poacher as quite a pleasing residence. "For my part," he says, "I found Newgate as agreeable a place as ever I saw in all my life. I had my bellyful to eat and drink, and did no work at all." However, this kind of life was too good to last; so after five months he was taken from Newgate and put on board a transport with two hundred more. "We had," he says mildly, "but an indifferent passage, for, being all confined in the hold, more than a hundred of our people died for want of sweet air, and those that remained were sickly enough, God knows."
He was bound to a planter for seven years, and as he was quite ignorant he was put to work with the negroes. However, he expresses no resentment at this treatment, but merely remarks that he served out his time and worked his way home. Here he avoided the country, for fear of another sentence as a vagabond, and did odd jobs in London. One evening, however, he was knocked down by the pressgang and taken before a justice, who offered him the choice of becoming a soldier or a sailor. He chose the former, and served two campaigns, being present at the battles of Val and Fontenoy. At the latter he received a wound in the breast of which the surgeon cured him.
When the peace came on he enlisted in the East India Company's service and fought the French in six pitched battles. He got sick leave after a while and sailed for home with £40 in his pocket. Unfortunately, however, before setting foot on shore, he was pressed for a sailor. He knew nothing about a sailor's work, and so got beaten continually by the bo's'n as a skulker. However, he still had his £40, the thought of which consoled him. Alas! this consolation vanished when the ship was taken by the French and he lost his savings.
They were all carried off to Brest, where many of the crew died "because they was not used to a prison; for my part it was nothing to me, for I was seasoned." One night the bo's'n woke him up. "Jack," he said, "will you knock out the sentry's brains?" "I don't care," says I, "if I do lend a hand." In a word they did the job, knocking down the two sentries. They then ran down to the harbour, got a boat and put out to sea. They were picked up in three days by an English privateer. She, however, was taken by a French privateer, the Pompadour, a few days after; the main account of the transaction
is as follows:—"The fight lasted for three hours, and I verily believe we should have taken the Frenchman had we had some more men left behind; but, unfortunately, we lost all our men, just as we were going to get the victory."
If the French ship had put into Brest it would have gone hard with our friend. Fortunately she did not, but continued cruising in the Channel, where she met the English ship, the *Viper*, which captured her. The man had now lost a leg and four fingers of his left hand; but as he had suffered on board a privateer, there was no pension for him. "However, blessed be God, I enjoy good health, and will for ever love liberty and Old England."
Eighteenth-century slang need not delay us long. Colonel George Hanger gives us a specimen which may serve our purpose. He speaks of: "Coming the fawney, lully-prigging, the dobbing cant, the running rumbler, sky-larking, blue pigeon-flying, making a stall for a reader, or a screen, or a rum squeeze at the spell, the runny snarel, how to slang your mawley, to scamp, prig, floor, doo, hobble, frisk, mount, lumber, and fence; how to mount by a Jacob and force a kenn; to be careful of the young dabbs, and the Queen Elizabeth; it will teach you, when any rich man is dorsing a darkey, with you upon the queer roost, how to frisk his groapers for his reader and screens."
He also alludes to the common catch-words, of which there are always one or two in vogue. Those which follow belong to the year 1798. "Patch"; "What a bore"; "That's the Barber"; "Go it"; "The tippy and the twaddle"—he does not explain the meaning or the application of this mysterious phrase. "What a swell"; "Keep moving"; "All my eye Betty Martin"; "Go along, Bob."
Among the winter inhabitants of London were a large number of gipsies. These people were much more separate than at present. They all knew and spoke habitually the Romany tongue; they followed the trades which required little training and no apprenticeship, being tinkers, braziers, knife-grinders, basket-makers, and players on some kinds of musical instruments. The girls danced; the women told fortunes and sold trumpery. They knew nothing of their origin; they had no kind of religion; none of them could read; many of them camped out in the winter as in the summer; they had no marriage ceremony, nor any funeral rites, burying their dead in the hedge. In morals, among themselves, they were entirely dissolute.
CHAPTER XXI
TRADES AND OFFICES
A few notes from the London Directory of the year 1791 may conclude this section.
There were within the city in this year 14,744 merchants, tradesmen, and master craftsmen of all kinds. There were about a thousand persons employed in the civil service; there were 52 banks; there were 34 army agents, and 31 navy agents.
The principal trading companies were the Bank of England, the Million
Bank, the East India Company, the Russia, Levant, African, Hudson’s Bay, and South-Sea Companies.
The fire insurance offices were the Hand in Hand, Union, Royal Exchange, London Assurance, Westminster, Amicable, Sun, Phoenix. The life insurance companies were the Royal Exchange, the Amicable, and the Equitable.
The following were the London bankers. As yet the joint-stock bank was unknown. They were all private houses. They expected a floating balance of a considerable amount, and they did not receive the small accounts of persons of limited incomes.
Ayton, Brassey, Lees & Satterthwaite, 71 Lombard Street.
Barclay & Tritton, 56 Lombard Street.
Batson, Stephenson, Grave & Glover, 69 Lombard Street.
Biddulph, Cocks, Ridge & Cocks, Charing Cross.
Barnet, Hoare, Hill & Barnet, 62 Lombard Street.
Boldero, Adey, Lushington & Boldero, 30 Cornhill.
Castle, Powel, Summer & Co., 66 Lombard Street.
Child (Robert) & Co., 1 Fleet Street.
Coutts (Thomas) & Co., 59 Strand.
Cox & Merle, Little Britain, Aldersgate Street.
Crofts, Devaynes, Dawes & Noble, 39 Pall Mall.
Denne Cornelius, Robert Snow, William Sandby & William Sandby, jun., 217 Temple Bar Without.
Dimsdale (Baron), Thomas Dimsdale, John Dimsdale, Thomas Dimsdale, John Barnard & William Staples, 50 Cornhill.
Dorriens, Mello, Martin & Harrison, 22 Finch Lane.
Downe, Thornton & Free, 1 Bartholomew Lane.
Drummond (Robert and Henry) & Co., Charing Cross.
Esdaile, Sir James, Knt., Esdaile, Hammet & Esdaile, 73 Lombard Street.
Forster, Lubbock, Bosanquet & Co., 11 Mansion House Street.
Fuller, Richard, Sons & Vaughan, 84 Cornhill.
Fuller, William, Son & Co., 24 Lombard Street.
Glynn, Mills & Mitton, 12 Birchin Lane.
Gosling, Robert, Francis & William, 19 Fleet Street.
Hankey, Thomas, Joseph Chaplin Hankey, Stephen Hall, Robert & Richard Hankey, 7 Fenchurch Street.
Harley, Hon. Thomas, Cameron & Son, George Street, Mansion House.
Harrison, Robert, Thomas & Co., 1 Mansion House Street.
Hercy, Birch & Hobbs, 152 New Bond Street.
Herries (Sir Robert, Knt.) & Co., 16 St. James’s Street.
Hoare, Henry & Charles, 37 Fleet Street.
Hodsol & Mitchell, near Catherine Street, Strand.
Jones, Joseph, Daniel & Co., 43 Lothbury.
Ladbroke, Rawlinson, Porker & Watson, Bank Buildings.
Langstons, Towgoods & Amory, 29 Clement’s Lane.
Lefevre, Curries, Yellowley & Raikes, 29 Cornhill.
Lockhart, James & James, 36 Pall Mall.
Mackworth, Sir Herbert, Bart., Dorset, Johnson & Wilkinson, 68 New Bond Street.
Martin, Stone, Foote & Porter, 68 Lombard Street.
Master, Dawson, Brookes, Kirton & Dixon, 26 Chancery Lane.
Mildred, Masterman & Walker, 2 White Hart Court, Gracechurch Street.
Moffat, Kensingtons & Co., 20 Lombard Street.
Newnham, Everett, Drummond, Tibbits & Tanner, 65 Lombard Street.
Nightingale, John, William & George, 70 Lombard Street.
Peele, Wilkes & Dickenson, 33 Poultry.
Prescotts, Grote, Culverden & Hollingworth, 62 Threadneedle Street.
Pybus, Call, Pybus, Grant & Hale, Old Bond Street.
Ransom, Morland & Hammersley, 57 Pall Mall.
Sanderson (Sir James), Harrison, Brenchly, Bloxam & Co., Southwark.
Sikes, Snaith & Snaith, 5 Mansion House Street.
Smith, Paine & Smiths, George Street, Mansion House.
Smith (Samuel) & Sons, 12 Aldermanbury.
Smith, Wright & Gray, 21 Lombard Street.
Staples, Day, Staples, Cox & Lynn, 83 Cornhill.
Stevenson, William, 85 Queen Street, Cheapside.
Taylor, Lloyd, Bowman & Co., 60 Lombard Street.
Vere, Lucadou, Troughton, Lucadou & Smart, 77 Lombard Street.
Walpole, Clark, Walpole & Clark, 28 Lombard Street.
Welch, Rogers, Olding & Rogers, 3 Freeman’s Court, Cornhill.
Whitehead, John & George, 5 Basinghall Street.
Williams, Son, Wilkinson & Drury, 20 Birchin Lane.
Willis, Wood & Co., 76 Lombard Street.
Wright, Selby & Robinson, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden.
There was a great number of persons connected with the Law in all its branches: the judges, barons, masters, remembrancers, commissioners, examiners, cursitors, filacers, proctors, clerks, ushers, and servants. The number of counsel was 374, there were 56 conveyancers, 50 draftsmen in equity, 64 special pleaders, 5 draftsmen in common law, and 1840 attorneys. In the City there were 640 sworn brokers, and 12 who were Jews. It was one of the singular disabilities of the Jews that there were not allowed to be more than 12 sworn brokers. There were 81 rectors or vicars in the City, there were 117 Fellows and Licentiates of the College of Physicians for the whole country, not for London only, there were 479 surgeons in London alone, and 86 apothecaries.
The learned societies were Gresham College, the Royal Society, the Society of Antiquaries, the British Museum, the Society of Arts, the Royal Academy of Arts, the Society of British Artists.
The London papers were as follows:
**LONDON DAILY PAPERS**
| Titles | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|-----------------|---------------------------------------------|
| *The Diary* | W. Woodfall, Salisbury Square. |
| *The Morning Herald* | Luxford, 18 Catherine Street, Strand. |
| *The World* | Bostock, 335 Strand. |
| *The Oracle* | Bell, 132 Strand. |
| *The Times* | Walter, Printing House Square, Blackfriars. |
LONDON DAILY PAPERS (continued)
| Titles | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|------------------------------|---------------------------------------------|
| The Star | Mayne, in Temple Bar. |
| The Argus | Roaf, 5 Catherine Street, Strand. |
| The Gazetteer | Say, 10 Ave Maria Lane, Ludgate Street. |
| Public Advertiser | H. Woodfall, Corner of Ivy Lane, Paternoster Row. |
| Daily Advertiser | Jenour, 33 Fleet Street. |
| Morning Chronicle | Westly, 201 Strand. |
| Morning Post | W. Williams, Blake Court, Catherine Street, Strand. |
| Public Ledger | Crowder, 12 Warwick Square, Warwick Lane. |
| General Advertiser | Yardley, 182 Fleet Street. |
LONDON EVENING PAPERS
Published Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays.
| Titles | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|------------------------------|---------------------------------------------|
| General Evening Post | Bew, 28 Paternoster Row. |
| St. James's Chronicle | Baldwin, Corner of Union Street, Blackfriars. |
| London Chronicle | Wilkie, 71 St. Paul's Churchyard. |
| London Evening Post | Barker, 6 Old Bailey. |
| English Chronicle | Vint, Blake Court, Catherine Street, Strand. |
| Whitehall Evening Post | Davies, Peterborough Court, Fleet Street. |
| Middlesex Journal | Ayre, 6 Newcastle Street, Strand. |
Evening Paper, published Tuesdays and Saturdays.
| Title | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|----------------------------|---------------------------------------------|
| London Gazette | Harrison, Warwick Lane, Newgate Street. |
Evening Papers, published Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.
| Title | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|----------------------------|---------------------------------------------|
| Lloyd's Evening Post | Hancock, 13 Paternoster Row. |
| London Packet | Crowder, 12 Warwick Square, Warwick Lane. |
| The Comet | 6 Newcastle Street, Strand. |
| Evening Mail | Walter, Printing House Square, Blackfriars. |
Evening Paper, published Tuesdays and Fridays.
| Title | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|----------------------------|---------------------------------------------|
| Courier de Londres (in French) | Brooks, 8 Coventry Street, Haymarket. |
LONDON WEEKLY PAPERS
| Title | By whom printed and advertisements taken in. |
|----------------------------|---------------------------------------------|
| The Craftsman | Say, 10 Ave Maria Lane, Ludgate Street. |
| Baldwin's Weekly Journal | Baldwin, Corner of Union Street, Blackfriars. |
| Westminster Journal | Redmayne, 10 Creed Lane, Ludgate Street. |
| Old British Spy | Redmayne, 10 Creed Lane, Ludgate Street. |
| Ayre's Craftsman | Ayre, 14 Bridges Street, Covent Garden. |
| Sunday London Gazette | Ayre, 14 Bridges Street, Covent Garden. |
| Mitchell's Sunday Gazette | 13 Bridges Street, Covent Garden. |
| Sunday Chronicle | Downs, Black Horse Alley, Fleet Street. |
| Johnson's Sunday Monitor | Johnson, 4 Ludgate Hill. |
| Sunday (London) Recorder | Macleosh, 48 Ludgate Hill |
| Sunday Review | Macrea, 10 Orange Street, Leicester Fields. |
| Racing Calendar | Weatherby (15 numbers in a year), Oxenden Street. |
| Public Hue and Cry | Sir Sampson Wright (once a month), Bow Street. |
The public offices show a multiplication of work connected with the Law.
LAW AND OTHER PUBLIC OFFICES
(most of which are under Government)
Accountant-General's Office.
Admiralty Office.
Affidavit Office.
Alienation Office.
American Claims Office.
Auditor's Office.
Augmentation Office.
Bank of England.
Bankrupt Office.
Bill of Middlesex Office.
Borough Compter.
Borough Court of Southwark.
Chancery Court.
Chancery Office.
Chirographer's Office.
City Solicitor's Office.
Clerk of the Crown Office.
Clerk of the Docquets (K.B.).
Clerks of the Docquets (C.P.).
Clerk of the Errors Office.
Clerk of the Errors Office (K.B.).
Clerks of the Essoigns Office.
Clerk of the Juries.
Clerk of the Outlawries.
Clerk of the Papers Office (K.B.).
Clerk of the Papers Office (C.P.).
Clerks of the Rules Office.
Common Bail Office.
Common Pleas of Prothonotaries' Office.
Corporation of Cursitors' Office.
Courts of Common Pleas, King's Bench, and Exchequer.
Courts of Record.
Crown Office.
Cursitor's Office.
Custos Brevium Office.
Declaration Office.
Dispensation Office (C.).
Duchy Court of Lancaster.
Enrolment Office.
Error Office.
Examiner's Office.
Exchequer Chamber Office.
Exchequer of Pleas Office.
Excise Office.
Fen Office.
Filacer's Office to the Common Pleas.
Filacer's, Exigenter's, and Clerk of the Outlawries Office.
First-Fruits Office.
Fleet Prison.
Foreign Apposer's Office.
Game Tax Office.
General Accountant Office of New Duties.
General Post-Office.
Guildhall.
Hackney Coach and Chair Office.
Hanaper Office.
Hat Licence Office.
Hawkers' and Pedlars' Office.
Heralds' College Office.
Horse-Dealers' Tax Office.
Inrolments of Fines and Receiver's Office.
Judges' Chambers.
Judgment Office, and Clerk of the Docquets.
King's Bench Office.
King's Bench Prison.
King's Remembrance Office.
King's Silver Office.
Land Tax Office for London.
Lord Chamberlain's Office.
Lord Mayor's Court and Office.
Lottery Office.
Lottery Licence Office.
Mansion House.
Marshalsea, Court and Prison.
Masters in Chancery Office.
Masters' Office (King's Bench Office).
Master of the Rolls Office.
Medicine Licence Office (Stamp Office).
Million Bank.
Mint.
Navy Office.
New Gaol.
Newgate Prison.
New Prison.
Nisi Prius Office.
Ordnance Office.
Patent Office.
Pawnbrokers' Licence Office.
Pay Office of the Army.
Pay Office of the Navy.
Pell Office.
Penny-Post Offices.
Perfumery Licence Office.
Petty Bag Office.
Pipe Office.
Plantation Office.
Post-Horse Licence Office.
Presentation Offices.
Privy Seal Office.
Public Accounts Office.
Queen Anne's Bounty Office.
Receiver-General's Office for Stamps
Register Office.
Register Office of Deeds in Middlesex.
Register containing Marriages of the Fleet, Mayfair, and Mint.
Report Office.
Return Office.
Rolls Office.
Rotation Offices in the County of Middlesex.
Salt Office.
Seal Office.
Secondaries Office of Pleas
Secretary of State's Office.
Sessions House.
Sheriffs of London's Office.
Sheriffs of Middlesex's Office.
Sick and Hurt Seamen's Office.
Signers of Writs Office.
Signet Office.
Six Clerks' Office.
South-Sea House.
Stamp Office.
Subpoena Office.
Tax Office.
Tenths Office.
Treasury.
Treasury-Keeper (C.P.), Mr. Stubbs
Trinity House.
Victualling Office.
The following were the principal hospitals and public charities:
The Royal Hospital at Greenwich.
Commissioners and Officers of the Royal Hospital at Chelsea.
Charter-House, founded by Thomas Sutton, Esq., in 1611.
St. Bartholomew's Hospital, founded by Henry VIII., 1539.
Christ's Hospital, founded by Edward VI., 1552.
Bridewell and Bethlehem, founded by Edward VI., 1553.
St. Thomas's Hospital, founded by Edward VI., 1553.
Guy's Hospital.
Westminster Infirmary.
St. George's Hospital.
The Foundling Hospital.
Lying-in Charity.
London Hospital.
Middlesex Hospital.
Small-pox Hospital, in Cold Bath Fields, and Hospital for Inoculation, at Pancras.
Hospital for French Protestants.
Lock Hospital.
Corporation for Sick and Maimed Seamen.
Whitechapel Court.
Wine Licence Office.
The British Lying-in Hospital for Married Women.
City of London Lying-in Hospital.
St. Luke's Hospital for Lunatics.
Marine Society's Office.
Welsh Charity.
The Asylum, or House of Refuge, for Orphan Girls.
Magdalen Hospital.
London Workhouse.
General Dispensary.
Medical Society of London.
Westminster General Dispensary.
Public Dispensary.
Middlesex Dispensary.
Humane Society.
A List of the Court of Assistants.
Orphan School.
Society for promoting Christian Knowledge.
Society for promoting the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
Society for promoting Religious Knowledge among the Poor.
Patrons of the Anniversary of the Charity Schools.
The Thirty-one Elder Brethren of the Trinity House.
SOCIETY AND AMUSEMENTS
Society, early in this eighteenth century, was, in many respects, still in the making. Some of the old barbarities had disappeared—the new order was as yet uncertain. Side by side with a respect for rank which had suffered nothing from the Commonwealth—not in any sense a levelling Republic—there were growing up the claims for consideration of wealth made in trade, and of the professions to assert their claim to belong to society, or to construct a society for themselves.
If we consider the state of society at Bath say, about the year 1720, a time of which we possess very full information; and if we remember that similar conditions prevailed wherever the world that was polite met with the world which endeavoured to be polite, we may understand something of the society of London.
First, the amusements consisted of the bowling green, the gaming table, and the country dance. There was no rule or order. If they wanted to dance all night, they did; if they wanted to gamble all night, they did. The gentlemen appeared in boots if they chose; they wore their swords, and sometimes drew them. The ladies appeared in "aprons"; this was a most flagrant offence against good manners. The nobility refused to speak with the mere gentry,—these refused to speak with people in trade or professions. Ladies who had pedigrees refused to speak with ladies who had none. They lodged in rooms ill-furnished—"two or three chairs and a looking-glass"—dirty, the floors washed with a mixture of soot and stale beer, and the whole suite unpainted. The pump room was under no order; the streets were neither paved nor lit.
Nash, the director of ceremonies, the king of Bath, changed all this. He built the Assembly Room; he engaged a band of music; he placed the pump room under rule; he caused the streets to be paved and lit; he laid out gardens, and he ruled the Assembly. At six o'clock, the company being already assembled, he entered the room; on his arrival the band struck up. He then selected the gentleman of highest rank, and presented him to the lady of highest rank. They performed a minuet; he then handed the lady back to her seat, and presented the gentleman to another lady, the next in precedence. These two danced together.
The director of ceremonies then chose another gentleman, and so it went on for two hours, the rest of the company sitting looking on or walking about. On the benches behind sat a row of waiting-maids who came with their mistresses to be ready in case of a "head" being disarranged or a hoop getting out of place.
At eight o'clock the country dances began,—for these all stood up; but here the director's real troubles began. Of course the dancers were arranged with due regard to rank, those of the highest rank standing at the top. But a country dance is a leveller; needs must that every couple should go down the line dancing with every other couple. Ladies with pedigrees, unfortunately, carried their prejudices into the dance and refused to take the hand of other ladies who had no pedigree. Then the director watched. If he found one lady evading the offer of the hand, or substituting a tap on the back of the hand of the social inferior, he sternly interfered: "Take hands or leave the room!" Sometimes, when a couple of higher rank had danced down to the end, they would back out. "Go and take your place with the rest," Mr. Director ordered, "or leave the room!"
Once the "D—— of R——"—respect for rank so exalted makes the narrator thus disguise the name, but we can penetrate the secret—came in an apron. Nash observed it. He advanced, and with his own hands he tore it off. "Your G——," he said, tossing the apron to the bench of maids, "let your servants—not yourself—come to an assembly in aprons."
At nine they rested for tea; at eleven the director held up his hand; the music stopped; the evening was over.
Here is a dancing master's advertisement. It is more instructive than pages of description:
"At Duke's Long Room, In Paternoster Row, Grown Gentlemen or Ladies are taught a Minuet, or the Method of Country Dances, with the modern Method of Footing; and that in the genteelst, and most expeditious, and private Manner. And for the greater expedition of such gentlemen as chuse to dance in company, there's a compleat Set of Gentlemen assemble every Monday and Wednesday evening for the said purpose. Gentlemen or Ladies may be waited on at their own Houses by favoring me with a line directed as above. Likewise to be had at my House, as above, a Book of Instructions for the figuring part of Country Dances, with the Figure of the Minuet annex'd thereon, drawn out in Characters, and laid down in such a Manner, that at once casting your Eye on it, you see the Figure directly form'd as it is to be done; so that a person, even that had never learnt, might, by the help of this book, soon make himself Master of the figuring Part. Such as reside in the Country, I doubt not, would find it of immediate Service, as they had not always an Opportunity of having Recourse to a Dancing Master. Price 10s. 6d. N. Duke's Dancing Master."
Apply this history to London. There were still people of rank living in the
City early in the eighteenth century, but these were few. When the City Assembly was started there were none; the separation of the aristocracy from the City was complete for a hundred and fifty years. But there was rank of another kind in the City—Lord Mayor, past Lord Mayors, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Common Councilmen; when these had taken their places, they were followed by the wealthier merchants and their wives. The same jealousy was shown in the City as elsewhere as to rank; as to pedigree, we fear that as little as possible could be said about it in a century when the boy who swept and washed the floor so often rose to be Chief Magistrate.
There was a side of City life somewhat better than that of the taverns and the coffee-houses. We shall find a notice of it in the *Diary* of Catherine Hutton, the daughter of the well-known Birmingham Hutton. When Catherine Hutton came to London for the first time—it was in 1778,—her first visit was to the Royal Exchange, where she was amazed at the elegance of the shops, the number of the carriages, and the fine dress of the people. It must be remembered that as yet the fashionable shops were all in the City, and that ladies drove to Ludgate Hill and Cheapside to do their shopping and to buy fine things, just as they now drive to Bond Street and Regent Street. The next day being Sunday, she went into the Park and walked up and down the Mall for three hours, waiting to see the King. At last he came out, with the Queen, in three chairs, preceded by the footmen and the yeomen of the Guard. The King looked sour, and his face was red and bloated. He took no notice of the people, who bowed to him as he passed along. The Queen, for her part, affably returned the civilities of the people. Catherine was then taken to Kensington Gardens, at that time the fashionable resort. Five hundred carriages were there, with a multitude of fine people.
We find an account of another Sunday, spent with quiet people. Catherine rose at seven; she dressed for church; she breakfasted; she spent two hours doing nothing; she went to church; she returned; she ate half a cheesecake; she dressed to dine with Mr. Shuttleworth, the clergyman, after the second service, at which there was no sermon. At Mr. Shuttleworth’s she met Mr. Purcell, a ruined old man, who lived upon his friends. “His face proclaimed him a drunkard, and his manners at table an epicure.” There was another guest who said nothing. The dinner, served at three, consisted of salmon at one end of the table, served with fennel-sauce, melted butter, lemon-pickle, and soy; at the other end a loin of veal roasted, with kidney beans and green peas. In the middle stood a hot pigeon-pie with yolks of eggs in it. After this course appeared a ham and chickens; when these were taken away there followed a currant-tart. After the cloth was removed, gooseberries, currants, and melon were placed on the table, with wine and cider. The young lady was called upon to give a toast. She did so, and when that was done the ladies retired. At five o’clock they sent word to the gentlemen that tea was ready.
This brief account of a dinner is characteristic of the century. Dinner at three—a copious meal; it was a time of great eating as well as great drinking; even these moderate and religious people sit for an hour at least over the bottle, and one of the clergyman's guests is a drunkard as well as an epicure. Catherine could not be expected to know that it is impossible for a drunkard to be an epicure.
During her second visit to London, Catherine Hutton made a voyage to Margate, which was already a great place of summer resort for the citizens. The party went by the hoy, which performed the voyage in nine hours and forty minutes. She says that it was a "glorious excursion," and that for four hours she was "miserably ill and in strong hysterics." "We supped at Mitchener's, and after supper had a bottle of wine made into negus." The party stayed in Margate three nights, and the voyage back took thirty-six hours.
On this visit her brother procured admission to the King's Birthnight Ball at St. James's Palace. It would seem as if an outer circle was formed, in which the spectators stood while the King and Queen walked round the inner circle of the nobility, speaking to every one. The walk round finished, the young Prince of Wales, then about eighteen, opened the ball with a minuet.
In the City there were two assembly or subscription balls. The more aristocratic—the Almack's of London—was called the City Assembly. The subscription was three guineas; there were 200 subscribers and ten balls. To become a member, she says, required as much interest as to become a member of Parliament. Catherine, however, had the honour of being present as the guest of a member.
"At half-past seven the gentleman entered our drawing-room, dressed in a suit of pale blue French silk, spotted with pink and green, the coat lined with pink silk plush; his hair in a bag, a white feather in his hat, a sword by his side, and his ruffles and frills of fine point lace. Much comfort, you may believe, I expected in such a partner; but very little did I find, for the fine clothes danced every dance with another lady. The spectacle made me some amends, however, for it was the finest I ever saw, the Birthnight Ball excepted. The men were chiefly in dress coats, with their hair in bags; those who were not, wore cloth coats trimmed with narrow gold lace, white waistcoats of silver tissue, or ornamented with gold spangles, and the hair in a short thick queue, with curls flying out on each side of the head. Many of the elderly ladies were almost covered with diamonds.
The number of foreign faces were remarkable; and half the names I heard were foreign; among them was the French Ambassador; the subscription to the City Assembly is three guineas. There are two hundred subscribers and ten nights, so each night's expenses are sixty guineas. The subscribers are the first people in the City. The rooms are lighted with wax; the branches for the candles, the urns for tea and coffee, and the baskets for cakes and macaroons are of silver."
The other and rival institution—the London Assembly—was not so select in its company.
"It is at the London Tavern, in the finest room that my eyes ever beheld. The walls are coloured light blue, and ornamented with carvings and paintings; a large recess at the lower end of the room is entirely of looking-glass. The curtains and sofas are of pale blue silk, with gold fringe. The middle lustre cost 180 guineas. One hundred and twenty couples can dance in four sets, divided by ropes."
The subscription is five guineas for eight nights, and the requisites for appearing are a dress coat or a laced frock."
There was an assembly at Southwark, of which Catherine Hutton knew nothing. Indeed, so far as I know, history preserves but one anecdote concerning this assembly. The doors opened from the street into the dancing-room. On one occasion, when the *élite* of the borough were assembled and the ball was at its best, the doors were pushed open by one of a troop of oxen which were being driven along the High Street. The creature ran in, followed by the others, presenting threatening horns in every direction. With shrieks and cries the dancers fell back, and of course sprawled headlong over the seats and over each other. None of the gentlemen dared to confront the strange visitors. It was the proprietress, renowned for her punch, who came to the rescue and drove them out with her apron and a "Shoo! shoo!" Then the company all got up again and repaired, as well as they could, the wrecked head-dresses and the torn finery. Meanwhile, more punch was brewed, and the spirits of the company revived.
Subscription balls or assemblies were held outside the City at the Great Concert Room in Dean Street, Soho, every Wednesday, for a course of six weeks. Ladies' tickets, two guineas; gentlemen's, three; non-subscribers to pay respectively half a guinea and fifteen shillings. Coffee and tea were provided at a sideboard; and the doors opened at nine o'clock.
Thirteen years later Catherine Hutton went once more to the City Assembly.
"I have been with Mrs. André to the City Assembly, but assemblies are nothing to me. I viewed this as a show, a spectacle, in which I had no interest. There is an interval of thirteen years between this time of my going and the last, and the comparison furnishes me with no very pleasing reflections. The rooms were excessively crowded. The men were all, with the exception of one individual, dressed in silk, lace, or embroidery. The women had fine shapes, large hoops, and danced gracefully; and my shape was as good, and my hoop as large, and my dancing as graceful as the best. The women were more beautiful and well dressed; but as to elegance, it is almost lost in fashion. The heads were in the Turkish fashion, which is becoming, but the shape is hidden in the petticoats, and the dancing is a quick jumping jig. I felt as if I were not one of them."
There were strict rules as to dress and etiquette. A gentleman who did not intend to dance could present himself at an assembly in boots; but dancing in boots was absolutely prohibited. It was common for a gentleman to present a lady with a ticket, escort her alone to the assembly, and dance with her all night. It does not seem that a formal introduction was necessary to entitle a gentleman to address a lady. If a gentleman became involved in a fracas, if his conduct were noisy, if his character were notorious, the rest of the company would join in a note requesting him to withdraw. If he persisted, he was called to account by one of the gentlemen present. Insults, and even actual violence, were not infrequent. For instance, it is recorded how, at an assembly, one of the company, jealous of Peregrine Pickle's elegance and Emilia's beauty, endeavoured to move them out of their place in a country-dance. On being remonstrated with, he refused to comply with the rules of good breeding. Peregrine, enraged, snatched off his wig, and threw it in his face. The aggressor then showed the white feather, and declined the satisfaction supposed to be afforded by being run through. Peregrine, therefore, watched his opportunity, and administered a cudgelling.
Private balls were called "drums"; and a drum on a large scale was familiarly termed a "squeezer." A drum is defined by a contemporary writer as "a riotous assembly of fashionable people of both sexes at a private house; not unaptly styled a drum, from the noise and emptiness of the entertainment. There are also drum-major, rout, tempest, and hurricane, differing only in degrees of multitude and uproar, as the significant name of each declares."
It will be understood, therefore, that the City had its social side, and that of the better kind. There was a musical side; there was also a card-playing side; and there was the side of the City feasting. The companies, by this time extinct as trade unions, and with no more connection (except the Goldsmiths, the Fishmongers, the Stationers, and one or two of the smaller companies) with the trades they represented, spent a great deal of their incomes, which were in some few cases very large, in great dinners, to which the Livery were invited. These dinners were chiefly for the men. The ladies had their card-parties with suppers. Private dinner-parties in the City seem to have been simply the casual invitation of one or two guests to a family dinner. For instance, when the pudding was ready the bookseller would invite any author in his shop to step in and share it. In the early part of the century, water-parties on the river, a trip to Hampstead, a walk in Moorfields made up the whole of the excursions beyond the walls. Indeed, the roads were so infested by highwaymen and footpads that it was not safe to drive to any distance.
To make this glimpse of City life more complete, we find the men gathering together night after night at coffee-house and tavern; to this point I shall return again presently. The ladies, left alone, form their own society with cards and gossip and scandal. One must not forget the religious side, which kept open the City churches in the week and filled the City chapels. I have looked in vain for the literary side! Alas! in the City it existed not.
Society improved in one respect at least during the eighteenth century. If the gulf between the gentry and the rest of the world was widened; if barristers and physicians were considered as disqualified by their profession from having the entrée to good society; if the merchant’s calling, which filled the land with wealth, was despised,—noblemen consented to come down, and no longer affected to be on a social level above and beyond that of the landed gentry around them. This increase of consideration for the landowner was doubtless due to the enormous increase in the value of land; so much more land was put under cultivation, drained, planted, turned into fields, that a man who, under Charles II., was a yeoman, with two or three hundred pounds a year, became a country squire with as many thousands, able to keep up as great state as the Earl, his neighbour.
The last twenty years of the century do not present either the City or the West End in a favourable light. The people of fashion, as we have seen, had separated themselves almost entirely from trade. The country contained an aristocracy of the very worst kind: they were landlords, in many cases absentees; they lived apart, devouring the fruits of the earth; they were not of ancient lineage; in many cases there was nothing at all in their records which ennobled them, not any achievement either by land or by sea; in the courts of justice, as in the Houses of Parliament, the older families were extinct or represented only in the female line; the later Tudor nobles for the most part did nothing. Yet these people formed themselves into a caste which kept aloof from the industries, trade, enterprise, art, science, literature of their time. As for the citizens of London, the “caste” hated and despised them; they were always hurling contempt upon them; they were the plebs;
they were known, if they ventured into the Park, by their walk. In a very fashionable novel of the time a City lady with her daughters is represented as calling upon a lady of rank. The City visitors are treated with the utmost rudeness; when they go, the people of rank run to the windows and laugh at them as they get into their carriage.
Perhaps the manners of the City left a good deal to desire. Living by themselves, especially when they ceased to live in the City and began to retire to the suburbs, the citizens lost their ancient dignity and the stately manner which made a Gresham welcome at the Court. There was doubtless a vulgarity among the richer sort which had not been noticed, say, under Charles the Second. Add to this, that the City offices for nearly a hundred years ceased to be desired or held by the more important citizens; too often they were held by tradesmen who were illiterate and common. One may say this without fear of giving offence, because during the last quarter of a century so great and beneficial a change has come over the City, and its great offices are now generally held by those who fear not to stand before kings.
Life in London would have been dull without the Parks. These were St. James's Park, Hyde (generally spelt Hide) Park, and Green Park. The two gardens of fashionable resort in the preceding century, the Spring Gardens and the Mulberry Gardens, were now built upon; the former were covered with houses and streets; upon the latter was erected the "Queen's House," now Buckingham Palace.
The time for walking in the Park was, in the morning, between twelve and two—that is, before dinner; in the evening, from seven o'clock until midnight in the summer—that is to say, after dinner.
The chief pleasure of walking in the Park was the general freedom of conversation. The people all belonged, or pretended to belong, to the leisured class which has no work to do; there was no taint of trade or the City among those who lounged about the Park at noon. Servants in livery were not allowed in St. James's Park; they remained outside, just as they now wait outside the shops in Regent Street. Children were not allowed in the Park. When we read of ladies exchanging jokes and "chaff" with gentlemen whom they casually met for the first time, without introduction, we may remember that society was smaller and very much narrower than at present; that it was quite easy, should a chance acquaintance be followed up, to find out who and of what position that person was. There were adventurers, to be sure, and it was not always safe to trust to outward appearances. Ladies of cracked reputation, ladies of no reputation at all, ladies horribly in debt and anxious to transfer those debts to a husband, walked in the Park and endeavoured to captivate a likely man. Gentlemen—they were nearly always gentlemen by birth and breeding—sought in the Park to find that rara avis so much desired by the impecunious and the adventurous, the heiress.
Meantime, those who really belonged to society seem to have been perfectly regardless of the manners and morals and intentions and desires of the company they met. Sometimes the ladies wore masks, which gave them greater freedom. The Park, in fact, set the fashion to the spas—Epsom, Tunbridge Wells, Bath,
and Hampstead—in allowing the whole company to divert themselves together, as if they were all friends and acquaintances. In the Park not only the ladies, but also the men, displayed the most extravagant and costly dresses, with the most artificial manners: the note of the day, either in the cock of the hat, or the carriage of the cane, or the shape of the wig, indicated to each other one of the *élite*. In the same way to-day the gilded youth walk down Piccadilly mindful of the angle at which they carry their umbrellas, or the masonic sign, legible only to each other, of the unbuttoned or the buttoned coat. The modern man of fashion, however, has not by any means the scope for genius which was afforded to his predecessor in the last century. He, the Beau, who was followed by the Dandy, the Macaroni, and the Jessamy, was able to assume an extravagance of language, with new and affected phrases, an artificial intonation, a slow, special, and impudently superior utterance. It would seem strange, were it not that modern instances show it to be possible, that a beau should not have appeared to all the world the most contemptible and ridiculous object in the world. Beau Brummell, one of the last of his tribe, was never laughed at. It seems wonderful. On the contrary, his affectations and his impudence were universally admired. Why? Because impudence is always admired. It is a rare quality; it commands attention; and it can only effectively be met by the quick retort or repartee, the power for which is so rare.
The beau of the last century possessed unusual facilities and opportunities; he could be a beau in so many different ways. There was his dress, in which he could be really splendid; his periwig, in which extravagances of the first water were possible; his snuff-box—it was decorated with a lovely picture of Beauty at the Bath,—the handling of which is now a lost art; the cravat, on which the highest intellect could be employed; the clouded cane, which he alone would carry properly.
Ladies walking were attended by their footman, who followed them closely, carrying his long stick of office. It was a survival of the time when the footman was an armed retainer, who protected his mistress should she venture abroad. On Sunday, the Park was crowded by City people: the young men turned out in the afternoon in the hired tilbury or on the hired hack, showing off their skill in driving or riding, and taking off their hats to ladies whom they pretended to know. This invasion of the Parks by the City gave great offence to people of fashion, who lost no opportunity of proclaiming their contempt for trade.
"The City gentry," says a writer in 1744, "are as distinguishable as a judge from his clerk or a lady from her waiting-woman... Every illiterate coxcomb who has made a fortune by sharping or shopkeeping will endeavour to mimic the great ones; yet with all aids whatsoever they appear at best but as very mean copies of fine originals; the Ludgate Hill hobble, the Cheapside swing, and the general City jolt and wriggle in the gait, being easily perceived through all the artifices the smarts put upon them."
The novels of the period show this contempt to have been a very real thing, and the separation of City and West End to have been wider and deeper than we can well understand. Even the most exclusive "set" of modern times may close its doors to the nouveau riche, but it no longer pretends to despise the City. The fashionable ladies used to laugh at the airs and pretences of the draper's assistant pretending to be a gentleman, but they could not endure the company of the citizen with his wife and daughters, who crowded into the Park on summer Sunday evenings at five o'clock. The fashionable ladies fled: they walked or drove home, and dressed for dinner at six.
"Why," asks a gentleman admitted to a lady's carriage, "do you talk with such absolute freedom on your own and your friend's affairs before your footmen?"
"What does it matter?" she replies; "these creatures understand nothing of our amours, or our manners, or our language. One can say anything before them. They are only servants."
Later on, forced into the company of these lackeys, this person discovered that the most secret affairs of their masters and their ladies were openly discussed, with all the details that were provided by the keyhole or by the imagination. In a word, the Parks belonged to the aristocracy all the week, and were taken over on Sunday evenings in summer by the citizens. As for the lower classes, they never heard of the Parks. And since they could neither have prize-fights, nor hunt the duck, nor bait the bull, nor draw the badger in Hyde Park and St. James's, they would not have gone there had they known anything about them.
CHAPTER III
MASQUERADES
It was a great time for masquerades. They were held at Ranelagh, at the Pantheon, at Vauxhall, at Marylebone Gardens, and at Court. The Master of the Revels to George II. was a Swiss named Heidegger. This remarkable man was the son of a country clergyman of Zurich: he left his country in consequence of some amour; he became a servant to gentlemen; in this capacity he visited the chief cities of Europe, and acquired a taste for refinement, with a knowledge of good living. He came to England either as a servant or as a humble dependant on some nobleman. How he got out of the ranks of servitude to be received by people of fashion one knows not; but he did. He became acknowledged as a critic in the opera and the theatre; he improved the decorations of the stage; and by the patronage of the King, George II., he became manager of the Opera House; at the same time he vastly improved the masquerades; he managed the King’s Theatre; and he was appointed Master of the Revels. He became so much the fashion that all assemblies given by the nobility were submitted to his correction and advice. He made an income of five thousand pounds, which he literally devoured—for nearly all went in extravagant eating and drinking. He died at the age of ninety in the year 1749.
“His foibles,” said a contemporary, “if they deserve so harsh a name, were completely covered by his charity, which was boundless.”
“You know objects of distress better than I do,” he would observe; “be so kind as to distribute this money for me.” After a successful masquerade, he had been known to give away several hundred pounds at a time. So says the worthy John Nichols. His masquerades were censured by the satirists, although the fault was with the great world which supported them. Pope trimmed him in the *Dunciad*; Fielding whipped him in *The Masquerade: A Poem*; and Hogarth made an incomparable etching, replete with sarcastic wit, which was sensibly levelled at the exalted patrons as well as the foreign projector of those scenes of dissipation. This scarce print—bearing certain references that must not be named to delicate ears—was, to use the
satirist's own words, "invented for the use of ladies and gentlemen, by the ingenious Mr. H-d-g-r."
The successor of Heidegger as the purveyor of pleasure for folk of fashion was Teresa Cornelys. She was a German by birth, and began as a public singer. She came to London in the year 1756, some years after the death of Heidegger, whose place had never been filled up.
Mrs. Cornelys bought a house in Soho Square which had been built by the Earl of Carlisle, and was called Carlisle House. It was situated on the east side of the square at the corner of Sutton Street, the site being now occupied by a Roman Catholic chapel. This house possessed a garden at the back, part of which was built over by Mrs. Cornelys for additional rooms. She gave masquerades, balls, and concerts at Carlisle House to her subscribers, who paid so much a year and were free of all the entertainments. Mention is made of them in the journals and memoirs of the period; they appear to have been quite as splendid as those of Heidegger. Sometimes as many as 500 persons were present at her masquerades; all the windows of the square were blocked with people who came to see the fine dresses, and would not allow a carriage to pass till they had looked at the ladies inside. Unfortunately, things began to be whispered—things scandalous—as to goings-on at Carlisle House. The Grand Jury made reference to these scandals; probably they did Mrs. Cornelys no good. When the Pantheon was opened in January 1771, it drew away many people who had hitherto patronised Mrs. Cornelys, and in July of that year the creditors of that lady were requested to send in their accounts to Mr. Hickey, attorney in St. Alban's Street, for she had become bankrupt. Then she got possession of the house again for a while, but fell into difficulties and was imprisoned in the Fleet. Thence she escaped in the Riots of 1780, and, in a humble way, sold asses' milk at Knightsbridge, neglected and forgotten by all her former patrons. She was again arrested and again taken to the Fleet, where she died in 1797. As for the house, it was taken down in 1788.
Masquerades were kept up at the Pantheon and the Gardens. But after the long war began, the City became too impoverished to spend money on these amusements. In the year 1807, Ranelagh was closed. The Pantheon was closed for masquerade and opened for opera. It was destroyed by fire in 1792; a second Pantheon was built which was devoted to entertainments, concerts, and lectures. This lasted until 1812, when it made room for a third Pantheon. This was taken down and rebuilt in 1834. It is now a warehouse for wine.
CHAPTER IV
THE WELLS, SPAS, AND PLEASURE-GARDENS
Just as, in the earlier centuries, the citizens of London found an excuse for a day of pleasure and change in pilgrimaging to the sacred shrines and miraculous images of Willesden and Hornsey, so in the eighteenth century, after a hundred and fifty years during which not only the shrines had been forgotten, but the pleasant custom of taking a day out had also fallen out of use, they substituted a spa for a shrine, a well for a miraculous image, and, pretending to seek cures of all the diseases that exist, they flocked by multitudes to the newly found waters. These spas speedily lost their original reputation: after a short period, during which they were the haunts of pallid sufferers, they lost their medical reputation, and became haunts of pleasure and amusement; places where they held assemblies and routs, and listened to music; places that ended in becoming tea-gardens, sometimes of the lowest possible kind.
The following is a brief record of the better known of these pleasure-gardens. The reader who desires to know more about them, particularly more about their appearance in literature, is referred to a book on the subject produced by Mr. Warwick Wroth in 1896, and to the Views of the Pleasure Gardens, published by Mr. H. A. Rogers, also in 1896.
One of the earliest, and certainly the most famous, of these spas was that—or those, for there were more than one—at Hampstead, the waters of which are still believed by many to possess health-giving properties. A short stage ran from London to Hampstead and back every day; there was accommodation near the wells for the horses of those who rode; and on every Monday from March till November there was music with dancing all day long; there was also every day good entertainment to be found in eating and drinking. The spa was, in fact, owing to the throng of visitors and lodgers, the making of Hampstead, before this time little more than the abode of a few washerwomen. The purity of the air, the elevation of the spot—400 feet above the river,—and the beauty of the wild Heath, were other attractions. People flocked out there; it was far more convenient to have lodgings there than to go there and back every day. Excellent taverns, dinners and suppers, the Great Room, bowling-greens, shops, speedily made their
appearance; for a time Hampstead became the favourite and fashionable place of resort, amusement, and health-seeking.
The spring which was claimed to possess such wonderful chalybeate properties was one of a great many. The Hampstead Ponds and the Highgate Ponds are fed from springs which rise in the East Heath and Ken Wood; other springs on Telegraph Hill are the source of the Tyburn; another spring, now in Fitz John's Avenue, preserved its reputation longer even than the spring in Well Walk.
OLD ST. PANCRAS CHURCH
This spring appears as a token of the seventeenth century, representing a well and a bucket on one side, and on the other the words "Dorothy Rippin at the Well in Hampstead." This, however, was before Hampstead became fashionable. Its palmy days were the first thirty years of the eighteenth century. The Great Room where the concerts and dancing took place continued to stand until a recent year, when it was pulled down to make room for the new buildings called Gainsborough Gardens. The spring, now on the other side of the road, was formerly on the same side as the Great Room. The place deteriorated in character, a thing which happens to all London resorts. The usual invasion of the ladies who spoil all and ruin allplaces as well as men—began. The Great Room was turned into an Episcopal chapel, and the dances and concerts ceased. Another unfortunate circumstance damaged the reputation of Hampstead. Opposite the Great Room was a chapel called Sion Chapel, where, as at Mayfair Chapel, couples could get married for five shillings if they could produce a licence. The licence may have been doubtful, but the feast that followed left no doubt.
The Hampstead Assemblies were continued long after the curative property of the wells had ceased to attract. These were held in the "Long Room," which stood on the other side of Well Walk opposite to the Great Room.
Kilburn Wells was a successor of Hampstead. Here, too, were a Great Room for dancing and music, and other rooms for breakfast, dinner, and supper. It was carried on for about thirty years, becoming a tea-garden and then a tavern.
Nearer London, on the south side of Old St. Pancras Church, was the spa called Pancras Wells. The water was advertised as sovereign against many diseases: "it cleanses the body and sweetens the blood, and is a general and sovereign help to Nature." Still nearer London were the New Tunbridge Wells, the London Spa, the New Wells, Sadler's Wells, Bagnigge Wells, and St. Chad's Well, Battlebridge.
New Tunbridge Wells, or Islington Spa, was discovered in 1683, and it was pretended that the water possessed the same properties as that of Tunbridge Wells in Kent. It was also pretended that the virtues of the well had been known before the Reformation, and that the monks of Clerkenwell gave sick people these waters and attributed their recovery to their own prayers; but the memory of the well passed out of men's minds until it was rediscovered by one Sadler at the time mentioned above. In the summer of 1700 the place was greatly in favour with the public; on two days in the week there was dancing. In 1733 the Princesses Amelia and Caroline drank the waters here regularly. The place has an interesting history and a literature by no means contemptible. Its attractions consisted of very pleasant gardens and walks, music, dancing; and an attempt was made to keep the place respectable. Early in the nineteenth century the gardens were gradually built over until only the well remained, which, in 1842, was opened to the public for sixpence a visit. The well has now ceased to flow.
The garden named Bagnigge Wells was open as a spa and a pleasure-garden for a long term of years, viz. from 1759 to 1848, when the last entertainment was given. The garden lay at the bottom of the Fleet valley in a kind of marsh; it was provided with rustic bridges over the narrow stream; with arbours, grottoes, dancing-rooms, dining- and tea-drinking rooms.
The following account of Bagnigge Wells on a Sunday morning—for the place was by no means one of evening resort only—will serve for most of these gardens. It is taken from a volume of tracts, in a chapter called "A Sunday Ramble":—
"A few years ago this place had nothing to boast of, being only a little alehouse, seldom visited by persons of any credit; but since the present proprietor has had possession, the gardens have been continually enlarging and improving, to the perfection in which you now see them. So that they have at present very little to envy, in my opinion, even the justly celebrated ones of Vauxhall; and are much superior to most of the numerous tea-gardens you will visit in the afternoon. This great room, which is now converted into two, was some time since much admired for its elegance, and greatly frequented on account of a fine organ placed there for the entertainment of the company. The organ, however, is not now suffered to be used on Sunday; none being permitted at the public places in this county since the opening of the Pantheon in the Spaw-Fields as a preaching place; and the room is divided (though the former elegance remains) because of the vast number of people that used to walk there, to the great hindrance of the waiters, who were by that means prevented from giving proper attendance.
When my friend had informed me of these particulars, I proceeded to take a view of the place, which I found to consist of several beautiful walks, ornamented with a great variety of curious shrubs and flowers, all in the utmost perfection. About the centre of the garden is a small round fish-pond, in the midst of which is a curious fountain, representing a Cupid bestriding a swan, which spouts three streams of water through its beak to a great height. Round this place, and indeed almost over the whole garden, are genteel seats for the company; which, my friend said, we should undoubtedly find quite full in the afternoon, notwithstanding their prodigious number. At a little distance from the pond is a small, neat cottage, built in the rural style; and not far from that, over a bridge leading across a piece of water that passes through part of the garden, is a pretty piece of grotto work, large enough to contain near twenty people. Besides which, there is a house, and several seats placed by the waterside, for such of the company as choose to smoke, or drink cyder, ale, etc.; which are not permitted in the other parts of the garden."
In the south of London there were also some, but not so many as in the north. For instance, there were Bermondsey Spa and Lambeth Wells. All these spas became, first, places of public resort and amusement, then tea-gardens, then taverns, and then disreputable places. Apart, however, from the spas and wells were the places which pretended to be nothing but gardens of pleasure. Of these there was an amazing number; in fact, every suburban tavern of the eighteenth century had its garden, its ornamental water, its rustic bridge, its statues, its fountains, its dancing-room, its orchestra. Foremost among them were Cuper's Gardens, the gardens of Vauxhall, of Ranelagh, of Marylebone, and the notorious Temples of Flora and Apollo across the water, and the White Conduit House. These gardens were crammed with people every fine evening in summer. They were all within easy access of London: a short walk led the citizen who resided in Cheapside to the White Conduit House; a boat took him easily to Vauxhall or to Ranelagh; a travelling coach took him in half an hour to Marylebone Gardens. Here he could pass a pleasant evening with his wife and daughters: there were music and singing; there was dancing; there were performances on the tight-rope; there were fireworks; there was supper with port wine or punch. In these gardens all classes met freely: provided people behaved quietly it mattered nothing what their reputation might be; the worthy citizen and his daughters enjoyed their evening none the less because in the
next alcove two or three rather noisy young gentlemen were entertaining two or three very joyous young ladies. Nor did it diminish their happiness to know that a notorious highway robber was parading the walks. In some respects it was a tolerant age.
The White Conduit House derived its name from an old stone conduit house bearing the initials of John Sutton’s name, and erected over a head of water which supplied the foundation of the Charter House with water. The gardens are described (Nelson’s *Islington*) as laid out in a “neat manner.” There
“A VIEW OF MARYBONE GARDENS, SHOWING THE GRAND WALK AND THE ORCHESTRA, WITH THE MUSICK A-PLAYING”
From a contemporary print.
was a circular basin of water in the middle, with boxes around it in which the company took refreshments. There were also bowling-greens, Dutch-pin grounds, and a cricket-field. There was an organ of fine tone in one of the rooms. This was a great place of resort for citizens of all classes on Sunday afternoon, and they sat in the arbours and drank tea. All this was nothing unusual, and I mention the White Conduit House here only as an occasion for quoting a poem published in the *Gentleman’s Magazine* (May 1760), which I found, however, in Nelson’s *Islington* (p. 94):
“Wish’d Sunday’s come—mirth brightens every face,
And paints the rose upon the house-maid’s cheek,”
Harriott, or Moll more ruddy.—Now the heart
Of 'Prentice, resident in ample street,
Or alley, kennel-wash'd; Cheapside, Cornhill,
Or Cranbourne, thee for calcuments renown'd,
With joy distends—his meal meridian o'er,
With switch in hand, he to the White Conduit House
Hies merry-hearted.—Human beings here,
In couples multitudinous, assemble,
Forming the drollest groupe that ever trod
Fair Islingtonian plains.—Male after male,
Dog after dog succeeding—husbands, wives,
Fathers, and mothers, brothers, sisters, friends,
And pretty little boys and girls—around,
Across the garden's shrubby maze
They walk, they sit, they stand.—What crowds press on
Eager to mount the stairs, eager to catch
First vacant bench, or chair, in long room plac'd!
Here prig with prig holds conference polite,
And indiscriminate and gaudy beau
And sloven mix.—Here, he who all the week
Took bearded mortals by the nose, or sat
Weaving dead hairs, and whistling wretched strain,
And eke the sturdy youth, whose trade it is
Stout oxen to contund, with gold-bound hat
And silken stocking strut.—The red armed belle
Here shows her tasty gown, proud to be thought
The butterfly of fashion; and, forsooth,
Her haughty mistress deigns for once to tread
The same unhallow'd floor.—'Tis hurry all,
And rattling cups and saucers.—Waiter here
And waiter there, and waiter here and there
At once is call'd, Joe, Joe, Joe, Joe, Joe,
Joe on the right, and Joe upon the left,
For every vocal pipe re-echoes Joe!
Alas! poor Joe! like Francis in the play,
He stands confounded, anxious how to please
The many-headed throng. But should I paint
The language, humours, customs of the place,
Together with all curtsneys, lowly bows,
And compliments extern, 'twould swell my page
Beyond its limits due. Suffice it then
For my prophetic Muse to sing, 'So long
As fashion rides upon the wing of Time,
While tea and cream, and butter'd rolls, can please,
While rival beaux and jealous belles exist,
So long, White Conduit House, shall be thy fame.'
(Nelson's Islington, pp. 94-96.)
The Spaniards' Tavern was on the road between Hampstead and Highgate. It is still, on summer evenings, a great place of resort for London people for tea-drinking and sitting out in arbours. The place, which is little changed, should be visited in order to understand how a suburban tea-garden of the eighteenth century appeared.
Vauxhall Gardens was the longest lived, and, when it closed, the oldest place of amusement in London. Evelyn records a visit to them as the New Spring Gardens at Lambeth. They were opened to the public in the year 1661, and the grounds were laid out in that year, but the first rooms were built in 1667 by Sir
Samuel Morland. Pepys mentions the place several times in his *Diary*; he came to hear the nightingales and the birds:
"And here fiddlers, and there a harp, and here a Jew's trump, and here laughing, and there fine people walking."
Addison went by boat with Sir Roger de Coverley "from the Temple Stairs to Spring Gardens." In the year 1733 the Gardens were taken by one Jonathan Tyer on a twenty years' lease at £250 a year. The arbours all had names; among them were the King's Head, the Dragon, the Royal Arbour, the Oak, the Royal George, the Ship, and others. At the opening night, 7th June 1732, there was a company of 400, including Frederick, Prince of Wales. The Gardens figure largely in literature, both in fiction and in essays.
Vauxhall remained in the hands of Tyer and his family for ninety years, when it was sold to Messrs. Bish, Gye, and Hughes for £20,000. It was finally closed in 1859.
The Gardens consisted of a quadrangular grove thickly planted with trees; four principal walks ran through them, crossed by others; there were clearances, so to speak, where were raised colonnades, alcoves, theatres, temples, an orchestra, and a place for dancing; fireworks were displayed in the Gardens, and they were
illuminated by myriads of lamps hanging in festoons among the trees. Vauxhall was one of the few places of resort where the West End people and the citizens assembled together. Canning wrote of the Gardens—
"Then oft returning from the green retreats
Where fair Vauxhallia decks her sylvan seats,
Where each spruce nymph from City counter free,
Sips the frothed syllabub or fragrant tea;
While with sliced ham, scraped beef, and burnt champagne
Her 'prentice lover soothes his amorous pain."
Ranelagh Gardens began eighty years later and closed fifty-six years earlier than Vauxhall. The company at Ranelagh was more aristocratic than that of its rival; at least, it contained fewer citizens of London; but it was much less lively. There was a garden, a canal, a bridge, "Chinese" buildings, and a "rotundo." The last, which was the principal attraction of the place, was a fine circular hall round which the company promenaded; seats were ranged round the walls; mirrors were hung up everywhere; there was a profusion of light; with a crowded company well dressed and well behaved, and a good orchestra, the scene was no doubt pleasant and bright. The admission was half a crown, including tea or coffee; the roads to London and Westminster were patrolled to keep off robbers, and they were also lighted; the entertainments began at seven.
The amusements of Ranelagh are thus described by a visitor who dropped into verse:
"To Ranelagh once in my life,
By good-natured force I was driven;
The nations had ceased their long strife,
And Peace beamed her radiance from heaven.
What wonders were there to be found
That a clown might enjoy or disdain?
First we traced the gay ring all around,
Ay, and then we went round it again.
A thousand feet rustled on mats—
A carpet that once had been green,
Men bowed with their outlandish hats,
With corners so fearfully keen.
Fair maids, who at home in their haste
Had left all clothing else but a train,
Swept the floor clean as slowly they paced,
Then walked round and swept it again."
Marylebone Gardens were first thrown open at the Restoration, when all the world went mad after amusements. There is less mention of this place in the literature of the time than of Vauxhall, but it certainly existed for more than a hundred years, viz. from 1660 to 1778. The history of these Gardens is even more interesting than that of Vauxhall. It is fully narrated by Mr. Wroth whose book has been already mentioned.
Sadlers' Wells was another Restoration Garden. It was far more than
Vauxhall the resort of the commoner sort. Ned Ward describes the company as consisting of—
"Butchers and bailiffs and such sort of fellows,
All mixed with a vermin trained up for the gallows;
As bullocks and files, housebreakers and padders,
With prize-fighters, sweetners, and such sort of traders,
Informers, thief-takers, deer-stealers, and bullies."
Without pretending to know what were files, padders, sweetners, and bullocks, we clearly understand that we are here in very queer company. There was tight-rope dancing, tumbling, and music at Sadlers' Wells.
In a tract already quoted, entitled *A Sunday Ramble*, the amusements and follies of London on the Day of Rest are described with a graphic pen. The writer ingeniously contrives to get through the whole of his subject in the course of a single day—rambles from the City as far as Hampstead and Highgate on the north to "a place called Brompton" on the west, St. George's Fields on the south, and Bermondsey on the east. The year was 1794, and, if the pictures are not exaggerated, we understand that, while the churches and chapels were filled with worshippers, every place of entertainment within four miles of London, that is, within reach of an easy ride or a walk, was filled with people making holiday and seeking pleasure in noisy company, drink, and profligacy.
In order to get through the whole in one long day the Ramblers leave their inn—the Marlborough Head in Bishopsgate—at four o'clock in the morning. They were not the only early risers: at the gates of the inn there were already assembled a small crowd of young people, gaily dressed, who were waiting for the chaises, phaetons, or horses which were to take them to Windsor, Hampton Court, or Richmond, where they were going to spend the day. They were journeymen for the most part, or even apprentices who were taking their girls—milliners and mantua-makers—for the Sunday out. The next incident worthy of remark was a fight at the stall of a saloop man. The combatants were too drunk to harm each other much; they both fell down; two women rifled their pockets and ran away; the Ramblers, who are nothing if not moral, make a quotation from Dryden which has nothing to do with the pugnacious dealer in saloop, and proceed on their walk. They presently turned into the fields, which began just beyond Shoreditch; and met with a company of servants, men and girls, who had brought out a quantity of their master's wine and were drinking it in the open fields. The Ramblers joined them, by invitation, drank their stolen wine without the least scruple, and left them to get home before the housekeeper came downstairs. They then strolled across the fields until they reached the Tottenham Court Road, at that time an open road with fields on either side, except at the lower end. Whitefield's Tabernacle was the last building
on the north. It was six o'clock, and the chapel was filled with people assembled together to take the Lord's Supper. The Ramblers approved in general of their pious and reverent behaviour, but observed ogling and giggling among some of the younger people.
After the visit to the chapel they had the opportunity of witnessing a prize fight for twenty guineas. It was, however, only a sham fight, and after a few rounds, in which neither was hurt, one of the combatants threw up the sponge. Confederates, meantime, had been busy among the crowd making and taking their bets on the fight. The place where these Sunday fights were held was called "the Green Stage."
They next found themselves at Bagnigge Wells. The price of admission was threepence; and they discovered, early as it was, a large company who came, mostly, for a morning draught of the medicinal water, already assembled.
They left the Gardens, and after a gill of red port at the Thatched House and a look at the newspapers, they returned to the City for breakfast, which they took at the Bank Coffee-house near the Royal Exchange. The streets were full of the friseurs, the barbers who curled the hair and restored the wigs of the citizens for church.
The coffee-house was filled with City men discussing prices and shares and
the politics of the day. For breakfast some took coffee, some chocolate; nothing is said about anything to eat. There was then no set breakfast, such as we now take, except at the West End, or where the City madam copied the West End lady in taking her bread and butter with a cup of tea. The early dinner was, in fact, the French *déjeuner*, and the supper was the late dinner. Between the two principal meals people sometimes took a "bever," which became the modern breakfast or the modern tea. The Ramblers paid for their breakfast, and received an "agreeable smile from the captivating eyes of a very beautiful barmaid." As they go out one of them quotes the lines of Rowe—
"The dowry which she brings is peace and pleasure,
And everlasting joy is in her arms."
After this refreshment, and in order to bring back their minds (disturbed by the beautiful barmaid) to paths of piety, they went to church, choosing St. Mary le Strand, because, though it was a mile and a half from the Royal Exchange, they would hear a Bishop preach a charity sermon.
People were coming out when they arrived: they were the musical people who went there to hear the organist perform before the service, and could not stay to have their ears shocked by the inharmonious voice of the minister. Coming out early also saved them from contributions to the charity. The Ramblers next walked into the City, another mile or so, to a certain tavern where the landlord provided a snack of cold meat every Sunday morning free for his customers. This was very generous of him, and of course one could not expect the same freedom with the drink. Our friends took a pint of Lisbon and surveyed the company.
They then resolved to walk on to Highgate, there to dine at the ordinary. The fields through which they passed were thronged with beggars. On arriving at Highgate they proceeded at once to dinner. The ordinary was served at two o'clock. A company of twenty sat down, most of them being reputable tradesmen and their families. After dinner they took a bottle of wine. At three they walked from Highgate to Primrose Hill, where they found a crowd of City tradesmen with their wives and children. From Primrose Hill they walked over to Hampstead and took two bottles at the Spaniards, where there was conversation improving and otherwise. When the two bottles were out they left the Spaniards and directed their steps to Islington, leaving the Hornsey Tea-gardens unvisited. On the way they called at the White Conduit House, which, with its gardens, and alcoves, and fish-pond, was very much like Bagnigge Wells. They next visited the Pantheon, a large Nonconformist chapel, and would have visited Sadlers' Wells, but found the place closed. They therefore returned to the White Conduit House, where there were assembled
some hundreds of people, for the most part journeymen, dressmakers, and servants. Here they sat down to tea, inviting a young lady of prepossessing manner to join them, which she did very willingly. The Ramblers moralise movingly on the subject of this unfortunate and on other ladies of like character, who formed part of the company. There was a tea-house at Canonbury House, but the time was getting on, and there were still a good many places to be seen. They passed it over, therefore, and went on to Kensington Gardens. Great care was taken to keep out of the gardens any but well-dressed and well-behaved people. Servants stood at the various entrances to stop people meanly dressed. At this time, according to the Ramblers, "a number of beautiful alcoves were dispersed over the garden, generally so contrived as to command an agreeable prospect through the most delightful vistas." Great complaints were made of the habit of writing verses, not of the most modest nature, on the walls of these alcoves.
Feeling languid after so long a day, they next repaired to the Florida Gardens, lately called Cromwell's Gardens, a place of resort for the West End. Here they took coffee, and, as before, surveyed the company, which was indeed mixed. It was nine o'clock when they arrived at the Green Park, which was crowded with company. In the Mall they observed a long procession of carriages taking fine people to Lady H.'s. Sunday rout. From St. James's Park they walked to Covent Garden, where they visited an infamous place of resort described at needless length. At ten o'clock they called a coach and drove to the Dog and Duck, in St. George's Fields. Here they took a bottle and again discoursed about the company. The proprietor had been refused a licence; therefore he engaged a free vintner, a member of the Vintners' Company, one that is, who had the privilege of selling wine without a licence. The Temple of Flora, near the Dog and Duck, was another house of the same kind. The Apollo Garden, formerly a noted house, was deserted and falling into decay; but the Thatched House of Lambeth carried on the moral traditions of that place. The Flora Tea-garden received a visit, after which they drove to Bermondsey and visited the Spa Gardens, a kind of Vauxhall.
The following is the account of the Bermondsey Spa:—
"We found the entrance presents a vista between trees, hung with lamps,—blue, red, green, and white; nor is the walk in which they are hung inferior (length excepted) to the grand walk in Vauxhall Gardens. Nearly at the upper end of the walk is a large room, hung round with paintings, many of them in an elegant, and the rest in a singular taste. At the upper end of the room is a painting of a butcher's shop, so finely executed by the landlord, that a stranger to the place would cheapen\(^1\) a fillet of veal, or a buttock of beef, a shoulder of mutton, or a leg of pork,
\(^1\) Bargain for.
without hesitation, if there were not other pictures in the room to take off his attention. But these paintings are not seen on a Sunday.
The accommodations at this place on a Sunday are very good, and the charges reasonable, and the Captain, who is very intimate with Mr. Keyse, declares that there is no place in the vicinity of London can afford a more agreeable evening's entertainment.
This elegant place of entertainment is situated in the lower road between the Borough of Southwark and Deptford. The proprietor calls it one, but it is nearer two miles from London Bridge, and the same distance from that of Black-Friars. The proprietor is Mr. Thomas Keyse, who has been at great expense, and exerted himself in a very extraordinary manner, for the entertainment of the public; and his labours have been amply repaid.
It is not easy to paint the elegance of this place, situated in a spot where elegance, among people who talk of taste, would be little expected. But Mr. Keyse's good humour, his unaffected easiness of behaviour, and his genuine taste for the polite arts, have secured him universal approbation.
The gardens, with an adjacent field, consist of not less than four acres.
On the north-east side of the gardens is a very fine lawn, consisting of about three acres, and in a field, parted from this lawn by a sunk fence, is a building with turrets, resembling a fortress or castle; the turrets are in the ancient stile of building. At each side of this fortress, at unequal distances, are two buildings, from which, on public nights, bomb shells, etc., are thrown at the fortress; the fire is returned, and the whole exhibits a very picturesque, and therefore a horrid prospect of a siege.
After walking a round or two in the gardens we retired into the parlour, where we were very agreeably entertained by the proprietor, who, contrary to his own rule, favoured us with a sight of his curious museum, for, it being Sunday, he never shews to any one these articles; but the Captain, never having seen them, I wished him to be gratified with such an agreeable sight.
Mr. Keyse presented us with a little pamphlet, written by the late celebrated John Oakman, of lyric memory, descriptive of his situation, which, a few years ago, was but a waste piece of ground. 'Here is now,' said he, 'an agreeable place, where before was but a mere wilderness piece of ground, and, in my opinion, it was a better plan to lay it out in this manner than any other wise, as the remoteness of any place of public entertainment from this secured to me in my retreat a comfortable piece of livelihood.'
We perfectly coincided in opinion with our worthy host, and, after paying for our liquor, got into our carriage, but not before we had tasted a comfortable glass of cherry brandy, which Mr. Keyse is remarkable for preparing."
It comes out very clearly in this account that the Sunday company on the
north of London was made up chiefly of journeymen and shopmen with their sweethearts; that there was a sprinkling of respectable tradesmen at such places as Highgate and Hampstead; that the West End places were filled with men of high standing and with women of the worst kind; that everywhere there was drinking, singing, and low merriment; that places and things were tolerated because they could not be put down—witness the evasion of the law when the licence was refused; and that there was no attempt whatever made to rescue any of these places for respectable and quiet people.
Yet we should do London great injustice if we rashly charged the whole people with tolerating or encouraging debauchery and vice. All this time the merchants, the tradesmen, the professional men thronged the churches and the chapels, lived godly lives, were careful of their reputation, and avoided these Gardens.
A great many other gardens are noticed in the literature of the century. Thus, there were Jack Straw’s Castle and the Spaniards at Hampstead; the Horns at Highgate; Black Nan’s Hole and Hockley in the Hole, Clerkenwell—both of them places of very evil repute; St. Chad’s Well, Gray’s Inn Road; Merlin’s Cave at the New River Head; Jew’s Harp Tavern; the Yorkshire Stingo, opposite Lisson Grove; Cromwell Gardens and the Hoop and Toy at Brompton; Jenny’s Whim at Chelsea; the Dog and Duck, Lambeth Wells; and Apollo’s Gardens at Lambeth; Cuper’s Gardens, where is now the South-Western Terminus; Finch’s Grotto, Southwark; the Jamaica Tavern, Rotherhithe, and others.
CHAPTER V
THE THEATRE
The history of the stage belongs to the social history of the people rather than the history of London. In the City itself, indeed, there has never been a theatre, unless we allow the inn yard where Tarleton acted to be a theatre. The eighteenth century, as it witnessed that vast increase of London which filled up the area between Ludgate Hill and Westminster or Hyde Park, also saw the erection of many new theatres. The Haymarket Opera-House, known successively as the Queen’s Theatre, the King’s Theatre, and Her Majesty’s, was built by Vanbrugh and opened on the 9th of April 1705. This house was burned down on the 17th of June 1789. The Little Theatre in the Haymarket was built as a summer theatre and opened on the 29th of December 1720. Covent Garden Theatre was opened in 1733 by John Rich. Some of the old theatres disappeared, as the Dorset, which after a period of decline and decay was taken down about the year 1721. Goodman’s Fields Theatre was opened in 1729 and closed in 1746; the old Southwark Theatre, Blackfriars Theatre, the Curtain Theatre were all closed before the beginning of the century. It is needless to say that the play was the one amusement of London which never grew stale and never went out of fashion. The actor’s profession was held, officially, so to speak, in contempt. That is to say, while Garrick was the admiration and the delight of the town, while in private life he was courted and respected, while his private friends included all the scholars and poets of the day, his profession was esteemed that of a vagabond; it was gravely held by many divines to be inconsistent with the Christian calling. It would seem, further, that in the case of an actress virtue was not considered necessary to private respect. Mrs. Oldfield lived all her life “under protection”—she had, it is true, only two lovers—yet she went to Court. Once the Princess of Wales, afterwards Queen Caroline, asked her if it was true that she was married to General Churchill, who at that time “protected” her. “It is said so,” the actress replied, “but we have not owned it yet.” She never, apparently, thought of marrying. Leigh Hunt suggests the following as the opinion of society on the subject:—
"Here is a woman bred up to the stage, and passing her life upon it. It is therefore impossible she should marry a gentleman of family; and yet, as her behaviour would otherwise deserve it, and the examples of actresses are of no authority for any one but themselves, some licence may be allowed to a woman who diverts us so agreeably, who attracts the society of the wits, and is so capital a dresser. We will treat her profession with contempt, but herself with consideration."
Certain reforms are due to the eighteenth century. The mounting of a piece became more careful, the dresses much better, the stage management more effective, a larger number of supers was employed. In declamation the old conventional method was changed by Garrick into a style at once easy, natural, and capable of representing the play of passion and emotion. The transition is described by Cumberland in his memoirs:—
"I have the spectacle even now, as it were, before my eyes. Quin presented himself, upon the rising of the curtain, in a green velvet coat embroidered down the seams, an enormous full-bottomed periwig, rolled stockings, and high-heeled, square-toed shoes. With very little variation of cadence, and in a deep, full tone, accompanied by a sawing kind of action, which had more of the senate than of the stage in it, he rolled out his heroics with an air of dignified indifference, that seemed to disdain the plaudits that were bestowed upon him. Mrs. Cibber, in a key high pitched, but sweet withal, sung, or rather recitatived, Rowe's harmonious strain, something in the manner of the improvisatore's; it was so extremely wanting in contrast that, though it did not wound the ear, it wearied it. When she had once recited two or three speeches, I could anticipate the manner of every succeeding one; it was like a long, old, legendary ballad of innumerable stanzas, every one of which is sung to the same tune, eternally chiming in the ear without variation or relief. Mrs. Pritchard was an actress of a different cast, had more nature, and, of course, more change of tone and variety both of action and expression; in my opinion the comparison was decidedly in her favour. But when, after long and eager expectation, I first beheld little Garrick, then young and light, and alive in every muscle and in every feature, come bounding on the stage, and pointing at the wittol Altamont and heavy-paced Horatio—Heavens, what a transition!—it seemed as if a whole century had been swept over in the transition of a single scene; old things were done away, and a new order at once brought forward, bright and luminous, and clearly destined to dispel the barbarisms and bigotry of a tasteless age, too long attached to the prejudices of custom, and superstitiously devoted to the illusions of imposing declamation."
The performances were not received with the quiet attention to which we are now accustomed. The pit and the galleries were noisy. Pope is severe in his judgment of the pit:
"The many-headed Monster of the Pit,
A senseless, worthless, and unhonour'd crowd,
Who, to disturb their betters mighty proud,
Clattering their sticks before ten lines are spoke,
Call for the Farce, the Bear, and the Black-joke."
The pit, however, became the chosen home of the critics. Johnson went to the pit; Churchill went to the pit; all the wits went to the pit. Here between the acts the orange-women with their baskets walked up and down bawling and offering oranges, apples, or stout. During the performance there was often a loud expression
of opinion from pit or gallery, as when Quin once made so long a pause before giving the expected answer, "I'll meet you there," one of the pit cried out, "Why don't you tell the gentleman you'll meet him?" Oranges and apples also became missiles to be directed against an unpopular actor.
In reading of the eighteenth-century stage, one cannot but feel that the favourite actresses were not only very fine actresses, sprightly, vivacious, and clever, but also that they were singularly beautiful if not personally winning. Mrs. Oldfield, Mrs. Pritchard, Peg Woffington, Mrs. Clive, Mrs. Cibber, Mrs. Jordan—one would like to have known them all. Dr. Johnson used to go behind the scenes to the green room to talk to Garrick's actresses; as a philosopher he doubtless loved to study feminine vivacity, cleverness, and beauty. One likes to think that Mrs. Oldfield, when she died, lay in state in the Jerusalem Chamber, and was buried in Westminster Abbey with noblemen for her pall-bearers. She was, as every one knows, the Narcissa of Pope:
"Odious! in woollen! 'twould a saint provoke
(Were the last words that poor Narcissa spoke);
No, let a charming chintz and Brussels lace
Wrap my cold limbs and shade my lifeless face:
One would not sure be frightful when one's dead,
And, Betty, give this cheek a little red."
It was out of respect to her memory, and because she always loved beautiful and dainty dress—the beautiful and dainty creature! that they dressed her after death in "a very fine Brussels lace head, a Holland shift with tucker, and double ruffles of the same lace, a pair of new kid gloves, and her body wrapped up in a winding-sheet."
The pretensions of the Lord Chamberlain and the Master of the Revels to authority over the theatre belong partly to the end of the seventeenth century. The licensing or refusing new plays was always undertaken by the Lord Chamberlain. The Master of the Revels suppressed such portions as he chose. Thus, Beaumont and Fletcher's *Maid's Tragedy*, in which the king is killed, was suppressed in the reign of Charles II., as the death of the king was too impious for a public entertainment; and Gay's *Polly*, the sequel to *The Beggar's Opera*, was refused. Not only did the Lord Chamberlain sanction or refuse plays, but he also closed the theatre at his pleasure: on the death of the King he closed it for six weeks; he closed Drury Lane altogether when Steele was one of the patentees; he assumed—in which he was defeated—the right of imprisoning actors. The Master of the Revels for his part claimed a fee of 40s. for every new play produced; it was paid until Colley Cibber examined into the claim.
Yet in spite of the Lord Chamberlain and Master of the Revels, playhouses sprang up everywhere without licence. As in everything else, so in things
theatrical, there was no executive force to maintain the law. There were theatres in Covent Garden, Drury Lane, Lincoln's Inn Fields, Goodman's Fields, the Haymarket, and the Opera House. There were twice as many theatres in London as in Paris. These houses laughed at the Lord Chamberlain; they refused to obey his orders; they did not submit their plays to his consideration. When, however, Fielding put Walpole himself on the stage, silencing patriots with bribes, the Government interfered and brought in a Licensing Bill. The title illustrates the view then taken of actors. It is "An Act to explain and amend so much of an Act made in the twelfth year of Queen Anne, entitled 'An Act for reducing the laws relating to rogues, vagabonds, sturdy beggars and vagrants, into an Act of Parliament; and for the same effectual punishing such rogues, vagabonds, sturdy beggars and vagrants, and sending them whither they ought to be sent,' as relates to common players of interludes." This was the title. The unfortunate part of the Bill was that in future every play, including the prologue and the epilogue, must receive the licence of the Lord Chamberlain, and that without his permission no theatre could open its doors. The Act was opposed by Lord Chesterfield in the House of Lords and by Mr. Pulteney in the House of Commons. The speech of the former has been preserved in part.
"Wit," he said, "is a sort of property. It is the property of those that have it, and too often the only property they have to depend on. It is, indeed, but a precarious dependence. Thank God we, my lords, have a dependence of another kind. We have a much less precarious support, and therefore cannot feel the inconveniences of the Bill now before us; but it is our duty to encourage and protect wit, whosoever's property it may be. I must own I cannot easily agree to the laying of a tax upon wit; but by this Bill it is to be heavily taxed—it is to be excised; for if this Bill passes, it cannot be retailed in a proper way without a permit; and the Lord Chamberlain is to have the honour of being chief gauger, supervisor, commissioner, judge and jury."
The Act of 1737 for licensing plays, playhouses, and players by the Lord Chamberlain, did no more, in reality, than define the powers of those offices. The Lord Chamberlain had always possessed the power of regulating, allowing, and stopping plays. It is true that his authority had been openly derided. As stated already, so long as the fee was paid he cared very little. Yet at times the Lord Chamberlain acted in a very arbitrary manner. Thus Nat Lee's tragedy of *Lucius Junius Brutus* was taken off the boards after three nights; Gay's *Polly* was forbidden. When Steele was lessee of Drury Lane Theatre, the theatre was closed by the Lord Chamberlain. But the Act of 1737 defined his powers. It was determined that without a licence there should be no theatre in London. The Act was evaded constantly. Thus, a play would be given under the name of a rehearsal, tickets to which were purchased at some house near the theatre. Or it would be a
school of actors giving a performance; or it would be a concert. Foote invited his friends to take a cup of tea with him. While tea was preparing the company would perhaps look on and observe his pupils taking a lesson.
It was the intention of the Government to have no other theatres than Drury Lane and Covent Garden. For twenty years the Haymarket could get no licence, and was only opened by such devices as the above. The theatre in Goodman's Fields for some time escaped the Act by its remoteness from the West End and the Lord Chamberlain. Five years after the Act was passed Garrick played Richard III. there. His great and immediate success ruined the theatre, for crowds of people flocked to hear him, and everybody began to talk about the little house in Goodman's Fields. The Lord Chamberlain heard of it; the theatre was closed. Garrick was carried off to Drury Lane. The Licensing Act lasted until 1843, when it was modified.
A bill of the play used to be printed and affixed to the posts near the stairs by which the audience took boat across the river. The names of the actors were not given—a fact which did not prevent their acquiring popularity. It is thought that the announcement of a tragedy was in red ink; sometimes a trumpet and drum announced the play, but not in the City of London. When the dramatis personæ and the names of the players were added there was no difference made between the best and the worst actor in the size of the letters containing his name. Garrick is said to have been the first who printed his own name in capital letters of extra size on his playbills.
The most singular change, however, is in the advertisement of a play, now a most enormous charge upon a theatre. Formerly the papers actually paid the theatre for the privilege of advertising the play of the day. They advertised as a special feature of the paper that the advertisements and accounts of the plays were sent expressly by the manager. For this privilege the paper paid the manager £200 a year.
The theatre in the last century generally began at six. The prices continued for a long time what they had been in Pepys' time: viz. boxes, 4s.; pit, 2s. 6d.; first gallery, 1s. 6d.; and upper gallery, 1s. After the O. P. riot the price became: boxes, 7s.; pit, 3s.; gallery, 2s.; upper gallery, 1s.; and half-price at nine o'clock. As yet there were no stalls, which were introduced in 1829. It was customary to send servants early to secure and keep a place. In 1744, for the performance of Garrick's Hamlet, the servants took places at three o'clock in the afternoon.
Between the years 1697 and 1737 an abominable practice prevailed of giving the footmen free access to the upper gallery. At the beginning this practice grew out of the desire to keep these noisy and insolent lackeys from quarrelling in the lobbies. They soon, however, claimed the privilege as a right, and they were so noisy and so insolent, interfering so much with the performance by their clamour, that every one
THE STAGE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
From an engraving of Hogarth's picture, "The Beggar's Opera," by William Blake.
was pleased when Fleetwood, manager of Drury Lane in 1737, announced his intention of refusing them admittance.
"They roar so loud, you'd think behind the stairs,
Tom Dove and all the brotherhood of bears;
They've grown a nuisance beyond all disasters,
We've none so great but their unpaying masters.
We beg you, Sirs, to beg your men that they
Would please to give us leave to hear the play."
The lackeys made a fight for it: they mustered in a company of 300; armed with clubs, they broke into the theatre, took possession of the stage, and wounded five-and-twenty people who dared to oppose them. The Riot Act was read, and thirty of them were arrested. Next day they found the theatre guarded by a company of fifty soldiers, and the riot was not resumed.
In 1762 Garrick resolved on clearing the stage of everybody except the actors. We always think of the old custom of admitting persons to the stage who were not actors as giving them an opportunity to walk about the stage, disturb the actors, and get in the way generally. Now in Hogarth's picture of "The Beggar's Opera" the stage contains six men and one lady on one side, and seven men and two ladies on the other side. But they are not interfering in any way with the actors. There is a pew or pen on either side of the stage in which they sit quite out of the way.
In this picture there are no lights of any kind on the stage, which must have been lit from the front. In "The Laughing Audience" we see part of the orchestra, part of the spiked partition-wall separating audience from orchestra, but we do not see the footlights. At the back, however, we see that candles were placed one above the other up the pillars on either side, and that the boxes were lit with occasional candles and candelabra. The effect produced, whether intentionally or not, is that of a somewhat dark theatre.
The imitation or comparison picture, called "The Weeping Audience," shows the footlights. They consist of six candles in the middle and four at either end. It is said by Malone that the body of the house was lit by large open lanterns, like ship's lanterns. The candle-snuffer, an officer of some importance, plays a part in literature. Goldsmith's *Strolling Player* begins his professional career as a candle-snuffer.
Garrick in the year 1765 introduced the footlights in place of the circular chandeliers which had formerly been suspended over the stage.
Costume during the last century had to be splendid; of its fitness there was not much question, but it must be splendid; of course a certain amount of fitness had to be considered: Autolycus would not appear in robes of velvet and silk; but the principal characters were dressed as splendidly as possible. They got their dresses as gifts from nobles who had worn them at Court. Thus Charles II. gave his coronation robes to Betterton; the Duke of York and the Earl of Oxford
gave theirs to players. James II.'s queen gave her coronation robes to Mrs. Barry. The Princess of Wales gave her birthday dress to Mrs. Bellamy, and another dress to Peg Woffington. An American actress, named Mrs. Mowatt, obtained the coronation dress of Queen Adelaide. Munden wore a coat that had belonged to George II. The hero of tragedy wore a headdress of feathers; the heroine a long train borne by a page.
As regards the author, the custom was to assign to him the third night, or in cases of a run beyond the third night, the sixth and the ninth, and so on. It was not usual for a piece to run more than three or four nights. Goldsmith's *Good-Natured Man* ran for ten nights, and brought him in £400 with £100 for the publishing rights of the play.
CHAPTER VI
HOLIDAYS
There were few public holidays for the Londoner of the last century. For the craftsman there was the Sunday and nothing more, unless it was Christmas Day or Easter Monday. The Holy Days had quite dropped out of observance with these exceptions. Good Friday was restored to public observance—of course the Church had always observed the day—by the efforts of Bishop Porteous in 1772. Ash Wednesday, Ascension Day, and the Rogation days, had long since been neglected by men of business. As for the annual holiday now granted to every clerk, it was not thought of until well into the nineteenth century. A week was at first considered a sufficient holiday.
The merchant and the shopkeeper had very few days of closing. The public offices, however, were liberal with their holidays. They were as follows, taking the third quarter of the century. We need not notice certain slight differences in the various offices.
| Shrove Tuesday | Easter Wednesday |
|----------------|------------------|
| Ash Wednesday | Ascension Day |
| Good Friday | Whit Monday |
| Easter Monday | Whit Tuesday |
| ” Tuesday | Whit Wednesday |
The above were movable days. The following were fixed days. It will be observed that most of them are connected with the Church Calendar:
| January | May |
|---------------|--------------|
| 1. Circumcision | 1. St. Philip and James’ Day |
| ” 6. Epiphany | 16. Queen Charlotte’s Birthday |
| ” 25. St. Paul’s Day | ” |
| ” 30. King Charles the Martyr | 29. Restoration |
| February | June |
| 2. Purification | 4. The King’s Birthday |
| ” 24. St. Matthias’ Day | ” |
| March | July |
| 1. St. David’s Day | 11. St. Barnabas’ Day |
| ” 25. Duke of York’s Birthday | ” |
| April | August |
| 23. St. George’s Day | 1. Lammas Day |
| ” 25. St. Mark’s Day | ” |
| ” 26. Duke of Cumberland’s Birthday | 12. Prince of Wales’ Birthday |
August 24. St. Bartholomew's Day
September 2. Fire of London
" 14. Holy Rood
" 21. St. Matthew's Day
" 22. Coronation
" 29. St. Michael's Day
October 18. St. Luke's Day
" 26. King proclaimed
" 28. SS. Simon and Jude
November 1. All Saints
November 4. King William's Birthday
" 5. Gunpowder Plot
" 9. Lord Mayor's Day
" 17. Queen Elizabeth's Accession
December 21. St. Thomas's Day
" 25. Christmas Day
" 26. St. Stephen's Day
" 27. St. John's Day
" 28. Innocents' Day.
In all, fifty-one holidays in the year.
Yet if the shops were shut for two days in the year only, except the Sundays, there were not wanting days when the City kept holiday. The craftsmen were independent enough to take two or three days after Christmas, the day after Easter, a day in the summer for a bean-feast, which was a survival of the old Company Feast; many of them took St. Monday. The principal civic festivals, however, then—if the workshops were open there were few workmen in them and little work done—were the First of May, the Lord Mayor's Day, and Queen Elizabeth's Day. For at least a hundred years after 1660, the 29th of May, the day of Restoration, was held as a holiday even more sacred than May Day itself or St. John's Day. The streets were decorated with boughs. "Each street a park," as Herrick says. Houses vied with each other in getting the largest boughs, which were ranged side by side, converting the street into an avenue. These boughs, whenever possible, were of oak, and the oak apples, when there were any, were gilded; when there were none, gilded balls represented them; flags were hung out between the branches; above the streets were drawn lines on which hung garlands of flowers, and ribbons and coloured paper. Among their garlands hung strings of wild-birds' eggs, collected by the boys for the day. All day long through the streets the boys marched blowing horns, while for the elders there was feasting, and for the girls there was dancing on Oak Apple Day.
The day of Queen Elizabeth's accession, 17th November, was for a long time celebrated in the City by the ringing of the church bells and by other demonstrations.
In the years 1674-1681 the holiday was converted by Lord Shaftesbury and the Green Ribbon Club into a political or religious demonstration against the Catholics. In 1682 Charles succeeded in getting these demonstrations, which were riotous and noisy, suppressed. Then the day resumed its former quiet.
Early in the eighteenth century, after the Sacheverell business, the day again became an occasion for political processions of an anti-Jacobite character.
After the accession of George I. there were no more political processions; the bells rang on the day, but it was gradually forgotten, and the observance ceased by slow degrees. It would be interesting to find out which of the churches continued to
ring the bells and for how long. Probably there were some which carried on the custom until quite recently.
The day, so long as it was observed, always assumed a political character and involved a demonstration against the Pope and all Catholics. We must not forget the violent and deeply rooted hatred with which the Roman Catholic religion was regarded by all classes in London. The Smithfield fires sank deep into the hearts of the nation. Then the Massacre of St. Bartholomew was regarded by every Englishman as expressly ordered by the Pope; the Gunpowder Plot also in his imagination emanated from the same source; the Fire of London was the work of a Papist; the murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was also the work of a Papist. It became the custom to make bonfires in the streets and to burn the Pope in effigy after a procession in which the murdered body of Godfrey was borne by a Roman Catholic priest; another sham priest distributed pardons; then came a band of music, and lastly the Pope himself sitting on his throne; before him were boys with censers; behind him stood the Devil. The expulsion of James after his designs on behalf of the Catholic faith fanned these fires of suspicion and hatred, and to the Pope was joined a companion in the shape of the Pretender.
“God bless Queen Anne, the nation’s great defender,
Keep out the French, the Pope, and the Pretender.”
It would seem that when these fears died away and when George I. was firmly seated on the English throne—George the Protestant—George the father of Protestants—and the Pope had apparently desisted from trying to blow up the King and to set fire to the City, these demonstrations ceased gradually, and as Elizabeth was no longer remembered by the common people, the day was no longer observed. The anti-Roman demonstrations, however, were in part transferred to November the fifth.
The glories of May Day did not survive the short reign of the Puritans. The Londoners had no more Maypoles, nor did they go into the fields to gather flowers and crown their heads with garlands; nor did they, as in Herrick’s time, decorate their houses with green boughs.
They had, however, some semblance of a festival: the chimney-sweepers made holiday, when one man became a Jack-in-the-Green, a girl became Maid Marian, a fiddler led the way, and the boys and girls went dancing after. Or the milkmaids turned out with a trophy of borrowed silver dishes round which they danced; or the carters decorated their horses with ribbons.
“The moon shines bright and the stars give a light
A little before it is day;
So God bless you all, both great and small,
And send you a joyful May.”
In the eighteenth century, as in the nineteenth, the greatest holiday of the year,
when all the people stay in the City instead of going out of it, as they do on the Bank Holidays, was Lord Mayor's Day. The procession was still kept up with some attempt at a pageant. But the art of pageantry had quite died out, with the love of allegory and the personation of the Virtues and the Vices. The Lord Mayor's Show became a very poor thing indeed during the eighteenth century. The last attempt at a pageant was made in 1702, when they showed St. Martin dividing his cloak among the beggars—probably the saint wore a full-bottomed wig; there were also chariots, and a great ship, and an arbour of delight. Alas! the people have now forgotten St. Martin altogether. If we were to put him up, with his cloak and his beggar, no one would understand who was meant.
It seems a pity that so ancient a custom should be allowed to fall into disuse or contempt. Surely it would be possible, when plays are mounted with so much attention to archaeological detail, to devise a pageant which the people could understand and appreciate; which should be neither mean nor gaudy nor vulgar; which should convey its lesson. Mean or gaudy or vulgar, it would never fail to draw into the streets the millions who now line the way from the City to Westminster, and occupy every window, and crowd every roof. Mean or gaudy or vulgar, it never failed to draw crowds into the streets every Lord Mayor's Day all through the eighteenth century.
In the year 1731 a certain visitor to London describes the way in which Christmas-tide was spent. Looking out of his window on the morning of Christmas Day, he saw the meek and resigned appearance of a crowd outside the church doors; they were the poor of the parish assembled to receive the charitable doles and alms of the season. As soon as the distribution was over, their meekness disappeared and they took to fighting over their shares. After the fighting they all trooped off to the public-house, whence they were carried, or led, an hour or two afterwards.
The next day was Boxing Day, when everybody came for his box: from the assistants to the tradesmen, the clerk—even the parish clerk was not too proud—the bellman, the watch, the constable, the beadle, the dustman,—they all came in one long stream.
The day after, this visitor was taken to a dance in a great room off Piccadilly; it was the kind of dance called "a threepenny hop"; the young men were chiefly prentices and shop assistants; the ladies were—what you please. There were two fiddles. In the midst of their happiness they were disturbed by the constables; the dance was illegal; they were all taken to Bow Street and fined. On the fourth day he was taken to a dinner given by a merchant in the City; the profusion of the food amazed him; it seems as if food had been provided for the whole parish; however, he was extremely pleased with the hospitality of the host and with the innocent mirth and good humour that reigned at the table. The frivolities closed with Twelfth Day, when the magnificence of the pastry-cooks' shops surprised and delighted him.
SPORT IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
From Hogarth's engraving, "The Cook Pit."
CHAPTER VII
AMUSEMENTS, COCK-FIGHTING, ETC.
We are accustomed to consider Sunday concerts as things of the present day; that, however, is not the case. In the year 1701 there was performed, on the first Sunday in every month, at 11 A.M., at Stationers' Hall, a concert of anthems, together with the delivery of orations, and the recitation of poems in praise of religion and virtue. The anthems were composed by Dr. Blow; the orations were delivered by Dr. Collier; and the poems were recited by Tate, the Poet Laureate. One could wish, indeed, that the Laureate's occasional verses for these interesting concerts had been preserved, for the encouragement of virtue and religion in future generations.
A not uncommon spectacle in the streets of London was the arrival, or the return, of one of the great masters of defence. He rode through the City preceded by trumpets and drums, with colours flying, with a drum and sword in his hand. He was something of a mountebank, but he was also, and always, a fine master of fence. These gladiators fought in real earnest, hacking and hewing with backsword, sword and dagger, single falchion, case of falchions, and quarter-staff.
The "Royal Sport" of cock-fighting was followed by all classes. The two cockpits of Whitehall received the noble lords and gentlemen the patrons of the sport; the improvised cockpits of the "Green Stage," off the Tottenham Court Road, served for the humbler patrons. It was a sport which could be practised all the year round; of which no one was ever tired; which furnished the greatest excitement going; at which bets to any amount might be made; and which developed a breed of fighting birds, the maintenance and improvement of which was in itself a science.
In the eighteenth century cock-fighting was certainly the favourite sport.
There were two ways of cock-fighting: the first was the ordinary matching of one cock against another; the other was the Welsh main, in which eight pairs of cocks fought until half were killed; the rest again fought each other till half were killed; and so on until only two were left, and these fought till one was killed. The following are instructions for the preparation of cocks for fighting:—
"First, with a pair of fine cock-shears, cut all his mane off close unto his neck, from the head to the setting on of the shoulders; secondly, clip off all the feathers from the tail close to his rump, the redder it appears, the better is the cock in condition. Thirdly, take his wings and spread them forth by the length of the first rising feather, and clip the rest slope-wise with sharp points, that in his rising he may there-with endanger an eye of his adversary. Fourthly, scrape, smooth, and sharpen his spurs with a penknife. Fifthly and lastly, see that there be no feathers on the crown of his head for his adversary to lay hold of; then with your spittle, moistening his head all over, turn him into the pit to move his fortune."
It is obvious, considering the wide popularity of a sport in which all classes were interested, the delight of prince and peer, pauper and sweep, that there must have been many cockpits in London. We know of a few, but certainly there must have been many more. Thus, there was the cockpit on the site of the present official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury. It was a part of the palace of Whitehall. It is not known when it ceased to be used for purposes of sport. It was used as a theatre by Queen Elizabeth, James I., and Charles I., its round shape and raised seats forming a stage and theatre ready made when scenery was wanted for the masque only and not for the play. Stow (1598) says "on the right hand be divers fair Tennis Courts, Bowling Allies, and a Cock Pit, all built by King Henry the Eighth (out of certain old tenements), and there is one other arched Gate, with a way over it, thwarting the Street, from the King's Gardens to the said Park." It is not the Cockpit that Hogarth represents. In 1634-35 a French company played before the Court in the Cockpit. Some part of the site was built over either already or shortly afterwards, for we find that the Earl of Pembroke had lodgings at the Cockpit (i.e. in the buildings beside the Cockpit) in 1649, and witnessed the execution of the king from his window. But the place continued to be called the Cockpit. I think that the tennis court and bowling alley were first built over, and that the Cockpit gave its name to the whole, simply because it remained when these were gone. Oliver Cromwell occupied the place before he resided in the Palace opposite. In the Cockpit he once entertained the house after dinner with music. General Monk lived here. Pepys records the performance of plays in the Cockpit during Monk's residence. Princess Anne lived here for a time. After the destruction by fire of Whitehall Palace a part of the Cockpit was built over and became the place of meeting for the Privy Council. This historic room, which has been the scene of so many memorable meetings, looks out upon the site of that part of the Cockpit not built over.
The Cockpit of Whitehall is often confounded with the Cockpit of Westminster. This place is shown in Strype's Map of Westminster (1720) at the north-western end of Dartmouth Street. Long the favourite resort of the sport, it was taken down in 1816. Its popularity had been transferred to a newer and probably more commodious Cockpit called the "Royal," in Tufton Street. I have no information as to the erection of the building. Grantley Berkeley (1865) speaks of the place as "ancient" when he was a boy.
Another famous Cockpit was that behind Gray’s Inn. It may be found in Strype’s map (1754). On the north of Gray’s Inn Gardens runs “the King’s Way,” a continuation of Theobald’s Row,—now Theobald’s Road. Beyond a small field or garden north of this King’s Way, and on the east of James’ Street, the site still marked by a small court, stood the Gray’s Inn Cockpit indicated by a circle.
A fourth Cockpit was that in Drury Lane. It was a notorious resort of disorderly people; the apprentices of London, virtuous by custom immemorial, every Shrove Tuesday wrecked the place. The Cockpit was converted into the Phoenix Theatre, the site shown by the name Cockpit Alley, afterwards Pitt Place.
The many places in the City (see *London and its Environs*, 1761) called after cocks, such as Cock Alley, ten in number; Cock Court, nine in number; Cock Hill, Cock Lane, of which there were four; Cock Yard, eight; Cockpit Alley, Cockpit Buildings, Cockpit Court, Cockpit Street, Cockpit Yard, Cock’s Rents, and Cockspur Street,—all indicate the former existence of cockpits long since forgotten.
There are many pictures of cock-fighting, but that which every one recognises as the typical picture is Hogarth’s. The scene has been laid at Newmarket, at Westminster, and at Gray’s Inn Lane; but, as the Royal Arms are on the wall, it is probably the Westminster Cockpit.
The faces, after Hogarth’s manner, are all portraits and all types. There is the blind devotee of sport, Lord Albemarle Bertie, who can see nothing, yet sits among the sportsmen and makes his bets; a ruffianly crew surrounds him, pulling at his shoulder, bawling in his ear, stealing his money, while he sits unconscious, apparently bawling the odds. The levelling tendencies of the sport are shown by the presence in the crowd of the Peer with his star, who is being unceremoniously pressed down by a carpenter with his leathern jacket and apron; by the beau taking snuff and dropping some of it into the eyes of the fat citizen below him, by the sweep who comes with his broom and his sack and imitates the manner of fashion with his snuff-box; by the hunchback Jockey and the Apothecary, who agree to a bet by touching whips; by the man on whose back is chalked a gallows,—he is therefore the hangman; by the shadow on the ground representing the Welsher hoisted in a basket until he can pay his debts; by the gamester who takes no interest in this match because he has got a pair of fresh cocks in a bag and is waiting for his turn; and by the hook by which an unseen hand is trying to get hold of the purse of a drunken man. Hogarth always compresses a hundred stories into one picture. This picture alone can be read and re-read dozens of times, and every time with increased profit and instruction.
The business of breeding, rearing, and training cocks for fighting employed a great many persons, and was full of recondite secrets and methods. Some of these, as described in a book before me, are disgusting, some of them are brutal. The ordinary manner of conducting a cock-fight was to pair off the cocks according to weight. Those which “fell in,” that is to say, those which could be matched, fought
for the main; those which could not be matched fought in "byes." The fight in Hogarth's picture takes place on a raised circular stage apparently about three feet high. It is a building of brick, with two, or perhaps three, seats raised one behind the other, while a low wall, such as we find behind the dress circle of a theatre, round the seats, affords a passage outside. There is no indication that the place was actually sunk below the level of the ground; perhaps the original cockpit was simply a hole in which the birds were placed while the spectators looked down from above. I have seen in a village the site of an ancient cockpit which had certainly been excavated. Cock-fighting still lingers in holes and corners. It is whispered that it is still possible to witness a cock-fight by payment of five pounds or so; of course it is now illegal.
Cock-fighting is an extremely ancient form of sport. The Romans fought quails and partridges as well as cocks. In the reign of Henry II. FitzStephen says that boys brought gamecocks to school on Shrove Tuesday and spent the morning in fighting them.
Baiting was a pursuit almost as eagerly followed as cock-fighting. Anything might be baited: a bear, a bull, a badger, in the general way. In 1717 they baited a leopard twelve feet long. In the same year they provided for one evening's amusement:—the baiting of a tiger by six bull and bear dogs, for £100; a bull and a bear driven mad by being covered all over with lighted fireworks; and, to conclude, six young men to play at blunts, that is, at fighting with sticks, he to get the prize who broke most heads. There was a bear-garden on Bankside, Southwark; another on the south of Soho Square; another in Tothill Fields: but the most important was that of Hockley-in-the-Hole. Here one Christopher Preston, the proprietor, fell in among his own bears and was killed and devoured.
The following is a hand-bill of a bull-baiting in 1710:
"This is to give notice to all gentlemen, gamesters, and others, that on this present Monday is a match to be fought by two dogs, one from Newgate market, against one from Hony-lane market, at a bull, for a guinea to be spent; five let-goes out off hand, which goes fairest and farthest in wins all; likewise a green bull to be baited, which was never baited before; and a bull to be turned loose with fireworks all over him; also a mad ass to be baited, with variety of bull-baiting and bear-baiting, and a dog to be drawn up with fireworks. Beginning exactly at three of the clock."
A "green" bull is, as the bill explains, one that has never been baited.
Wrestling also went on at the bear-gardens. The prizes were generally gloves, worth 2s. 6d. a pair.
In another place I have spoken of the pleasure-gardens. These were numerous and varied in attractions, from the beautiful gardens of Marylebone to the squalid Temple of Flora at Lambeth. And in another place I consider the fairs, which in the eighteenth century were mere orgies of drink and debauchery. There were other places of amusement, now forgotten. Who remembers Lambeth Wells? Here, three
days in the week, called public days, the music played all day long from seven in the morning till dark; there was the Water Theatre, full of strange devices; Punch's Theatre, where they had fantoccini; there were "posture masters" and rope-dancers always exhibiting their tricks and skill; there were exhibitions of this and that always going on. At the Spring Gardens were concerts and masquerades. In Dowgate there was a fine concert-hall for the City; the young people were invited to dance for a gold ring; they made up foot-races for bets; they played cricket matches; they even grinned through a halter for a new hat. There was also the Spouting Club, at which young men vied with each other in recitations.
On the 23rd of June 1775 the first regatta was held upon the Thames. Every boat, barge, wherry, and lighter was on the river, crowded with people. Flags were flying; guns were fired; bands were playing; the houses from which the regatta could be witnessed were filled with people; the bells of St. Martin's were rung in the morning; those of St. Margaret's in the afternoon. The chief point of attraction was Westminster Bridge, which was crowded with people, while the avenues at both ends were covered with gambling-tables. The boats on the river were supplied with drink in great abundance, but very bad and in short measure. Every passage to the waterside was guarded by men who took toll, from a penny to half a crown. Scaffolds were erected on the banks, where seats sold for large sums. In a word, the town had gone off its head for a new thing.
When the regatta was over, the *élite* of the company were rowed up to Chelsea, where Ranelagh received them to a supper, dancing, and music. Among the visitors were their Royal Highnesses the Dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland.
When we remember how popular the game of tennis was at one time; how it was always the sport of kings; it seems somewhat remarkable that there have been so few courts in London. At the same time it has never been a popular game or a cheap game: tennis at the present day is a more expensive game than any other, excepting polo. In London, the court in which Charles II. played stood just outside the Palace at the south-west corner of St. James's Street. This court was pulled down in 1866. Another tennis-court stood at the corner of Windmill Street and Coventry Street; a third stood in Clare Market, called Gibbon's; and there are places in Holborn, Blackfriars, and Southwark whose names indicate the former existence of courts upon those sites.
In this long history through which we have slowly made our way, I have steadily ignored one event, recurring once in a hundred years or so—that of the hard frost. On that occasion the Thames is completely frozen over above and below Bridge. Booths are put up on the river; drinking-places, eating-houses are set up; and it is the boast of the people that they can get drunk on the river as well as on land. Presently they bring along a printing-press and print a ballad or a broadside, which is bought as a great curiosity because it is printed
on the ice. Every such hard frost produces exactly the same results. Therefore I have resolved on mentioning only one—the hard frost of 1788-89.
It began on the 25th of November and lasted for seven weeks, terminating early in the New Year. There was a great deal of distress while it lasted: many thousands of men were out of work, ships that could not be loaded or unloaded, the river was impossible for lighters, the fellowship porters were standing idle, the Thames watermen waiting—there were 40,000 persons who got their living somehow by the river: all these persons were thrown out of work. One hopes that a great many of them found temporary employment on the ice. For the face of the river became a great fair, finer than Bartholomew's: there were shows of all kinds, theatres, puppets, music, eating, drinking, dancing—an orgy which the Lord Mayor would find it difficult to stop. In fact, the Lord Mayor does not seem to have interfered with the River Fair, which was carried on night and day with the utmost cheerfulness, and was only terminated by a rapid rise in the temperature and the cracking of the ice.
A kind of madness sometimes seized the young fellows. Thus they had a "frolic" the nature of which may be gathered from the Connoisseur:
"I have known a whole company start from their chairs, and begin tilting at each other merely for their diversion. Another time these exalted geniuses have cast lots which should be thrown out of the window; and at another made a bonfire of their clothes, and ran naked into the streets... It was no longer ago than last winter, that a party of jovial Templars set out an hour or two after midnight on a voyage to Lisbon, in order to get good Port. They took boat at the Temple stairs, and prudently laid in, by way of provision, a cold venison pasty and two bottles of raspberry brandy; but when they imagined they were just arrived at Gravesend, they found themselves suddenly overset in Chelsea-Reach, and very narrowly escaped being drowned. The most innocent Frolicks of these men of humour are carried on, in a literary way, by advertisements in the news-papers, with which they often amuse the town, and alarm us with bottle conjurors, and persons who will jump down their own throats. Sometimes they divert themselves by imposing on their acquaintance with fictitious intrigues, and putting modest women to the blush by describing them in the public papers. Once, I remember, it was the Frolick to call together all the wet nurses that wanted a place; at another time to summon several old women to bring their male tabby cats, for which they were to expect a considerable price; and not long ago, by the proffer of a curacy, they drew all the poor parsons to St. Paul's Coffee-house, where the Bucks themselves sat in another box to smoke their rusty wigs and brown cassocks."
I find little mention in the literature of the eighteenth century of the customs and sports which were still maintained in the country. No man is ridden on a rail—a custom we generally believe to be American in its origin, but which was carried on in the north of England; no woman has to "ride the stang" or to "ride Skimmington"; the maids of London did not "lift" their masters, nor did the girls run races for smocks. On the other hand, they continued, as we have seen, the bull-baiting, the cock-fighting, and the cock-throwing of which their predecessors were so fond. On May Day the milkmaids continued their dance and the chimney-sweepers their pageant; they trooped forth to see horse-racing
FROST FAIR ON THE THAMES
N.W. view of the Fair on the River Thames during the great Frost 1683-4, taken from near the Temple stairs. From the Crace Collection.
at Epsom; they had their fairs; they kept St. Valentine’s Day, Twelfth Day, Shrove Tuesday, Michaelmas Day, and Lord Mayor’s Day, and they beat the bounds as in Rogation week.
The time was not without its athletes. Foremost among these was Powell.
In 1787 this celebrated pedestrian, being then 53 years of age, walked from Canterbury to London Bridge and back again—112 miles—in 23 hours 53½ minutes. That is to say, an average of a mile in 12¾ minutes. It is not stated where he rested, nor for how long.
In 1790 he, being then 56 years of age, accomplished a walk from York to London for the second time. He set out from the Monument in London to walk to York and back again in five days and eighteen hours, in the same time which he performed this journey in the year 1773: the wager was 10 guineas to 13.
On Monday night he reached Stamford, where he slept; on Tuesday night at twelve he reached Doncaster, and arrived in York twenty-five minutes after one on Wednesday noon; set out on his return a quarter before four in the afternoon, reached Ferrybridge that evening, passed through Doncaster at eight o’clock on Thursday morning, and arrived at Grantham in the evening, where he slept; at five o’clock on Friday morning he pursued his journey, and arrived at Biggleswade that evening, where he also slept; set out at half-past four o’clock on Saturday morning, and arrived at the Monument at ten minutes past four in the afternoon (being one hour and fifty minutes within the time) amidst the acclamations of a vast concourse of people.
On the 12th of July 1809 Captain Barclay finished his task of walking 1000 miles in 1000 successive hours.
On the 27th of December 1815 Eaton finished his walk of 1100 miles in 1100 hours upon Blackheath.
Let me, as an addition to this chapter, quote from *The Brief and Merry History of Great Britain*—
“The common People have a great many Diversions, which may serve to let them know themselves. Some have the Appearances of Fierceness, as that of murdering Cocks by throwing huge Sticks at them, at some distance. Another great diversion is to see two Fellows fight with Back-Swords on a Publick Stage, surrounded by an infinite Crowd of Beaus, Butchers, Bailiffs, and Foot-Soldiers blaspheming, cursing, and reviling the Combatants if they are sparing of their Blood, and fight what they call a Sham-Battle; but if they hack and hue one another pretty heartily, insomuch that the Stage runs with their Gore, nothing can be more satisfactory to the Spectators, who are then generally sure to reward them very bountifully.
“Cock-fighting is diverting enough, the Anger and Eagerness of these little Creatures, and the triumphant Crowing of a Cock when he struts haughtily on the
Body of his Enemy, has something in it singular and pleasant. What renders these Shews less agreeable, is the great numbers of Wagerers, who appear as angry as the Cocks themselves, and make such a noise, that one would believe every Minute they were going to fight also.
"Combats are very common among the meaner Sort of the People. The Assailants begin with running against each other, Heads foremost, like Rams, and afterwards come to Boxing. Upon the beginning of any Quarrel in the Streets, the Porters and Dogs immediately run barking from all Corners, and the Handicrafts quit their Garrets, and these together make a fair circle for the Boxers. By the antient Custom of these Combats, a Man is not to strike his Adversary on the Ground, but must give him time to rise, and the Standers-by take care to see these Laws strictly observed. They never part till one of them calls for Quarter, which they seldom do till they are quite disabled. These Exercises are in great Esteem amongst the English, and not only diverting to the Men, but to the Women likewise. In the Evenings of their Sabbaths and Festivals, 'tis common to see the Streets filled with these sorts of Rencounters; all kinds of Servants being then at liberty, and generally well loaded with Liquors, have frequent Quarrels and Bickerings about Precedency. One may see Mothers encourage their Sons, and married Women their Husbands to engage, the latter holding their Husbands' canes and Children the meanwhile. And sometimes People of Quality lay aside their Wigs, Swords, and Neckcloths to box, when they are insulted by mean Persons, against whom they must not draw their Swords, the Rabble esteeming that to be the most rascally thing a Gentleman can be guilty of; for which reason a Lieutenant-General hath e'er now been seen with a swoln Face and a black Eye. A young Lord has made his name terrible to all the Coachmen, Carters, and Porters in London by his Manual Operations on their Bodies, when their Behaviour has been rude and insolent; he having often, as the Phrase is, beaten them to Mummy for it.
"A few Years since, some young Rakes of Quality had found out a very odd sort of Diversion, their Number consisted of twelve Persons, and were call'd the Kicking-Club; they met at a Wine-house or Tavern near the Court, from whence about Midnight they used to sally, dividing themselves into three Parties, four Persons in each. By the Rules of the Society each Member was in turn to kick every Man he met, and on refusal to forfeit a Flask of French Claret for the Benefit of the Club."
CHAPTER VIII
SIGHTS AND PLACES OF AMUSEMENT
In a work published in the year 1786 the following places are enumerated as the principal sights of London:—
1. St. Paul’s, Westminster Abbey, and St. Stephen’s, Walbrook. Nothing is said of the Temple, or of St. Mary Overies, or of St. Bartholomew the Great.
2. The City Places, such as the Guildhall, the Exchange, the Bank, the Mansion House, the Monument, and the Tower.
3. The Three Bridges.
4. The Squares, particularly Grosvenor Square, and Lincoln’s Inn Fields.
5. The Westminster Buildings: the House of Commons, admission into which was charged at 2s. 6d.; the House of Lords, into which one could only get admission by favour of a member.
6. The British Museum.
In the year 1753, the whole of the collections made by Sir Hans Sloane were offered to the nation for £20,000. An Act was accordingly passed for the purchase and the housing of the collection with those of the Harleian MSS. and the Cottonian Library. The money for this and for the purchase of Montague House was raised by lottery. But in 1845 Montague House was pulled down as being inadequate, and the present building erected. Just now it only concerns us to know how the institution affected the public, and how far the people were enabled to make an educational use of what it contained.
On the opening of the British Museum, therefore, the following were the Rules:
(1) The Museum was to be open every day except Saturday and Sunday, and except one day after Christmas; one week after Easter; and one week after Whit Sunday. Good Friday was also to be excepted with all days of thanksgiving or fasting.
(2) That the hours of opening were to be from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, and the same hours during the summer, except on Monday and Friday, when it was to open from four till eight.
(3) All persons wishing to see the museum must make application to the porter, giving their names, condition, and residence, with the day and hour when they desire to visit the house. The application must be made before nine in the morning or between four and eight in the evening. All applications to be made in a register and the tickets of admission should be issued by the principal librarian, but not more than ten tickets for any one hour.
(4) That the visitors must be conducted in regular order and the whole inspection is not to last more than three hours.
There were other rules for the hindrance of visitors and the rendering of the museum useless. These, however, will suffice.
7. The Court at St. James's. The Court was open at three o'clock on Sundays and Thursdays; any well-dressed person, we are told, was admitted.
After the sights there were the amusements, and, of course, the theatre came first, before all other amusements the most delightful. There were winter and summer theatres. Drury Lane and Covent Garden were open for dramatic representations from September till the end of June. The Haymarket was a summer theatre. On Wednesdays and Fridays during Lent there were concerts
of sacred music. The Opera House in the Haymarket was open from October to June, twice a week, Tuesday and Saturday. In the winter there were masquerades. Concerts were held at the Pantheon, Willis's Rooms, King Street; Gallini's Rooms, Hanover Square; and at Freemasons' Hall.
Among the amusements is mentioned the Lord Mayor's Ball on Easter Monday, and his feast and ball on the 9th of November. "Tickets," it is said, "are not difficult of attainment, by applying to any alderman or common council man. They are now and then to be purchased by applying to John the Waiter, at the Rainbow Coffee House, Cornhill."
The criminal trials at the Old Bailey every six weeks were open to the public at 1s. each. The hangings—it was three years since the Tyburn procession had been abandoned—are mentioned as an amusement open free to the "groundlings," or people in the street, which was the pit of the Newgate Theatre: the boxes were the windows of the neighbouring houses; their roofs were the gallery. My authority invites his readers to witness the "festivity and gambols of the lower class of people rolling down Greenwich Park hill at the Whitsun Fair"; he does not mention Bartholomew Fair or Horn Fair. It is evident from this list that a visitor to London a hundred years ago might occupy himself agreeably for several weeks without exhausting the pleasures of the town, or its points and places of interest.
Let us follow a country visitor on his first rambles about the City. He was called upon to admire the crowded streets, the lines of shops, the busy markets, and the noise and uproar along the roads. When he had partly overcome his surprise and confusion at so many distracting sounds, he was taken to the Tower, where he saw the wild beasts; was shown into dungeons, walked on the terrace, and admired the prospect of the Pool with its ships and their attendant fleets of barges and wherries. Thence he walked along Thames Street, saw the Custom House, and listened, at a safe distance, to the quarrels of the Billingsgate fish-women. He then arrived at London Bridge, over which he crossed; it was, to look at, a narrow street with small shops on either side and houses projecting in front, and built out over the river behind. Here and there a space was left where the passenger could halt and view the river above and below the Bridge. Turning northwards, the visitor was taken through Fish Street, passing the Monument, along Gracechurch Street to Lombard Street, where was the General Post Office, to the Stocks market, with its statue of Charles II. Thence along Cheapside to St. Paul's, which delayed him a long time; on the right, through the great meat market of Newgate, he came to Christ's Hospital and Newgate Prison. He then walked along the Fleet River past the Fleet Prison as far as Ludgate, with its prison on the left, and Bridewell, with its prison on the right. A hundred years before he would have walked along the City Wall overlooking the City Ditch. But the wall was mostly pulled down, built against, or built over, and the ditch filled up. The gates were left, however, and the
visitor making his rounds saw them all. He also visited the Royal Exchange; the Bank of England standing between its two churches; Leadenhall Market; the hospitals of St. Bartholomew's, Guy's, Bethlehem, St. Thomas's, and St. Katherine's by the Tower; he saw the Guildhall and Bakewell Hall. Perhaps he was curious concerning the new City churches or the few old churches which had escaped the Fire, but I do not think that most of the visitors ever troubled themselves about the churches. His guide very carefully kept him from visiting any of the prisons on account of the highly infectious and dangerous fever which was always lurking in those noisome places. But he placed his visitor in a boat and took him up the river to Westminster, where there was the ancient King's house with the Houses of Parliament and Westminster Abbey; part of Whitehall Palace; St. James's Palace, and, still standing, some of the great houses along the river.
But the chief interest was the City. Here the visitor, returning, was shown the City Companies' Halls; the quays and warehouses; the coffee-houses and the taverns; the civic processions and functions. He was edified by the pious behaviour and the self-restraint exhibited by the mob on the way to Tyburn, and whenever a fellow was flogged at the cart-tail, or exposed in pillory, or set in the stocks.
The theatres, he would find, were outside the walls of the City, so were the gardens in which the London people took so much delight in the summer. He was invited to observe the furniture and the style of living in the merchants' stately houses, their dignity, their wealth, their equipage, their many servants, their counting-houses and their warehouses and their quays. There were many interesting things for a visitor to see in London, but the most interesting things—far more interesting than any of its buildings—were the port and the quays and the shipping which spoke of a trade unrivalled in the whole world. I fear that the visitor of 1740 took small interest in the architectural features of that part of the City which had escaped the Fire; he found the flat façade and the square sash windows far more beautiful than the broken line, the tall gable, the projecting story and the diamond panes of the leaden casement; while the square and simple architecture, say of St. Michael Bassishaw, seemed to him far more beautiful than the "Gothick barbarity" of St. Helen's or St. Mary Overies. In a word, there was a great deal for the visitor of 1740 to see in London; but the things in which he would most delight were not the things that would delight us if we could be set down in Thames Street in the year of grace 1740.
CHAPTER IX
THE ART OF SELF-DEFENCE
Neither the noble art of self-defence nor the most illustrious master in that art can be ignored in a history of London. There never was a time when the art of self-defence, in one form or the other, was not practised and exercised and taught in London. During the eighteenth century it included the various branches of fencing, broadsword and cutlass play, quarter-staff, and single-stick. Fencing has never gone out of use among gentlemen; broadsword play has never been
lost in the navy; quarter-staff fell into neglect from which it seems impossible to rescue it. Of all the masters of this art, James Figg seems to have been easily the first and greatest. He was a native of Thame in Oxfordshire, and was a young man of remarkable strength and agility, excelling in all the country sports and athletics. He came to London and set up as a teacher of the art of self-defence, and challenged all comers. He established himself at the corner of Wells Street and Castle Street, Oxford Road, on a piece of waste ground, where he built a wooden structure in which he taught everything required for the art which he professed.
The following lines show how a contest between two champions was at that time carried out. They were written by Dr. Byrom.
I
"Long was the great Figg, by the prize-fighting swains,
Sole monarch acknowledged of Marylebone plains.
To the towns, far and near, did his valour extend,
And swam down the river from Thame to Gravesend:
Where lived Mr. Sutton, pipemaker by trade,
Who, hearing that Figg was thought such a stout blade,
Resolved to put in for a share of his fame,
And so sent to challenge the champion of Thame."
II
With alternate advantage two rubbers had past,
When they fought out the rubbers on Wednesday last:
To see such a contest the house was so full,
There hardly was room left to thrust in your skull.
With a prelude of cudgels we first were saluted,
And two or three shoulders most handsomely fluted,
Till, weary at last with inferior disasters,
All the company cry'd, 'Come, the masters.'
III
Whereupon the bold Sutton first mounted the stage,
Made his honours as usual, and yearn'd to engage:
Then Figg, with a visage so fierce, yet sedate,
Came and entered the lists, with his fresh-shaven pate:
Their arms were encircled with armigers too,
With a red ribbon Sutton's, and Figg's with a blue:
Thus adorned, the two heroes, betwixt shoulder and elbow
Shook hands, and to't, and the word it was bilboe.
IV
Sure such a concern, in the eyes of spectators,
Was never yet seen in our amphitheatres:
Our commons and peers, from the several places,
To half an inch distance all pointed their faces:
While the rays of old Phœbus, that shot thro' the sky-light,
Seemed to make on the stage a new kind of twilight:
And the gods without doubt, if one could but have seen 'em,
Were peeping there through to do justice between 'em.
Figg struck the first stroke, and with such a vast fury,
That he broke his huge weapon in twain I assure you:
And if his brave rival this blow had not warded,
His head from his shoulders had been quite discarded.
Figg armed him again, and they took t'other tilt,
And then Sutton's blade ran away from its hilt:
The weapons were frighted, but as for the men,
In truth they ne'er minded, but at it again.
VIII
That bruises and wounds a man's spirit should touch,
With danger so little, with honour so much!
Well, they both took a dram, and returned to the battle,
And with a fresh fury they made their swords rattle:
While Sutton's right arm was observed to bleed,
By a touch from his rival, so Jove had decreed;
Just enough for to show that his blood was not icor,
But made up like Figg's of the common red liquor.
IX
Again they both rushed with as equal a fire on,
Till the company cried, 'Hold, enough of cold iron;
To the quarter-staff now, lads.' So, first having dram'd it,
They took to their wood, and if faith never sham'd it.
The first bout they had was so fair and so handsome,
That, to make a fair bargain, was worth a king's ransom:
And Sutton such bangs on his neighbour imparted,
Would have made any fibres but Figg's to have smarted.
X
Then after that bout they went on to another,
But the matter must end on some fashion or other:
So Jove told the gods he had made a decree,
That Figg should hit Sutton a stroke on the knee.
Tho' Sutton, disabled as soon as he hit him,
Would still have fought on, but Jove would not permit him:
'Twas his fate, not his fault, that constrained him to yield,
And thus the great Figg became lord of the field."
James Figg died in 1734. He was succeeded as the master or champion by Broughton, who is said to have introduced the art or science of boxing in the place of the sword fights as being more harmless. They were, however, sufficiently serious in their consequences. Broughton was patronised by the Duke of Cumberland. He kept a booth or wooden structure like Figg's in the Tottenham Court Road. He was regarded as an unconquered hero for a long time, until unluckily he had a battle with one Stack, a butcher, who managed to hit him between the eyes, and blinded him, to the consternation of the audience, all of whom had been betting on Broughton.
Of the prize fight, one specimen must suffice, that of Humphreys and Mendoza (in Ann. Reg. 1788):—
"So high was the public anxiety on the issue of the bruising match, which was decided between Humphreys and Mendoza, that neither the distance from town, nor the state of the weather, could prevent a very large body of people from assembling at the scene of action in Odiham. Several hundreds of people paid half a guinea a-piece to gain admission within the paddock, where the stage was raised. The paddock was well defended against the multitude by Tring, Ryan, Dunn, and a number of other of the strongest men in England, who with clubs looked like so many giants; but what can resist the shock of an English mob? The paddock was broken down, and the torrent rushed in.
The combatants mounted the stage exactly at one o'clock, and, after the usual salutation, Mendoza instantly began the onset with all the heat and impetuosity of a man determined on victory. He threw himself in with much activity, and displayed much showy enterprise, while Humphreys retreated and avoided the blows. The latter bore himself with great reserve, and the Jew was accordingly the assailant in the first six or seven rounds. In these, Mendoza being more hazardous and more successful than Humphreys, the bets, which were two to one in favour of the latter before the battle, changed to six to four, seven to four, and at last two to one against him. Several blows of Mendoza had their effect. He cut Humphreys under the left eye, and of course endeavoured to follow up the wound, but in this he was disappointed by the superior address of his opponent.
The stage, from the wetness of the day, was extremely slippery, and for some time neither of them could keep their feet so as to give firmness to their action. To remedy this, Humphreys threw off his shoes, and got a pair of worsted stockings, in which, without shoes, he continued the battle with improved footing.
After they had fought 18 or 19 minutes, Humphreys began to manifest his superior skill, and the bets again changed in his favour. He planted a dreadful blow on the neck, or near the jaw, of the Jew, which sickened, and almost disabled him. He continued the battle, however, with much determination of spirit, until extravasated blood and exhausted breath made him so helpless, that he lay on the stage unable to rise, and yielded the contest.
The battle lasted 29 minutes. Humphreys was seconded by Johnson, and Mendoza by Jacobs.
In consequence of the above battle it is said that upwards of £20,000 sterling of bets will be transferred from the Jews to the Christians—rather to the Gentiles."
CHAPTER X
GAMBLING AND LOTTERY
Gambling is the vice of the unemployed. The leisured class, as they are called,—those who have nothing to do, those for whom other people work,—always have the gambler in their midst; they are never free from the vice of gambling. Sometimes it lurks in corners; there are always clubs in which one can play as high as a man can desire,—and as often. There are always whispers as to private gambling-houses: it is not difficult to find them out, and they welcome new-comers. There are, it is supposed, hawks and rooks. But it is when gambling is openly practised and encouraged; when, from the king downwards, all classes gamble; when it becomes a national passion, that it becomes a national danger.
In the eighteenth century gambling had a far greater hold upon the upper classes than it can at present boast. They all played: some with frenzy, as Charles James Fox; some occasionally. Many of the women gambled as much as the men; they lost great sums; they were reduced to pawning their jewels when they could not get the money from their husbands. Some of them cheated almost openly, and they could not be turned out of society, as men were, on the suspicion of foul play. Allusions to cheating at cards are frequent in the satirical literature of the time; while the passion of women for cards was notorious and could not be denied. Some of them played every night of their lives, for three hours at least, at whist or games of chance—casino, loo, ombre, piquet, faro, or hazard. If they went to an assembly in the evening, they all crowded into the cardroom. They spent their mornings in counting their gains or lamenting their losses; they talked and thought about little else; they read nothing; they thought there was nothing in the world to consider except their own narrow set, their dress, and cards.
Colonel George Hanger says that in his younger days (1770) there was no such thing as a faro-table admitted into the house of a woman of fashion. The gaming was carried on at public tables. But in 1798 it was a common custom for a lady to admit the proprietor of a faro-table, and to allow of gaming in her own house for a fee of fifty guineas a night.
Any picture drawn by the satirist and the essayist must be taken with
deductions: the satirist is nothing unless he can exaggerate until he finds material for the indignation which drives the poor man into verse. I have no doubt that there were plenty of women, even in that devil's acre lying beside the east of Hyde Park, who did not gamble, and no more felt the passion and the power of the vice than they felt the passion and the power of drink. It is not, certainly, fair to charge the century as wholly infected with the vice of gambling; let us be satisfied with the fact that it was widely spread.
And it must not be supposed that, because cards were the favourite amusement of all classes, and though in every house in town or country cards were played whenever three or four were met together, therefore the whole country gambled. Whist or quadrille, the favourite games, allowed the clergyman or the staid merchant with the ladies of the family to win or lose a few sixpences; but that was not gambling. So, in the West End, many ladies sat down to cards as the most agreeable way of getting through the evening, yet they did not gamble. Horace Walpole, who complains bitterly about the universal card-playing, blames it not so much for the danger of the whole world becoming gamblers, as for the dulness of the players, who instead of joining in conversation now sat silent at the whist-table. At the same time, it must be owned that there are endless stories of losses at play. Hogarth has drawn, with his customary exaggeration of the theme yet accuracy as to details, a gambling scene at White's, where the company play on although the house is on fire—White's was actually burned down in 1733. The unfortunate rake is cursing the heavens for his bad luck; the winner sweeps in the money; the young lord borrows £500; the confederates exchange signs; the highwayman sits waiting patiently till one of the winners leaves the house: then he will go after him. As to the rage and despair of the losing gamester, although men were by no means so self-governed as they have since learned to be, one cannot believe that in a house like White's, frequented by the most well-bred men of an age when good-breeding was one of the fine arts, anyone would lose his self-command like Hogarth's rake at this stage of his progress. We cannot believe that Fox, who constantly lost as much as any one, would go on his knees and blaspheme his Creator, whatever had been his losses. In fact, we know how he lost, and how he bore his losses as a gentleman should.
All the memoirs and all the letters are full of gaming stories; in one or two cases they are also stories of suicide; in a few cases they are stories of ruin; generally they are stories of bad luck, or losing considerable sums, but not of ruin. Young men crippled themselves, raised money on post-obits, sold their reversionary interests, got into the hands of money-lenders; but they did not, as a rule, ruin themselves.
Yet there were cases of sudden and complete ruin. Men did sometimes lose in a single night the whole of their estates. A certain young lord, for instance, lost
GAMBLING AT WHITES CLUB
From Hogarth's engraving, "Gaming-house Scene" (The Rake's Progress).
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form so that it can be securely transmitted or stored.
6. Hashing: A method of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used for data integrity checks.
7. Interface: The point at which a user interacts with a computer system or application.
8. Input/Output (I/O) Operations: The process of transferring data between a computer's memory and its storage devices.
9. Programming Language: A formal language designed to communicate instructions to a computer.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The measures taken to protect data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A set of instructions that directs a computer to perform specific tasks.
13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
14. User: An individual who uses a computer system or application.
15. Virtualization: The creation of a virtual version of a physical resource, such as a server, storage device, or network.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language used for structuring and storing data in a hierarchical format.
These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used across various fields and industries.
to Nash of Bath, at one sitting, all his money, all his movables, the title deeds of his large estates, the rings on his fingers, and his watch. Nash gave them all back. On another occasion Nash won the whole fortune of a young man and gave it back to him with an admonition. It was wasted. The young man played again; lost again; and blew out his brains.
It is impossible to read any of the letters of the time without finding stories of losses over the hazard table. One night at the Cocoa Tree, Walpole says, there was a cast at hazard the difference of which amounted to a hundred and four score thousand pounds. At Almack's it is recorded that "Mr. Thynne having won only 12,000 guineas in two months, retired in disgust." On the evenings of high play—unless these were daily—those who sat at the table practised all kinds of absurdities and superstitions. They turned their coats inside out; they put on frieze coats; they wore leathern sleeves like footmen cleaning plate; they wore straw hats to protect their eyes from the light and to conceal the anxiety on their faces.
It is difficult to imagine the serious and responsible Pitt playing among such a group. But he did play with them. I have alluded to the inextinguishable thirst for the gaming-table that possessed Charles James Fox. Lord Lyttelton, writing to Dr. Doddridge in 1750, says: "The Dryads of Hagley are at present pretty secure, but I tremble to think that the rattling of a dice-box at White's may one day or other (if my son should be a member of that noble academy) shake down all our fine oaks. It is dreadful to see, not only there, but in almost every house in town, what devastations are made by that destructive fury, the spirit of play."
Betting forms part of gambling. There was a vast amount of betting upon every event. It is needless to enlarge upon the absurdities of betting. Perhaps the most famous, or the most notorious, instance was that of a bet made by Lord March (in 1771) of 500 guineas with Mr. Pigot as to whether Sir William Codrington or "old Mr. Pigott"—the father (?) of the betting man—should die first. It so happened that the day before the laying of the wager, old Mr. Pigot died suddenly. His son, therefore, if it was his son, refused to pay, on the ground that it was no bet, as the man was dead before the bet was concluded. Lord March, therefore, brought an action to recover the amount. Lord Mansfield was on the bench, and the jury found for the plaintiff, with costs.
The City people did not gamble. No merchant who had the reputation for gambling could preserve his credit. There were, of course, some young men, with souls above the counter or the desk, who repaired at night to the gaming-houses, and there lost their masters' money, or won with the aid of their masters' money. The end of these young gentlemen was generally the highway and Tyburn tree. The City madams played cards at each other's houses; but they did not gamble.
The maintenance of a gaming-house was no easy matter. It required careful
organisation, and the assistance of a large staff. These officials were enumerated in the *St. James's Evening Post* of 1731.
1. A 'Director,' who superintends the room.
2. An 'Operator,' who deals the cards at a cheating game called faro.
3. Two 'Crowpees' (*i.e.* croupiers), who watch the cards and gather the money for the bank.
4. Two 'Puffs,' who have money given to them to decoy others to play.
5. A 'Clerk,' who is a check upon the puffs to see that they sink none of the money given them to play with.
6. A 'Squib,' who is a puff of lower rank, who serves at half salary while he is learning to deal.
7. A 'Flasher,' to swear how often the bank has been stripped.
8. A 'Dunner,' who goes about to recover money lost at play.
9. A 'Waiter,' to fill out wine, snuff candles, and attend to the gaming-room.
10. An 'Attorney,' a Newgate solicitor.
11. A 'Captain,' who is to fight any gentleman who is peevish for losing his money.
12. An 'Usher,' who lights gentlemen up and down stairs and gives the word to the porter.
13. A 'Porter,' who is generally a soldier of the foot-guards.
14. An 'Orderly' man, who walks up and down the outside of the door, to give notice to the porter and alarm the house at the approach of the constables.
15. A 'Runner,' who is to get intelligence of the Justices' meetings. Link-boys, watchmen, chairmen, drawers, or others who bring the first intelligence of the Justices' meetings or of the constables being out, half a guinea reward. Common bail, affidavit men, ruffians, bailees, *cum multis aliis.*
The most mischievous, because the most widely spread, form of gambling was that of the State lottery. It flourished here, first at intervals, and then as an annual institution from the year 1569 to the year 1826. The method pursued always presented the same features. The Government announced a lottery of so many tickets, to each of which a prize of about £10 on an average was allotted. Thus, if there were 100,000 shares there would be £1,000,000 given away in prizes. But this amount was divided not into equal £10 shares, but into so many shares, say, of £20,000 each; so many of £15,000 each; so many of £10,000 each, and so on down to £20. Take the scheme of the lottery of 1779. There were 49,000 tickets representing 16,330 prizes and 32,670 blanks. The amount given in prizes was £490,000, distributed as follows:
| Prizes | Amount |
|-----------------|----------|
| 2 prizes | £20,000 |
| 3 | 10,000 |
| 5 | 5,000 |
| 8 | 2,000 |
| Prizes | Amount |
|-----------------|----------|
| 12 prizes | £1000 |
| 30 | 500 |
| 100 | 100 |
| 220 | 50 |
15,820 prizes of £20 each
For the first number drawn for the first eight days £1000 each; and for the last number drawn £1000. The tickets were bought by contractors, lottery-office keepers, who paid the Government from £16 to £20 for each ticket; so that the Government realised £300,000 to £500,000 by the business. Out of their profits, however, had to be paid the officials who carried on the drawing and the conduct of the whole business.
The contractors, for their part, proceeded with the utmost diligence to offer their tickets to the public for what they would fetch. They divided them into whole tickets, half, quarter, eighth, and sixteenth parts. They issued flaming circulars promising wealth without working for it; they put piles of gold coins in their windows with placards showing that all this could be got for a guinea. In order to prolong and increase the excitement they provided that the drawing should take three weeks, during which the people were worked up into a frantic condition. In order to procure tickets, or even small shares of tickets, servants robbed the houses where they worked; clerks robbed their masters; everybody robbed, pawned, sold what he could to get the money for a ticket. Everybody dreamed perpetually, nay persuaded himself, that he was going to become rich, and planned what he would do when the big prize, that of £20,000, fell to him. The lottery contractors made their profit by selling the tickets at an increased price; that is to say, if they bought a ticket for £16, they would sell it at £20; the half for £11; the quarter for £6, and so on.
In the selection of their numbers the people were guided by the most superstitious and frivolous reasons. The number of the year; the number of the Beast, because the devil certainly took a hand in a lottery; the age of the purchaser; the number suggested in a dream; a number overheard in the street; a number which accidentally caught the eye in a book; anything would do.
The tickets were drawn in public, generally in one of the Companies' halls. A box in the shape of a wheel stood on each side of a table. One contained numbers and the other prizes. A President with Commissioners sat at the table; clerks below entered the names. In the body of the hall and in galleries erected for the purpose sat or stood the people, haggard with anxiety. What prayers—what tears—what wild hopes—what possibilities—hung upon the event when the Bluecoat Boy on the one side put his bare arm into the wheel and drew out a number, and the other Bluecoat Boy on the opposite side put in his hand and drew out a prize, or a blank.
The honour of the Bluecoat Boys who managed the wheel was not always, one finds with sorrow, above suspicion. There is at least one case on record in which a boy betrayed his trust. The account given is somewhat confused. A certain person, clerk to a hop factor, was brought before a magistrate charged with an attempt to defraud a lottery office-keeper. He went to the office and "insured" a certain number six times for the next day's drawing. The keeper of the office grew suspicious, especially when he found the prisoner sure that the number would turn up. He inquired at other offices, and found the same number insured in all. The next day that number turned up. He then went to Christ's Hospital and found the boy who had drawn the tickets the day before. After a little, the boy confessed everything. His evidence was to the effect that some one
unknown (not the prisoner) had come to him and asked him whether it was possible to take out two tickets and secrete one? The boy said it could be done, and promised to do it. He therefore next day took out two, held up one and put the other in his pocket. Next day instead of drawing out another he pretended to draw out the ticket secreted, the number of which was known to this other person. He got half a guinea for this job, and repeated it several times. The unknown person absconded, and had not been taken when this account was printed. The prisoner, against whom no connection with the other man was proved, was discharged. He seems to have been extremely lucky. He confessed to insuring the number seventy-nine times; and it is not stated what reason he could assign for this remarkable foresight.
As to the kind of gambling called "insurance" mentioned above, this was a plan discovered by the contractors by which much more excitement could be made out of the lottery. They invented what they called insurance tickets. Thus, the numbers drawn were carefully entered on tables and forms kept at the lottery ticket-offices. People were invited to take tickets on the chance of certain numbers turning up a prize.
There seem to have been various forms of the "insurance" ticket. The following will perhaps explain the methods:
"Pope and Galley, No. 53 Coleman Street, No. 11 Piccadilly, opposite St. James's Street, London, and No. 15 London Lane, Norwich, respectfully inform the public that they are selling a variety of numbers, tickets, shares, and chances, all which have been regularly stamped at the Bank of England. They have likewise variety of insurance policies from Two guineas to Five shillings, which continue the whole drawing; upon examination they will be found a very beneficial mode of adventuring in the lottery. Schemes of these policies are delivering at their offices, as above, gratis."
A Half-Guinea Policy
If the number of the policy is drawn (during the whole drawing) any of the prizes here undermentioned, the bearer will receive the following premiums, which are stipulated at Fifteen pounds per ticket.
| If either of the | 2 | £20,000 | 30 whole tickets. |
|-----------------|---|---------|------------------|
| | 3 | 10,000 | 16 |
| | 5 | 5,000 | 10 |
| | 8 | 2,000 | 8 |
| | 12| 1,000 | 5 |
| | 30| 500 | 3 |
| | 100| 100 | 2 |
| | 329| 50 | 1 |
If first drawn on either of the first eight days of drawing 1 "
And if the last drawn ticket 5 "
Their Five shilling policies entitle the purchaser to proportional advantages. Any person purchasing a ticket of Pope and Galley, and paying for the same Fifteen pounds ten shillings, if the said ticket
should be drawn a blank in the first six days of drawing, they engage to return one undrawn ticket for the said blank. The most equitable insurance yet offered. They continue selling tickets and shares on their plan for ten days as usual. *N.B.*—Tickets and shares legally insured."
"Lottery policies, at Half a guinea, One guinea, Two guineas; also at Five shillings, and Two and sixpence, which last for the whole time of drawing, are now delivering
by
John Barnes Pearce & Co., at the Office (licensed agreeable to Act of Parliament) No. 19, the corner of Pope's Head Alley, Cornhill; where, during the first six lotteries, the following capital prizes have been sold, viz.: 4 of £200,000, 3 of £100,000, 4 of £5000, 2 of £2000, 6 of £1000, and 20 of £500.
The following prizes are to be gained besides the Twenty Thousand, Ten Thousand, Five Thousand, and every other prize; by the Two-guinea policies, One-guinea policies, and Half-guinea policies:
| | £1400 | £160 |
|----------------|---------|---------|
| 2 prizes | | |
| 5 | 1000 | 12 |
| 3 | 700 | 20 |
| 5 | 500 | 135 |
| 5 | 300 | 420 |
| 10 | 200 | |
8 prizes of £160
| | £160 |
|----------------|---------|
| 12 | 120 |
| 20 | 100 |
| 135 | 60 |
| 420 | 50 |
625
*By the Policies at Two Guineas*
The adventurer has 145 more chances, for prizes of £50 and upwards, than by a whole ticket at £14, exclusive of the chances for the two Twenty Thousands, and every other prize in the lottery.
*The Policies at One Guinea*
have the same proportion of 145 chances for £25 and upwards, more than a half-ticket, which costs £8.
*The Policies at Half a Guinea*
have the same 145 chances more than a quarter ticket, which costs £4:4s.
*N.B.*—As there are other policies at half a guinea advertised, it is necessary to observe to the public, that by 16 of those policies, price Eight guineas, they have no more than 1024 prizes above £20, but by 4 of Pearce & Co's policies at Two guineas, 8 policies at One guinea, or 16 policies at half a guinea, 2500 prizes of £50 and upwards may be gained.
By the policy at Five shillings may be gained, if the number should be the same as either of the
| | £600 | £40 |
|----------------|---------|---------|
| 2 | 20,000 | 1000 |
| 3 | 10,000 | 300 |
| 5 | 5,000 | 200 |
| 8 | 2,000 | 100 |
12 1000 £40
30 500 20
100 100 5
320 50 2
By the policy at Two shillings and sixpence may be gained half the above benefits.
The public are requested to be particular in their orders for Pearce's Five-shilling chances, as there are others advertised which do not give greater advantages, and last only for a fourth part of the drawing.
Tickets, shares, and chances are now selling in great variety of numbers.
The shares of tickets, chances, and shares of chances sold at this office are, if the last drawn number, entitled to Two thousand pounds instead of One.
Such persons as favour Pearce & Co. with orders for policies, etc., will have them transmitted free of any expense for carriage.
Tickets, shares, chances, and policies registered at the above office at 6d. per number, and examined gratis. Letters post-paid, duly answered. Schemes and proposals, which explain this plan at large, may be had at the office, No. 19 Cornhill.
Pearce & Co. think it unnecessary to say anything in favour of themselves on this occasion; as the punctuality with which they have always paid their policies in the last and former lotteries (the receipts for which to the amount of several thousand pounds may be seen at the office) will, they presume, be the best recommendation.”
The following recollections of the lottery in the eighteenth century are taken from the Place Collection:
“Up to the autumn of 1791 every licensed Lottery office-keeper took in insurance, publicly. The number of tickets drawn in each day, was a proportionate number according to the number of days the lottery continued to be drawn, and hence the rate at which insurance might be effected, at any time during the lottery could be calculated with accuracy.
I remember that eightpence used to be paid at the commencement of the Lottery to insure for a guinea, and the sum increased day by day as the number of tickets decreased and chance of winning increased. Books for insurance and inspection were openly kept at every licensed office, and privately at any unlicensed place where insurances were effected. They were large folio books ruled in squares, and the leading numbers such as 100, 1000, etc., printed in columns, the squares of which were filled in as the numbers were drawn. Anybody could inspect these books on paying twopence, and at a glance discover what numbers were drawn and undrawn. It is utterly impossible to describe the mischiefs the practice of insuring occasioned or the extent to which it spread. Hundreds of thousands of people were totally ruined by it both in body and mind. The evils were complicated and enormous, the degradation among the tradesmen and working people was terrible, their demoralisation greater than can be imagined. It was the cause of every vice that could be practised, of every crime that could be committed; it separated families, it severed husband and wife, it carried devastation all over the Metropolis, and ruined all sorts of people in masses.
From the best information that could be collated in 1796, after great pains had been taken to suppress the practice, it appeared that about 2000 agents and clerks were employed and 7500 morocco men. These were persons who went from house to house to take insurances for others, clandestinely, and that besides those there was a considerable number of Ruffians and Bludgeon men employed to protect the unlicensed places.
These practices were at length nearly eradicated by altering the mode of drawing the Lottery; causing all the tickets to be drawn on one day, by which all speculation was at once put an end to. The demoralising cause being removed, the working people received immediate benefit, and this happening at a time when a right impulse having been given to the people, the money which would otherwise have been spent in Lottery Gambling was to a considerable extent applied to good purposes. And this was a great and remarkable change for the better.
From the commencement of the Lottery, or from a few days previous to the drawing of the Lottery, until its conclusion, the Lottery Offices used to be illuminated with variegated lamps, and large pictures or paintings of Fortune, pouring guineas out of a cornucopia into the laps of her votaries, were put inside the shop windows.
Before the Lottery commenced the price for insuring a prize only was sixpence. Twenty guineas used to be spread on a board within the shop windows at the Lottery Offices, with a large printed label,
‘All this may be had for Ten Shillings.’”
Ten guineas were put in another part of the window,
‘All this may, for Five Shillings.’
Within Guildhall, and overlooking the platform on which the numbers were drawn were galleries for people to see the drawing. The admission to them was sixpence each person, and hundreds, after having spent all their money, would “rake hell with a nail” (a common expression at that time) to procure another sixpence to waste the day in idleness in these galleries watching the drawing. Besides those in the galleries, there was always a large mob in the hall.
At some of the offices the people used to assemble in the evening, in hundreds, and contend for admission, by quarrelling and fighting. I have waited for two hours before I could get in on one or two occasions when sent to ascertain if certain numbers were drawn. Some offices had as many as eight or ten clubs, and yet the crowds at their door continued all the evening and until a late hour at night. In the morning there were also numbers of people in and at the doors of the offices. The Lottery commenced drawing at Guildhall precisely at nine o’clock. And at this hour all the offices closed their doors. Those who were shut in were permitted to insure; those who could not get in before the clock struck nine were not admitted. But as the office-keeper was eager to obtain all the customers he could he never closed his door until the last moment.
People with carrier Pigeons used to wait in the hall to obtain the number—as many as a dozen have been flied—generally the Pigeon took a turn or two and went off home, but it sometimes happened that one would alight upon a house, or on some part of the Hall; when this occurred a shouting was set up and stones flew in showers at the Pigeon to start it.
Men on horseback used also to wait the drawing, and then gallop off to their confederates. The numbers drawn any day were sent by express on horseback to Holy Head and thence to Dublin during the drawing here, and vice versa, when the Irish lottery was drawing. Yet to such an excess did this sort of gaming go, that the expresses were occasionally beaten and, spite of all the precaution that could be taken, the Lottery office-keepers were cheated. I remember a man who was connected with a gang whose pride and business it was to cheat the Lottery office-keeper. He was the man who had the care of the ring of bells at St. Clement’s Church and used to let me up to help ring occasionally. This man used frequently to put back the minute hand of the church clock soon after it had struck eight in the morning. Thus he put it back a minute as soon as it had struck, another minute in a quarter of an hour, and so on, until nine o’clock; it had thus lost three, four, or five minutes just as he thought he could venture to push his imposition without detection. One of his confederates took down the first drawn number and was off with it to a certain spot where another was planted to receive it who, in his turn, ran on to the next, and thus it was conveyed to the offices near the church. It was then put through one of the holes made for the pins which fastened the shutters, to a confederate within, or it was displayed by means of a devise outside, put against a pane of the glass in the shop-front, or at a window on the opposite side of the way. It was then insured, first to come up, then as a blank, if it happened to be a blank, or a prize, if it happened to be a prize. Insurances being taken in all these three ways at a corresponding rate. Much money was, however, seldom obtained in this way, for if a large insurance happened to be offered, the clerks would not take it, after the doors were closed, and thus the sum was limited very generally to five or six guineas.
The office-keeper could not always guard against these frauds because of the competition of his neighbour, who found it his interest to keep his shop open as long as possible, and thus all did the same. The office-keeper cared but little for these frauds, since he knew very well that he should have most or all of the money back again in insurances, the spirit of Gaming seldom leaving those who went much into it while a shilling could be raised by any possible means fair or foul.
An old Tradesman tells me that he has been in a lottery office with a large number of others, and in the evening when all their money being gone and none of them being able to raise the three or four shillings to insure for a guinea when the price had been raised to that sum, he has pulled off his waistcoat and buttoned up his coat; that other men did the same, that women would pull off their petticoats and even their stockings to make a lot for the pawnbroker to raise money, which of course was clubbed for the
purpose of insuring. That he knew several women in his neighbourhood, the wives of respectable people, themselves hitherto respectable also, mothers of families, whose infatuation was so great that when all their money was gone would prostitute themselves, rather than leave off insuring. He says a neighbour's wife, a woman about thirty-five years of age, for whom he had a strong liking, but had never dared to make any advance, took five shillings of him, to cuckold her husband, crying at the very time she consented, and saying she could not help it.
Insurance in the Lottery was alone sufficient to demoralise and brutalise the people, to make them vicious, base, and degraded more than all the other evils with which society is afflicted put together.
It is possible if not probable, that the crimes Lottery caused, indirectly as well as directly, were as numerous as perhaps two-thirds of all the crimes committed now, taken pro rata with the population."
Lottery stories, like gambling stories, abound, and have been told over and over again. Perhaps the most pleasant story is that of the lady who obtained the prayers of the congregation for her enterprise—meaning her lottery number.
The last State lottery was drawn on the 8th of October 1826, in Coopers' Hall, Basinghall Street. The lottery office-keepers were unable to dispose of all their tickets; the time of the lottery had gone by; but the Government lost a quarter of a million a year by the abolition.
CHAPTER XI
FAIRS
The London Fairs were both numerous and important. The most ancient date from a time when certain commodities could be brought to the fair, and exposed for sale, which could not be brought there at any other time. Thus at the great fairs of Winchester, Chester, Stourbridge, and other country fairs the merchants from London and elsewhere brought goods which the people could not buy at any other time, because there were no shops at which everything could be got all the year round. Thus at Winchester, every year, the whole country-side gathered together to welcome the merchants who flocked thither from all quarters. The booths or stalls were ranged in streets; the trade of the city was suspended; the government of the city passed into the hands of the Bishop, and for a fortnight the fair was carried on.
The fairs of London did not generally last so long, nor were they important, for the simple reason that they were not so much wanted. Thus the Fair of St. Bartholomew. This fair was proclaimed, that is, opened, on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, and it continued for two days after. The fair itself was to be held within the precincts of the Priory, to which the tolls had been given, and it was a cloth fair.
The whole reason for holding the fair at all was the sale of cloth. When the fair was first instituted the manufacture of cloth, except of a very coarse and common kind, was not carried on in this country. The people wore a cloth of warm make, but it was not the fine cloth manufactured by the "drapiers" of Bruges, Ghent, and Ypres. That was brought over in the fine summer weather in time for the fairs of England—for St. Bartholomew's in August; St. Giles's, Winchester, in September; for Stourbridge also in September. The fair was then a perfectly serious commercial institution; the cloth merchants exhibited their wares within the precincts of the Priory; at night the gates were closed; the Prior received the tolls. But outside the Priory, in the open space of West Smithfield, where the horse races were held and criminals were hanged, among the ponds and elms of that open area, another fair grew up; a fair at first tolerated and then compelled to pay tolls to the
City; a fair where whole streets of booths exhibited things of every kind for sale; a fair at which amusements, shows, feats of skill and cunning, dancing, singing, mumming, music, feasting, gambling, and drinking went on all day and all night during the three days of the fair. When the English cloth began to be as good as the Flemish that reason for its existence was gone, because good cloth could be purchased all the year round. It then became a place, so far as the trading part was concerned, at which lace, gold and silver things, jewellery, and fineries of every kind were exposed for sale. People of fashion, however, came less often to the fair, and the better sort of trade disappeared. Thus the booths contained toys, walking sticks, buckles and buttons, hosiery, second-hand clothes, gingerbread, and things to eat and drink. These are the stages of a fair:—First, its staple; next, its general trade; thirdly, its appeal to children and the lower class. All this time its shows and amusements are growing more and more the principal object of the fair.
Many names are associated with Bartholomew Fair. It was on the opening day of the fair, on the eve of St. Bartholomew, that the merchants and the mummers witnessed a sight at the hearing of which the ears tingle and the cheek grows hot, even after all these years; for on that August day was William Wallace dragged on his back by the tails of horses to the elms at Smithfield. There, amidst the acclamations of the multitude, to whom the renowned Scottish knight was a monster, he was taken from the horses and hanged upon the gallows, to be cut down while still living and disembowelled before the whole people. Was there any who had pity on him? Not one, I think. The people had been told terrible things of his cruelties. They looked on, and they applauded. And as soon as the show was over, they turned to their other shows, and to the guitar and the singing-woman.
Morley, in his history of Bartholomew Fair, says that the business of the fair did not begin till the Mayor had read the proclamation. My own recollection of a similar custom in another town is, that when the Mayor had placed a white glove on a pole before the Guildhall, the fair technically began; but it really began on the morning of the first day, and that this was the case with the Smithfield Fair I feel sure.
By time-honoured custom wrestling for prizes was held on St. Bartholomew's Day; on the day following there was shooting.
Ben Jonson's name is for ever connected with the fair. In his immortal play we can learn the kind of trade, the amusements, the trading folk, the visitors, the show folk, the magistrates of the Pie Powder Court, and all the humours of the fair. There were hobby-horses, gingerbread, ballads, mouse-traps, purses, pouches, pin-cases, pipes, singing birds, toys, dogs, velvet caps, tobacco, trinkets, and so on. And all the shows and the feastings off roast pig, and the villainies and the cut-purses and the fools—are they not written in Ben Jonson's play?
It seems surprising that Cromwell did not suppress the fair; the theatre, indeed, was suppressed, but not the fair, nor the other shows. It was impossible, in fact, to suppress the merriment and joyousness of youth. The prohibition of the theatre was evaded in many ways. One Robert Cox, for instance, wrote "drolls" which were acted under the name of rope-dancing; yet actors were liable to be publicly whipped and their audience to be fined five shillings apiece. The general feeling of the country was in their favour; Lady Holland was not the only person of condition who secretly harboured actors.
There were wonders and wild beasts exhibited at the fair: a camel in 1650; a girl without any bones in 1667,—this was at the sign of the Shoe and Slap; the dancing mare; the child born back to back with a live bear; the quack and the mountebank; the giant and the dwarf; the double girl; the man with one head and two bodies; the man whose body was only 21 inches high, but his arms of the ordinary length; the grimacing Spaniard; the fairy, a hundred and fifty years of age; the hermaphrodite; the German woman without hands or feet; the transparent child; the child with three legs.
It was not to be expected that the facetious Ned Ward would neglect the opportunity presented by the fair for his lively pen. He describes the place in 1699. There are the actors in their tinsel and finery strutting about on the platform outside the theatres; the merry-andrew with his unclean jests; the rabble looking on; the rope-dancers in their booth, where the women stood on their heads and the girls on the rope doffed their petticoats; the booth where they played a droll called the "Devil of a Wife," but so clumsily that the writer amused himself by guessing their daily trades. "I fancied, while they were playing, that I heard some of 'em crying Flay Brooms, some Knives to Grind, and others Chimney Sweep; while their ladies were making up concert with Buy my Cucumbers to Pickle, and Here's your rare Holland Socks, four pair for a Shilling." They think of getting some roast pig, but the dirt and stench of the cook-shops drive them out; they repair to a theatre and see Doggett in a play about Friar Balm and the Devil; they visit a waxwork show and a music booth; they notice the merry-go-rounds, called by them whirligigs; they see puppet shows; they go into raffling shops; and they find out a gambling den.
The following is a picture, in tolerably bad verse, of Bartholomew's Fair in 1762. It was written by George Alexander Stevens:
"Here was, first of all, crowds against other crowds driving,
Like wind and tide meeting, each contrary striving;
Shrill fiddling, sharp fighting, and shouting and shrieking
Fifes, trumpets, drums, bagpipes, and barrow-girls squeaking,
'Come, my rare round and sound, here's choice of fine ware,'"
Though all was not sound sold at Bartholomew Fair.
There was drolls, hornpipe-dancing, and showing of postures,
With frying black-puddings, and opening of oysters;"
With salt-boxes, solo's, and gallery folks squawling;
The tap-house guests roaring, and mouth-pieces bawling;
Pimps, pawnbrokers, strollers, fat landladies, sailors,
Bawds, baillies, jilts, jockeys, thieves, tumblers, and taylors;
Here's Punch's whole play of the Gunpowder Plot,
Wild beasts all alive, and pease-pudding all hot,
Fine sausages fried, and the black on the wire;
The whole court of France, and nice pig at the fire;
Here's the up-and-downs, who'll take a seat in the chair?
Tho' there's more up-and-downs than at Bartelmeu Fair.
Here's Whittington's cat, and the tall dromedary,
The chaise without horses, and Queen of Hungary;
Here's the merry-go-rounds, 'Come, who rides; come, who rides, Sir?
Wine, beer, ale, and cakes, fire-eating besides, sir,
The fam'd learned dog, that can tell all his letters;
And some men, as scholars, are not much his betters."
In the Rowlandson-Pugin series of pictures is one of Bartholomew Fair, published by Ackerman in 1808. The time is evening; the moon is struggling through the clouds; the tower of St. Bartholomew-the-Great is visible on the right beyond the Hospital, of which a small part only is shown; the fair is lit up by a blaze of light from the shows. Of these the most important is Richardson's Theatre. Three or four of the actors are strutting about on the platform and the people are streaming up the steps. The theatre is decorated outside with green and pink hangings and yellow columns striped with red. Behind it is another show of a smaller kind, probably exhibiting contortionists and tight-rope dancers, one of whom is standing on his head to give the people a taste of the wonders within. Then follows another theatre of humbler pretensions; the whole company apparently are exhibiting themselves outside. Lastly, there is a wild beast show with the usual pictures outside. The front of the picture is an animated scene filled with hundreds of figures. There is the merry-go-round propelled by men, not by steam, and furnished with sedan-chairs for the ladies as well as hobby-horses for the men; there is the woman with the roulette table; there is the woman frying sausages; there is the apple-woman with her barrow; there is the woman with her pack-ass laden with fruit; the ballad singer; the milk woman; the oyster woman. Here are the swings; here there is a fight; here there is the fellow with his arms round the girl; here the fiddler with his dancers; here—one knows not why—march two soldiers playing fife and drum followed by an officer with a drawn sword. The picture is full of life, movement, and noise. The artist has omitted the drink, of which there was plenty, and he has omitted the lines of booths and stalls.
After the Restoration the fair was extended from three to fourteen days. In 1708 it was again reduced to three days. In 1769 the Mayor endeavoured to keep some order by appointing 72 special constables; he also prohibited the performance of plays and stopped the gambling tables. The most lawless acts of violence, robbery, and even murder continued at the fair. It is sometimes stated that the fair gradually dwindled away to nothing. The dwindling had not begun in 1828,
SOUTHWARK FAIR.
From the engraving by Hogarth.
when the receipts of the various shows prove that a very large sum of money—£4855—was spent in sixpenny and threepenny admission fees for the shows alone, of which there are enumerated sixteen.
The theatrical history of the fair is curious, but I cannot find space for it here. The Drury Lane Company always sent a detachment to perform at the fair. Penkethman, the popular comedian, played at the fair, where he had his own booth. Doggett, when manager of Drury Lane, had his booth at the fair. Elkanah Settle wrote for the fair. Cibber, Mrs. Pritchard, Yates, and Shuter were among the actors at the fair. Gay's *Beggar's Opera* was played at the fair. Henry Fielding is said by Morley to have been the proprietor or joint manager of a theatrical booth for nine years. It is strange that this generally careful historian did not remember there might be more than one Fielding living at any time. He confuses Henry Fielding the novelist, dramatist, and magistrate with one Timothy Fielding, an actor.
The fair lasted in full swing through the eighteenth century: it became, however, an intolerable nuisance: in 1798 it was proposed to abolish it. For thirty years longer it continued. Then the Corporation took strong measures. They doubled the rent of the ground. Then the shows disappeared. The fair dragged on with a few merry-go-rounds and two or three ginger-bread stalls. In 1855 it was proclaimed for the last time.
The other fairs of London of less importance may be passed over with a few words for each.
The fair of Westminster was founded, in the year 1248, by Henry III., with the suicidal intention of damaging the City of London and setting up a rival to her trade.
The citizens redeemed their liberty of trade for £2000. The fair, however, continued: first in St. Margaret's Churchyard, and afterwards in Tothill Fields.
St. Katherine's Hospital had also the right of holding a fair every year. This is commonly called the Tower Hill Fair; but it was held outside the walls, "opposite to the Abbey of Graces," or Eastminster.
In the year 1462 Edward IV. granted a charter for the holding of a fair in Southwark on the 7th, 8th, and 9th days of September. This fair, next in importance to Bartholomew Fair, was called the Lady Fair. Hogarth's picture seems to tell us all that need be told about the fair. To be sure he presents the more cheerful side of a fair: that the stage gives way and the unfortunate actors are thrown sprawling is meant as a comic episode. Beneath the stage is a drinking crib; a brazen-faced and handsome damsel beats the drum and bawls the name of the piece they are to act; a couple of country lads gaze stupidly into her face; here is a man with a peep-show; here is a waxwork show; here another theatre; here is the master of fence; here is the flying man. But this is by daylight. At night
there was another scene, which even Hogarth did not venture to paint. It was abolished in 1762 by an order of the Court of Common Council.
A fair, the memory of which has almost perished, was held on the site which afterwards became St. James's Market. That too is now gone. The centre of the fair, however, was that ground now occupied by St. Philip's Church, Waterloo Place.
The fair was granted to the Leper Hospital of St. James, which preceded St. James's Palace, in the year 1290, to be kept on St. James's Day, the 25th of July—at first for six days, but afterwards for fifteen days. All the London fairs became the haunt of every form of vice and villainy; but, for some reason unknown, that of St. James's surpassed the rest. It was suppressed by Parliament in 1651; it was restored in 1660. In 1661 it is recorded that the fair was held for the usual time, but that "many lewd and infamous persons" were taken and committed to the House of Correction. In 1664 it was suppressed, but revived again, and again suppressed.
May Fair was held every year in the month of May. I do not find any mention of a charter or foundation of the fair. It seems to have originated in the sport of May Day in the fields called Brookfields, through which ran the Tyburn stream. The Fair lasted sixteen days: the first three days were days of serious trade, namely, in cattle and leather; the rest of the time was devoted to amusements, with the lines of booths, the theatres, and the shows, which in disgust were transferred to Smithfield. There were continual complaints of disorderly behaviour at the fair. It was abolished in the year 1708 in consequence of a Grand Jury presentment:
"That, being sensible of their duty, to make presentment of such matters and things that were public enormities and inconveniences, and being encouraged by the example of the worthy magistracy of the City of London in their late proceedings against Bartholomew Fair, did present, as a public nuisance and inconvenience, the yearly riotous and tumultuous assembly in a place called Brookfield, in the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, called May Fair. In which place many loose, idle, and disorderly persons did rendezvous, draw, and allure young persons, servants, and others to meet there to game and commit lewdness," etc.
It was revived a few years later, and continued till the year 1760, when it was finally abolished.
There remain the fairs of the suburbs within our limits. There were fairs at Stepney, Greenwich, Charlton, Camberwell, and Peckham. The fair of Stepney was of late date: it was granted by Charles II. in 1664. Greenwich Fair was of ancient origin. It was celebrated on Whit Monday; and as that day is the greatest holiday of the year to Londoners, Greenwich Fair was always a place of resort. It possessed the double attraction of a fair with the usual accompaniments, and a park with a hill down which the young people used to run hand in hand screaming. The dancing-booths of Greenwich were more famous than the theatres. I remember visiting Greenwich Fair as a boy, but I do not remember at the fair Richardson's
Theatre, of which I have a distinct remembrance at Portsdown and Portsmouth Fairs. The noise and disorders of the place caused its suppression.
Horn Fair, Charlton, has also been suppressed, I suppose, from a similar cause. It was held on the 18th of October, St. Luke’s Day. Everybody who went there carried a horn, not knowing in the least why. The reason was that in pictures representing St. Luke a horned ox’s head was always placed at the corner. Camberwell Fair was held from the 9th to the 30th of August; and Peckham followed, I think, with a fair of a week.
It will now be seen that the London citizen, from the thirteenth to the nineteenth century, had many opportunities of spending his time and his money in the riot and debauchery of the fair. Thus, on the first fortnight in May, he would begin the season with May Fair. On Whit Monday, there was Greenwich. At the end of July there was St. James’s for three weeks. Early in August, Camberwell Green invited his assistance; on the 23rd there began the three delirious days of Bartholomew; then came distant Peckham; the Lady Fair was held on the 7th, 8th and the 9th of September; Tothill Fair began on the 13th of October and lasted three weeks; and Horn Fair joyously closed the season. I have not counted Stepney, because it was never a great fair; nor Croydon nor Barnet, which are outside our limits. Nor have I included “Gooseberry Fair”—the row of booths and shows and theatres which were allowed to stand along Tottenham Court Road before it was built upon. There were no fewer than eighty-two days between the beginning of May and the end of October which might be spent at fairs.
CRIME, POLICE, JUSTICE, DEBTORS' PRISONS
The following is a list of the most common causes of hearing loss:
- **Age**: As we age, our hearing can naturally decline due to the normal wear and tear on our ears and the aging process.
- **Noise Exposure**: Prolonged exposure to loud noises can damage the sensitive hair cells in the inner ear, leading to hearing loss. This is often referred to as noise-induced hearing loss.
- **Medications**: Certain medications, including some antibiotics, chemotherapy drugs, and aspirin in high doses, can cause hearing loss as a side effect.
- **Infections**: Infections such as mumps, measles, and meningitis can cause hearing loss, especially in children.
- **Trauma**: Traumatic events like head injuries or blows to the ear can cause hearing loss by damaging the structures of the ear.
- **Congenital Conditions**: Some people are born with hearing loss due to genetic factors or complications during pregnancy or childbirth.
- **Autoimmune Disorders**: Conditions like lupus and rheumatoid arthritis can affect the inner ear, leading to hearing loss.
- **Circulatory System Issues**: Problems with blood flow to the inner ear, such as those caused by high blood pressure or heart disease, can impact hearing.
- **Tumors**: Tumors that grow near the auditory nerve or in the brain can compress the nerve, causing hearing loss.
- **Earwax Buildup**: Excessive earwax can block the ear canal, making it difficult for sound to reach the eardrum, which can lead to temporary hearing loss.
- **Foreign Objects**: Inserting objects into the ear canal, such as cotton swabs or hairpins, can cause injury and lead to hearing loss.
- **Viral Infections**: Viral infections, particularly those affecting the central nervous system, can cause hearing loss.
- **Nutritional Deficiencies**: Lack of certain nutrients, such as folic acid, vitamin B12, and iron, can contribute to hearing loss.
- **Smoking**: Smoking can increase the risk of hearing loss by damaging the blood vessels that supply the inner ear with oxygen and nutrients.
- **Excessive Alcohol Consumption**: Heavy alcohol use can lead to hearing loss by damaging the delicate structures of the inner ear.
- **Sleep Apnea**: Sleep apnea, a condition characterized by pauses in breathing during sleep, can cause hearing loss due to the strain on the body and potential oxygen deprivation.
Each of these factors can play a role in hearing loss, and understanding them can help in managing and preventing hearing problems.
CHAPTER I
THE MOB
In the eighteenth century the power and the unruly condition of the London mob, which had been steadily increasing with the population and extent of the City, became absolutely intolerable. Yet an efficient police was not established till well on in the next century. I will here consider some of the stories of violence and turbulence connected with the rule of the mob, whenever, which was not seldom, the mob for a while got its own way.
As regards the alleged villainies of "Mohocks and Hawkabites," they did not belong to the mob, but to the better (!) class. Besides, these acts were altogether due to imagination and to terror: no one, in spite of large rewards offered, was ever produced who could show a nose flattened or slit, or the bare place where the ears once had been. Yet what was the condition of the town when such things were readily believed? The disorders, however, which really occurred were sufficiently serious, one would think, to keep the friends of order in constant alarm. For instance, upon the accession of George I., the mob, for some reason or other, presumably because the king could make no pretence at all to be an Englishman or to speak English—yet how did they know that?—and perhaps because all foreigners alike in the eyes of the Londoner were despicable creatures, chose to take every opportunity—as the birthdays, accession days, coronation days, and so forth, while their betters were going off to hear services and to attend banquets—to insult, deride, and revile His Majesty. When this had been going on for some time, and showed no prospect of abatement, some of the citizens, friends of the Government, formed themselves into a very remarkable association; for they repaired every night to certain "mug-houses," where nothing but ale was called for, and there they drank, sang, and listened to the tuneful notes of a harp, prepared at a moment's notice to go out and meet the mob. When the mob, in fact, became disorderly in the streets, these valiant sons of harmony sallied forth to fight them. For the better success of the sally, every mug-house was provided with good stout cudgels, and plenty of them. With the help of these cudgels, they generally succeeded in dispersing the crowd.
It must be understood, however, that the mob carried cudgels as well. No Londoner likes to put up tamely with a broken head, and bruises in other parts, not to speak of defeat. The army of disorder, therefore, although routed, resolved on revenge: they came out one fine evening in July, many thousands strong, armed with their cudgels, and they attacked one of the mug-houses—that in Salisbury Court, Fleet Street. The landlord, defending his premises, killed one of them. However, they got into the house, and wrecked it completely before assistance came. In the fight which ensued, many of the rioters were taken prisoners before the rest fled. Five of the prisoners were tried, condemned, and executed. To make the execution more effective, it was carried out in Fleet Street itself, opposite the house which they had attacked. The historian goes on to say that this hanging stopped the tumults in the streets. For my own part, considering how little the Tyburn hangings were able to effect towards the repression of crime, I like to think that the cudgels of the gentle mug-house associates played a greater part than Mr. Ketch’s rope in discouraging the rabble from seditious displays in the open street.
Even when the constables had got their prisoner, they were not always able to keep him. Thus, take the remarkable case of James Buchanan. He was a sailor, one of the crew of the *Royal Guardian*, East Indiaman. While that vessel lay in the Canton River, in the East Indies, James Buchanan had the misfortune to murder—one knows not how or why—the fourth mate, Mr. Smith. Instead of trying him and hanging him on the spot, they laid him in irons and brought him home, and so, after a long voyage, he was brought before a magistrate, who committed him for trial and clapped him into Newgate. In due time he was tried, and, being found guilty, was condemned to be hanged at Execution Dock, Wapping, and his body to remain while three tides flowed over it, after which, being properly painted over with pitch, it was to adorn the Isle of Dogs. On the 20th day of December, therefore, he was conducted in the cart from Newgate to the place of execution, and having arrived there, he duly ascended the ladder and was turned off. But he had not been hanging more than five minutes—five and twenty was generally allowed for a sufficient hanging—when a gang of sailors “rushed” the gallows, cut down the convict, and carried him off down the river. James Buchanan escaped, it was said, and found a shelter in France. I doubt very much whether the hospitality of France was extended to James the half hanged. Rather I should have looked for him in the slums of Gosport or Bristol.
Another riot of sailors proves not only that the City was villainously policed, but that the spirit of the citizens, after the mug-house associations, fell shamefully into decay. Formerly, the cry of “’Prentices” would, in a few moments, bring a crowd of young fellows upon the scene, armed with clubs. We have seen how the citizens in the mug-house riots assembled and dispersed the mob. In the case before us, which occurred later in the century, neither the citizens themselves, nor the constables,
nor the 'prentices, interfered. Perhaps, however, this was because the riot happened outside the City.
The riot took place in the Strand, within easy reach of whatever force either the City or Westminster had at its disposal. Two sailors, thinking themselves ill-used at a certain disorderly house in the Strand, called the Crown, near the "new church," i.e. St. Mary le Strand, went off vowing revenge. They presently returned with a party of their fellows, all armed, who proceeded to wreck the house: they smashed the furniture, cut the feather-beds to pieces, tore up all the wearing apparel, turned the women who belonged to the house stark naked into the streets, and broke all the windows. All this work takes time. Destruction, if it is sailor-like and thorough, requires some order and method. One would think that the alarm might have been given. It was, but too late. After an interval, which allowed the sailors to make a praiseworthy and thorough job of it, a company of Guards arrived at last upon the spot. They were sent from the Tilt Yard, Whitehall, but when they arrived the mischief was done. The Strand, to be sure, is outside the City; yet surely there were constables at Westminster. The next night the rioters came again and destroyed another house in the Strand; the third night they attacked a house in the Old Bailey. We thus find three houses on three successive nights attacked by the same band of rioters and no attempt made to stop them. On the fourth night, it is true, troops were sent to patrol the streets. But where were the constables on the three nights before? And why were not the young citizens of Westminster to the front like the mug-house associations?
The necessary sequel to this riot—a hanging—was marked by one of those admirable instances of courage and self-possession on the part of a city dignitary, of which the annals of London preserve so many. Among a batch of fifteen prisoners ordered for execution shortly after the riot, was a young man named Bosavern Penlez, one of those apprehended in the Strand. A great number of sailors assembled tumultuously at the gallows waiting for the carts containing the criminals and resolved upon rescuing Penlez. In order to defeat this object a company of Foot Guards were placed at Holborn Bars as escort. But on arriving at the Bars, Mr. Janssen, who was on horseback, dismissed the soldiers, stating that he had provided a sufficient body of constables, and conducted the malefactors to the place of execution, surrounded, as it was, by the sailors. The courage and determination of the sheriff and the presence of his constables—it is not stated how they were armed—damped the ardour of these rebels; they received from the sheriff a promise that their friend's body should not be handed over to the surgeons, and they drew off making no further opposition to the execution. One applauds the sheriff, but feels sorry for the disappointment of Bosavern Penlez.
A story which belongs to a few years later shows plainly enough that, though energetic action might restore for a time, there was no efficient means of maintaining
order permanently. Thus the suppression of the mug-house riots was followed for a time by quiet in the streets; gradually, however, the rogues and thieves, looking abroad, and seeing no one about to keep order, came out and began to make their presence and their mode of life felt by the bourgeois. Not only in the City, but also at Westminster, street robberies began to abound. But nothing was done until a certain person—innominatus—doomed to obscurity—confessed, while lying under sentence of death, that he had been one of a gang who intended to rob the Queen on her way after supper from the City to St. James's. They would set upon her in St. Paul's Churchyard, where there was room for operating, and where there were lanes in all directions convenient for flight. Unfortunately they were so busy in robbing Sir Gilbert Heathcote, Alderman, while he was returning from the House of Commons in his coach, that they were too late for Her Majesty. One regrets the failure of this scheme which, had it been carried out, would have been a picturesque adventure and one worthy of the attention of Harrison Ainsworth. Very strong representations were made by Lord Townshend to the Mayor upon the condition of the City, with the result that many poor rogues, probably no worse than their neighbours, were carried out to be hanged, and that the streets were again cleared of them for a short time.
The riots which belonged to elections may be passed over here; the word election in the last century meant one continual riot from the beginning to the end. Of street fights, of fighting among men of the same trade, of street quarrels, it is only necessary to say that every day and all day long there were fights. The journeyman of every trade, the fellowship porter, the stevedore, the carter, the waggoner, the driver, the sailor, the waterman, went out every morning with the knowledge or the confident expectation that he would be probably involved in a fight with some one before he got home again. Nor was the fighting confined to the lower classes: gentlemen carried into the streets a stout walking-stick, which was found far more useful than a sword; the younger men of all classes were ready with their fists. It was sometimes necessary to correct, in a summary fashion, the bully who shoved the man he met into the road, and took the wall of everybody; it was better to treat the pickpocket and the footpad with a heavy cudgelling and perhaps a ducking under the pump than to send him to prison. In every crowded thoroughfare there were all day long the hasty quarrel, the oaths and blasphemies of disputants, the fight in the ring promptly formed, either with fists or with cudgels, the blocking of the street till the ordeal by battle had been decided.
The rioters were not always of the lower class. Drury Lane once experienced a very disagreeable reminder that the player folk are always, and in an especial manner, regarded as the servants of the public, who will brook no breaking of contracts and promises. On this occasion two of the principal dancers announced for the performance did not appear. Thereupon the boxes and the pit—not the gallery
apparently—rose in wrath. They pulled up the seats and the flooring; they tore down the hangings; they broke down the partitions; they smashed the glasses and the sconces; they destroyed the instruments in the orchestra; they cut the curtains to pieces; and they broke into the Green Room and wrecked that.
Some of the outbursts were trade riots, in which we recognise the survival of the old corporate spirit among craftsmen, and the first faint glimmerings of the modern trade unionism. Thus in the year 1739 the silk weavers of Spitalfields assembled before the house of a certain master-weaver suspected of entering into a combination with other masters to make the men wind their silk without extra pay. They marked their sense of this intention by wrecking the house. The riot was so threatening that the Mayor called out the Guards from the Tower. Why could not the constables with the help of the young men suppress that riot? But the Guards came, the Riot Act was read, the crowd did not disperse; therefore the soldiers charged them, and arrested a great many, who were brought before the magistrates. It is not stated that any were killed in this affair, but the soldiers suffered from the tiles and bricks that were hurled upon them from the roofs of the houses. We hear of the weavers again, in the year 1764, when many thousands of them were assembled in Moorfields and very peaceably marched to Westminster.
Having presented their petition the weavers went home and sat down to await its effect. As nothing seemed to come of it, they tried to get at the King. A number of journeymen weavers, accompanied by their wives and children, marched with a black flag to St. James's. They found that the King had gone to Richmond. Many of them, therefore, went on to Richmond, when one of the lords-in-waiting told them that His Majesty would do all in his power for them.
Again the weavers gave trouble. It was two years later. They were divided into engine weavers and narrow weavers. The latter found their earnings rapidly becoming less in consequence of the quantity which the engine weavers could put upon the market—some six times as much as the others. The riot, in fact, was exactly like those that occurred in the North of England later on when steam was introduced into the factory. The narrow weavers anticipated the action of their grandchildren by attempting to destroy all the engines. They assembled on Saffron Hill with blunderbusses, swords, and pistols. Happily, however, the Lord Mayor proved equal to the emergency and the rioters were dispersed.
The pageants or processions with which the mob were accustomed to proclaim their sentiments belong especially to the eighteenth century. When Lord Bute was in power they carried a jack-boot through the streets and burned it on a bonfire. When the mob were more than usually Protestant they carried the Pope through the streets with a Devil, a Jesuit or two, and a few priests, and threw them all upon a bonfire.
On the 12th of February 1769 a cavalcade of merchants and tradesmen of the
City of London, in coaches, on their way to St. James's with a loyal address, was interrupted by a desperate mob on passing through the City, who insulted, pelted, and maltreated the principal conductors; so that several coaches were obliged to withdraw, some to turn back, others to proceed by by-ways, and those who arrived at St. James's were so bedaubed with dirt, and shattered, that both masters and drivers had been in the utmost terror for their lives.
The rioters carried their outrages within the Palace gates. Lord Talbot on this occasion behaved with unparalleled intrepidity, and though he had his staff of office broken in his hand, he secured two of the most active among the rioters when deserted by his own servants. His example animated the military, who, without employing either guns or bayonets to destroy the deluded populace, secured fifteen of them, to be dealt with according to law. Mr. Boehm, to whom the address was entrusted, was so severely handled that he was obliged to quit his coach and take shelter in Nando's Coffee-house. His coach was rifled, but the address escaped; it was, however, with some difficulty recovered by the addressers, which occasioned a disagreeable delay at St. James's, where those who had arrived in safety remained in the greatest anxiety.
In April 1771 the mob marched through the streets with two carts and a hearse. In the first cart were four fellows got up to represent certain unpopular characters. When they got to Tower Hill, they pretended to cut off the head of one and put the body in the hearse. The second cart contained stuffed figures, which, after they had been beheaded, were thrown upon a bonfire. The whole ceremony was conducted with bawling and shouting and rough music and a good deal of fighting.
The same procession was repeated a few days later. In this case, however, there was a gallows and a hangman, and three figures cut in pasteboard hanging. Men in the crowd bawled their last dying speech and confession, and one man being observed in the act of taking down their names, which were written on the back of the figures, was seized as a spy and ducked in the Tower ditch till he was nearly dead.
In 1768 a halfpenny loaf adorned with mourning crape was nailed up at the Royal Exchange as a reflection on the high price of bread and other provisions.
On the 12th of February 1779 the news reached London that Admiral Keppel had been acquitted by court-martial of the charges brought against him by Sir Hugh Palliser. The cause of Admiral Keppel had been warmly espoused by the London mob, in consequence of which there were great demonstrations. All the windows in the principal streets of London and Westminster were illuminated; the bells of several churches were rung; guns were fired; the mob broke open Sir Hugh Palliser's house, smashed all the windows and destroyed the furniture; they did the same thing for Lord George Germaine's house; they broke the windows at the Admiralty, where they made a bonfire of the sedan chairs standing in the street, and they attacked the houses of Lord North and Captain Hood. They also carried
about an effigy of Sir Hugh Palliser, suspended by the neck, which they afterwards burned.
The hat dyers of Southwark having begun a strike, found that one of their fraternity was breaking the rules by taking too little pay for working over hours. They accordingly rode him on a donkey through the Borough, where hatters were employed, and also through some streets in the City, with a troop of boys playing "rough music" with shovels. They carried a placard on a pole before the culprit denoting his offence, and on the way they made all journeymen hatters swear to obey the strike.
Here are further notes on the turbulence and riot of the mob during this century. Thus, in 1760 (not to follow any chronological order), it became for a time the favourite amusement of the mob to collect on Ludgate Hill and there to pretend to be fighting with each other. This gave them an opportunity of assaulting all the passengers, not with the view of robbery, but simply from their love of banging and beating.
The following is a specimen of mob justice. Let us acknowledge that the mob could be just in a rough sort of way. Two women whose character was, if one may so put it, beyond any reasonable doubt, and below any chance of suspicion, met a gentleman staggering about the streets very drunk indeed; they therefore bore down upon him, greeted him in a friendly way, even lovingly, took him by the arm tenderly, one on either side, and so began to lead him away to their own lodging, where the poor dear gentleman would be able to sleep off the effects of his wine. Sometimes, as I have said, the London mob could assume the character of virtue. They did so on this occasion: they rose in their majesty; they asked each other if this good gentleman should be openly taken to a house where he would most certainly be robbed; they therefore forcibly rescued the gentleman and carried off the women to the Chequers Inn hard by. In the yard of that inn there was a horsepond; in this they ducked the women. Now it must be disagreeable to be ducked even in a fresh and running stream, but to be ducked in the horsepond of an inn-yard must be more than disagreeable. However, while the ladies were enjoying themselves in the horsepond, a journeyman cutler, unfortunately for himself passed by. He virtuously joined in the demonstration, and began to lend active assistance to those who were conducting the punishment. Now, whether from some tender handling of the patients by the new-comer, or from some other cause, the mob, quite without grounds, assumed that the cutler was their bully or protector and was trying to let them go. So they ducked him as well as the two culprits. Then came along, still more unfortunately, the journeyman cutler's wife, and she made so extraordinary a clamour over their ungentle treatment of her husband that they ducked her as well.
Consider, next, the riots with which Wilkes's first return for Middlesex was welcomed.
He surrendered himself (see also p. 24); he was committed to the King's Bench Prison; the mob seized his carriage, took out the horses, turned out the two tipstaves who were in the carriage with Wilkes, and drew the carriage all the way from Westminster Hall through the City to Spitalfields, where Wilkes prevailed upon them to retire; he then drove to Southwark and surrendered. Next day an immense crowd surrounded the King's Bench Prison; they tore up the wooden palings round it and made a bonfire; and they made the people of the Borough, under threats of wrecking their houses, illuminate the windows. This was on the 27th of April. On the 10th of May there was another and a far worse riot:
"A great body of people assembled about the King's Bench Prison, in expectation that Mr. Wilkes was to go from thence to the Parliament House (it being the first day of opening the new Parliament), and designing to convey him thither. They demanded him at the prison, and grew very tumultuous; whereupon the Riot Act was begun to be read, but the populace threw stones and brick-bats while it was reading, when William Allen, son of Mr. Allen, master of the Horse-shoe Inn, in Blackman Street, Southwark, being singled out, was pursued by the soldiers, and shot dead on the spot. Soon after this, the crowd increasing, an additional number of the Guards was sent for, who marched thither, and also a party of Horse Grenadiers; when, the riot continuing, the mob was fired upon by the soldiers, and five were killed on the spot and about fifteen wounded. Two women were among the wounded, one of whom afterwards died in St. Thomas's Hospital. The next day an inquisition was taken by the coroner for Surrey on the body of the above William Allen, when a verdict was given by the jury that Donald Maclane was guilty of wilful murder, and Donald Maclaury, and Alexander Murray, the commanding officer, were aiding and abetting therein. This inquest was held at the house of Mr. Allen; and it appeared on the examination that the deceased was only a spectator, and on seeing some persons run, he ran also, but was unhappily mistaken, and followed by the soldiers five hundred yards, into a cow-house, where he was shot. Donald Maclane was committed to prison for the murder, but his associates were admitted to bail. Two inquisitions were afterwards taken in the borough on persons killed by the soldiers in quelling the above riot: one on the body of Mary Jeffs, who having a basket of oranges to sell, was shot dead in removing them; the other on William Bridgeman, who was shot on the top of a hay cart as he was looking at the fray at a distance; on both these inquisitions the jury brought in their verdict, chance medley. It appeared by the evidence that on the justices taking down a paper that had been fixed against a wall of the prison, the mob grew riotous, and cried out 'Give us the paper'; which the justices not regarding, stones began to be thrown, and the cry 'Give us the paper' grew louder; the drums beat to arms; the proclamation was read; the justices were pelted who read it; great pains were taken to persuade the people to disperse; the Horse Guards were sent for, and it was not till the last extremity that the soldiers received orders to fire. Maclane was afterwards tried at the Surrey assizes held at Guildford, and acquitted.
The next day the mob assembled before the house of Edward Russel, Esq., distiller, in the borough, broke open the door, staved some casks of liquor, drank it immoderately, and began pulling down the house; but the military interposing, some of the most intoxicated were seized, and the rest made their escape. At the same time the front of the house of Richard Capel, Esq., in Bermondsey, was demolished, and Mr. Capel himself wounded. These outrages were occasioned by the activity of the above two gentlemen in suppressing the tumults in St. George's Fields."
At the same time there were other riots. The coal-heavers rose in a large body and struck, and went on board the colliers, obliging the men to quit their work. The sailors also joined in refusing to sail without an increase of wages. They boarded the ships which were preparing to sail; they unrigged the vessels and drew away
the crews; they assembled in St. George’s Fields and proceeded to St. James’s Palace, where they presented a petition to the King. These men were dismissed with a promise of inquiry, which was afterwards duly held, and the men’s wages were increased.
The coal-heavers were less fortunate: they obtained the signature of the masters at the wharves consenting to a rise of wages. They then laid the document before the Lord Mayor, who refused to receive it.
“A terrible fray happened on the 25th between the coal-heavers and sailors belonging to the colliers in the river, in which many were killed. The sailors, having been long detained in the river by the coal-heavers refusing to work, had begun to deliver their ships themselves; upon which a body of coal-heavers fell upon some of the sailors by surprise, and killed several of them. The sailors took the alarm, the quarrel became general, and the consequences were the loss of many lives.
On the 7th of June another fray happened in Stepney Fields between the same parties, when several of the sailors were killed. The coal-heavers marched off in triumph, with colours flying, drums beating, etc., offering five guineas for a sailor’s head. The ships below Bridge were obliged to keep constant watch day and night; and to so great a height was this insurrection got, that the inhabitants of Wapping were perpetually under the most dreadful apprehensions. A party of Guards constantly attended for some days, during which several disturbances arose, and many coal-heavers were taken up by the soldiery and carried before Sir John Fielding, who, on examination, committed them to Newgate. Two of them were afterwards tried at the Old Bailey for the murder of one Battie, a seaman, and being convicted, were executed at Tyburn. Seven others were also executed in the Sun-tavern-fields (near where the riot was committed) for shooting at Mr. Green, the master of the Round-about-tavern in Shadwell. These examples produced the wished-for effect; the tumults immediately ceased, and peace and industry were happily restored.”
It was, indeed, a period when the ancient mode of preserving order proved totally inefficient. The development in London of a vast mob, brutal, uneducated, yet sufficiently intelligent to understand the strength of common action, rendered the former mode of preserving order antiquated and inadequate. The alderman in his ward had been able to summon all good men and true to his assistance: what was the good of that power when the good men and true had abandoned the practice of carrying arms and the habit of using them, when the 'prentices no longer carried clubs, and when the disorderly persons were a company numbered by thousands, bent on the destruction and the plundering of houses and property?
However, before the Wilkes’s Riots, as far back as the year 1744, the insolence and daring of the London criminal class attained to so great a height, while their numbers so largely increased, that it became imperative to attempt something for the restoration of order. The streets were simply no longer safe even in open day: men armed with cutlasses, pistols, and bludgeons, attacked St. Martin’s Round House and gave arms to the prisoners within, who then carried on an attack from within as well as without. The Horse Guards dispersed them and took four of them prisoners. This was actually at eleven o’clock in the morning. Sturdy rogues such as these openly defied the deputy marshal and the peace officers; they ran out of the City into the country to get out of the way when they were ‘wanted’;
they fearlessly came back again; they rescued their comrades; they lay in wait for headboroughs and peace officers in the courts and alleys, and slashed at them in the open streets with cutlasses; they made some of them take refuge in Bridewell; others they visited at their houses and made them swear not to do their duty. The Corporation addressed the King on this condition of things, though it seems to have been perfectly within their power to provide for their own order. It seems wonderful that no one, all this time, should have thought of a street patrol by day. However, the Government took steps; it offered large rewards for the apprehension of street robbers. We shall see in another place how the system of rewards answered. Then the Corporation returned to their old expedient and ordained, as if it was quite a new thing, which had never occurred to any body, the lighting of the City. Already (see p. 91) there had been the Lighting Acts of 1716 and of 1736. This new ordinance was little more than a repetition of its predecessors; so that when we consider the elaborate provision made in 1736 not only for the lighting of the City, but also for the maintenance of an efficient watch, we cannot but understand that the excellent regulations passed in that year had become in this very short space of time a mere dead letter. So far, therefore, the City was no whit advanced farther than the London of the fourteenth century, which was continually admonished to clean itself, to light itself, to rid its streets of rogues, and to keep a watch at night. The streets were no cleaner; they were as badly lighted; they were as full of rogues; they were as inefficiently guarded in 1744 as in 1344.
All the riots, however, are insignificant compared with that magnificent burst which was provided for the mob of London by Lord George Gordon in 1780. The material—the first fuel for the fire—arose in Scotland, where the fanaticism of the people was in alarm lest some measures for the relief of the Catholics in Scotland should be passed. Lord George Gordon, who was one of the leaders of the Scotch fanatics, was, unfortunately, a member of Parliament. He was a strange, eccentric young man, at that time twenty-nine years of age; of wild appearance, ungoverned in his speech, extravagant in his imagination. He spoke in the House with the utmost vehemence against the cruelty and intolerance of Popery, and about the danger to Protestants were any toleration shown to Papists; he informed the House that every man in Scotland was ripe for insurrection and would die rather than submit; he declared that he would come down to the House at the head of 180,000 men, with petitions reaching from the Speaker's chair to the central window of Whitehall; he declared that the people of Scotland believed the King himself to be a Papist; in a word, he stood up most manfully, as he believed, against the Pope and the devil.
The Government could not pretend that they had received no warning of the dangers of a mob uncontrolled save by the military. In addition to the facts already told, in 1766 the people rose all over the country, robbing and plundering in every
direction, on account of the price of provisions. At Bath they did what they pleased in the market; at Berwick they were outrageous on account of finding wheat stored for exportation; and in one place they sold the corn at 5s. a bushel; at another the cheese at 3d. a pound, and the bacon at 4d. a pound; at another they destroyed a corn mill; at Leicester they seized loaded waggons starting for London; at Oxford they took the flour out of the mills and divided it; at Exeter they sold cheese under cost price; the miners in Cornwall rose and compelled the farmers and butchers to lower their prices; and so on actually over the whole country. It was a kind of Jacquerie. The farmers, however, were for the moment intimidated, and promised anything. It is to be remarked, that except in large towns like Birmingham the people did what they pleased so long as there were no soldiers within call. But nothing was learned from this great lesson; and the Gordon Riots later only repeated on a great scale what these village insurgents had done with impunity.
The House believed that the man could only talk; they suffered him to say what he pleased and heeded him not. But he could do more than talk: he had the power of organising; he understood how to make men act together; he had the orator's art of moving men's hearts and compelling them to follow wherever he chose to lead; he had, in a word, the gift of earnestness, which always moves; he formed "Christian" and Protestant Corresponding Societies; he circulated tracts; he advertised in the newspapers for signatures. So far as I can discover, Lord George Gordon was the father of all those who use the advertisement columns of the papers for propagandist purposes. He appealed to the Englishman's love of liberty—what liberty would the Pope leave him? to the fires of Smithfield—every man who heard him might already feel in imagination the cruel agony of the flames; to his courage—would any Englishman be so craven as not to strike a blow for his religion? Finally, he told the people that he would not present the petition, which had been signed by an enormous number, unless he was attended by at least 20,000 men. He then arranged the place of meeting and the routes which the petitioners should follow. St. George's Fields was the place, and the multitude was to be divided into four companies, of which one was to be composed entirely of Scots; they were to march upon Westminster by four different routes. Observe that he desired to produce as deep and wide an impression of strength as possible: not one line of march, but four, should illustrate the majesty of a great multitude all bent upon obtaining one end. Not Westminster only, but the City itself, the great rich City, holding itself aloof from his Associations, should witness what was meant by his great petition.
The zealous Protestants assembled, accordingly, in St. George's Fields in numbers estimated at from 60,000 to 100,000 on the 2nd day of June. They met in St. George's Fields, about the spot where Bethlehem Hospital now stands. Their leader, Lord George, drove to the place appointed about noon, and delivered a
stirring speech, after which the men, preserving good order, divided themselves into four columns and took up their respective routes. The principal body marched through Southwark, over London Bridge, through Cheapside, Ludgate Hill, Fleet Street, and the Strand—a route devised, as above stated, to produce the greatest effect and strike the greatest terror into the City by the exhibition of such vast numbers. They walked six abreast; at their head marched a tall fellow carrying the petition on his head; all were decorated with blue cockades; and they bawled lustily "No Popery" as they went along. Of course the procession, like a snowball, increased as it moved through the streets, being followed by all those who joined it out of curiosity, and by every street thief and pickpocket in the town. When they arrived at Westminster they blocked the approaches and avenues of both Houses, making a lane for the peers and members to pass, but compelling them to take the blue cockade and to cry "No Popery" with them as they walked through.
One would like to know how the crowd knew these illustrious persons, and who it was that pointed them out and explained their shortcomings. When there was no more hustling of peers the mob wanted to rush into the House, but the doorkeeper shut them out. In the House of Lords there was an angry discussion, but the peers resolved on doing nothing for that day, and left the House one by one. This was the wisest thing that they could do. Time was all on the side of order and the Guards, should it be necessary to call them out. In the Commons the scene was much more excited and violent. Outside was heard a deafening roar which never ceased for a moment. "No Popery! No Popery! Lord George! Lord George!" When their leader had been some time in the House they tried to break down the doors and threatened to rush in after him. It is said that some of the members threatened to kill Lord George on the spot if his followers dared to violate the sanctity of the House; and that one of them, his cousin, General Murray, actually followed him sword in hand ready to kill him on the first appearance of the mob. In the temper of the House nothing is more likely to have happened, certainly no stranger scene was ever presented by the House of Commons. Other members posted themselves at the doors sword in hand to defend the House. Then Lord George asked leave to bring up the petition, and for the immediate consideration of it. Leave was granted to bring up the petition, but the House very properly refused to consider the petition immediately. During the debate Lord George actually went out to the lobby, which was held by the mob, and told them who was at that moment speaking against the immediate consideration of the petition, of whom the chief was Burke, the member for Bristol. Never before or since has the House of Commons conducted a debate under such conditions; it is gratifying to remember that the members, chiefly country gentlemen, had no thought of giving way to mob violence, even at a moment when it seemed most likely that the House would be carried by the mob and themselves murdered.
Then the mob broke off into companies, some of which kept together; the respectable men among them, however, went home, no doubt thinking they had done a very noble thing indeed with their demonstration. The more zealous brethren, with their allies, the ribauderie of London, before going to bed that night broke into and sacked the chapel of the Bavarian Ambassador, Warwick Street, Golden Square, and the chapel in Sardinia Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. This was on Friday. On Saturday not much more was done, the most ardent Protestants needing a rest. A few of them, however, found some mischief still to do, in robbing and ill-treating a few Catholics about Moorfields. On Sunday other Catholic chapels were robbed and wrecked, with some houses inhabited by Catholics in the neighbourhood of Moorfields. Soldiers were sent, but with express orders not to fire upon the people. Why? Surely the time was come to put down robbery and pillage. However, when it became quite certain that the soldiers would not fire, the mob treated them with the greatest contempt, pulling their noses and spitting in their faces. It speaks well for the discipline of the army that these men stood still under this provocation.
On Monday morning the rioters attacked and wrecked Sir George Savile's house in Leicester Fields; they then adjourned to Welbeck Street and made a bonfire, before Lord George Gordon's house, of the crosses, pictures, ornaments, and vestments taken from the Catholic chapels—a wave-offering acceptable in his eyes.
Another party went to the East End, where they found and destroyed other Catholic chapels. And as a few of the rioters had been taken to Newgate and convicted by the evidence of two tradesmen of Clare Market and Little Queen Street, it was of course natural that the houses of these two enemies of religion should be attacked and their property robbed and destroyed. Meantime a reward of £500 was offered for the discovery of those concerned in the wrecking of the Catholic chapels.
On Tuesday morning troops were ordered on duty at the Tower, both Houses of Parliament, St. James's, St. George's Fields, and in other places. But as yet the authorities had not risen to an understanding of what a London mob might effect. On Tuesday evening, the weather, which was dry and hot, favouring the rioters, it became apparent that the town was entirely in the hands of the mob. The House of Commons met, Lord George among them, wearing his blue cockade, which they made him take off. Then followed the most terrible night in the whole history of London. Where were the magistracy? Where was the Lord Mayor? Where were the soldiers? The mob was actually left entirely alone and undisturbed. Nobody seemed to move. London was paralysed.
First, about six o'clock, the mob marched upon Newgate for the release of their fellow-rioters. As they could not break into the prison, and the Governor refused to surrender his prisoners, their comrades, they broke his windows and threw firebrands and combustibles into his dwelling-house, so that it presently caught fire. The fire spread from the house to the chapel, and was seizing on the wards, when the gates were either broken down or thrown open, and the rioters rushed in. There were in the gaol more than three hundred prisoners, among them four under sentence of death, and their execution appointed for Thursday; all were released. As for the fire, no attempt was made to extinguish it, and in a short time the prison was a ruined shell surrounding the ashes. Covered all over with glory, their spirits raised, their courage irresistible, the gallant rioters then broke open the new prison of Clerkenwell and set the prisoners free. They next proceeded to sack the house of Sir John Fielding, the blind magistrate; and they completed a glorious and most successful evening by the destruction of Lord Mansfield's house in Bloomsbury Square, together with his splendid library and collection of MSS. and papers. Again, where were the soldiers? Where were the constables? Where were the citizens? Was the valour of the mug-house forgotten? Were the 'prentices unmindful of their old traditions?
The mob had their own way all Tuesday night. It is incredible, but it is true, that they were allowed their own way all Wednesday and all Wednesday night. In the morning of Wednesday notices were sent by the mob to the different prisons and to a distillery in Holborn belonging to a Mr. Langdale, a Catholic, that the mob proposed to wreck them in the course of the day. But no one moved. That morning all the shops were shut; bits of blue flags were hung out, and "No Popery" was chalked on the shutters. In Whitechapel it is reported that certain foreign Jews
wrote up on their shutters, "This house is a Protestant"; while an Italian entered so warmly into the spirit and real meaning of the movement as to chalk on his closed door "No Religion"!
When the long June day drew to its close the sky was red with flames. From the King's Bench, the Fleet, the new Bridewell, the Borough Clink, the toll gates on Blackfriars' Bridge (where several men were killed), from houses in every part of the town conflagrations were rising at the same time. Six-and-thirty were counted. All the prisons in the City were now destroyed except one, the Poultry Compter.
In the evening the most remarkable achievement of the mob was the destruction of Mr. Langdale's distillery, at Holborn Bridge. He was a Catholic, therefore he deserved his fate; he was a distiller, therefore he invited it. After wrecking the place the rioters naturally fell to drinking the raw spirits, which were set running into the street—the people throwing themselves down and lapping the fiery stuff from the gutters. Many drank themselves to death on the spot; others, when the distillery took fire, perished in the flames, being too drunk to move. The roaring of the flames, the roaring of the mob, the trampling and shouting, the threats and imprecations of the people, made a night of terror such as had never before been experienced. At last the troops arrived—Heavens! At last!—this time with orders to fire. There were the Guards, or regular troops; the Militia and the City Foot Association. Then from all quarters came the platoon firing of the soldiery. The citizens, not daring to leave their beds, listened with trembling satisfaction to the rattle of the muskets, and amidst the roaring of the flames they thought they could hear the shrieks of the wounded.
On Thursday morning the City presented the appearance of a place captured and looted by the enemy; but the riot was over. The citizens did not venture to open their shops, but they looked into the street; the rioters were gone, save the dead who lay here and there, and the wounded who groaned for help. Of the former 210 were picked up, of the latter 248, but an immense number had been slightly wounded; no one knew how many of the dead had been carried away, and no one knew how many of the rioters had been burned in the flames, being too drunk to escape. During the day the soldiers patrolled the streets and arrested a great number; among others, some who were actually endeavouring to set fire to the small part of Newgate that had escaped. But the riot was over: the streets lay silent and deserted, strewn with the wreckage; the iron railings, the casks and bottles, the torn finery, the blue cockades, the furniture of the Catholic chapels, were still smouldering on the half-burning bonfires. The troops marched and rode up and down; the shops were closed, and the firemen brought their hose to put out the fires.
They clapped Lord George Gordon into the Tower and kept him there for
six months before they tried him. As is well known, he was acquitted, but afterwards showed abundant proofs of religious insanity. As for the Protestants, who followed him at first no doubt in good faith, nothing was done to them; no search was made after them; the rioters, however, who were caught red-handed, were tried and convicted. Fifty-nine were sentenced to death; twenty were actually executed; the rest were transported for life. The number actually tried amounted to eighty-five at the Old Bailey, and fifty at the Commission at St. Margaret's Hill. Seven were convicted of simple felony; sixty-nine were acquitted. The juries, in fact, do not appear to have been vindictive. Among the prisoners was Edward Dennis, the hangman; John Morris, a boy of fifteen; Letitia Holland, a handsome young woman of eighteen; John Burgess, a boy of thirteen. The trial of one Mascal, a respectable apothecary, was reported in full in the Annual Register for 1780, where it may be read.
When the riots were over, other consequences began. The Common Council asked whether it would not be best to quiet the minds of the people by repealing the Savile Act. This proposal showed that the Common Council, at the moment, were beside themselves with fear. It would have been much more to the purpose had they taken measures for the suppression of any more riotous proceedings. The House of Commons refused to consider the repeal of the Act.
Why was there no attempt to quell the riot made by the Lord Mayor at the outset? There is no answer possible to this question. On Saturday, the 3rd of June, Lord Stormont wrote from St. James's calling the Lord Mayor's attention to the danger of tumults, and expressing the confidence of the Government in
his activity and resolution to preserve the peace. What steps did the Lord Mayor take? We do not know. On Sunday, 4th June, Lord Stormont again warned the Lord Mayor. On Monday, Lord Stormont and Lord Hillsborough wrote together, calling his attention to disorders actually at that moment going on. What steps did the Lord Mayor take? We do not know.
On the 7th of June, which was Wednesday, the King, without reproaching the Lord Mayor, took the matter into his own hands, and ordered all quiet people to remain at home while his troops acted with results that we have seen.
The conclusion of the riots was followed by a correspondence and a discussion as to the power of the citizens to form themselves into armed associations for the maintenance of order. Lord Amherst, Adjutant-General, pointed out that no person can bear arms unless under the orders of a commissioned officer, and that associations might be formed for the purpose of order, but without the use of arms. He therefore ordered Colonel Twisleton, the officer in command of the troops sent to the City, to allow no arms except to the City Militia. In fact, there was grave jealousy of the City; the attitude of the Court of Common Council towards the King in the matter of the American War had no doubt had its effect, and there was still a lively memory of the London citizens in the time of Charles I.
On the 15th of June a letter was addressed to Lord Amherst from the ward's mote of Bridge Ward Within, asking permission to form a company of fifty of the more opulent citizens of the ward, to be armed, exercised, and drilled at their own expense. To this letter Lord Amherst again replied that it was not thought expedient that any persons should bear arms except for the defence of their houses or for use under command of a commissioned officer. The Lord Mayor accordingly asked an explanation of this letter, and received one explaining nothing.
The Lord Mayor replied at length, calling attention to 1 Will. & Mary, Stat. II. Chap. II., which granted the right "of all His Majesty's Protestant subjects to have arms for their defence suitable to their condition and as allowed by law."
Lord Amherst, in return, laid it down that they might bear arms, but must not assemble in arms without the authority of His Majesty. In the House of Commons, on the 17th, it was stated that the reason why the troops did so little to stop outrage was that the demand for their interference was so common that they could not accede in many cases to the invitations.
The correspondence condensed above was made the subject of discussion in both Houses. The Duke of Richmond observed that these letters were deposited in the public archives, and that they would descend to posterity as a most alarming precedent of a most violent and unwarrantable infringement of the constitution if no resolution of censure was entered on the records of Parliament. However,
nothing was done. At the moment popular fury seemed the greatest evil facing the nation.
The following is a private letter, written on the 18th of September 1780, from a gentleman in London to one in Yorkshire, giving his personal recollection of the riots (Place Collection):
"None of my acquaintance have received any personal harm in the late riots, but several have had their effects burnt. When fires are lighted up they make no distinction regarding religion. The whole appears now like a dream to me, and I had a capital share in settling the business, being a member of the Military Foot Association. So long as the mischief was confined merely to a few empty chapels, people did not mind it; but when Newgate was forced open and fired, the question was no longer a question merely of religion. It was the evening after that, when the military were let loose, and when the London Association were under arms, amongst the rest your humble servant, who pulled the trigger twice with ball the first night, and continued four nights more upon his legs in the streets, without intermission, besides many other nights at intervals during a month afterwards. I did not then, nor have not since, acquainted any of my relations thereof, because it might make them uneasy in case of any future commotion. The first night's service exhibited an awful but beautiful scene. Figure to yourself every man, woman, and child in the streets, panic-struck, the atmosphere as red as blood with the ascending fire, muskets firing in every part, and consequently men, women, and children lying sprawling in the streets; all the lower order of people stark mad with liquor, huzzaing and parading with flags. Our corps assembled at a tavern near Guildhall about eight in the evening; from thence we proceeded in files through the multitude (who hissed us all the way) to the Mansion House, which is in the heart of the City, and within about fifty yards distance from the Bank of England and the Royal Exchange. The King's Guards took possession of all the streets, facing every way, and suffering nobody to remain within except our corps, which covered them, and the civil and military officers. We had not been in this position above ten minutes before mobs approached us down Cheapside, and were fired upon. Soon after another mob came towards the Bank and were also fired upon. Within the lines all was perfectly still and silent, but on all sides without the air was rent with huzzas. The mob, consisting of thieves of every species, had some pistols, which were fired, but felt no inclination to stay when they felt the musket ball amongst them. Of course the business was soon settled near the Bank of England, but the populace fell upon lesser game. Private houses in different parts of the neighbourhood were begun to be ransacked, and the inhabitants came to the Mansion House begging protection. The King's troops could not move from their positions near the Bank; therefore it fell to the lot of part of our corps to march at about eleven o'clock. We went to Broad Street, where was a large mob ransacking a house, and burning the furniture in the street. They would not disperse, and bid us fire and be d—d. Of course there was soon exhibited a scene of killed, wounded, and dying. I belong to the company which then went in front. Those who could run, after a few were hurt, did run, except four that we secured in the house. We were very merciful to them, by firing only one gun at once, instead of a volley, thereby giving time to many to get off. This business being settled, and the fire put out, we proceeded and did the same at another fire, round which a mob was gathered, who ran away at first sight of us, knowing that we were in earnest. We were very busy all night after at different places. From that night all rioting ceased in the City. The following nights the King's troops rested under arms in the Bank and the Exchange, and the Association took their former post; but we had little to do except to patrol the different streets, and enter houses in the dead of the night for the purpose of apprehending objects of public justice. We were lastly called upon to attend the public executions in different parts, with which service our campaign has closed. It has been very inconvenient to many of us, but for my own part, I confess that nothing I ever did has pleased me more, because our conduct has met with the highest applause from all parties and all ranks of men here, blackguards excepted. The public
papers have often mistaken us for the Guards, therefore you may possibly not have heard of any such corps as the London Association. Our uniform is very handsome, much like the dress of officers in some of the King's regiments. Our numbers are now near 500, but not all disciplined."
On the 18th of January 1793, Lord George Gordon, the term of his imprisonment having expired, was brought into the Court of King's Bench for the purpose of being admitted to bail; he was accompanied by the keeper, two men as his bail, and several Jews. He had a large slouched hat on his head, and wore an enormous beard. He was ordered to take off his hat, which he refused. The Court directed the crier to take it off, which he did accordingly. Lord George desired the Court to take notice that his hat had been taken off by violence. He then deliberately took out of his pocket a white cap, which he put upon his head, and tied a handkerchief over it; after which he produced a paper, entitled "The Petition of Israel Abraham George Gordon, commonly called Lord George Gordon." He said the petition was an apology for appearing with his head covered, agreeably to the custom of the Jews. By a conformity to this custom he meant no disrespect to the Court, as it arose purely from the tenderness of his conscience, since he had entered into the "holy covenant of circumcision." The petition was read by the officer of the Court, and contained many arguments, drawn from the Jewish writers, in favour of appearing with his head covered before all men. The sentence against him for the libels was, at his request, read, after which he read a written paper, the substance of which was, that he had been imprisoned for five years among murderers, thieves, etc., and that all the consolation he had arose from his trust in God; that he was compelled to find security for his good behaviour for fourteen years, himself in £5000 and two sureties in £2500 each. In order to obtain his enlargement he had brought two persons into court, who were ready to become his bail; but the Attorney-General objecting to the bail proposed, and producing affidavits of their incompetency, Lord George was remanded to prison, where shortly afterwards he died.
CHAPTER II
POLICE AND JUSTICE
In this chapter I have to consider the conditions of London in the eighteenth century from the criminal and the police point of view. The view presented to us by the contemporary records, by the statements of those who wrote on the subject, and by reports of trials, is darker than that of any previous period. There is a very dark side to London always and in every age; there has always existed in the great city a large criminal class; there has always been among us—not of us—a race apart of vagabonds, rogues, beggars, and professional thieves. In the eighteenth century this class grew to proportions which terrified those who understood, while it put forth long arms and raked into its company thousands who had hitherto, from father to son, been steady and well-conducted craftsmen of the City. I shall show the conditions of the time, first from the point of view put forward by the presentments of the Grand Jury of Middlesex; next, by essays on the subject written in 1731, 1750, and 1796; thirdly, by the condition of the police and the working of the rewards system; fourthly, by actual cases of crime and violence.
I shall then consider a trial at the Old Bailey; the condition of the criminal prisons; the method of conducting executions at Tyburn; the punishments of imprisonment, the hulks, pillory, the stocks, whipping, etc. This inquiry will further include an account of the debtors’ prisons.
A “Presentment” by the Grand Jury of Middlesex for the maintenance of religion and order and the discouragement of vice seems to have been expected from time to time, like the sovereign’s proclamation against vice which surprises the world at irregular intervals. Three notable Grand Jury presentments have been preserved—that is, have been published where they are accessible; I suppose they are all preserved somewhere. The three are those of 1728, 1741, and 1744. In the first the Grand Jury, among other things, call attention—
(1) To the drinking of gin (Maitland, p. 544).
(2) To the increase of beggars.
(3) To the immoralities of the masquerades.
Perhaps in consequence of this presentment it was made illegal to sell spirits in less quantities than two gallons without a licence. The presentment of 1741 protested against the interference of soldiers in an election, and complained again of the increase of beggary. The latter evil was met by a charter granting permission to create additional Justices of the Peace.
The third presentment, that of 1744, is a most remarkable document. It is directed against luxury, extravagance, and ill-fame. And it names, openly, persons as well as places:
"We, the Grand Jury, sworn to enquire for our Sovereign Lord the King, and the body of this county, have observed, from most of the presentments of returns delivered to us by the constables of this county, that they have been, as we apprehend and fear, very remiss in their duty, by returning their several districts and divisions to be quiet and in good order, or to that effect.
Whereas the contrary does most manifestly appear, in many instances, as well from the accounts or advertisements we read in the daily papers, printed and dispersed within this county, inviting and seducing not only the inhabitants, but all other persons, to several places kept apart for the encouragement of luxury, extravagance, and idleness, and, we fear, other wicked illegal purposes.
And we do accordingly hereby present, as places riotous, of great extravagance, luxury, idleness, and ill-fame, the several houses, places, and persons following, within this county, to wit—
(1) The Lady Mornington, and her gaming-house, in or near Covent Garden, within this county.
(2) The Lady Castle, and her gaming-house, in or near Covent Garden, within this county.
(3) The proprietors of the avenues leading to and from the several playhouses in Covent Garden and Drury Lane, in this county, for not preventing wicked, loose, and disorderly persons from loitering in the front of their several houses on play-nights; by which neglect and the riotous behaviour of such disorderly persons, many of his Majesty's good subjects are often in danger of losing their lives or receiving some other bodily harm, and are frequently robbed of their watches and money, to the great discredit of civil government.
(4) The proprietors of the house and divisions called Sadler's Wells, adjoining to the New River Head, in or near Islington, late one Forcer's, now pretended to be opened and carried on by John Warren, within this county, where there is frequently a resort of great numbers of loose, disorderly, idle people.
(5) The proprietors of a place called New Wells, in Goodman's Fields, at the bottom of Lemon Street, within this county, where are daily meetings of disorderly, idle people.
(6) The proprietors of a place called the New Wells, near London Spaw, Clerkenwell, within this county, where great numbers of disorderly people meet. And
(7) The proprietors of a place called Hallam's New Theatre, at Mayfair, within this county, where there are usually great meetings of evil and disorderly, idle persons."
In the year 1731 there arose the first of many "Bitter Cries" as to the violence and the robberies carried on in the City of London, "Violence and plunder," says the author of the pamphlet on the subject, "are no longer confined to the highways, where the robbers have lurking-places to hide, and numberless turnings to avoid and escape the pursuit of the country."
"The scene is quite chang'd, the field of action is remov'd; and the actors themselves are likewise changed. The scene, I say, is changed; the streets of the City are now the places of danger; men are knocked down and robb'd, nay, sometimes murdered at their own doors, and in passing and repassing from house to house, or from shop to shop."
Stage coaches are robbed in High Holbourn, Whitechapel, Pall Mall, Soho, and at almost all the avenues to the City. Hackney coaches and gentlemen's coaches are stopt in Cheapside, St Paul's Churchyard, the Strand, and other the most crowded streets, and that even while the people in throngs are passing and repassing, as it were at their elbows.
Nor are these personal violences the only grievances which we have to complain of; but the boldness and multitude of lewd and disorderly persons of both sexes, which throng the streets as soon as the evening may be said to begin, are such, that renders it not only unpleasant, but indeed unsafe, to honest and modest people to be abroad, or go from place to place, however lawful or however urgent their occasions may be."
He goes on to point out that in a city so full of narrow and winding ways and dark alleys thieves may lurk in safety, while it is impossible in a place of so much business to avoid going about with large sums of money, bills, and other things of value. If the streets are unsafe, he says that the houses are equally exposed to housebreakers of the greatest daring.
A new method of robbing people is by threatening letters. Money must be deposited in a particular place. If not, the house will be set on fire, or the man and his family will be murdered. In addition to these evils, there are the watchmen and constables who are too often in league with the robbers and are bribed by them. It is remarkable in this exposé that the writer, neither at this point nor afterwards, suggests that the citizens should simply show fight. In fact, the spirit of fight had gone out of the City; or, to speak more truthfully, the better class had ceased to fight. They had become a peaceful folk, desiring nothing but quiet and order, which they could not enforce, and utterly unable to stand up against the open robberies that disgraced their streets. The 'prentices, even, had left off fighting. The old civic love of battle lingered on, it is true, but with the mob, the lowest and most dangerous class, who supplied the robbers of the street and highway, the housebreakers, and the writers of the blackmail letters.
The author of the pamphlet traces the history of these crimes back to the reign of Charles the Second. But there were rogues before that monarch's time. Here we need not follow him. He tells us that on the accession of William and Mary, and especially through the resolute action of the latter, a general reformation of morals was effected; a watch set upon the roads; the Lord's Day was kept holy; on that day no coaches plied in the streets, no boats upon the river; the fields were deserted on Sunday and the churches were full; associations were formed by the citizens for the assistance of the constables. But these associations became rapidly lukewarm in their zeal; and, indeed, a new aid to virtue, which rendered their aid useless, appeared when the war broke out. This carried off the rogues and the rascals of London by the thousand, cleared the streets of the bullies, and sent off hundreds of the women to follow the camp. For a brief space London enjoyed a respite
from rogues. But they came back, the rogues and the women, their companions and confederates, and all who had not fallen on the field of vice: the Queen was dead; the associations had melted away; and the streets were abandoned once more to a watch which grew yearly more ineffective, so that the state of the City became worse than ever.
We then arrive at the remedy. It is, says our author, very wisely, to break up the nests and retreats of the rogues; to persecute them, to leave them no place of refuge. Their homes were the houses which we now call disorderly—they used to have a coarser and a plainer name—and certain dens of wickedness, licensed as taverns, which were then called night-houses. The disorderly house speaks for itself; it is always in every age the chosen haunt of every kind of devilry, the place where men are robbed, or incited to rob; are stripped of their own or encouraged to strip others; the home of lust, illusion, pretence, robbery, and murder. The night-house, although its name suggests crime, was at the beginning simply intended as a house of call for those whose trade obliged them to work late into the night or to begin work early in the morning. For instance, the houses about Covent Garden, where the men who have to be at their place in the market with fruit and vegetables at two in the morning can obtain coffee and other refreshments, are night-houses in the old sense of the word. But the night-house became corrupted; it ceased to be the house of late men working in the night; it was converted into a refuge and receptacle for loose women and their bullies, and for the young men whom the women enticed into going with them to their destruction. Every night there were robberies in these dens; the robbers ran out by the back door while the constables were called and while they were breaking open the front; they were all in league together; the night-house became simply a school for the education, and a residence and business resort, of all who plundered the rich and lived upon the wickedness of the vicious. They also maintained a correspondence with each other, so that when one place grew too hot for a man he could find shelter in another.
Our writer proceeds to consider the various remedies proposed. For instance, that no women shall be suffered to walk in the street alone after dark. This is manifestly impossible. Why should respectable women pay so heavy a penalty for the incompetence of the police? That the watch shall be multiplied. But in a city so full of winding courts and lanes, how can a watch, however numerous, protect the people? That the watch be armed with firearms. But there has always been a rooted objection to a garrison in the City. He does not mention, as was said above, the most obvious and natural remedy, that the citizens should fight for their own protection. The best guard against a street robber is a stout cudgel, such as Dr. Johnson, some years later, adopted with the best results.
The remedy which this writer proposed was the simple one of revoking licences
and only allowing them to persons of good character. And that this restriction must be universal; not begun, that is, at Westminster, so that the rogues, driven out of one place, find refuge in another, but that all the Justices alike, in London, Westminster, Middlesex, and Surrey, should unite in the determination to license victuallers only on condition of good conduct.
A so-called "Prisoner in Newgate," in the year 1718, wrote a pamphlet on thieves and thief-takers, which, though a clumsy performance, conveys some information as to the practices of the time. He throws his information into the form of a dialogue. A countryman is introduced to a thieves' house of resort. He asks who the people are, and is informed by the landlord, with a strange and unnatural candour. Yonder are three housebreakers lately let out from Newgate, the case not being proved against them; the turnkeys have fleeced them out of all their money, and they are now laying their heads together to devise a way to make more. There are two wenches beginning their trade as street-walkers and thieves. There is a young sailor who will probably join the housebreakers. There are a lot of boys drinking and gambling; they are pickpockets. There is a fellow who has just robbed a shop of its account books and has told the thief-taker about it; that worthy will make the shopkeeper redeem them and will then keep most of the money himself. There is an old gentleman who can no longer rob, but who can find out what is going on and where there will be a throng of people; he has just ascertained, for instance, that an Archbishop is to preach a charity sermon on Sunday next, which will bring together a great many people. Those are "Battalions of Street Files," i.e. companies of pickpockets. You see that they are supping in great splendour. One of the ladies has had four husbands, the first three of whom were hanged, while the fourth has had the honour to be condemned four times.
News is brought that the King is going to open Parliament that very day; half of them jump up and run away to join in the crowd and pick pockets. There is a great noise outside; a man rushes in dripping wet, while the mob in the street roars and bawls after him; it is a thief caught in the act; they have ducked him seven or eight times, first in a horse-pond, and then in the Thames to wash him. There are five women crying together because their husbands are all to be hanged to-morrow; we need not pity them, because they will console themselves with a new husband the day after. Those three stout fellows with pistols are footpads; a constable, followed by five men, enters the room and arrests the three; one of them fires a pistol and kills one of the posse; they are then secured and marched off.
At the sight of the constable and his posse the rest of the company vanish with great rapidity until there is no one left except the prisoners and the constable and his men. Then the landlord humbly invites the constable to
take a bottle with him, and hopes the name of his house would not be mentioned, for indeed it would greatly injure his reputation if it were known that such people had been taken in his house—a place of such good repute.
The well-known history of Jonathan Wild has become the typical case of a thief-taker in confederation and conspiracy with thieves whom he encouraged, buying and receiving their stolen goods until he thought it was to his interest to lay information against them and to get them hanged. At the same time he had an office where he openly received people who had been robbed, and for a large consideration undertook to get them their money or their goods back again. He was, in fact, a villain of the blackest complexion possible. Unfortunately, however, he was only one of many villains as bad as himself, but
not so clever. As for his private life, he had deserted his wife and taken up with a woman who knew all the villainies and most of the villains of the town. In this way she was of the greatest assistance to him. There were, however, other women who became his mistresses. When his proceedings became too notorious to be allowed any longer, it was found necessary, in order to stop him, if not to put him into Newgate, to pass a special Act of Parliament (4 George I.)—an Act which wholly failed. The following clause was levelled directly against Jonathan Wild and practitioners in the same line:
"And whereas there are divers persons, who have secret acquaintance with felons, and who make it their business to help persons to their stolen goods, and by that means gain money from them, which is divided between them and the felons, whereby they greatly encourage such offenders. Be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that wherever any person taketh money or reward, directly or indirectly, under pretence, or upon account of helping any person or persons to any stolen goods or chattels, every such person so taking money or reward as aforesaid (unless such person do apprehend, or cause to be apprehended, such felon, who stole the same, and give evidence against him) shall be guilty of felony, according to the nature of the felony committed in stealing such goods, and in such and the same manner as if such offender had stolen such goods and chattels in the manner and with such circumstances as the same were stolen."
Seven years after the passing of this Act, viz. on the 15th of February 1725, he was brought before the magistrate, charged with assisting a certain Johnson, a highwayman, to make his escape. He was committed to Newgate, and at the Sessions of the 24th he entered his prayer either to be tried that session, or bailed, or discharged. But there came into court a warrant of detainer, with several informations on oath, the most important of which are the following:
"(1) That, for many years past, Jonathan Wild has been a confederate with great numbers of highwaymen, pickpockets, housebreakers, shoplifters, and other thieves.
(2) That he has formed a kind of corporation of thieves, of which he is the head or director, and, that notwithstanding his pretended services, in detecting and prosecuting offenders, he procured such only to be hanged as concealed their booty, or refused to share it with him.
(3) That he has divided the town and country into so many districts and appointed distinct gangs for each, who regularly account to him for their robberies.
(4) That the persons employed by him are, for the most part, felons convict, who are returned from transportation before the time for which they were transported has expired; and that he makes choice of them to be his agents, because they cannot be legal evidence against him.
(5) That he has not only been a receiver of stolen goods, as well as of writings of all kinds, for near fifteen years past, but has frequently been a confederate and robbed along with the above-mentioned convicted felons.
(6) That in order to carry on these vile practices, and to gain some credit with the ignorant multitude, he usually carried a short silver staff, as a badge of authority from the Government, which he uses to produce when he himself has been concerned in robbing, in order to show that he has been endeavouring to arrest the robbers.
(7) That he has, under his care and direction, several warehouses for receiving and concealing stolen goods; and also a ship for carrying off jewels, watches, and other valuable goods to Holland, where he has a superannuated thief acting as his factor."
(8) And lastly, it appears, that he has often sold human blood, by procuring false evidence, to swear persons into acts they were not guilty of; sometimes to prevent them from being evidences against himself, and at other times for the sake of the great rewards offered by the Government."
In the year 1718, one Hitchin published a pamphlet entitled *The Regulator, or a Discovery of the Thieves, Thief-takers, and Locks, in and about the City of London, with the Thief-taker's Proclamation: also an Account of all the Flash Words now in vogue among the Thieves*. In this pamphlet the writer, Marshal, endeavours to revenge himself on Jonathan by exposing him. He gives an account of several of his tricks and transactions, describes the various gangs of thieves under his command or influence, and relates the greatest atrocities, in which he openly names Jonathan as the prime mover. He then gives an account of the flash houses, names them, and the persons who keep them. This is followed by "A List of Thieves now at liberty who are Jonathan Wild's Weekly Pensioners, 1718." These are not only named, but stories are told of what they do, and of what Jonathan and they do together. From this account it appears that the peace officers, the turnkeys of the prisons, Jonathan Wild, and even the justices, were all connected together. The language is exceedingly gross, and the charges are such as could now be made with impunity against no man.
After two months of prison, Jonathan was finally indicted for receiving money of one Catherine Stetham, on pretence of recovering a packet of stolen lace which he never intended or attempted to recover; nor did he apprehend or cause to be apprehended the felon who stole the lace. This little business was actually transacted in Newgate itself. He was tried on this single indictment, probably because it was the one most easily proved. His trial took place on the 26th of April 1725. He was found guilty and sentenced to death. His behaviour in prison after his sentence may be read in the pages of Fielding. If that history is not true, it ought to be. On the night before his execution he endeavoured to poison himself with laudanum but did not quite succeed; he was placed in the cart half insensible and carried off to Tyburn tree, where he was hanged, amid the tumultuous applause of the whole ribauderie of London.
"It is not easy," says the narrator in the *Place Collection*, "to express with what roughness the mob treated him. Instead of those signs of pity which they generally show, when common criminals are going to execution, they reviled and cursed him, pelting him with dirt and stones continually. The other malefactors being ready to be turned off and the executioner telling him he might take any reasonable time to prepare himself, he continued sitting in the cart for a little while, but the mob grew so outrageous at the indulgence, that they called out incessantly to the hangman to do his duty, and threatened to knock him on the head if he did not immediately perform it. Finding delay dangerous, he no longer deferred to give the populace the satisfaction they desired."
Wild was buried in old St. Pancras Churchyard, but next morning his empty coffin was found lying in the road outside the churchyard, so that it was naturally
supposed that the dissecting-room got him. Perhaps his skeleton still adorns the collections of the College of Surgeons.
He had one son by the wife whom he deserted—four other women were treated in the same manner; the last mistress alone deplored her loss. His boy, who was nineteen at the time of his father's execution, was of so turbulent a disposition that it was thought proper to confine him on the day of the execution for fear he should do a mischief to some one in the mob. He afterwards sold himself as a servant to the plantations. This means one of two things: either he went abroad to get out of the way, or he fell into the hands of crimps who made him drunk and so persuaded him to go out to America. Perhaps, somewhere in Virginia, there are still living descendants of Jonathan Wild; the historian, however, must admit that the young man was more likely to follow his father's steps and be hanged.
We owe to Henry Fielding an account, clear and plain, of the condition of London as regards robbery in the year 1750. His work, called *An Enquiry into the causes of the late Increase of Robbers, etc., with some Proposals for Remedying the growing Evil*, appeared in 1751 and speedily went into a second edition. He begins with assuming, as a fact known to everybody, that the streets and roads were infested with robbers of every kind, and that the town was threatened with the formation of gangs and companies like the Italian banditti, and companies such as that maintained so long by the famous Cartouche.
What, first of all, he asks, are the causes of this increase of crime? Two causes might be assigned; but Fielding could not rise above the ideas of his time. He could not, for instance, perceive that the cowardice of the citizens, who had not only left off carrying arms but no longer possessed the old fighting instinct, who were even afraid of giving evidence, and were terrorised into silence, was the first and greatest cause of all the riots, robberies, and mobs of the last century. The second cause was the absence of a vigilant and efficient police.
However, Fielding assigns as the most important cause, a great increase in luxury among the lower kind of people. But in every age the moralist inveighs against the luxury of the times. If Fielding could have seen the comforts which are now within the reach of the working classes; if he could have foreseen a time of clean linen, broadcloth, baths, warm petticoats, good boots, daily flesh meat, fruit in plenty, for the working classes, he might have asked himself whether the raising of the standard is such a very bad thing for the people. In his enumeration of luxuries he points to the increased love of distractions; to the masquerade, the ridotto, and the opera, whither even the tradesmen resort, when they can afford it, and to the innumerable gardens, wells, houses, and taverns where all kinds of people are found, even the very lowest; where the craftsman
spends his time and his money, and where the shopkeeper learns the shortest way to a debtors' prison. But the Londoner has always from the very earliest times run eagerly after the tabor and the pipe.
The second cause, he says, is the drunkenness so prevalent. He points out that there are existing excellent laws for the prevention of this vice; penalties of fines and stocks for the offender, were these laws only enforced; but they are not. Why? Because there are no police, a fact which he does not understand.
"A new kind of drunkenness, unknown to our ancestors, has lately sprung up amongst us, which, if not put a stop to, will infallibly destroy a great part of the inferior people. The drunkenness I here intend is that acquired by the strongest intoxicating liquors, and particularly by that poison called Gin."
The next cause is the vice of gambling. Here, again, he enumerates the laws which, from time to time, have been passed against gambling. He does not, however, ask the very pertinent question, "What is the use of passing laws which the whole country is bent upon breaking?" The various enactments are curious. Henry VIII. would not allow any craftsman to play cards or dice except at Christmas. Who looked into the craftsmen's houses or taverns to see that the law was obeyed? The informer, it is true, would get half the fine; but what else would he get when he went back among his friends against whom he had informed? At what time in history was the English craftsman meek and forgiving to the informer? Queen Anne maternally ordered that cheating at cards should be punished by a fine of five times the sum so won. Are there any cases on record in which that fine was inflicted? Was it thought good form, when two men sat down to play, for the loser to prosecute the winner? George II., out of his fatherly heart, ordered a fine of five times the sum won or lost, fairly or unfairly. Did any one ever pay that fine? Did any player ever inform against his friends? He also forbade the games of Pharaoh, the Ace of Hearts, Basset, Hazard, Roly Poly, and all other games of cards. Yet they flourish to this day, and have ruined their thousands and their tens of thousands and their hundreds of thousands, since this Act was passed.
Fielding then proceeds to consider the laws that relate to the provision of the poor. And he shows how laws actually intended to benefit them have been turned into weapons for their oppression. Here he anticipates the action of the Charity Organisation Society, and points out the foolishness of indiscriminate alms.
Next comes the evil of the "fence." One of the greatest encouragements to dishonesty is the care and security with which a rogue disposes of his plunder. Pawnbrokers there are in plenty who will buy up anything brought to them. Some satisfy their consciences by expressing the hope that the things are honestly come by; others engage openly with the thieves. The latter send everything they buy to Rotterdam or Amsterdam, where they sell at a vast profit what they
bought for a song. The existence of this kind of trade was revealed somewhere about the year 1750 by the examination of a Jew named Cadosa, who carried it on. Again, the persons robbed were generally ready to advertise that they would give a reward for the return of the goods "and no questions asked"—a custom which was of course a direct encouragement to thieves.
In this case, as in all others, Fielding points out that the existing law was sufficient to check the practice. For instance, there was the statute of George II., which provided that receivers of stolen goods were to be transported for fourteen years. The weak point in the law, however, was the extreme difficulty of convicting, because the thief was not allowed to be a witness in the case.
A chapter on the laws relating to vagabonds may be passed over.
The author next considers the encouragement to crime which was held out by the chance, notoriously one to be considered, of escaping without being apprehended, much less tried. Everybody knew that many rogues carried on their villainies with impunity, simply because they terrorised the officers and the people. It was also notorious that any attempt to arrest a robber would lead to a rescue by armed confederates. Here, again, by the law, such an arrest was in the power of every one and ought to be performed by every one. But, first, the law was never explained or taught to the people. To this day, how many persons know their own rights, their own duties, and their own responsibilities in the matter of dealing with criminals caught in the act? Next, against cowardice, the law is powerless. As to the cowardice of the ordinary citizen of the eighteenth century, the history of the continual rioting and mob violence which disgraces the annals of London proclaims the fact. The citizens left the discovery of crime to paid informers, and they thought to suppress crime by multiplying capital offences which their juries refused to carry into effect; they allowed the name of thiefcatcher to become as infamous as that of informer.
There were, next, in favour of the rogue, the difficulties attending prosecution. Prosecutors, Fielding says, are often—
"1. Fearful and readily intimidated by the threats of the Gang.
2. Delicate, and unable to appear in a public court.
3. Indolent, so that they will not give themselves the trouble of a prosecution.
4. Avaricious, and therefore unwilling to undergo the expense of it; many perhaps find their account in compounding the matter.
5. Tender-hearted, and reluctant to take away the life of a man.
Lastly, necessitous, and cannot really afford the cost, however small, together with the loss of time which attends it."
Of course, one asks at the present day, why should there be any cost in prosecuting a criminal?
Suppose, however, that all these obstacles have been removed, there is
another very important difficulty, that of conviction. Street robberies are generally committed in the dark; an alibi is always set up by the prisoner's friends. In many robberies the victim is knocked on the head, or the robber is disguised; there are more than one concerned, and in the confusion it is impossible to make out clearly any of their faces; or, again, an accomplice, if he is admitted as witness, is seldom considered worthy of credit. Many other difficulties will occur. Once more, for the encouragement of criminals, there is the chance of obtaining a pardon; not a slender and small chance, but an extremely probable and possible event. It must be remembered that the King himself signed every warrant for an execution. Naturally, the King was inclined to err on the side of mercy, and to pardon all those whose cases presented any reasonable claim for doubt.
Lastly, supposing the felon to have been successfully arrested, committed, tried, convicted, and sentenced; what about the manner of execution? Let us quote Fielding's own words:
"But if every hope which I have mentioned fails the thief; if he should be discovered, apprehended prosecuted, convicted, and refused a pardon; what is his situation then? Surely most gloomy and dreadful, without any hope, and without any comfort. This is, perhaps, the case with the less practised, less spirited, and less dangerous rogues; but with those of a different constitution it is far otherwise. The day appointed by law for the thief's shame is the day of glory in his own opinion and that of his friends. His procession to Tyburn and his last moments there are all triumphant, attended with the compassion of the meek and tender-hearted, and with the applause, admiration, and envy of all the bold and hardened. His behaviour in his present condition, not the crime, how atrocious soever, which brought him to it, is the subject of universal contemplation."
When the watchmen were bribed and the constable was bribed, it is not surprising to hear that the justice also was bribed. The popular opinion as to the justice's integrity is expressed in a book called the *The Shakspear's Head*. It was published in the year 1755. It is in two small octavo volumes, and its full title is *Memoirs of the Shakspear's Head in Covent Garden, by the Ghost of Shakspear*. The book is a scandalous chronicle from beginning to end, containing sketches of extremely profligate persons, and of their adventures in the disorderly houses of Covent Garden. No doubt, at the time, the chief attraction of the book was the fact that the fictitious names threw a very thin veil over the real persons described. Thus, Nan Featherstone, Jenny Driver, and Miss Nellguard were certainly well-known persons in the "bagnios" of that quarter, while Lord Lubber, Louvre the dancing-master, and Jack the waiter are quite clearly portraits carefully drawn, libellous to the highest degree, and meant to be recognised.
There is no clue to the name of the author, unless it is a dedication to Samuel Foote, in which kindnesses to the author are acknowledged. And he declares, which is obviously a deliberate lie, that no character is intended for any particular
person. One chapter, however, is devoted to the most venomous delineation of Henry Fielding in his official capacity. That there should be no possible mistake as to the person intended, he is mentioned by name without any disguise at all. This chapter, at least, whatever may be the others, is a personal attack. And since the book, unsavoury and odious, is clearly the work of a practised hand, I have no doubt it was written by one of those creatures who always infest literature—the unsuccessful, disappointed, and envious writer. If so, here is one more instance of the malice with which a popular author is pursued. It is, however, possible that this view may be wrong. Fielding could not fail to make many enemies; he had a pen of finer temper than the keenest blade of Damascus. It was perhaps revenge, rather than jealousy and envy, which prompted this attack.
The picture of the administration of justice, quite apart from the principal figure, shows the general opinion on the subject; an opinion which may be gathered from many other sources. The court, or lock-up, described in the book, where sat the constable of the night, was situated close to Covent Garden Church; the constable was a man named Lock, a hair-dresser by trade. He had exercised this office for many years, not being elected to it, but being paid by those pensioners who were called upon to serve, to discharge their duties for them. Every householder was thus liable to serve as constable on a jury or an inquest; and as the duty of sitting up all night to receive the thieves and drunken men brought in by the watch was both disagreeable and onerous, there was in every parish some man found who undertook the duty for a fixed nightly wage. This wage he increased by the simple process of taking bribes.
"The power with which he had been long invested, invigorated the hearts of the sons and daughters of Venus and Mercury, many of whom were constantly brought in by his lanthorn'd subjects, to pay their obeisance to his Midnight Majesty, and were as duly set at liberty, through the interposition of Plutus sometimes in garb, tawny as the sunburnt Mexican, and at other times white as Lady Cribbages's hand."
Few were the offenders whom he conducted to the Bow Street magistrate; not only were they few in number, but they were only those who were too poor and miserable to offer any bribes for release. This conduct gave great dissatisfaction to the justice of the peace, who suspected that his constable was beforehand with him in levying taxes, and secreted many things which, had they escaped his manual operations, must have fallen to the share of his sagacious worship, who was perfectly of the same disposition, and was, if report spoke of him truly, a close shaver.
Before this constable were brought, after a drunken brawl, Lord Frake and Squire Sprightly. They were covered with mud and filth, their heads were cut open and bleeding; they were both drunk. The man who had administered this punishment was a carter, who was also in custody. Of course,
on discovering the quality of his prisoners, the constable called upon the carter to apologise and make submission. The fellow refused in language which shows the eloquence of the streets, and proceeded to assault the constable himself in a manner then more common than at present; indeed, even the oldest inhabitant can hardly remember seeing the thing done in these degenerate days. "Ducking suddenly down, he darted his head with such force and dexterity into the"—stomach—"of his antagonist, that he fell breathless on the floor." The carter was, however, reduced to insensibility by a blow over the head with a pole, and in that condition was rolled into the black hole. Chairs were called for his lordship and the squire, who were carried off.
"It is not amiss," says the author, "to let you into a secret which you did not know before, viz., Sprightly, fearing some ill consequences from this rencontre, had, at his first entrance into the watch-house, squeezed Lock close by the hand, as a mark of friendship, and some of the watchmen maliciously (for so it must be) reported that they soon after saw him examining a guinea by the light of the candle, as if he suspected its weight."
In the morning, at nine o'clock, Mr. Lock escorted his charge to Bow Street, there to give his prisoner over to the magistrate.
The constable then proceeds with his cases, inventing some, exaggerating others. A girl is charged with trying to rob two gentlemen; she has no money to bribe the clerk, and is committed. A young man is charged with looking like a rogue. The justice says, "Not a word, sirrah, I am sure you are a rogue by your looks." He then commits him, and calls upon the court to congratulate him on clearing the district of vagabonds. This is an allusion to his pamphlet on the increase of robberies. To show how just and worthy a magistrate he is, he then invites the constable to drink with him, intending to get a larger share of the plunder. The carter is then brought forward. The justice falls into amazement at his unparalleled wickedness. What! assault a lord—a noble lord and a squire! He is going to send off a messenger to his lordship's house to express sympathy with his lordship in this attack upon his lordship's august person, when the squire arrives and procures the man's release. It also appears that the young man who was committed without the opportunity of a word is the squire's own servant, who was arrested when performing a message for his master. So he too is released, and nobody goes to prison except the wretched girl and a few other equally poor and miserable creatures, arrested for their poverty and their misery.
We have seen what was the condition of the town in 1731 and in 1750. Let us now consider another picture of the town by another police magistrate, Mr. Patrick Colquhoun, in the year 1796. We shall find that it represents a condition of widespread criminality which seems appalling. We must remember at the outset that the lower classes of London had been for some generations left almost altogether alone. The Church had not yet assumed the supervision of the parish
in the manner which is now understood: the clergy, it is true, regularly performed the services and preached their sermons; the doors stood wide open for all the world to enter—if they pleased. I have considered the subject of the Church in another place; it is sufficient here to note that, in the quarters chiefly inhabited by the criminal classes, there was no religion, as there were no morals, no education, no knowledge, no restraining influences, rules, or principles whatever. The boys and girls grew up among the thieves and drabs—their parents, brothers, sisters, cousins. In due course, that is to say as soon as they could act independently, they became in their turn thieves and prostitutes, without a thought that this way of life was criminal; without knowing what was meant by crime; hardly knowing even the distinction of good and evil.
Of course they learned, very early in life, that shoplifting, highway robbery, burglary, cutting down a fruit-tree, hedge-lifting, picking pockets of anything worth more than a shilling, were punishable with death. They also learned, as the century drew on, and criminals increased, and the death list lengthened, that juries would not convict, if they could avoid it, of capital offences; and transportation or imprisonment, being at least accompanied with life, had few terrors for them. Besides, they saw that many of their friends actually went on year after year without detection, actually died in full notoriety as habitual criminals, shielded by each other and by the receivers.
In addition to the hereditary criminals there were the discharged prisoners, all of whom, as a matter of course, returned, without any pretence of repentance or reform, to their old friends and their old habits. What else could they do? Those who were discharged from prison after a first sentence quickly found that their loss of character had driven them from any chance of honest employment, and they were fain to fall back upon the acquaintances they had made in Newgate and to join the criminal classes, which, to do them justice, were always open to all comers, who were welcomed and received into the fraternity without jealousy, interest, or restriction. There was room for all. Now, about the end of the century there were 700 prisoners discharged every year from Newgate alone, and about 500 from the hulks of Woolwich, Portsmouth, and Langston Harbour.
Among the causes which contributed to the spread of vice, Colquhoun mentions first the improvidence and the luxurious habits of the people. They did not know, he says, what the commonest thrift meant. When they had money they spent it in expensive food—such as oysters, crab, lobster, pickled salmon, and the like—or in drink. They did not hesitate, for the sake of a hot supper, to pawn everything they had. Of course they eagerly took shares in the lottery, they thronged all the places of amusement, they passed their evenings at the public-house, they were great gamblers, and addicted to every kind of "sport," such as dog-fighting, cock-fighting, boxing, and the like. There is not a word as to
reading—first, because these people did not know how to read, and next, because if they did, there was nothing for them to read. All this, however, is general talk, and could, with some modifications, stand for the criminal class of this day as well. Happily it could no longer stand as true for the working class as a body.
A criminal class, however, requires organisation; there must be confederacy; no one would steal unless there were people to buy his stolen goods. Since many branches of a criminal's work require a partner, or even a gang, there must be places where they can meet and concert measures; and since in every trade there must be the means of discussion and mutual understanding, some place must be found ready and fit for that purpose. These places were found in the taverns and beershops, of which there were within the Bills of Mortality 5204, or one for every 200 people, or one for every fifty men. No care, Colquhoun says, was taken concerning the character of the landlord, though it was notorious that within these houses were concocted all the burglaries and shop robberies and highway robberies of the time, and though it was perfectly well known and notorious that the landlord allowed the discussion and the planning of these robberies to be openly carried on within his walls and before his face. It was also notorious that coiners of base money repaired to these houses to sell and to exchange their coin; that card sharpeners brought their victims to these houses; and that the landlords even allowed the establishment at their houses of clubs for apprentices, whither lads were encouraged to bring goods stolen from their masters, and to drink and gamble.
Even worse than the public-houses, which are not accused of buying stolen goods, were the old iron and rag shops. These shops were established in every back and bye street near the streets of respectable houses. They pretended to buy only the waste and the broken stuff, the old pots and pans, the grease, and all the rubbish which the servants saved from the dustbin. Under this pretence, they were universally, and without exception, and notoriously, receivers of stolen goods. Not only did they receive, but they tempted.
The stable boys, the old clo'men, the chimney sweeps, the dustmen, the porters, the apprentices, the journeymen, whoever found admission to a respectable house on any pretence whatever, were tempted to steal whatever they could lay their hands upon. The receiving shop was close at hand, round the corner; the things could be conveyed away easily and safely. Was it silver? Was it pewter? The receiver had his melting-pot ready. The pewter pots of the tavern went into the pot as soon as they arrived. In a few minutes they were a lump of metal: it was impossible to prove the theft. So with silver spoons, silver cups, and plate of all kinds. So with copper, lead, and other metals. Colquhoun actually estimates that the sum of £710,000 was lost every year by petty thefts.
in London by the aid of these rag and old iron shops, of which there were, in 1796, no fewer than 3000, more than half the whole number of taverns.
He next considers the case of the shipping, and the robberies connected with cargoes.
There were no receiving docks at that time, but every ship was loaded and discharged her cargo in mid stream by means of lighters, barges, and boats. The river was then crowded with boats, and every ship had her attendant barges alongside, so that it was extremely difficult among the crowd of boats to know whether one was waiting for passengers or for cargo, or was only hanging about for purposes of plunder. The men who came aboard for unloading were called lumpers, and were systematic robbers. They had small sacks behind their aprons which they filled with rum; if the cargo was not rum, but sugar, they converted these sacks into pockets and filled them; they filled their hats; they went ashore three times a day, and always in a body and always together; and if a Trinity officer was suspicious and attempted a search, he was hustled and knocked about. From the ship they went straight to one of the numerous receiving-houses by the riverside, where they unloaded themselves and sold their plunder. Sometimes, when the tide allowed, they threw overboard bags of coffee or of tea, packets of spice, bladders full of rum, kegs of tamarinds, to be picked up by the mudlarks in their service; sometimes they simply tossed the things into boats prowling about for the purpose. Nor were the depredations confined to the ships; there were men whose business it was to lurk about on every public wharf to pick up what they could; these were generally discharged criminals, who could find no employment and no master, and wanted none, so long as they could hang about pretending to wait for employment and picking up odds and ends.
The whole riverside from St. Katherine's to Limehouse was populated with these robbers, with the public-houses where they spent their ungodly gains and the receiving-shops which bought their goods. It was not, of course, a population so numerous as at present, but there were a good many between the Tower and Poplar.
Few or many, the whole community was depraved. There was nothing, not even the most costly goods, which could not be obtained on the riverside for a mere trifle, and those who were not robbers lived and flourished on the robberies. Respectable people, however, would not venture among these fearful slums. Colquhoun estimates the yearly loss on account of depredations on the river at half a million sterling.
He next considers the thefts in the dockyards on the Thames alone, viz. Deptford, Chatham, and Sheerness. It would seem as if the Government encouraged robbery. They laid in stores on a colossal scale; the storehouses were reported to be too small; additions were made; the old stores were forgotten
and either became ruined or were stolen. It is almost incredible that the authorities actually allowed the shipwrights to carry away every day a bundle of chips. In order to secure these chips the men would commonly hack the most valuable wood to pieces; they also carried away copper bolt-heads and copper nails hidden among these chips.
There were two kinds of fraud committed in the dockyards: those by the clerks and storekeepers in their returns of stores as unserviceable; and the sale of such old stores, by which excellent stores were often sold for a song, the clerk standing in with the contractor who bought them up. The clerks, in those days, stood in with every contract. This was iniquity on so large a scale that it was called the custom and rule of the office. The petty kind, however, in which every man was engaged, went on every day and all day long, and was far more detrimental to the service.
Consider what quantities of things go to the furnishing of a ship, and how many of these things there are that may be easily stolen. A ship wants (Colquhoun, p. 75)—
"Cordage, bolts of canvas, sails, bunting, twine of all sorts, fearnought and kersey, leather and hides, old and new copper, locks, hinges, and bolts, copper bolts and nails in immense quantities, bar-iron, old iron, lead and solder, ship's planks, oars, timber of small sizes, blocks, quarter-stuff, candles, tallow, oil, paint, pitch, tar, turpentine, varnish, rosin, beer and water casks, iron hoops, biscuit bags, beer, bread, rum, oil, vinegar, butter, cheese, beef, pork."
So open was the robbery, so notorious was it, that vessels in the coasting trade, and even foreign vessels, were accustomed to touch at Portsmouth and Plymouth in order to purchase cheap stores of the dealers, who could sell them far more cheaply than at Bristol or Newcastle, because they got the stores for next to nothing. These honest dealers employed men who were constantly engaged in untwisting cordage for the purpose of removing the King's "stran," i.e. the coloured thread which marked it as belonging to the dockyard; or in knocking the King's broad arrow out of copper bolts, nails, bar-iron, and other things. "It would scarcely be credited," Colquhoun writes, "to what an enormous extent the sale of cheap cordage, sail-cloth, and other naval articles is carried, in supplying coasting vessels and smaller craft upon the river Thames, which has been plundered in a variety of ways." The depredations committed in the dockyards amounted, he reckoned, to £300,000 a year. The depredations committed by all kinds of robberies, he estimates at £1,500,000 a year.
Colquhoun next considers the coinage of base money. At this time the trade of false coiners was very flourishing. Forty or fifty mints were in full occupation in London alone. One coiner confessed that in seven years he had coined counterfeit half-crowns to the extent of £200,000 of nominal value. The persons chiefly engaged in circulating the base money were Jews, especially Jew
boys. Indeed, one hopes that Colquhoun was prejudiced, for he constantly charges Jews with being accessories or receivers or circulators. It must be owned that either the Jews are greatly changed of late years or the old charges against them were unfounded. No one at the present time associates Jews, as a class, with encouraging or stimulating or teaching thieves; or of making their livelihood, as a class, by keeping receiving-houses; or with being more dishonest, even at the worst, than their neighbours. The losses by coining base money and by general forgeries and swindling Colquhoun sets down at £270,000.
"The trade of dealing in base money acquires its greatest vigour in the month of March, for then the lotteries are over, when swindlers, gamblers, pretended dealers in horses, travellers with E. O. tables, and hawkers and pedlars, go into the country, carrying with them considerable quantities of counterfeit silver and copper coin, by which they are enabled in a greater degree to extend the circulation by cheating and defrauding ignorant country people.
It very seldom happens, on account of the great demand (especially of late years), that the dealers have ever any considerable stock on hand. The base money is no sooner finished, than it is packed up and sent to customers in town or country, and with such rapidity has it been fabricated, on occasions of pressing emergency, that a single dealer has been known to procure from the coiners, who worked for him, from £300 to £500 for country orders in the course of a week. The lower ranks among the Irish and the Jews are the chief supporters of the trade of circulating base money in London; there is said to be scarce a low Irish labourer who does not exchange his week's wages for base money, taking a mixture of shillings, sixpences, and copper.
The Jews principally confine themselves to the coinage and circulation of copper; while the Irish women are the chief utterers and colourers of base silver. A vast number of these low women have acquired the mischievous art of colouring the bad shillings and sixpences, which they purchase from the Jews, who (as has been already mentioned) obtain these by employing boys to cry bad shillings, and by making the purchase wholly with counterfeit half-pence.
They indeed deal largely in foreign coins, counterfeited in this country, having been the chief medium by which Louis d'ors, as well as various silver coins, made of base metal, have been sent out of this country. It is through the same channel that the Sequins of Turkey were coined, and also the Pagodas of India. This last coin has been made for a considerable number of years by one individual only, who sells them at 5d. each, while the dealers, by disposing of them afterwards at 2s. 3d. and 5s., find it a very lucrative branch of trade, although unquestionably a very fraudulent one."
The total loss from ordinary robberies, river robberies, dockyard robberies, and false coins, he considers worth £2,000,000 a year to London alone.
This being the very serious and even dangerous condition of London at the close of the last century,—a vast criminal population, i.e. a population living entirely by theft and robbery; thousands of working men utterly demoralised by the ease and safety of robbery; temptations held out to every apprentice and servant to prey upon his master; thousands of receiving-houses; base coin flooding the market,—let us inquire into the administration of the law and the measures taken for the suppression of crime.
It was at the outset remarked that persons suffered small robberies without complaint because they disliked the trouble and annoyance of prosecution. Of course this cowardly shrinking from responsibility was a direct encouragement to
criminals. Until the year 1752 persons who were robbed generally advertised in the papers a reward to any one who would return the stolen property and no questions asked. In that year an Act was passed inflicting a fine of £50 on any person who should advertise such a reward for the return of stolen goods. It was next lamented that even the office of constable had lost its old responsibility. It is, of course, the vital interest of the whole community that such an office should be invested with all the dignity as well as all the authority that can be conferred upon it. How far the dignity of the office was maintained the following rules of rewards will clearly show. The constable, in fact, was turned into an informer. Nominally, in order to stimulate the constables and peace officers, rewards were offered for apprehending and prosecuting offenders, e.g.:
For highway robbery, a reward in money of £40, together with the horse, arms, furniture, and money of the robber, and a Tyburn ticket.
False coinage, for silver and gold, a reward of £40.
For copper, a reward of £10.
For shop-lifting and stealing from warehouse or stable, a Tyburn ticket. The Tyburn ticket was a certificate exempting the person who held it from all offices in his parish or ward. The ticket was sold by the first holder, but could not be sold afterwards. It generally fetched from £25 to £30. Did it not occur to the inventor of the Tyburn ticket that to grant such an exemption struck at the root of all government by the people?
For burglary a reward of £40 and a Tyburn ticket; for housebreaking, the same.
For horse-stealing, a Tyburn ticket.
For compounding felony, £40.
For stealing cattle, sheep, or lambs, £10.
For returning from transportation, £20.
The practical working of the system of rewards is illustrated in the practices of the thief-taker already recorded. Criminals were enlisted by him, encouraged, promised impunity in crime, and finally, when they had enjoyed a long enough rope, arrested, tried, and hanged for the sake of the informer's reward. Returned convicts, for whose arrest £20 was offered, were left to follow their former line of life—the only one open to them—which very quickly qualified them to bestow upon the informer the larger reward, viz., £40 and a Tyburn ticket. Moreover, it became obviously the interest of the informer to pass over the lesser crimes, and even to encourage them, because they led the offender on to the greater crimes and the greater reward. Another bad point about this system of rewards was that it deprived the witness of credit, since everybody knew that he had a large pecuniary interest in the conviction of the prisoner.
Another illustration of the working of the rewards system is the following
story. It has been often presented with various points of difference. My version is taken from Harrison's *History of London* (1770):
"At the Sessions held in the Old Bailey in the month of February, four thief-takers, viz., Macdaniel, Berry, Salmon, and Egan, were tried for swearing falsely (as it appeared they had frequently done before, and from whose evidence several innocent people had suffered) against a lad whom they accused of robbery, for the sake of obtaining the reward allowed by Act of Parliament on the conviction of capital offenders; and being found guilty, they received sentence, each to stand twice in the pillory (two at a time), to be imprisoned seven years in Newgate, to find security of a £1000 each for their good behaviour for seven years, and to pay a fine. Berry and Macdaniel underwent the first part of their sentence on the 5th of March in Holbourn, and were severely treated by the populace; the latter received a terrible wound in his forehead with a stone, and Berry with great difficulty survived it. On the 8th of the same month Egan and Salmon stood in the pillory in the centre of Smithfield; and, notwithstanding the attendance of the sheriffs, with a prodigious number of constables, yet so incensed were the populace against these miscreants, that the officers, instead of being able to protect the criminals, were obliged to retreat for their own safety. Egan, after being a short time in the pillory, received a wound in his head that killed him, and he hung by the neck, a shocking spectacle, till the expiration of the hour. Salmon was so dreadfully bruised and maimed, that he appeared as if dead, and was a considerable time before he recovered from this severe though just treatment; it was thought proper not to repeat this part of their sentence. Berry and Salmon, therefore, died in Newgate, and Macdaniel, after a course of years, was sent abroad. Such was the punishment, and such the end, of these unparalleled monsters."
Returning to the end of the century, Colquhoun gives a tabulated list of cases tried at the Old Bailey from September 1790 to September 1791. It is as follows:
6 for treasons in making false money—
A reward in money on conviction, amounting for each to £40, in all to £240
81 highway robberies—
A reward (besides the highwayman's property) amounting, in each case, to £40, in all to £3240
10 stealing cattle and sheep—
A reward in money of £10, amounting in all to £100
2 returning from transportation—
A reward in money of £20, amounting in all to £40
Total £3620
193 prisoners tried for offences entitling the apprehenders to rewards on conviction, and 895 also tried, for which no rewards or gratuities are allowed to officers for their trouble and risk in apprehending, viz.:
10 for murders
4 ,, arson
10 ,, forgeries
2 ,, piracies
4 ,, rapes
642 ,, Grand larcenies
32 ,, stealing privately from persons
9 ,, dealing in and uttering base money
1 for sodomy
7 ,, bigamy
6 ,, perjuries
6 ,, conspiracies
3 ,, fraudulent bankrupts
13 ,, for shop-lifting under 5s.
16 ,, ripping and stealing lead
12 ,, stealing pewter pots
22 for stealing from furnished lodgings
1 ,, stealing letters
1 ,, stealing a child
22 ,, receiving stolen goods
15 ,, frauds
9 ,, misdemeanours
1 ,, assaulting and cutting clothes
1 ,, smuggling
7 for obstructing revenue officers
1 ,, wounding a horse maliciously
38 ,, assaults
1088 total
445 prisoners from the late sheriffs
1533 aggregate number
Disposed of as follows, viz.:
Executed . . . . . . . 32
Died . . . . . . . 25
Sent to the Hulks . . . . . 2
Transported . . . . . . . 517
Removed to other prisons . . . . 95
Transferred to the new sheriffs . . . 151
Discharged upon the town . . . 711
1533
At the end of the eighteenth century, the officers of justice, parochial and stipendiary, who were appointed to watch over the police of London and its environs, for keeping the peace, and in detecting and apprehending offenders, amounted to 1000 persons under five separate jurisdictions, as follows:
1. London—
The City of London in 25 wards exclusive of Bridge Without—
City marshals . . . . . . . 2
Marshals men . . . . . . . 6
Beadles . . . . . . . 36
Principals . . . . . . . 98
Substitutes . . . . . . . 145
Extra officers . . . . . . . 32
—— 319
2. Westminster—
The City and Liberty of Westminster, 9 parishes and 2 precincts—
High constable . . . . . . . 1
Parochial constables . . . . . 70
—— 71
3. Middlesex—
The Division of Holborn, in Middlesex, joining in the metropolis, in 13 parishes, liberties, and manors—
High constable . . . . . . . 1
Parochial constables . . . . . 78
—— 79
The Division of Finsbury in Middlesex, joining in the metropolis, 4 parishes, and 1 liberty—
High constable . . . . . . . 1
Parochial constables . . . . . 68
—— 69
The Division called the Tower Hamlets, including the eastern part of the metropolis, and comprehending 10 parishes, 4 hamlets, 1 liberty, and 2 precincts—
| Position | Number |
|---------------------------|--------|
| High constable | 1 |
| Parochial constables | 217 |
Total: 218
4. Tower Liberty—
The Liberty of the Tower of London being a separate jurisdiction—
| Position | Number |
|---------------------------|--------|
| High constable | 1 |
| Constables and headboroughs | 16 |
Total: 17
The Division of Kensington, Chelsea, etc., comprehending 2 parishes and 3 hamlets—
| Position | Number |
|---------------------------|--------|
| High constable | 1 |
| Parochial constables | 21 |
Total: 22
5. Surrey—
The Borough of Southwark, etc., comprehending 9 parishes—
| Position | Number |
|---------------------------|--------|
| High constable | 1 |
| Constables | 87 |
Total parochial officers: 883
To which are to be added the stipendiary officers of police, specially appointed for the purpose of preventing crimes and of detecting and apprehending offenders—
1. The establishment at Bow Street, under the direction of the three magistrates presiding at that office, viz., constables and (under the direction of W. Addington, Esq.), patrols for the roads.
Total: 75
2. The establishment of seven public offices by the Act of the 32nd of his present Majesty, under the direction of three magistrates at each office, viz.:
| Office | Number |
|-------------------------------|--------|
| Public office, Queen Square | 6 |
| Marlborough Street | 6 |
| Hatton Garden | 6 |
| Worship Street | 6 |
| Whitechapel | 6 |
| Shadwell | 6 |
| Union Hall, Southwark | 6 |
Total civil force in the metropolis: 117
Total: 1000
Of these officers only fifty (exclusive of thirty-two extra officers in the City of London, and sixty-seven patrols at Bow Street) were stipendiary officers, particularly pledged to devote their whole time to the service of the public; and Colquhoun asks whether so small a number was sufficient for the purpose of watching and detecting the hordes of villains who infest the metropolis?
With this statement may be compared the table of ward officers compiled by Maitland:—
An account of the numbers of Aldermen, Common Councilmen, Constables, Scavengers, Inquest, Beadles, and Watchmen belonging to the several wards of the City, together with the several sums annually paid the Rakers, for cleansing the streets and carrying away the dust, with the sum yearly raised for paying the Beadles and Watch, and the sum total paid for lighting the City and liberties thereof, etc.
| Wards | Aldermen | Common Councilmen | Scavengers | Inquest | Beadles | Watchmen | Lamp-lighters | Rakers |
|------------------------|----------|-------------------|------------|---------|---------|-----------|---------------|--------|
| Aldersgate | 1 | 8 | 8 | 8 | 14 | 1 | 25 | 184 |
| Aldgate | 1 | 6 | 6 | 7 | 19 | 1 | 31 | 201 |
| Bassishaw | 1 | 4 | 4 | 4 | 17 | 1 | 16 | 5 |
| Billingsgate | 1 | 10 | 11 | 6 | 13 | 2 | 20 | 122 |
| Bishopsgate | 1 | 14 | 7 | 9 | 13 | 2 | 49 | 400 |
| Bread Street | 1 | 12 | 13 | 12 | 15 | 1 | 12 | 94 |
| Bridge | 1 | 15 | 14 | 14 | 15 | 1 | 22 | 112 |
| Broad Street | 1 | 10 | 10 | 8 | 13 | 1 | 38 | 264 |
| Castlewick | 1 | 8 | 7 | 6 | 13 | 1 | 16 | 70 |
| Castle-Baynard | 1 | 10 | 10 | 7 | 14 | 1 | 24 | 180 |
| Cheapside | 1 | 12 | 18 | 13 | 17 | 1 | 26 | 126 |
| Coleman Street | 1 | 6 | 6 | 6 | 13 | 1 | 24 | 183 |
| Cordwainer | 1 | 8 | 8 | 8 | 14 | 1 | 16 | 93 |
| Cornhill | 1 | 6 | 4 | 4 | 16 | 1 | 18 | 72 |
| Cripplegate | 1 | 12 | 13 | 16 | 34 | 2 | 54 | 376 |
| Dowgate | 1 | 8 | 8 | 5 | 14 | 1 | 16 | 129 |
| Farringdon Within | 1 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 17 | 2 | 49 | 315 |
| Farringdon Without | 1 | 16 | 18 | 17 | 52 | 4 | 89 | 838 |
| Langbourn | 1 | 10 | 12 | 11 | 16 | 1 | 23 | 168 |
| Lime Street | 1 | 4 | 4 | 4 | 12 | 1 | 10 | 122 |
| Portsoken | 1 | 5 | 5 | 5 | 22 | 1 | 28 | 191 |
| Queenhithe | 1 | 6 | 9 | 8 | 13 | 1 | 10 | 160 |
| Tower | 1 | 12 | 12 | 12 | 13 | 1 | 32 | 221 |
| Vintry | 1 | 9 | 9 | 3 | 13 | 1 | 10 | 127 |
| Wallbrook | 1 | 8 | 7 | 6 | 13 | 1 | 18 | 88 |
| Bridge Without | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| **Sum Total** | **26** | **236** | **241** | **218** | **423** | **32** | **672** | **4809** |
£ s.
156 0
219 0
24 0
96 0
302 0
60 0
40 0
169 0
40 0
90 0
100 0
120 0
40 0
55 0
391 0
50 0
184 0
553 0
147 10
50 0
248 0
00 0
184 0
50 0
37 0
00 0
To these must be added the list for the parishes, precincts, and liberties within the City, but without its jurisdiction:
An account of the number of Officers, viz., Headboroughs, Constables, Scavengers, Beadles, and Watchmen in the several Parishes, Preeincts, and Liberties within the City of London and Liberty thereof, but without its jurisdiction, with the annual sum paid by each to the Raker.
| Parishes | Headboroughs | Constables | Scavengers | Beadles | Watchmen | Rakers |
|-----------------------------------|--------------|------------|------------|---------|----------|--------|
| St. Bartholomew the Great | 0 | 3 | 3 | 1 | 6 | 40 |
| St. Bartholomew the Less | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 19 |
| Bridewell Precinct | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 2 | 18 |
| St. Catherine's Tower | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 4 | 50 |
| East Smithfield Liberty | 5 | 2 | 6 | 2 | 8 | 160 |
| St. James's Duke's Place | 2 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 6 | 22 |
| St. Martin's le-Grand | 6 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 4 | 22 |
| Old Artillery Ground | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 28 |
| St. Peter ad Vincula Wt. | 1 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 4 | 18 |
| Trinity Minories | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 14 |
| White Friars Precinct | 0 | 2 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 24 |
| **Sum Total** | **19** | **16** | **19** | **9** | **43** | **415**|
£ s.
Also the number of churchwardens, etc.—
| Churchwardens | Overseers of the Poor | Paid on Account of the Church | Paid on Account of the Poor | Number of Houses | Workhouses |
|---------------|-----------------------|-------------------------------|----------------------------|-----------------|------------|
| 220 | 63 | £17,303 7 11 | £33,568 16 8 | 24,260 | 18 |
The total number of ward and precinct officers, etc.—
| Aldermen | Common Councilmen | Headboroughs | Constables | Scavengers | Inquest | Beadles | Watchmen | Paid the Rakers |
|----------|------------------|--------------|------------|------------|---------|---------|-----------|----------------|
| 26 | 236 | 19 | 257 | 237 | 423 | 41 | 715 | £3881 19 0 |
The night watchmen were paid at the rate of 8s. to 10s. a week. They were sometimes quite advanced in years and appointed to the office with the view of keeping them out of the workhouse; they were utterly unable to cope with the villainy of the time; they received bribes for letting disorderly persons go; they only showed activity on arresting unfortunate women who could not pay for their connivance. Watchmen were stationed at various points. The parochial constable who attended all night long to receive disorderly persons and criminals at the watchhouse has been mentioned. Here also were kept the names and addresses of the turncocks and the places where the fire engines were kept.
The police force of the metropolis, viz., the peace officers, watchmen, and patrols, made up an aggregate of 3044 men. There were 270 Justices of the Peace, not counting 700 belonging to the County of Middlesex. But of actual efficient magistrates there were only the twenty-six aldermen of the City and twenty-four stipendiary magistrates, who sat in their courts at Queen Square, Westminster, Great Marlborough Street, Hatton Garden, Worship Street, Whitechapel, Shadwell, and Southwark, and Bow Street.
The higher and more atrocious offences committed in London and Middlesex were tried at the Old Bailey. There were also Quarter Sessions for the trial of smaller offences at Guildhall, Clerkenwell, Well Close Square, and in certain towns in Surrey.
The following gives a summary view of all the prisoners tried in London during the year 1765. It will be observed that although sixty-one were sentenced to death, only nineteen actually suffered:—
The code of punishment was incredibly severe. While, however, the old barbarities of slitting the nose, cutting off the ears, branding in the hand, burning alive, and the ducking-stool, had been discontinued, yet the savage nature of the law is shown in the extraordinary list of offences for which the judge was ordered to pronounce sentence of death. They were as follows:
Murder; treason; coinage money; arson; rape; sodomy; piracy; forgery; destroying ships or setting them on fire; bankrupts not answering or concealing their effects; burglary; highway robbery; house-breaking; privately stealing, or picking pockets above 1s.; shop-lifting above 5s.; stealing bonds, bills, or bills from letters; stealing bank-notes or bills from letters; stealing above 40s. in any house; stealing above 40s. on a river; stealing linen, etc., from bleaching-grounds; maiming cattle; shooting at a Revenue Officer; pulling down houses, churches, etc.; breaking down a fish-pond where fish may be lost; cutting down trees in an avenue, garden, etc.; cutting down river or sea banks; cutting hop binds; setting fire to corn or coal mines; taking reward for helping another to conceal stolen goods; returning from transportation; stabbing a person unarmed if he die in six months; concealing the death of a bastard child; maliciously maiming or disfiguring any person; sending threatening letters; riots by twelve or more, and not dispersing in one hour after proclamation; accessories to felonies deemed capital; stealing woollen cloths from tenter-grounds; stealing from a ship
in distress; stealing ore from black lead mines; stealing horses, cattle, or sheep; servants purloining their masters' goods, value 40s.; bail, personating; escape, breaking prison; privy councillors, attempting to kill, etc.; sacrilege; smuggling by persons armed, etc.; robbery of the mail; turnpikes or bridges destroying.
The offences considered as "single felonies" punishable by transportation whipping, imprisonment, pillory, and hard labour in Houses of Correction, were as follows:
Grand larceny, which comprehends every species of theft above the value of 1s. not otherwise distinguished; receiving stolen goods; ripping and stealing lead; stealing from furnished lodgings; setting fire to underwood; stealing letters; embezzling naval stores; petty larcenies, or thefts under 1s.; assaulting with intent to rob; aliens returning after being ordered out of the kingdom; stealing fish from a pond or river; stealing roots, trees, or plants of the value of 5s.; stealing children with their apparel; bigamy; assaulting and cutting, or burning clothes; coin—counterfeiting the copper coin; marriage, solemnising clandestinely; manslaughter; cutting or stealing timber trees, etc.
Next followed misdemeanours punishable by fine, imprisonment, whipping, and pillory:
Perjury; frauds; conspiracies; assaults; stealing dead bodies; keepers of bawdy houses and other disorderly houses; offences by persons described in the Vagrant Act, 17 George II.; lottery illegal insurances; gaming of various descriptions; stealing cabbages, turnips, growing; cutting and stealing wood and trees; robbing orchards and gardens; deer stealing; dog stealing; setting fire to a house to defraud the insurance office; uttering base money; selling base money under its denoted value; embezzlements in the woollen, silk, and other manufactures; artificers and servants in various trades, committing offences; combinations and conspiracies for raising the price of wages; smuggling run goods, and other frauds, relative to the Excise and Customs.
These lists are illustrated by a table showing the number, etc., of prisoners tried at the Old Bailey from April 1793 to March 1794 inclusive:
| London, Middlesex, and Westminster | Persons committed for trial | Of whom acquitted and discharged | Death | Transportation for 14 years | Transportation for 7 years | Whipped and imprisoned | Imprisoned 6 months and upwards | Imprisoned 3 months and afterwards disposed of | Sent to serve the king | Judgment reprieved | Total punished |
|-------------------------------------|-----------------------------|---------------------------------|-------|----------------------------|---------------------------|------------------------|---------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------|----------------------|------------------|-----------------|
| London Sessions | 199 | 70 | 6 | 1 | 50 | 10 | 29 | 20 | 8 | 5 | 129 |
| Middlesex and Westminster | 861 | 497 | 62 | 1 | 117 | 38 | 51 | 49 | 30 | 16 | 364 |
| | 1060 | 567 | 68 | 2 | 167 | 48 | 80 | 69 | 38 | 21 | 493 |
In time of war a large proportion of those condemned to death or to transportation obtained pardon, on condition of serving in the army or the navy; a condition frequently evaded on pretence of some bodily infirmity concealed until discharge. The ease and frequency of obtaining pardon produced the worst possible effect. The people in the eighteenth century were unfortunately made to feel that crime was rarely detected—that witnesses could be bought off; that the verdict of the jury was uncertain; that juries refused frequently to convict; and that sentences, however severe, were constantly set aside or altered. In two years, for instance, August 1792 to June 1794, 822 convicts were pardoned. Of these 54 obtained free pardons; 696 were pardoned on condition of serving in the army or navy; and 72 had their sentences remitted. When we read of the severe discipline in the Royal Navy and in the Army, of the frightful and merciless floggings that were daily carried on, we must remember that the ships were constantly receiving on board the sweepings of the prisons—creatures whom nothing could influence but the torture of the cat. Yet, rogues and villains as they were, they could fight, and did. Courage they had; the fighting spirit; so much was left to them after all their degradation. The
eighteenth century criminal was a far better man than his miserable descendant of the present day, who is a sneak and a coward with the spirit crushed out of him by a gaol system which turns a man into a snivelling cur. The great-grandfather of the present criminal was at least a man, a fighting man, sometimes a man of revenge.
The system of transportation was first begun as a form of punishment in the year 1718. Before this there had been many occasions when transportation was employed for political prisoners. Cromwell sent 2000 Scotch prisoners, after Worcester, to the Gold Coast, where they all speedily perished. There were political convicts in Jamaica and Barbadoes; but it was not till 1718 that convicts were sent to Maryland and Virginia. Here some of them, after working out their sentences, became settlers and, one hopes, respectable members of society. The system, indeed, seems to have answered very well in those States. The American War put a stop to it. We then tried the plan of confining the convicts to the Hulks or to Houses of Correction. In the year 1787 was commenced a new form of transportation, to the infant colony of New South Wales and to Norfolk Island, a step which takes us out of the history of London.
It was customary for the residents of a suburban village to subscribe in order to offer rewards for the apprehension and conviction of highway robbers and footpads. As yet it had not occurred to them that the money so expended would have been more usefully devoted to the maintenance of an efficient police. Thus we find the following reward offered by the residents of Islington (London and Middlesex Notebook, p. 28):
"For apprehending and convicting all or any of the persons who shall wilfully set fire to the house or premises of a subscriber, £30.
For apprehending and convicting all or any of the persons who shall commit a burglary or robbery, in the dwelling-house of a subscriber, £30.
For apprehending and convicting all or any of the persons who shall commit a murder on the body of a subscriber, or any of his or her family, £30.
For apprehending and convicting all or any of the persons who shall commit a highway or foot robbery upon the person of a subscriber or his or her family, £20."
In 1792 a very important reform in the Police was carried into effect. The old "Trading Justices" as they were called, the magistrates who received no salary but made their incomes by the fines they imposed upon delinquents, were abolished. The system itself was bad from the beginning; it became atrocious by the abuses which crept into it and became common. We have seen that the watchmen brought the offender before the constable, and the constable brought him before the magistrate. Now, since the magistrate imposed a fine which he put into his own pocket, the constable naturally thought that he, too, might as well impose a fine, let the person go, and put the fine into his own pocket. Nay, since man
is an observant animal, the watchman drew the same inference with the same result. In fact, every kind of offence could be committed with impunity provided the watchman first, or the constable next, was bribed.
By the new rules the magistrate could impose fines, but could not receive them, as they had to be paid into court, the magistrates taking salaries. The new Police Courts were set up at Queen Square; Great Marlborough Street; Hatton Garden; Worship Street; Lambeth Street, Whitechapel; High Street, Shadwell; and Main Street, Southwark.
The system of giving rewards for the apprehension of criminals was examined by the Committee on the Police of the Metropolis, and their report was ordered to be printed on the 8th of July 1817.
From this we learn that the system of rewards was begun by an Act of William and Mary, by which any person who should apprehend a robber, and should prosecute him to conviction, was to receive £40 reward. By the 6th and 7th William III., the same reward was offered for the apprehension and conviction of any persons engaged in counterfeiting and clipping the coin of the realm. By the 5th Anne the same reward was offered for the apprehension and conviction of a burglar.
By the 14th George II., cap. 6, £10 was offered for the conviction of every sheepstealer, etc. By the 15th George II., cap. 28, the reward of £40 for counterfeiting gold and silver coin was extended to include £10 for counterfeiting copper coin. Both these rewards are mentioned by Colquhoun as being then (1796) still in force. The total annual sum paid in rewards rose rapidly in amount; we have seen that in 1791 it was £3620; in 1798 they amounted in all to £7770; in 1815, to £18,000.
There was the additional reward of the "Tyburn Ticket," of which mention has been already made. The Committee strongly recommended the abolition of this reward. Evidence was taken and embodied in the Report. One man swore that because the reward for apprehending a beggar was £10 the police officers would give a poor man a penny and then apprehend him for begging. Another and a third and a fourth deposed to hearing police officers commit perjury against a prisoner for the sake of the reward.
The arrivals in London every day consisted of those who came by coach; those who came by waggon; those who rode; those who came in post-chaises; and those who came by the coasting vessels. The passengers by sailing ship had to disembark and land by means of the Thames watermen. The fleecing of the stranger began with the attentions of the watermen. Once the passengers with their boxes were landed on one of the quays they were tolerably safe, as the quays were in some degree protected from sharks and wolves, water thieves, and land thieves. Outside the quays they found a hackney coach; and so, if a box or two
was not carried off on the way, they arrived, at the expense of a shilling or so overcharge, safely at their destination. If the stranger wanted a guide about London he could find, all along the riverside from London Bridge to Lime House Hole, fellows who undertook to show the sights and guide the visitor. They were mostly old salts, and they have left behind them a reputation for honesty coupled with continual thirst.
Most of the people who came by sailing ship put up at inns or boarding-houses in or beyond the City; about the Minories, Whitechapel, or Wapping. On the other hand the arrivals by any vehicle on wheels had to run the gauntlet of the inn yard and its frequenters. Those yards were infested with gangs of thieves of the most desperate character; these gangs stood by each other; they were organised; they divided the "swag" once in their possession, into as many shares as there were members concerned with the robbery. These shares in the slang of the confederates were called "regulars." The driver of the stage-coach or the waggon, the guard, the grooms and hostlers and stable-boys, the porters,—all were "in it" together. Nay, the landlord of the inn was "in it" too. The fellows who did the active part of the robbery lolled about the inn all day, waking up into activity on hearing the well-known tune upon the horn, with which the guard announced his arrival while yet afar off. Every guard of every coach had his own favourite melody, his private air, well known to everybody, which he played most beautifully. The tune announced the arrival of the coach; informed everybody what coach it was; and warned the thieves to be on the alert. As soon as the passengers had left the vehicle, down came the coachman and climbed into the inside, shutting the door after him, while he searched the pockets and the seats for stray articles left behind. They were his perquisite; no subsequent inquiry after lost property ever recovered things once left behind. Meantime the passengers' luggage lay on the ground waiting for the porters and hackney-coach. Here was the chance for the thieves. One caught up a trunk, shouting "By your leave," as if he was the porter bearing the box to a coach, and made for the gates. At the gates stood two or three of his confederates, to hustle and knock down any one who ran after the thief, who, once outside, was instantly lost in the narrow lanes of the City.
This robbery of luggage went on all day long, always in the same manner; almost always with impunity. No one protected the passenger who, indeed, if he wanted protection, had to depend upon his fists or his club. It was not only shameful in those days not to fight on occasion; it was also shameful to be ignorant of what was called, and was in reality, the noble art of self-defence.
The hackney coachmen in their turn, stood in with the thieves and took their "regulars" when a trunk or a bag was filched from the coach. They also charged as much as they dared over and above their legal fares; and, because they were liable
A COUNTRY INN YARD
From the engraving by Hogarth.
to be summoned, they always took care in opening their doors to open them as wide as possible so that the passenger should not be able to see the number, which was painted on the outside of the door.
The inn yards were also the haunt of the "smasher." Everybody was a smasher. The most active in the smashing business was the noble company of "caddees," a word which we have abbreviated to "cad." These fellows professed to be hanging about for sixpenny jobs, messages, and errands; they also touted for the inns, receiving a shilling for every customer or lodger that they brought. But it was perfectly well known that the chief part of their business was that of smashing. They not only passed off bad money for good, and forged notes for good notes, but they sold their bad money to the hackney coachmen, to the porters, to the guards, to everybody. There were many ways of smashing; if, for instance, a half-crown was given to a coachman he generally had a false one in his hand and presented it, respectfully regretting that his Honour had given him a bad half-crown.
The picking of pockets was reduced to a science. The pickpockets mixed in every crowd; round the print-shops; wherever there was any show or exhibition of goods (Picture of London, John Bee, p. 53):
"If a horse tumbles or a woman faints, away they run, to increase the crowd and the confusion; they create a bustle, and try over the pockets of unsuspecting persons; till, at length, having marked out one, the accomplice shoves him hard up against other persons (usually some of the gang), who naturally repress the intrusion. Thus wedged in, they next hit him on the head with a stick, when he, to save his hat, or to resent the insult, lifts up his arms; a third or a fourth, still farther behind, gives one more shove, rams his flat hand hard against the belly of the person marked out to be done, and pulls out his watch. If it be his pocket-book they are after, they lift up the skirts of his coat, to come at his inside pocket, but, should it lie on his breast, then the rogue, who is next to the victim, seizes his collar behind, and drags until the buttons give way or there is space enough between the coat and the body for the accomplice to thrust in his arm. So situated, it is clear that every other pocket must be liable to a visit, the breeches not excepted. As he in the rear is generally a short man, or a boy, he thrusts in underneath the arms of the accomplices, who make room for him on purpose, and he is thus enabled to pick two or three pockets at leisure, especially in large crowds—such as a boxing match or my Lord Mayor's show."
Another common method was to get up a sham fight, under cover of which to hustle and rob the bystanders.
In every street was the shop where the servants and prentices, as well as the professional criminals, brought what they could steal from their master; the shop which sold things everybody knew to be stolen—silk handkerchiefs with the worked letters picked out; snuff boxes; wigs; hats; lace ruffles; sword-sticks; pocket-books. In every street where stage-coaches and carriages arrived or set out, there were the houses where painted faces showed at all the windows, where the door stood open, and Doll Tearsheet, smiling, invited the country man in, to ruin and destruction; every street had its rogues' den; its smashing mint; its abodes of
cheats, villains, and thief-takers and informers. The police officers were "in it"; they were bribed to shut their eyes; the only security was in showing fight. A little dog roused the tenant when the housebreaker entered by the window; a gun, a sword, a knife, a club drove him out. In the street, even in the busiest thoroughfare, as Ludgate Hill, one might have to fight for watch or purse with club or fists; the very women, the common prostitutes, knew how to handle their fists and could fight, as well as rob. There was a whole vocabulary, apart from the slang Dictionary, of names belonging to the various branches of the rogues' profession. There were, for instance, buffers, caddees, duffers, gaffers, smashers, stashers, nosers, bustlers, kiddies, crimps, bubbles, ring droppers, change ringers, sharpeners, smugglers, stags, trippers, divers, grabbers, shoulderers, and a hundred others. The vocabulary is as copious as that of the rogues under good Queen Bess.
The most remarkable point about these rogues in the year, say, 1790 or 1800, was the piety of some of them. One man, for instance, a Roman Catholic, transported for stealing brass wire from his employer—the robbery having been carried on for many years—was a shining example of attention to his religious duties. There was a gang of porters who robbed right and left, and kept a depot for the sale of their goods in Hand Court, Thames Street; after the gang was broken up these men were proved to have been strict and outwardly consistent Christians. Three of them, who were hanged, were members of a Methodist Chapel, and had been "convicted of sin" and converted, long before. Yet they continued in their rogueries; works, we know, may be wholly unconnected with faith.
The lawlessness of the mob is illustrated by the following story from the Place Collection:
"There was a set of miscreants who chose to live on the eastern side of the Tower, near the Mint, and claimed the privilege of being free from arrest for debt. Fellows who fled from their creditors and, as it appears from the trials of ten of them, were mostly thieves and housebreakers. Among them was one, Mr. Saintive, who had been a Justice of the Peace. The new minters, like the old minters in the borough of Southwark, assigned certain limits as a boundary within which civil process should not be served, and any officer who either attempted to some process within the limits, or upon the person of any one who was involved in a mint, was seized and punished.
When it had been determined to seize and punish obnoxious persons, they used to sally out in considerable numbers and with bludgeons, and followed by an immense mob which encouraged them in their iniquity and probably protected them. They seized one man at Wapping, another they took out of a house in Whitechapel, dragged them to the New Mint, tried and punished them according to their own laws. One of these miscreants, who was hanged for robbery, acknowledged that 'during the time he was a minter, no less than twelve bailiffs had been seized, whipt, and underwent the rest of their discipline.'
'They seized upon me,' says one of the bailiffs, 'and carried me along in triumph to the New Mint, with colours flying and violins playing before them.' The discipline is thus described by one of the sufferers, William Jones—'They stript me naked and wore sixpenny worth of rods to the stumps in
whipping me, and every now and then they dipped the rods in sirreverence. I believe I received a thousand lashes. After this they put my clothes on again, and some cried, "Damn him, bring him hither!" whereupon I was hauled to the side of a pit which was about 6 feet long and 3 or 4 broad. It was filled with human excrement and other filth, and over it hung the sign of the hand and tipstaff. They threw me into this pit and ducked me overhead several times."
Let me quote a few cases of prison and of crime:
The case of Major Bernardi is very strange and unintelligible. He followed the fortunes of James II. and accompanied the fallen king into France; served as a captain under him at the Battle of the Boyne; and at the reduction of Limerick was permitted to go to France or anywhere else. He proposed to settle in Scotland; but the French privateer, in which he embarked, was taken by an English cruiser. He lost his all, and was sent to the Marshalsea, where he remained for some time. On his discharge a plot was discovered, or actually broke out, for the murder of King William. In consequence of this discovery a reward of £1000 was offered for the arrest of the conspirators, among whose names Bernardi found his own.
No one can pretend to prove or even to describe this case, or to ascertain the share, if any, that Bernardi had in the conspiracy—if there was any conspiracy. However, he was apprehended with some others, taken to Newgate, and closely confined in a cell with irons for two years. All this time without trial. After two years these irons were knocked off, and the prisoners were permitted to walk in the press yard. They then petitioned the King's Bench to be either tried or let out on bail. Bernardi himself set forth that by his imprisonment he had lost an estate, which in his absence had been taken by the next-of-kin. The petition was refused. A special Act of Parliament was passed, to which the King gave his assent, for the continuation of their imprisonment.
There may have been suspicions well grounded enough for the arrest of Bernardi; but what justification could there be for an Act of Parliament to continue his imprisonment without trial. It was in 1696 that he was first imprisoned; when Queen Anne succeeded, another Act of Parliament sanctioned the continued imprisonment; when George I. followed, a third Act was passed; when George II. succeeded his father, a fourth was asked for and passed. Why? This unfortunate man, with his companions, was never let out of prison at all. He outlived them; he lived to the age of eighty-two. Privation did not kill him; nor the foul air of the prison; nor the contagion of gaol fever; nor hope deferred. He married; he made the best of the situation. Towards the end of his life a legacy of £300 a year for the support of these hapless prisoners made them all more comfortable. But still, one asks with wonder, Why? In a land where lettres de cachet and the bastille were unknown,—Why?
The case of Mrs. Brownrigg's cruelty to her apprentices has become a typical or leading case in the treatment of parish apprentices. It was not, however, alone. I have before me half a dozen cases of similar barbarity. Of these the worst is that of the Metyards.
These two women lived together, being mother and daughter, in Bruton Street, by no means so aristocratic a street as at present. They kept a small haberdasher's shop, and they made silk nets, purses, and mittens. They also took parish prentices, of whom they had five. These five children were treated in the most barbarous manner; they had insufficient food; they were made to work all day long in a tiny room; they were only allowed out once a fortnight; and they were cruelly beaten both by the mother, who was a woman of a fiendish temper, and the daughter. The weakest and most sickly of these children was one Anne Naylor; she, driven to desperation by hunger and ill-treatment, ran away. She was, however, caught, beaten, and treated worse than ever, while the greatest care was taken lest she should run away again.
She did, however, run away again, but was stopped by the milkman and brought back to the house, where she was thrown on a bed, and while the old woman held her down she was beaten about the body by the daughter. They then hauled her upstairs and tied her fast to the door by a rope round her waist, so that she could neither lie down nor sit down. She was kept thus for three days. On the third day she was so feeble that she sank down hanging by the rope round her waist. The children were frightened and called out "Miss Sally! Miss Sally! Nanny does not move." The girl ran up crying that she would soon make her move. Accordingly she beat the poor dead child about the head with the heel of her shoe; but finding that she really did not move, she called her mother.
First they sent the children downstairs; then they took the body into the garret; they left it there for two months; it became then necessary to get it out of the house. The old woman, therefore, carried the body all the way from Bruton Street to Chick Lane, West Smithfield, where there was a gully hole by which the kennel water ran into the Fleet. She intended to throw the body, which she had cut up, through the gully hole, but could not, on account of the grating. She therefore left the remains in the mud before the grating and went home. The body was found one night by the watchman and carried to the workhouse, where the case was put into the hands of the coroner. He supposed that it was a body lately used for dissection by a surgeon, and ordered it to be buried without inquiry. So far, therefore, the murderer seemed safe. Now, although the daughter, was by this time past nineteen years of age, the mother used to beat her as if she had been a child. The daughter, in order to terrify her into milder behaviour, threatened to accuse her mother of murder and to
become evidence against her. This threat rendered their animosities more bitter and their life more miserable.
After some time they took into the house a lodger, one Rooker, a tea dealer. He, observing the daughter was shamefully and cruelly treated, left the house, took another in Hill Street, and carried away the daughter with him, as his mistress or his servant. Probably the former, as she is described as a girl of remarkable personal attractions. They were followed by the old woman, who came every day to abuse Rooker and her daughter, and to create a disturbance. To get her out of the way Rooker took a house in the country but was speedily found out and again assailed by the old woman, who seems to have become mad with ungoverned rage, so that the girl went in terror of her life. At last, thinking that her evidence would be accepted, she communicated to Rooker the whole story of the murder. Rooker wrote down what he had been told, and communicated the facts to the parish of Tottenham High Cross, by which the girl had been put out as apprentice.
The next step was the arrest of the woman and the evidence of two of the girls who had been her apprentices; the daughter was also examined and dismissed. On further evidence, however, she was arrested and taken to the Gatehouse, Westminster. At the trial her mother declared that the girl had had a fit and run away. The daughter related the whole truth, only laying the whole blame upon her mother. The girls, however, showed that she had been as active as her mother in the ill-treatment of the child; finally they were both convicted and sentenced to be hanged.
Even then their hatred towards each other was so great that they had to be separated. The evening before their execution the mother fell into some kind of fit or convulsions, and remained unconscious to the end. The daughter, who was present, took no notice, and continued to talk with a friend who had come to say farewell to her. She continued to the last to declare her innocence.
There are always, in every great town, places by common consent given over to the haunts of criminals. Turnmill Street and the vicinity of Fleet Ditch; the Seven Dials; parts of Westminster; the Mint, Southwark; the eastern side of Tower Hill; have all, in their turn, been notorious as the refuge and residence of criminals. When the executive is strong the herding together of criminals presents the advantage that they can easily be found when they are wanted. The disadvantage is that robberies are concerted and designed with the greater ease when rogues meet together. Among the more notorious of these places in the last century was the tavern called the Red Lion, near Saffron Hill, of which Timbs gives a description which may be quoted as an example of a rogues’ haunt:—
"The most notorious house here was that long known as the Red Lion Tavern; but for the century preceding its destruction in 1844, it had been used as a low lodging-house and was the resort of thieves. It was on the north-west side of the Fleet Ditch, a few houses from Saffron Hill. From its remarkable adaptation as a hiding-place, with its various means of escape, it was a strange place. Its dark closets, trap-floors, sliding panels, and secret recesses, rendered it one of the most secure places for robbery and murder. It was here that a chimney sweep, named Jones, who escaped out of Newgate about three years before the destruction of the house, was so securely hidden for about six weeks, that although it was repeatedly searched by the police, he was never discovered until his hiding-place was divulged by one of its inmates. Jones was concealed by parting off a portion of a cellar with brickwork, well besmeared with soot and dirt, to prevent detection. This cell, or den, was about four feet wide by nine in depth; and Jones had food conveyed to him through a small aperture by a brick or two being left out next to the rafters. Part of a butcher's steel was found here, the handle marked, Benjamin Turle, July 19, 1781. It is said to have belonged to a butcher, a man of bad character, who, about that period, or somewhat later, suffered the last penalty of the law. One room, which was used as a chandler's shop, by way of blind, was provided with a trap-door, through which both thief and booty could immediately be lowered to a cellar beneath, and might thence pass by a plank over Fleet Ditch and gain a refuge in some of the alleys inhabited by other "family people," as they are termed, which communicate with Cow-Cross. It was here that a sailor was robbed, and afterwards flung naked through an aperture in the wall into the Fleet, for which crime two men and a woman were transported. A skull and numerous bones were found in the cellars. The wretched place was said to have been the rendezvous of Jonathan Wild, and often the hiding-place of Jack Sheppard and Jerry Abershaw. Many a foul deed had doubtless been there planned and decided on. On one occasion the police had surrounded the house to take a thief, whom they knew to be there, but he made his escape in their actual presence. Another escape was made by a trap-door beneath a bed. In this house a gang of coiners carried on their nefarious work. There was a private still, communicating with the sewer; and in a garret was a secret door which led to the roof of the next house."
Let us attend a sitting of the Court known as the Old Bailey in the year 1730, or thereabouts. This court is held about eight times a year, so that, at the worst, a prisoner committed by a magistrate cannot have more than six weeks to wait before his case comes on. The jury, before the Court commences, are sworn, one after the other, on the filthy binding of a great leather-cased Bible chained to their box—the leather is black with countless lips. They take their seats and wait the arrival of the judges. The witnesses called for the cases down on the list are standing about the doors waiting to give their evidence; they mostly show that unforgiving face which is to be expected of those who have been robbed, and probably kicked, cuffed, hustled, tied up, and perhaps slashed with knives, while their purses and watches were taken from them. The counsel are fluttering papers and talking to each other; the gallery assigned to the general public is crammed with the people who always attend to hear the capital charges—nearly all the cases are capital—and to gaze upon the prisoner with the curiosity naturally attaching to a man who will before long be sentenced to hanging. How does he take it? Snivelling? Like a man? With a laugh? With a white face and trembling limbs? But so far the dock is empty; it is garnished and decorated with sprigs of rue—not at all in honour of the prisoners, but in order to diminish the danger of gaol fever to the
Court; for the infection of gaol fever is said to be carried about in the clothes, the hair, the very breath of every prisoner brought up from the fetid courts and noisome cells of the prison hard by.
The judges enter in their robes; the Lord Mayor, the aldermen, and the sheriffs, with the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. They take their seats, bowing to the counsel. The clerk calls the name of the first prisoner, who is brought out and placed in the dock. Then the clerk reads the indictment.
In the eighteenth century we are accustomed to see misery and squalor; they assume worse forms and greater contrasts than will be possible later on. Thus, in a time when men went clean shaven, when some wore wigs and some wore their own hair, most carefully tied back and powdered, the poor wretch in the dock appeared with a three weeks' beard growing over chin and lips; his long hair, which should have been light, even yellow, hung over his shoulders in lank locks, matted, uncombed, in rats'-tails, filthy; his face was ghastly white under the dirt which covered most of it; his lips trembled and his teeth chattered; his eyes were unnaturally bright. His frame—a strong and stalwart frame six feet high and three feet broad—shivered and shook; he caught hold of the spikes in front of him for support. He looked round him as one who, in spite of his bright eyes, really heard and understood nothing.
As for his clothes, they consisted of a shirt, or perhaps it was once a jacket, hanging upon him in rags, and a pair of leathern breeches tied with a thong,—nothing else. The man was stricken with an attack of gaol fever, which made him foolish as well as cold; his mind was wandering; he brought into the court with him a most dreadful reek or stench of the place whence he had been taken. It was the feverish breath of the gaol which spoke through him, crying, "This is the air that your prisoners have to breathe. In this they have to live as long as your hangman lets them live. This is the deadly breath of Newgate." As it rolled in invisible waves about the court; as it crept like a November fog from bench to bench and covered, now the barristers, now the clerks, and lastly the bench, everyone in turn shivered and shuddered. Some smelt at bottles containing vinegar; some opened the lid of the pomander containing aromatic herbs; some held a lump of camphor in their hands, which they kept smelling; some crushed sprigs of rue between their fingers. All recognised that reek and stench for the breath of gaol fever—infectious, mortal; the wretch whose life was to be taken away by force of law might console himself with the thought that he would not die unavenged; for the smell of him was charged with pestilence, and those who looked upon him in life to-day might stand beside him in the other world to-morrow, hurried away by the reek of prison.
The rags of the prisoner had been presented to him by the other prisoners; he had no money for garnish, either for turnkeys or prisoners; he was therefore thrust into the very worst part of the prison; he had no money to buy food or drink,
so he was compelled to live on what crumbs came to him from the doles and charities of the prison; he had no bed, no blanket, therefore he lay upon the bare floor; he had no friends outside who could help him—being only a poor forlorn country-bred rogue; the fever had seized him and had most unhappily spared him so far, as if anxious that justice might not be balked of its own, so far as trial at least, and sentence, were concerned. His case attracted no attention, being, indeed, a very common one of highway robbery, and the prisoner did not belong to any of the London gangs, and was in no way distinguished or famous or interesting. Merely a common rogue. He pleaded "Not Guilty." The prisoner was inaudible, in fact he said nothing because he understood nothing. But the turnkey spoke for him. The trial went on. There was no defence. The prisoner seemed to listen stupidly, holding on to the spikes and sometimes reeling for weakness; but he neither heard nor understood; he was quite a common, ignorant man; through the fever and the starvation and misery of prison he had ceased to care for anything; none of the witnesses were cross-examined—how could he examine them? There was no counsel for the defence. Indeed, had there been any counsel, he would not have been allowed to address the jury in defence of the prisoner.
It is hardly credible that this most wonderful disability actually existed, and was only abolished by the Prisoners' Defence Act in the year 1820, within the memory of living men. Sydney Smith it was who first preached against this wicked and cruel law. He pointed out that, while in any court where property was concerned, counsel was heard on both sides, in that court where human life was concerned, counsel were forbidden to speak. He showed how a prisoner, ignorant, unable to speak, unaccustomed to marshal facts, to weigh evidence, or to consider probabilities, was perfectly incapable of defending himself against counsel for the prosecution, whose sole purpose, for his own reputation, was to win the case. Sydney Smith's words were eloquent, but they availed nothing for a time.
In this case the man was wholly inarticulate; he could say nothing; he might have pleaded poverty and destitution and starving children, but the plea would have availed him nothing; he was found guilty; in fact, there was never any doubt about his case at all. The judge put on the black cap. When he came to the words, "That you be hanged by the neck until you are dead—dead—dead"—the turnkey slipped a string over the prisoner's thumb and tightened it, thereby illustrating the meaning of the words, and showing that as he tightened the loop of string over the prisoner's thumb, so should the rope round his neck be tightened at Tyburn Tree.
The prisoner made no sign, shivering and trembling all the time with the fever that consumed him. The judge obeyed the law of the land, but there was another Judge with a more merciful law, who would call that prisoner away by a less shameful death, that very night.
He was succeeded by another fellow—a strapping vigorous young fellow—who
stepped briskly into the dock and brought with him another and a fuller breath of the prison. He was charged with shop-lifting; he had stolen something from a counter, valued at 5s.—a capital offence. However, the jury were unwilling to hang so fine a lad for so small an offence. Therefore, in the teeth of the evidence, they brought in a verdict of "Not Guilty." He stepped down jauntily and made for the door, but the turnkey laid his hands upon him. "Stay," he said, "where are your dues"? "How can I pay your dues? I have no money." "Then you must wait till you can get some. Go back to the prison—pay me my dues. You will stay there till you do." So with a woeful countenance the poor wretch went back to prison. The gates closed upon him; gaol fever very soon carried him off. As for the turnkey, that injured officer never got his dues at all, and the world outside saw no more of that man who was acquitted. I believe that he was in truth a rogue in grain as much as the fellow condemned to die. Yet, being acquitted, surely he ought to have been allowed to go.
This monstrous cruelty was finally stopped by Alderman Brown, Lord Mayor in 1733. His biographer thus relates the Act, which indeed was a notable Act, and worthy of preservation in our records.
"Before we divest him of his office (Lord Mayor, 1733) 'twould be as injurious as anything could be to his memory, not to let him put in his claim, as principal, in an act of mercy, which arose wholly from himself, for which multitudes of miserable wretches have been obliged to him, and have had cause to bless his name, and whilst the state of wickedness in London and Middlesex continues in the like situation it has been in, or is at present, much greater numbers will undoubtedly have reason to bless his name, and remember his conduct upon that account with great thankfulness and gratitude.
This was the well-known regulations of the Sessions house at the Old Bailey, which proceeded from his own just way of thinking and the tender sentiments of a compassionate heart, for the distressed and unhappy. When an accused person was upon trial at the Old Bailey and acquitted, he was obliged to pay the fees of Newgate or to go back for want of money, where many poor souls perished in prison for no other crime perhaps but poverty.
To put a stop to such terrible cruelty, he procured it to be established by order of the Court, an order which, as we are in a Christian country, 'twould be a shame to us, should not prevail all over the kingdom, that when any accused persons were acquitted by their country, they should instantly be discharged in court, without paying any fees upon any account whatever, and it has been strictly adhered to ever since."
CHAPTER III
THE LONDON PRISONS
The condition of the prisons all over Great Britain was proved by Howard to be shameful to the country and incredibly cruel to the prisoners. They lay in noisome cells, on the bare floor, without bedding, without blankets, almost without clothes, without work, without the means of getting work, and almost without food. In some Bridewells (i.e. Houses of Correction) there were no allowances for food at all; in others there were allowances of bread alone, and not too much of that. The prisoners were committed to hard labour, but there was no work for them; there were no materials, no tools, no one to put them to work.
Many of the prisons were infected with smallpox; others had gaol fever always lingering about their foul cells and unventilated wards. Gaol fever, indeed, was no new thing. It hovered about our prisons for many centuries, and was a most terrible scourge. In the year 1414 Newgate was relieved of sixty-four prisoners, its keeper, and many turnkeys, by an outbreak of gaol fever. In 1573-1579 a hundred prisoners died of gaol fever in the King's Bench alone. Lord Bacon says that the "most pernicious infection, next the plague, is the smell of a gaol where the prisoners have been long and nastily kept." In 1750, while the fever was raging in Newgate, some of them being brought out for trial, infected the court, so that the Lord Mayor; one of the aldermen, Sir Thomas Abney; the Chief Justice of Common Pleas; Mr. Brown, clerk; Mr. Cox, under sheriff; many of the counsel, jury, and spectators,—all died of the fever.
Deserters apprehended and afterwards taken to their regiments from prison infected the barracks and killed hundreds; sailors put on board ship from prison communicated the disease to the crew. One of the fleets sent to America at the beginning of the war with the States lost 2000 men from this cause. Yet, in spite of the repeated lessons and warnings, nothing was done to check the evil, until Howard pointed out the gravity of the case.
The extortions to which prisoners were subject will be made apparent later on, when I speak of the Fleet Prison. These extortions were practised universally in every prison in the country; they were perhaps a little more shameless, and a
little more disgraceful in the Fleet than in other prisons. There is, however, one hardship which belongs to a later period. It is this. The Act (32 George II.) for the Relief of Debtors provided that every debtor could obtain from his detaining creditor the sum of 4d. a day. The law was intended benevolently. It is only another of those cases in which there was no provision made for the enforcement of the law. The unfortunate debtor, if he wanted his 4d.—his "groats" they were called—had to sue for it; where could he find the money for lawyers and fees? Howard found in one of his journeys over 600 prisoners for debt, none of whom owed more than £20; not one among them all could get "their groats."
In all England he found no more than twelve debtors who got the money due to them by their detaining creditors. The debtors, therefore, but for the assistance they received from those in the prison who were possessed of some means, and for the alms of charitable persons, would have starved. In Newgate the case was better. There the felons received daily a penny loaf. But what is a "penny" loaf? Howard says that in 1557 a penny loaf weighed 20 oz.; but in 1782 only 9 oz. However, through the help of the penny loaf they were only half starved, not wholly.
In many prisons there was actually no water; the inmates were restricted to any allowance of water that the gaoler chose to make them. In one prison they were allowed three pints a day for drinking and all purposes of washing—whether of floors which never were washed, or of their persons, which were like the floors in that respect, or of their linen, of which most of them had none.
The air in all prisons was close and confined. If one visits Newgate at the present day, it becomes apparent that if the prison was crowded, there would be something of the same closeness of exhausted air that was found a hundred years ago. Not so much, because ventilators have been put up. The walls were high and the space was narrow. The courts were small; the air below remained unchanged. So fetid were those courts when Howard visited the prisons, that on coming out of them he could not bear to sit in a post-chaise with the windows up, and found it necessary to travel on horseback for the better ventilation of his clothes; nay, he says that the very leaves of his memorandum book were often so tainted that he had to lay it before the fire, while the vinegar itself which he carried became intolerably tainted. In a word, the stench of the prison was indescribable, and, at the present day, inconceivable.
Now the prisoners were confined in close cells, breathing this horrible air and that of the narrow courts, all day and all night; in some of these cells the floor was the bare earth, unpaved, and damp; the bedding or the straw had to be laid upon this damp floor. Often the prisoners were kept in their rooms all day, as well as all night, because the wall outside was ruinous, or because there was no court, or because the gaoler wanted the court for himself. There was no allowance made for straw or for bedding. Consequently, unless the keeper provided it at his own expense, the prisoners slept on the floor.
The prisoners were all put together, without the least attempt at separating the debtors from the criminals, the young from the old. The women and the men were together all day, and were only separated at night. In some, the insane were put in the cells with those who were sound of mind. The result of this promiscuous intercourse was the utter ruin of the young. Who could expect a lad or a girl, innocent at first, to herd with habitual criminals of the most depraved kind without themselves becoming depraved?
The demand for "garnish" gave rise to a most extensive system of robbery. "Garnish" was a fee demanded on entrance; if the prisoner had no money, they took some of his clothes. In 1730 four gaolers were found guilty of robbing a certain prisoner under pretence of garnish. To deter others, they were hanged, but it does not seem that they were worse than the rest of their tribe.
The prisoners committed for trial had to walk, sometimes ten or fifteen miles, to the assize town. A gaol delivery occurred generally but once a year. At
Hull it was once in seven years. A certain murderer, named Peacock, was in prison waiting trial for three years. Then the principal witness died and he was released.
Perhaps the most amazing fact is that already noticed, that, even after the prisoner was acquitted, he was detained until he had paid certain fees. The gaoler used to demand his fees; when he was forbidden to detain the prisoner on account of his fees, the Clerks of Assize and the Clerks of Peace continued to be entitled to demand their fees. The following is the table of fees for the Home Circuit (Howard, p. 475):
| Action | Fee |
|-------------------------------|-------|
| Burnt in the hand | 4 8 |
| Whipped | 4 8 |
| Acquitted | 8 4 |
| Discharged by proclamation | 8 4 |
| Recording every felony | 6 4 |
The place of Clerk of Assize was bought sometimes for as much as £2500. Debtors crowded the prisons by bringing in their wives and children, and, in many cases, women who were not their wives. There were sometimes as many as ten or twelve people crowded into one room.
The total number of persons in England and Wales confined in the various prisons in the year 1776 is set down at 4084. For our purpose it is sufficient
to note that there were confined in London, Westminster, and Southwark 228 felons, 194 petty offenders, and 1274 debtors—a total of 1696 out of a population of about 900,000.
In a word, the prison system during the last century was radically inhuman and vicious; the laws made for the benefit of the prisoners were neglected; the prisoners were hardened and instructed and perfected in crime, and their places of confinement were so insanitary that they died like rotten sheep.
Let us now consider Newgate Prison itself, and Bridewell.
Why Newgate was so called, is quite unknown. The old story that it was first opened in the wall to relieve the traffic through Ludgate, is quite easily refuted by considering the nature of the site. Thus, it will be seen that Ludgate opened upon the bed of a broad, tidal stream with a marsh beyond; there could have been no reason at all for constructing a gate at such a point in early times. Ludgate (the "Postern") was not constructed until houses began to be built along the river west of the Fleet. On the other hand, Newgate opens upon a shallow valley, with a stream navigable for barges, yet fordable at low tide, with rising ground in front, and the great Northern road only a mile or so distant along a ridge or upland way.
Every gate was used on occasion as a prison. Newgate, for some reason now unknown, began very early to be used, not occasionally, but always, as a prison. Henry III. ordered the sheriffs of London and Middlesex to keep the prison of Newgate in repair. Whittington left money for repairs so extensive as to mean rebuilding. On this gate was carved a bas relief of his cat—the cat which began his fortune. It was twice repaired before the fire of 1666 destroyed it. It was rebuilt in 1672; the gate was taken down in 1767; the Gordon rioters set fire to the prison in 1780. The present structure, however, had already been commenced, and was finished in 1784.
Of the prison as it stood in 1754, Strype speaks in words of the strongest condemnation. Maitland so far agrees with him, that he copies word for word, and, probably to give greater weight to his opinion, without acknowledgment:
"It is a large prison and made very strong, the better to secure such sort of criminals which too much fill it. It is a dismal place within. The prisoners are sometimes packed so close together, and the air so corrupted by their stench and nastiness, that it occasions a disease called the Jail Distemper, of which they die by dozens, and cartloads of them are carried out and thrown into a pit in the churchyard of Christ's Church, without ceremony; and so infectious is this distemper, that several judges, jurymen, and lawyers, etc., have taken it off the prisoners when they have been brought to the Old Bailey to be tried, and died soon after, of which we have an instance within these seven years. And to this wretched place innocent people are sometimes sent, and loaded with irons before their trial, not to secure them, but to extort money from them by a merciless jailor; for, if they have money to bribe him, they may have the irons as light as they please. The City have been so good lately as to introduce a ventilator on the top of Newgate, to expel the foul air and to introduce fresh, to preserve the prisoners' health, and the prisoners are many of
them kept in distant and more airy prisons, till within a few days before their trials. Sweet herbs, also, are strewed in the court and the passages of it, to prevent infection; and the snuffing up vinegar, it is said, is the most likely way to preserve the healths of those that are obliged to attend such trials."
The regulations of the prison were gradually improved, but there was little attempt made to reform the prisoners or to maintain order. Towards the end of the century there were sometimes as many as 800 prisoners here, of whom a large number were still debtors; among them were more than a hundred women. These, it is true, had their own side, but when Mrs. Fry visited them she found them "swearing, gaming, fighting, singing, dancing, drinking, and dressing up in men's clothes." On the men's side there was no interference to prevent them from gambling and drinking. The Press Yard preserves the memory of the *peine forte et dure* inflicted on prisoners who refused to plead. They refused because they could not be tried without pleading; because they could not therefore be found guilty; therefore their goods could not be confiscated.
In earlier times those who refused to plead were treated as those whom the judgment of God had condemned through an ordeal; they were hanged. They then instituted penance, *i.e.* solitary imprisonment in a cell and starvation.
It is hinted, however, that the keepers sometimes took pity on a prisoner and gave him food, so that a miracle was proclaimed and the happy prisoner, sustained miraculously through a fast of forty days, was released. Some doubt having arisen as to the genuineness of these miracles, the *peine forte et dure* was substituted. In this terrible torture the victim lay on his back, and heavy weights were placed upon his chest until he expired. It is not known how many cases of this punishment took place. One Major Strangeways, early in the last century, chose to die in this way rather than by the gallows, and so saved his fortune for his children.
The pressing of William Spiggot and Thomas Phillips is thus described (*Place Collection*):
"William Spiggot and Thomas Phillips were brought to the Bar to be arraigned, when they both declared they would not plead, till the Court had ordered the horses, furniture, and money and other things (which were taken from them when they were apprehended) to be returned. The Court informed them that what they desired was more than could be granted. But notwithstanding this, the prisoners still refused to plead, and the Court gave orders that the judgment should be read, appointed for such prisoners as shall stand mute, or refuse to plead:—
'That the prisoner shall be sent to the prison from whence he came, and put into a mean room stopped from the light, and shall there be laid on the bare ground, without any litter, straw, or other covering, and without any garment about him, except something to hide his privy members. He shall lie upon his back, his head shall be covered, and his feet shall be bare. One of his arms shall be drawn with a cord to one side of the room, and the other arm to the other side of the room, and his legs shall be served in like manner. Then there shall be laid upon his body as much iron or stone as he can bear or more, and the first day after he shall have three morsels of barley bread, without any drink; and the
second day he shall be allowed to drink as much as he can at three times, of the water that is next the prison door, except running water, without any bread; and this shall be his diet till he dies; and he against whom this judgment shall be given, forfeits his goods to the King.'
This having no effect on the prisoners, the executioner (as is usual in such cases) was ordered to tie their thumbs together, and draw the cord as tight as he was able, which was immediately done, but neither this nor all the admonition of the Court, being sufficient to bring them to plead, they were sentenced to be pressed to death. Pursuant to this judgment they were carried back to Newgate. As soon as they entered the press room, Phillips desired that he might return to the Bar and plead, but Spiggot continued obstinate and was put under the press. He bore 350 pounds weight for half an hour, but then 50 pounds more being added he begged that he might be carried back to plead, which favour was granted him.
While he was lying in the vault upon the bare ground, with 350 pounds upon his breast, the chaplain went and prayed by him and advised him not to hazard his soul by such an obstinate kind of self-murder. But all the answer he made was, "Pray for me, pray for me!" He sometimes lay silent under the pressure as if insensible of pain, and then again would fetch his breath very quick and short. Several times he complained of the cruel weight they had laid upon his face, though it was covered with nothing but a thin cloth, which was afterwards removed and laid more light and hollow, yet he still complained of the prodigious weight upon his face which might be caused by the blood being forced up thither. When he had remained half an hour under this load and 50 pounds more were laid on, being in all 400 pounds weight, he told those that attended him that he would plead. Immediately the weight was at once taken off, the cords cut asunder, and he was raised up by two men, and some brandy was put into his mouth to revive him, and so he was carried to his trial. He was very faint, and almost speechless for two days, and then he seemed to recover strength for a little time, but then he grew worse, and desired to receive the Sacrament as thinking he should not live to execution day. But before that time he again recovered strength. He said that he did not desire to live for he could hardly fetch his breath, and could only be a weak and unhealthy man. He was hanged at Tyburn, 8th February 1720, in the 30th year of his age."
When Howard visited the prison in the year 1782 he found the governor or gaoler no longer dependent on the fees which he could extort from the prisoners. Yet the abominable system of fees had not entirely departed.
| Description | Amount |
|------------------------------|----------|
| Debtors to pay on leaving | 8s. 10d. |
| Felons | 18s. 10d.|
| Misdemeanour or fines | 14s. 10d.|
| Transports | 14s. 10d.|
Besides these fees there was "garnish" for entrance—for debtors, 5s. 6d.; for felons, 2s. 6d.; the gaoler had a licence for beer but not for spirits. These, however, were brought into the gaol freely by friends who came to visit the prisoners. Access to the prison was quite free to the friends of the prisoners, and there was apparently no limit to the amount of drinking, gambling, etc., that went on every day and all day long. There was a small allowance of food—for debtors one penny loaf of bread weighing in 1782 9 oz., and for felons a three-halfpenny loaf. As for the numbers on the 18th of December 1781 there were only three debtors and 291 felons. Why there were so few debtors in that year is not explained; the year after, in 1782, there were 113 debtors. The chaplain read prayers daily with the condemned, held two services on Sunday, and he administered the Sacrament once a month; the surgeon received £100 a year and attended on all the
prisoners. The prison was destroyed by the Gordon rioters in 1780, but it had already been condemned. Of the 291 felons in 1782 66 were women; 100 were transported; 89 were fined; and 21 condemned to death.
There were fifteen condemned cells; they were all vaulted, 9 feet high to the crown, and were 9 feet by 6 in area. The doors were 4 inches thick; the stone walls were lined with planks studded with broad-headed nails; there was a small window high up; a barrack bed formed the greater part of the furniture.
For the debtors there were certain legacies, amounting on the whole to £52:5:8 a year, together with other gifts in food, etc. Under the old system the women's side contained sometimes as many as 100 crowded together in three or four rooms,—many of them young girls, just commencing their career of vice, many old and hardened and ready to corrupt the younger sort. The mixture of young and old was also followed on the men's side. The men's infirmary had only seven bedsteads. These were all occupied, and other sick men lay on the floor naked, in a miserable condition, covered with sores and sheltered from the cold by a single rug. The women's infirmary was only 15½ feet by 12; there
were no bedsteads; there was but one window; four sick women lay on the floor; the sewers were most offensive.
In every prison there was formerly a taproom. When that was taken away from Newgate a public-house outside had the privilege of sending in beer; it sold a butt of beer, and sometimes two, every day to the prison. The gaoler had a fee for every gallon taken in. In 1730 the Ordinary, then the Rev. James Guthrie, relates without comment, and as an occurrence of quite an ordinary character, that he had been to visit a person named John Bennett, twenty-seven years of age, and found him unable to move by reason of a swelling in his legs and feet caused by the irons on his feet and the extreme cold. The man died a day or two afterwards.
Among the bequests to Newgate is a gift of £1:6:5 a year for the bellman or sexton of St. Sepulchre's for pronouncing solemnly two exhortations to the condemned prisoners, the night before their execution and on the day of execution.
The prison is only now used for persons about to be tried, or for persons condemned to capital punishment. It is a place of singular interest to the visitor: he will see the irons with which prisoners were formerly loaded, the condemned cells, the old exercising grounds and yards, the gallows, the instrument in which a man is placed when he is about to be flogged, the way to and from the Old Bailey, which is also the burial place of the poor creatures hanged within and without the prison; their initials alone mark the place where they lie together, murderers all. A dreadful place!
An incident in the history of Newgate occurs under the date of 1726. There were lying in gaol, under sentence of death, certain malefactors, a circumstance that was always happening in Newgate. These men, considering that they had to die, and that they could not get out except for the purpose of being hanged, resolved to keep their turnkeys and warders out. They therefore barricaded the doors, and being provided with arms of some kind, they stood upon their defence. It was a hopeless undertaking, because at the worst their warders could starve them into submission. However, the sheriff was sent for. He addressed the prisoners from the first floor,—the chapel floor,—exhorting them to submission, and then, finding his words produced no effect, he caused them to be fired upon from above. They then submitted. On their way to Tyburn it must have been some consolation to feel that they had done something to mitigate the monotony of prison. Moreover, even if the sheriff had given word to fire upon them—whereby some lay in the fatal cart with bandaged arms and legs—they died revenged, because the breath of the prison went up to him as he stood over them and sent him home with gaol fever, so that he, too, though not by the cart and the gallows tree, was bound for the same bourne as themselves.
There was a more successful mutiny in 1748. Seven prisoners were in Newgate on a charge of smuggling; they were confined in a cell together. One evening, after dark, when the turnkeys opened their door, they all rushed out together, armed with pistols and clubs—where did they get them?—and made for the gate, which they got through, and so out into the street. Five were taken in the adjacent streets, known, one naturally supposes, by their fetters; the other two escaped and—one cannot help expressing some satisfaction—were not caught, though high rewards were offered for their apprehension.
Those who to-day for curiosity visit Newgate and walk about its deserted courts, can with difficulty realise its crowded condition during the whole of the eighteenth century. Thus, for the year 1772 there is given a classified enumeration of the occupants during that one year. They are divided into felons, sheriff's debtors, County Court debtors, and Excise debtors. Felons are subdivided into four classes: those charged with felony and awaiting trial; those already condemned and waiting for the day of execution to be named; and those sentenced to be transported. The list is as follows:
| Category | Number |
|---------------------------|--------|
| Felons | 1475 |
| Sheriff's debtors | 138 |
| County Court debtors | 115 |
| Excise debtors | 7 |
| **Total** | **1735** |
Of this total, thirty-two died in prison during the year and about fifty were hanged.
We have already learned that the number of those actually hanged was by no means the number sentenced to be hanged. The executions had become, shortly before this date, so numerous, that public opinion was awakened. For instance, in 1776 there were 223 persons hanged; the practice of respiting the less hardened criminals began about that time and increased every year; so that sometimes juries would not convict of the lighter charges which carried a capital sentence, and sometimes those who were condemned knew that they would get off.
In 1772 there were tried and sentenced at the Old Bailey as follows:—Sentenced to death 87 (the list, however, is apparently incomplete); sentenced to transportation, 210 (again the list appears incomplete); to be branded 11; to be whipped, a number uncertain.
One of the cases brought into the courts this year was an action against the keeper of a private madhouse for confining two women perfectly sane, brought there by their husbands. This case opens out a field of wickedness which could be carried on almost with perfect safety. In this case, however,
the thing was happily brought home to the keeper, who was fined £50 for each detention.
The old palace of Bridewell—the history of which will be found in another place—formerly consisted of two square courts running back from the bank of the river. After the fire, which destroyed the two courts, Bridewell was rebuilt but not on the same foundations. The new Bridewell was completed in the year 1668, partly as a school for trades to which poor boys were apprenticed, and partly as a prison for vagrants, masterless men, prostitutes, and disorderly persons of all kinds. Bethlehem and Bridewell were under the same Board of Governors.
The second Bridewell consisted of one large quadrangle, one side of which was occupied by the hall; another side by the chapel and offices; and the third and fourth side, by the prison. When the City prison of Holloway was completed, Bridewell ceased to be a House of Correction, and the prison was cleared away. All that now remains is a part of the hall, a very fine room, and a part of the Governor's house. There are cells beneath in which are imprisoned from time to time refractory apprentices. So few trades in London now take apprentices that these young prisoners are generally printers. The School of Arts and Trades was removed by the governors to the back of the New Bethlehem. Here 200 poor boys and girls are still taught useful callings. In 1750 the hospital was used as a place "where all strumpets, night walkers, pickpockets, vagrants, and idle persons that are taken up for their ill tricks, as also incorrigible and disobedient servants, are committed by the Mayor and aldermen, and being so committed, are forced to beat hemp in public view with due correction of whipping according to their offence for such a time as the president and court shall see cause."
Earlier in the century the flogging of the women in Bridewell was one of the sights of London to which anyone could go. The alderman present held a hammer in his hand and the flogging was continued until the hammer fell. "Knock, good Sir Robert, knock," cried the wretched woman.
The School of Arts and Trades taught poor boys the making of gloves, the dressing of flax, weaving, and other trades. After they had served their apprenticeship they received £10 each to enable them to start in the world. These lads were known in the City by their dress of blue doublets and breeches. As regards the prisoners it was long a reproach to the City that no woman was brought to this place except those who could not afford to bribe the watchmen; they were therefore only the lowest, poorest, and most wretched, but by no means the most vicious or the most mischievous. Pennant thus speaks of the place:
"The first time I visited the place, there was not a single male prisoner, and about twenty female. They were confined on a ground-floor, and employed in beating of hemp. When the door was opened by
BEATING HEMP IN BRIDEWELL PRISON
From Hogarth's engraving, "Scene in Bridewell" (The Harlot's Progress)
the keeper they ran towards it like so many hounds in kennel, and presented a most moving sight; about twenty young creatures, the eldest not exceeding sixteen, many of them with angelic faces, divested of every angelic expression, and featured with impudence, impenitency, and profligacy; and cloathed in the silken tatters of squalid finery.”
The Women’s Ward, larger than the men’s, contained a day-room on the ground floor apart from the day-room of the men. In Hogarth’s picture the men and women are beating hemp in the same room. The women had two night-rooms above their day-room. There was an infirmary in the prison, and the room was provided with a ventilator. The fault of the prison was that the inmates were never let out into the open air, which made them unhealthy and the rooms offensive. Apart from the flogging, the treatment of the prisoners was far more humane than at other prisons. They worked from eight till four in winter and from six to six in summer. On four days in the week they were allowed a penny loaf, ten ounces of dressed beef without bone, broth, and three pints of beer. On the other days, a penny loaf (8½ ounces, 1783), four ounces of cheese, a pint of milk pottage, and three pints of beer. The rations were served at twelve o’clock. All the night-rooms were supplied with rye straw; in winter, the women, not the men, were allowed some firing.
Bridewell also performed a more pleasing function in relieving the distressed by charitable gifts. In this work, however, it was found necessary to proceed with caution, as the knowledge of such doles brought vagrants to London.
The “Bridewell Boys,” already spoken of, sometimes gave trouble. They had the privilege of going to fires in order to help with the buckets and to work the Bridewell engine. They behaved with so much disorder at the fairs of Bartholomew and Southwark, that the governors in 1755 took up the matter seriously. The boys were deprived of their uniform, put more closely to work under trade masters, kept within the hospital, and in other ways curtailed in their privileges.
CHAPTER IV
THE MARCH TO TYBURN
When sentence of death was passed, the unfortunate man was taken back to prison, where he lay with the others, sentenced or waiting for trial, until the day appointed for his execution. There were long delays between sentence and execution; there were frequent respites; the uncertainty of a capital sentence caused the thing itself to lose most of its terrors. The condemned prisoners were not till late in the century separated from the rest; their friends could visit them as much as they pleased. They were, of course, heavily fettered with irons, which can still be seen in Newgate.
Here is a fact which proves the incredible licence allowed to condemned criminals. It was in the year 1746. One Henry Simms, a notorious thief, was committed for trial, tried, and sentenced to death. We are told that "he behaved very undauntedly, especially before he was certain of death. He quarrelled with Mary Allen, another convict, and beat her very much." So that a woman condemned to death was allowed on the same side as the men condemned to death; and the discipline of the prison was such that one convict was allowed to beat "very much" another convict—and a woman!
The service in chapel, the day before the execution, was the last occasion but one of exhibiting their courage and their carelessness. They sat in the condemned pew, round the coffin in the middle, with a show of recklessness. They were encouraged by the other prisoners who sat in two galleries, the men in one and the women in the other, opposite to each other. These prisoners, not yet sentenced, called upon them to hold up their heads and kick off their shoes at the gallows—a thing which was actually done when the cart moved away and the hanging began.
They were allowed what they chose to pay for. Jonathan Wild, for instance, the night before the execution, offers the Ordinary a bottle of wine when he expected a bowl of punch. Visitors were allowed into the Yard where the prisoners took their exercise; ladies of fashion crowded to see a famous highwayman; artists came to paint their portraits; the prisoners dressed themselves
as finely as they could, sometimes in silk with powdered wigs and rings. There was so much curiosity, bustle, admiration, pity, encouragement from the visitors, that the gallant robber's head was turned with vanity, and he marched out of Newgate, when his hour arrived, with all the glory of a conquering hero.
At one o'clock on Sunday, chapel over, the friends of those about to die were allowed to see them for the last time. They brought with them the materials for making a decent and a creditable show—there seems to have been as little feeling of shame among the family of the hanged man as there was of pity among the spectators. The last gifts consisted—it was the right thing in all such cases—of a white cap with black ribbons, a prayer-book, a nosegay to stick in his waistcoat, and an orange to hold in his hand. Why an orange I know not, but it doubtless had some symbolical meaning.
On Sunday night the sexton, or beadle, of St. Sepulchre's church stood in the street or in the gateway of the prison, and read or spoke the following exhortation in hearing of the prisoners:
"You prisoners within, who for your wickedness and sin, after many mercies showed you, are now appointed to be executed to death to-morrow in the forenoon. Give ear and understand, that to-morrow morning the great bell of St. Sepulchre's parish shall toll for you from six till ten, in order and manner of a passing-bell, which used to be tolled for those which lie at the point of death, to the end that all godly people hearing that bell, and knowing it is for you going to your deaths, may be stirred up to hearty prayer to God to bestow His grace and mercy upon you, whilst you yet live. Seeing the prayers of others will do you no good, unless you turn to God, in true sorrow for your sins, and pray with them for yourselves also, I beseech you all, and every one of you, for Jesus Christ's sake, to keep this night in watching and hearty prayer to God for the salvation of your own souls, whilst there is yet time and place for mercy, as knowing that to-morrow you must appear before the judgment-seat of your Creator, there to give an account of all things done in this life, and to suffer eternal torment for your sins committed against Him, unless upon your hearty and unfeigned repentance you obtain mercy, through the merits and death and passion of Jesus Christ, your only Mediator and Redeemer, who came into the world to save sinners, and now sits at the right hand of God to make intercession for you, if you penitently return to Him. So, Lord have mercy upon you, Lord have mercy upon you all."
On the Monday morning the prisoners were all brought out into the room adjoining the gate. Here, one after the other, their irons were knocked off, the rope placed round their necks, and their elbows pinioned, leaving the hands free. Meanwhile the chaplain went about from one to the other exhorting them to repentance. Most of them scoffed openly; some "snivelled," as it was delicately put—one hopes that such poor-spirited creatures were few in number; the sheriffs, with a large number of visitors, looked on—it seems as if anybody could go in by "tipping" a turnkey. The prisoners, when all were ready, were then led out and placed in the cart or carts, the Ordinary going with them.
The procession consisted of the sheriffs, in a carriage, or perhaps a deputy sheriff, who led the way. He was followed by the cart or carts in which the
criminals sat beside their coffins; with them sat the chaplain, exhorting. When, as generally happened, there were many persons taken out for execution, the chaplain either went in the sheriff's carriage or chose one of the carts. I quote the following from the *Place Collection*:
"It required some address in Mr. Akerman, or the master of the ceremonies, to place his departing customers in the cart in due order of precedence. An highwayman formerly was entitled to the pre-eminent seat; but robbers of the mail now enjoy that distinction. The difficulty of regulating these points is when both sorts of culprits are travelling to Tyburn. I remember having seen two gentlemen taking their last journey on this road in a two-wheeled vehicle hung with solemn sable, who quarrelled as they went along on the question of precedence."
Outside, on the steps of St. Sepulchre's, the friends of the *morituri* waited with nosegays to stick in their waistcoats. Here, too, the sexton, or beadle, pronounced another exhortation to the prisoners:
"All good people, pray heartily to God for these poor sinners going to their deaths, and for whom this great bell doth toll; and you that are condemned to die, repent yourselves with lamentable tears, and ask mercy of the Lord for the salvation of your own souls, through the mercies, death, and passion of Jesus Christ, your only Mediator and Redeemer, who came into the world to save sinners, and now sits at the right hand of God to make intercession for you, if you heartily return to Him. So, Lord have mercy upon you, Lord have mercy upon you all."
A number of constables walked beside the carts or rode after them. The journey lasted over half an hour; during the whole way the road was lined with a crowd of all the scum and riff-raff of London. There were barrows or stands where gin was dispensed at the cheap rates of which we have heard; there were stalls for gingerbread, nuts, and apples; there were ballad-mongers bawling the latest song on the most interesting of the criminals; there were boys crying the last dying speech and confession; the following is also from the *Place Collection*:
"Formerly every ragged man, woman, and child bawled dying speeches about the streets. Some blew horns during the morning, and indeed till the middle of the afternoon. They all used the same words and the same tone in chanting them; they were the following:—'Here's all the right and true last dying speech and confession, birth, parentage, and education, life, character, and behaviour of the three or six or ten unfortunate malefactors who were executed this morning at Tyburn' or, 'this morning opposite the Debtors' door in the Old Bailey.'
Frequently—'also a copy of the letter which the noted ——— sent to his sweetheart or wife—the night before his execution.'
These speeches were printed before the execution took place, and were cried in distant parts of the town before the criminals were actually executed. The sale of speeches, at a halfpenny each, must have been very great, for the number of those who hawked them about was enormous; no one can form a conception either of their number or the discordant chant and noise they made. Their number was indeed so great that, in going along the streets, there was no cessation, no interval when the ear was relieved from the sound of their voices."
The IDLE PRENTICE Executed at Tyburn.
From Hogarth's engraving, "The Idle Prentice Executed at Tyburn." (Industry and Idleness).
There were fellows fighting in extemporised rings and women applauding; and when the carts passed with the crowd of young fellows following and shouting, the spectators applauded or hissed, loudly praised or loudly cursed, the principal actor in the scene. He was generally a highwayman, young of course, sometimes a handsome ruffian with an impudent swagger and a very fair assumption of recklessness. With his elbows tied fast it was difficult for the most interesting highwayman to be perfectly easy; still, he could hold the prayer-book in his hand with a negligent grace which showed that he had no connection with the snivellers beside him; he could shake hands with the lads who shouted and ran beside the cart; he could bow gracefully to the ladies; while the black strings of his cap were like the pirate's flag of defiance.
Beside him, in the same cart, perhaps, sat a young girl on her coffin; she was bent and crouched down; in her arms she clasped a baby. Alas! Alas! it was for her baby's sake that she became a shoplifter; and now her baby would be given over to the cold mercies of the parish; she felt no shame; she was thinking of her baby. "Repent, woman!" cried the Ordinary, "repent while there is still time left!" She could not repent; she was thinking of her baby, not of her soul; she was thinking of her baby, not of the fearful wrench from life that awaited her at the end of this dreadful journey; it was with a shriek of agony unspeakable that she suffered her child to be taken from her; it was an insensible form that hung from the rope when the cart moved slowly away.
Who were the others in the cart? None that the crowd cared about. The forger had been a respectable tradesman; his face was white; he could not pray for the misery of the thing; he could not pray for thinking of the folly and madness of it. The young fellow who tried to laugh was a convict returned before his time; the others were murderers, footpads, and common thieves.
When they arrived at the gallows, which stood opposite the Marble Arch, the crowd was dense; stands were erected as at Epsom races; there was more drinking of gin, more fighting, more bawling of ballads. The cart drew up under the gallows; the caps were pulled down; the highwayman kept the smile upon his lovely face to the end, yet, I think that when the cap was down, he smiled no longer; the ropes were adjusted; and the cart moved slowly away, leaving them, without a drop, to dangle and be slowly choked. The highwayman, game to the last, kicked off his shoes. Thus every great man should die.
Then friends of the wretches made haste to hang on by the legs so as to bring their sufferings to a speedy end. Women in black moved about to claim as near relations the bodies of those who had no friends; they were resurrection women, who carried off the bodies to the dissection rooms.
It was considered that a man might hang for twenty minutes or half an hour before he died. His friends could have the body if they pleased at the
expiration of one hour. But many of the gallows birds found their way to the surgeons.
Here is a contemporary account:
"With much difficulty I forc'd my way up the Stone Stairs which lead to the Hall, where these unhappy Travellers have their St. Pulchre's Boots, as they are call'd, taken off before they set out upon their journey. I had here no sooner recover'd the use of my Arms and Hands, but found myself in the state of a stript Bankrupt, before the Commissioners in the Irish Chamber; my Watch, Keys and Tobacco Box. Having made the tour of my Pockets, however, finding Means to pacify and pass the Cerberus, posted at the great Iron Door, I was no sooner enter'd but fancy'd myself at a Tennis Court or the Tilt-Yard Guard-room, from the delightful Conversation that pass'd between the good Company, waiting to see the Ceremony of the Investiture of the Halter.
A Turnkey kept jostling me to take notice of the Behaviour of a little rough-fac'd Sailor, with a speckled Handkerchief, hanging down to the Knees of his Breeches. That Man, said he, will turn out the Hero of the Tree, and do Honour to our Execution; observe how negligently he palms his Prayer-Book, how disdainfully he treats the Exhortation, how steadfast are his Eyes on his Mawks, and how regardless of the Minister. Ah! adds he with a deep sigh, what a fine thing it is to die well, and what would I not give to be certain of making so good an End.
A Butcher, who seem'd to be as busy about the Place, as a Bailiff at a Horse-Race, or an Adjutant at an Exercise, threw himself into the most violent Agony I ever beheld a Man, to find that his dear Friend Joe, who was going to suffer for about a score of Robberies on the Highway, should, after all his boasted Courage, snivel to the Ordinary, and die a Dunghill at last.
A Fellow of a genteel Deportment, who was most deplor'd by the better sort of the Spectators, complained grievously of the Verdict that had pass'd against him, saying, that had it been given for £40,000 instead of 40s., in the room of passing in a dirty Vehicle to Tyburn, he had been flying in his Coach and Six to Bath or Tunbridge to receive the Compliments of the Beau Monde.
But a Youth that had receiv'd the Benefit of some School-Learning, appear'd to be under a deep Melancholly, because, as he said, he apprehended their Sufferings were not to terminate with the Execution; and when he express'd himself in this Manner, I observ'd his Eyes were pretty earnestly fix'd upon the Writer of the Dying-Speech Paper.
Two Street-Robbers received much comfort, in the Assurances given them, by one of their Doxys, that she had engaged a sufficient Number of her Friends from the third Regiment, to secure their Carcases from being Atomis'd.
A Printer's Boy was grovelling behind me, and muttering out, that the Men stood still for Copy; upon which I perceived a slender Gentleman address himself to
one of the Criminals in a low tone to the Effect, That he would tip him as handsome a Coffin, as a Man need desire if he would come down but half-a-dozen more Pages of Confession. The Prisoner mighty elate at the Proposal, answered with an audible Voice, Sir, strike me as stiff as an Alderman's Wife in a Church Pew, if I don't oblige you.
On a sudden, a Fellow like a Prize-fighter, proclaim'd with a bloody Oath, that a Reprieve and free Pardon for one of the Prisoners was just arriv'd. In an Instant a Spirit of Joy and Geneva diffused itself over the Place; but a Serjeant of the Foot Guards appear'd to be under great Anxiety, saying it was little matter of Joy to him, in that his Kinsman had discover'd such a pusillanimous Behaviour under his Condemnation, as had already render'd him the Jest of all the Geneva Shops in St. Giles's, and that he would never be able to shew his Head again, on the Parade or at Stokes's Amphitheatre: What, says he, to refuse a Dram for the sake of Drelincourt, and sink an Oath to oblige the Ordinary! He was going on in this manner, when a Smithfield Horse-Courser interfer'd in behalf of the Delinquent, and said, he could no longer bear to hear poor Jemmy abus'd in such a manner; and offer'd to rap an Affidavit, that being one day in the Cells with him, he actually heard him outwear a Captain of a Fourth-Rate Man of War, or a Company of drunken Bailiffs in a Tavern Kitchen. This was acknowledg'd by one of the Myrmidons, or Runners of the Jail to be true; but then indeed, the Man cou'dn't deny but that it was a full Fortnight before the Dead Warrant came down. Next, a Brandy Smuggler, a good sort of a Man, used his kind Offices for composing the Difference, and reconciling the Relations to one another; he own'd Jemmy had been highly to blame, in bringing a Slur upon himself and Family, by his timorous Conduct, but hoped that as he had now seen his Error, he would neither want Sense nor Leisure, to Repent of his Repentance.
Two elderly Women decently dress'd in Black Crape, with their Faces veil'd over like a Woman of Quality, when she drives by the Door of her Mercer, were curs'd like a Box and Dice at a Hazard Table, as they pass'd down the Stairs, by a Surgeon; who withal said, they had lain as long in Bed as a Welch Dean and Chapter, so that there was hardly a possibility of their getting time enough to the Gallows to do their Duty. A pretty corpulant Man that stood near me, whose Plate Button Coat denoted him the Master of some publick House, was so kind as to inform me that these Gentlewomen were the Agents of the Surgeons, who gave them pretty good wages, for personating the Parents of the dying Malefactors; for which purpose they attended in Hackney Coaches, as constantly at every Execution, as Rain at a Review, or Ladies at a Rape-Trial, and seldom fail'd to bring off a Brace or two of Bodies, for the use of their Masters the Gentlemen of the Faculty; while the real Mothers, who have waited near the Tree, with scarce any Cloaths at all on their Backs, have not only had the mortification to see the Remains of their
unhappy Children carried off in Triumph for Dissection, but also run a risque of being massacred by the Mob, on a false Suspicion of their being in the Interest and Pay of the Surgeons.
At last out set the Criminals, and with them a Torrent of Mob, bursting through the Gate, like a West Country Barge with a Flash of Thames Water at her Tail. Thousands are pressing to mind the Looks of them. Their quondam Companions more eager than others, break through all Obstacles to take Leave; And here you see young Villains, that are proud of being so (if they know any of them) tear the Cloaths off their Backs by squeezing and creeping thro' the Legs of Men and Horses to shake Hands with them; and not to lose before so much Company the Reputation there is, in having had so valuable an Acquaintance. All the way from Newgate to Tyburn, is one continu'd Fair. Here the most abandoned Rascals may light on Women as shameless. Here Trollops all in Rags may pick up Sweethearts of the same politeness; where the Croud is the least, which among the Itinerants is nowhere very thin, the Rabble is the rudest; and here, jostling one another, and kicking Dirt about, are the most innocent Pastimes. Now you see a Fellow, without Provocation, push his companion in the Kennel, and two Minutes after, the Sufferer trip up the other's Heels, and the first Aggressor lies rolling in the more solid Mire. No modern Mob can long subsist, without their darling Cordial the grand Preservative of Sloth, Geneva. The Traders who vend it among them, on these Occasions, are commonly the very Rubbish of the Creation, the worst of both Sexes, but most of them Weather-beaten Fellows, that had misspent their Youth. Here stands an old Sloven in a Wig actually putrify'd, squeezed up in a Corner, recommends a Dram of it to the Goers-by. There another in Rags, as rusty as a Nonjuring Clergyman's Cassock; with several Bottles in a Basket, stirs about with it, where the Throng is the thinnest, and tears his Throat like a Flounder Fellow, with crying his Commodity; and further off you may see the Head of a Third, who has ventur'd in the middle of the Current, and minds his Business as he is fluctuating in the irregular Stream. Whilst higher up, an old decrepid Woman sits dreaming with it on a Bulk, and over-against her in a Soldier's Coat, her termagant Daughter sells the Sots Comfort with great dispatch. It is incredible what a Scene of Confusion, all this often makes, which yet grows worse near the Gallows; and the violent Efforts of the most sturdy and resolute of the Mob on one side, and the potent Endeavours of rugged Sheriffs Officers, Constables, and Headboroughs, to beat them off on the other; the terrible Blows that are struck, the Heads that are broke, the Pieces of swinging Sticks and Blood that fly about, the Men that are knock'd down and trampled upon, are beyond Imagination. After all, the Ordinary and Executioner having perform'd their different Duties, with small Ceremony and equal Concern, seem to be tired, and glad it is over." (A Trip through the Town, pp. 26-31.)
The following is an account of a State Execution, but not of a noble lord. The writer early in the morning found a young woman beside Rosamund's Pond about to drown herself, because her husband was to be shot that morning for fighting under the enemy's flag. The writer did his best to dissuade her:
"Thus we chatted till about eight o'clock, when I perceived a great Party of the Guards, under Arms, moving slowly towards us. I requested to know where I could see her again; 'To oblige you, Sir,' answered she, 'you may see me Tomorrow morning at Islington Church.' By this time she plainly saw the Guards, followed by a prodigious Croud of People; then her Outcries and Lamentations were affecting beyond Expression, frequently saying, 'My dear, dear William is the Occasion of that Croud, they are now going to tear him from me for ever.' She instantly ran to them, and I kept as close to her as possible till we came up to the Croud.
To give you a Description of this melancholy Sight, the Guards were taking five Prisoners to Execution to Hyde-Park to be shot, who were dressed in white and attended by Chaplains, unbraced, and Mourning Drums dismally beating; Sadness appeared in every Part of this Scene; not all the Pageantry used at great Funerals can for Sorrow equal this, where unfortunate Men behold their own Obsequies; they moved a slow and solemn Pace, when my Morning Acquaintance threw herself at the Feet of her beloved William, and distractedly cried, 'William, my Dear, my Husband, where are you going? they are leading you to Destruction; you shall not go with them; sure they do not mean to shoot my William. The King has not such a Man in his Army.' The Guards halted a little, William had a fine Person; he stoop'd and kiss'd his Wife, who was still at his Feet, and desired her to bear all with Patience. They were ordered to march; he bade her adieu, and she was gently taken away, piercing the Hearts of her Hearers with her Cries, saying, 'William! William! are you going to leave me?' and then made an outcry of 'Murder! Murder!' these were the last Words I ever heard her speak.
I walked with the Guards to the fatal spot, which was close to Hyde-Park Wall; there were five Graves and five Coffins ready prepared; they were to be shot at the End of their Graves. The five who were to suffer spoke above twenty Minutes to different Persons; after they prayed half an Hour they were put on their Knees, and their Caps drawn down on their Faces; the youngest Men were draughted out of the Party of the Guards who came with them, for the Execution; they had Orders to proceed by a Signal, which was a white Handkerchief tied to a Halbert: the first Motion of it in the Air was for them to make ready, the second to present, and the third to fire. The Prisoners prayed with great Fervency in this Situation, till they heard the well-known noise of Soldiers, within four Yards of them, preparing to fire; all in the Assembly round them were as silent as the Dead; then, I believe, they could be heard as far as ever human Voices were, invoking God for
Mercy, till the last fatal Signal was given, the hasty Forerunner of ending their Miseries in this Life: Their Faces and Breasts were all tore to Pieces by the Balls, and all dead before they fell.
What makes me so particular about this Execution, is, because they were the first who suffered this way on account of the Rebellion.
Next morning I went to Islington Church, to meet poor William's Wife, according to her Promise to me; I walked a considerable Time in and about the Church-yard, but could not see her; I perceived greater numbers going more hastily into this Church than common, which roused my Curiosity, and made me also go in; there, in a Shell (a Thing made like a Coffin, but larger, kept on purpose for sudden Deaths) did I see the Corps of the unfortunate but constant Wife of William, who, two Hours before, had been taken out of the New River."
The horrible procession to Tyburn was abolished in the year 1783, after which, until execution began to be conducted within the walls, capital sentences were carried out in front of Newgate.
There were other places occasionally used for execution. That most in use after Tyburn was Kennington Common, then a neglected waste, now a pretty little park. Among others executed there were two wretched youths named Salmon and Mills in 1739. They had robbed a man named Harvey on the high road, taking from him a handkerchief and a few trifles worth altogether a few shillings. The robbery and the sentence present nothing remarkable, except that the man Harvey was allowed to ride after the cart, jeering and insulting the unfortunate criminals on their way to execution.
Of state executions the eighteenth century saw happily but few, though there were two revolutions, and materials enough for hundreds of executions had Henry VIII. been on the throne. The only persons who were beheaded on Tower Hill were Lords Derwentwater and Kenmuir after the '15 rebellion; Lords Kilmarnock and Balmerino, on the 8th of August 1746; Charles Ratcliffe, brother to Lord Derwentwater, on the 8th of December 1746; and Lord Lovat on the 9th of April 1747. These executions belong to the history of the country. Of crimes the century possesses a long and interesting roll, most of which are very well known. The case of Lord Ferrers is the most celebrated; the others may be left to the Newgate Calendar.
Here is an episode of the war. One Thomas Rounce, able seaman, was found on the capture of a Spanish privateer, with the crew, fighting against his own countrymen. The particulars of the case are not given, nor those of his trial. All we can see is the end of this traitor; an end carefully prepared for the edification of that quarter where sailors mostly resided. It was, in fact, a show designed to emphasise both the enormity of the crime and the horror of the punishment, a sight of which the London mob had not enjoyed for more
than thirty years. The criminal was placed on a hurdle and dragged by four horses adorned with ribbons, showing the triumph of Justice and the gladsome gratitude of Man. One of the sheriff's officers marched in front carrying a silver oar. Behind him, also on the hurdle, sat Jack Ketch, dressed in a white frock, with a knife and steel by his side, as the Butcher of the Law, and a drawn scimitar in his hand. The wretched man was hung for fifteen minutes—ten minutes less than were commonly thought necessary to destroy life—he was then cut down; and with one or two excepted details, was treated after the manner of Henry the Eighth's favourite medicine for traitors.
I am indebted to Mr. Austin Dobson's charming *Eighteenth Century Vignettes* for the meaning of the tall lean figure with the lank hair who sits in the cart with the condemned criminal, exhorting him to repentance, while the chaplain lolls in his carriage prepared to read the funeral service at the gallows. The lank hair denotes the dissenting preacher; the figure, as is always the case with Hogarth, is a portrait; the man was Silas Todd, formerly a sailor. He occupied himself for many years with attending the malefactors of Newgate; he prayed with them and exhorted them in prison; he climbed into the cart and went with them to Tyburn. Among others, he took care of the dreadful Elizabeth Brownrigg, whom he led contrite and penitent to the gallows. Nor did he confine himself to Newgate; he visited all the London prisons and all the workhouses. This remarkable man died in 1778. John Wesley's *Journal* laments his departure—
"I buried what was mortal of honest Silas Todd. For many years he attended the malefactors in Newgate, without fee or reward; and, I suppose, no man for this hundred years has been so successful in that melancholy office. God had given him peculiar talents for it; and he had amazing success therein. The greatest part of those whom he attended died in peace, and many of them in the triumph of faith."
In 1784 an event of the very greatest importance to the morals of London took place, when, for the first time was held outside Newgate, instead of Tyburn, an execution. There was a vast crowd, of course; instead of the cart and the coffin and the chaplain rolling about along the uneven road, the astonished crowd beheld a quiet and solemn procession, consisting of the chaplain reading the funeral service, followed by the criminals, pale and serious,—there was no orange in one hand and prayer-book in the other; there was no kicking off of shoes as the cart went off; there was no cart; awestruck, the crowd looked on; nor was it till the wretched man was swinging that the crowd recovered its ribaldry. And, for the first time, the people went home with a shudder. An execution, of which the crowd saw, so to speak, no more than the end, leaving the rest mysterious, was no longer a thing to laugh at.
Seventy years later it was wisely determined to make even the end itself mysterious. The people now, who only know of an execution from the papers, have ceased altogether to regard the hanging of a man as otherwise than horrible, terrible, awful. Therefore the crime which led up to this awful punishment is itself horrible and terrible. The lesson taught by the unseen and the mysterious, is deeper than that which was taught by the open and public exhibition of a gallows and a doing unto death.
There were, of course, other punishments besides that of hanging. There was transportation for a term of years, or for life, with execution if the convict returned before his time. There was pillory; there was imprisonment; there was branding with a hot iron; there was flogging; in the case of women there was even burning alive.
The method of procedure with the convicts lying for transportation before the American War, was as follows:—They were handed over to a contractor who was under obligation to produce vouchers for their safe arrival in certain colonies of North America—the Carolinas, Maryland, Virginia—and for their sale to the planters for the whole time of their transportation, which was seven years, fourteen years, or for life. The contractor received £5 a head for their passage and their food, while at sea. Their diet was strictly prescribed. So far, the Government showed humanity, in the interests of the unfortunate convicts. It cannot be called luxurious, but it can be proved that those convicts who happened to have friends, or money, or the command of money, could procure additions and improvements. The convicts were divided into messes of six each: for every mess was provided every day 4 lbs. of bread; 3 lbs. of pork on Sunday, and 4 lbs. of beef on Thursday; 3 lbs. of peas were served Sunday and Thursday; on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday, 2 lbs. of oatmeal and $1\frac{1}{2}$ lb. of molasses; 1 lb. of cheese was served out on four days in the week; and on Saturday there was allowed, for each mess, 2 gills of gin. Of cocoa, coffee, tea, or beer, there is no mention whatever.
On their arrival in Virginia they were taken to some public place and put up for sale, exactly like the negroes, generally realising at the rate of £2:1s. each, and $1\frac{1}{2}$ lb. of tobacco. Their work in the fields was neither better nor worse than that of the black slaves; they were under the lash; they were scantily fed and roughly housed; those of them who could escape, did so, at the risk of being executed for returning before their time. I have no means of learning—Defoe, of course, only speaks at second hand—how they fared; whether the work proved healthy or not; whether they worked well or ill; whether they settled down and became the ancestors of many Virginians of the present day. We may form our own conclusions, however, from what knowledge of the convicts we do possess. First, it is certain that there were very few white
women, and that white women of any social consideration would not marry the convicts; next, there were thousands continually escaping and getting back to London; thirdly, their sentences were for seven or for fourteen years; fourthly, they were a wretched lot at all times, their constitutions ruined with drink and disease. The open-air life may have restored them to strength, but we must remember that they were mostly the scum of the London streets; men and women who had never learned a trade; that they could not use their hands; that they had never been accustomed to work and could not work; that they were mostly like those brute beasts and wild creatures who find their food day by day by prey and violence; and that for months before they were placed on board ship they had been confined in a fetid crowded prison, their vital powers lowered by bad food, bad drink, bad air, and no exercise.
It is certain, from these considerations alone, that they went on board the convict ship in a condition most unfit for a rough voyage or for work in the fields. I have before me the lists of three ships belonging to 1740 or 1741 which took out convicts. On board one of them were placed 153 convicts; the voyage to America generally lasted two months or thereabouts; during this short voyage 61 out of the 153 died, and 8 were landed sick; the remaining 84 were put up for sale. One would like a picture of this auction; one would like to see the poor wretches, ragged, filthy, cowed, cowering together, fetid and foul and dangerous with the gaol fever they took on board with them.
On the second ship 108 were put on board; of these 37 died on the voyage.
On the third ship 50 were put on board; and 15 died on the voyage.
We have seen what their diet was,—low, but sufficient; it was not to the contractors’ interest that they should die, but quite the reverse. The normal condition of the average convict was pretty clearly shown when the hulks were established. Most of them, it was found, had never done any work in their lives. In fact, they could not do any work.
We have, I have said, very little information as to the history of the convicts of Virginia. We do not know how many of them wasted away and died under the hot sun and the hard work and the lash of the driver. One can only hope, that as they were clearly unfit for work in the sun, they were spared the lash that was so liberally bestowed upon their negro comrades.
In the year 1776 a new mode of punishment was devised and attempted. The country, and especially the City, was greatly distressed and alarmed at the increase of robberies, and acts of violence; and this in spite of the wholesale executions and the cruel floggings. Mere imprisonment, it was understood, was useless as a preventive or a deterrent; moreover, it was costly. It was thought that some new
mode of punishment should be attempted which would at once frighten and deter criminals and utilise their time and labour for the public benefit.
Transportation to the American Colonies had been stopped by the War of Independence. It was then proposed that the convicts should be neither flogged nor imprisoned, but should be set to hard labour on the hulks. A vessel was fitted for the purpose, with sleeping accommodation for the convicts and their guards; the men were dressed in a coarse and squalid uniform; they were fed on coarse food. They were not allowed to receive any visits or any gifts. The work they were set to do was dredging—hard, laborious, ungrateful kind of work. In this employment the convicts of the hulks continued for a great many years.
The convicts were at first astonished at the prospect before them. Imprisonment had always been a time of idleness; a time of purposeless waiting in the yard of Newgate—until the procession to Tyburn or the release. Now they were called upon to work. At first they could not understand that henceforth imprisonment was actually intended to mean being chained to another man and to work under penalty of the lash at the most monotonous and most disagreeable job that could be found for them. They could not work; their muscles were flabby; the spade was too heavy for them; they could not lift a spadeful of earth; they laid down the instrument and refused to work. They were stripped, tied up, and lashed into obedience. They ran away; they were caught and lashed again into terrified submission; they rose on their keepers and killed one or two, and were hanged. Those who were not hanged were lashed again. We are not told how many were killed by this sharp discipline. Finally, it was noised abroad among the criminals of London that convict labour was more grievous than any form of honesty; less to be desired than the worst kind of work outside; and, for the first time, punishment became terrible—therefore deterrent. At the same time an honest life remained impossible; therefore the criminal found himself between the "Devil and the Deep Sea." Here he has ever since remained. For if he did not rob he starved; and if he did rob, he was in danger of the most awful life—the most terrible life—that his imagination could conceive—a regular life; hard work all day; poor food; obedience; and the continual ringing of the lash in the ears of the poor wretches working in the mud. Did they form parties—those professionals who were "out"—and go down the river in order to gaze from a distance upon their brothers—their brothers who were "in," clad in hideous garb, working subdued and meek, down in the mud and filth of the dredges?
We know that the pillory was a favourite form of punishment in the thirteenth and following centuries for petty cheats and thievery; in the seventeenth century it played an important part in awakening and maintaining the popular hatred of the Star Chamber, Laud, and King Charles himself; it taught the advocates of free speech and free thought that the shortest way to convince the people was
to stand before them all in that place of shame with undaunted brow and smiling face.
We hear little of minor offenders—rogues and cheats—in pillory in these later times; but the punishment continued; and, when the popular indignation was fierce against the crime or the criminal, it was sometimes as fatal as the gallows, and far more terrible. On the other hand, it might be a time of triumph. Titus Oates was taken down on his first day of pillory, nearly dead. Defoe, standing in the Temple, was pelted with flowers instead of stones. Four thief-takers in 1756 were taken down nearly dead after an hour of pillory. In 1763 a man was killed at Bow while in pillory; in 1780 another man was killed in the same way by the stones thrown at him, in Southwark.
It seems incredible that so late as 1814, Lord Cochrane, charged with Stock Exchange frauds, was actually sentenced to pillory. He was saved from it by Sir Francis Burdett, who told the Government that if Cochrane were put in pillory he would stand beside him. The punishment of pillory was only abolished in 1837.
Whipping, either in public or in private, was the most common of all punishments. The vagabond was whipped through the town; the cheat was whipped at the cart’s-tail for a hundred years, two hundred years, or more; women were whipped as well as men. It has been mentioned that it was one of the sights of London to visit Bridewell on whipping days, when the women, stripped to the waist, were flogged in the presence of an alderman. The law ordering that women should be flogged for certain offences was formally enacted, 4 George I. c. 57. It had been, however, a practice long before. Thus Shadwell in his play, *The Woman Captain*—1680—says, speaking of disorderly women, “There are none but such as are poor and beat hemp, and are whipped by rogues in blue.”
This whipping of prostitutes was in force all through the eighteenth century. Fielding in his *Coffee-House Politician* says, “If you are not a woman of virtue you will be whipped,” and in his *Grub Street Opera*, “Smaller misses for their kisses are in Bridewell banged.” Edward Ward in his *Loudon Spy* (circa 1730) describes how women were flogged in Bridewell.
The whipping was also for other offences than prostitution. There is an entry in the *Public Ledger* of 1764 to the effect that a woman, who was an old offender, was conveyed from Clerkenwell Bridewell to Enfield, where she was publicly whipped at the cart’s-tail by the common hangman, for cutting wood in Enfield Chase. “She is to undergo the same discipline twice more,” says the report.
“This degrading punishment was continued in England until early in the present century; and doubtless there are readers of *Notes and Queries* who have witnessed its infliction. I remember (written in 1852) when young, that the servants went to see such a spectacle, and related all its disgusting particulars
after their return. It was abolished by Act of Parliament 1 George IV. cap. 57, 15th July 1820. This Act is usually called "General Thornton's Act." (Notes and Queries, 1st series, vol. vi. p. 281.) . . . "Women were liable by law to be whipped, both publicly and privately, till the year 1817; when, by stat. 57, George III. c. 75, the public infliction of that punishment was abolished. It was not till 1820 that the exemption from their being privately whipped was enacted by stat. 1 George IV. My father told me that Sir John Perring, when he was sheriff of London (in 1800, I believe) was so shocked at the sentence for private whipping being pronounced on a female prisoner, that he took the cat from the executioner and, with his own hands, laid it gently over the back of the culprit once, saying, "Now I have executed the sentence." (Notes and Queries, 2nd series, vol. xi. p. 477.)
The punishment of flogging went out of use in our courts of criminal law, and would have disappeared altogether but for its revival in cases of garrotting and robbery with violence. Since garrotting disappeared at once with the renewed application of the lash, and since it has been found that there is nothing a robber dreads more than a flogging, it has been retained. The floggings ordered at the Old Bailey are administered at Newgate, where the instrument can be seen. The malefactor stands in a small semicircular pew stripped to the waist and his hands tied up. The effect of the scanty number of lashes now administered is such that one cannot choose but marvel how men endured the hundreds of lashes inflicted in some cases.
Another punishment which went out of use towards the end of the eighteenth century was branding. Whenever the prisoner could find money to bribe the executioner, the iron was cold. Probably the knowledge of this—Ben Jonson could have revealed the ease with which the sentence was evaded—caused the abolition of the practice.
The use of the stocks was continued much longer. In country villages and county towns the stocks were standing until well on into the nineteenth century. Those of Rugby remained till 1865. In London the stocks were like the pillory. They might become a place of execution or a bed of roses. Given an unpopular criminal, or one whose crime was odious to the people, and stones took the place of dead cats. The last stocks standing in London were those of St. Clement Danes, which were taken away in 1821. I myself can remember a man put in the stocks about the year 1848 in a certain country town. Nobody threw dead cats at him, or anything else; he was a hardened villain, and instead of weeping, or hanging his head, he looked round and laughed cheerfully during the whole time of his incarceration.
Imprisonment, as formerly carried out in Newgate, when it did not mean death by gaol fever, might be made tolerably comfortable. If the prisoner had money, he could enjoy a cell sufficiently furnished, with a fire for cooking and for warmth, not more than half a dozen messmates, and plenty of visitors to relieve the tediousness of captivity. Wine and beer might be brought in, but not spirits. They were introduced by women, in flat bottles concealed about their persons. Debtors,
criminals under sentence, and prisoners committed for trial, were all mixed up together. Those who could pay had little to complain of except the confined air of the narrow courts; those who could not pay were thrown into a part of the prison where they had no comforts at all, and nothing to live upon but the charities and doles of the prison.
Later in the century it was understood that debtors ought not to be imprisoned with criminals, and that those under sentence of imprisonment should be kept in a prison by themselves. Cold Bath Fields House of Correction was a step in this direction.
CHAPTER V
DEBTORS’ PRISONS
The system of imprisonment for debt was attacked over and over again long before it was at length abolished. The same arguments were repeated year after year, generation after generation; they failed because the injuries inflicted on every class of society by those who incur debts which they cannot pay are so great that it seems as if imprisonment is the least and lightest form of punishment that should be inflicted on the debtor. The landlord whose tenants cannot or will not pay, the professional man who cannot get his fees, the merchant who will be ruined if his tradesman breaks, the tradesman who must break if his customers do not pay,—all alike go mad with resentment against the man whose extravagance, or folly, or misfortunes will not allow him to pay his debts.
The law gave them the power of revenge, full, and terrible, and lifelong. The law said to the debtor, “Whether you have wilfully incurred these debts or not, whether you are innocent or guilty, you shall be deprived of pure air; you shall lose your means of subsistence; you shall have no allowance of food; you shall have no bed; you shall have no fire; you shall have to sleep upon the boards unless you can buy bedding; you shall be forced to hordé with a promiscuous crowd unless you can afford to pay a high rent for separation; you shall enjoy every possible chance of catching gaol fever, smallpox, rheumatism, and every other disease or ailment to which confinement and starvation expose you.” And whereas the criminal gets off with a short sentence of two or three years, the law says to the debtor, “You shall be imprisoned for life.”
Now read the following utterance of Defoe on Debtors’ Prisons (Life, etc., by William Lee, p. 11):
“For debt only, men are condemned to languish in perpetual imprisonment, and to starve without mercy, redeemed only by the grave. Kings show mercy to traytors, to murtherers, and thieves; and general pardons are often passed to deliver criminals of the worst kinds, and give them an opportunity to retrieve their characters, and show themselves honest for the future; but in debt, and we are lost for this world. We cannot obtain the favour of being hanged or transported, but our lives must linger within the walls till released by the grave; our youth wastes away inactive, grey hairs cover us, and we languish in
all the agonies of misery and want, while our wives and children perish for mere hunger, and our creditors themselves see themselves paid by death and time; and oftentimes the posterity of those very creditors receive the just retaliation of their father's cruelty, and perish in the same prison; nay, as it may be prov'd, have perished in the very same chambers where their haughty, unrelenting ancestors had caused a miserable debtor to starve before them. Tell me, what nation condemns poor, incapable debtors to perpetual imprisonment, for no offence but not being able to pay what they owe?"
Neild, in his *Observations on the Law of Civil Imprisonment* (p. 24), says:—
"Suppose that an unfortunate man, unable even to pay a debt of 10s., is arrested on the eve of a law term, and thrown into prison for his inability; and that, in the same number of days as he owes pounds, he will be involved in a fresh debt, of equal or greater amount, for the costs of his detainer in prison; what will be the exclamation of the voice of Reason? But, carry the inquiry a little further, and let us suppose that his attachment by one creditor alarms the rest (nor is it unnatural that it should do so), and that he has ten detainers laid against him for debts of the same amount; what will then be his situation? Why, he will in a few days be encumbered with additional debts put together, at the very time that he is immured in prison, without subsistence, or the means of earning any for himself, or the wretched dependents on his affections, and, without having done a single act to occasion the expenses, which he is wholly unable to prevent. And what then will be the exclamation? and where, as the law now stands, is he to look for mercy? The Bankrupt Laws, which, to the fair trader who has had the good fortune to deal with humane creditors, afford relief, are not open to his assistance; he has been too modest in all his transactions in trade to have ventured sufficiently to come within their purview; his debts are not of the required amount to entitle him to their relief; his creditors—most probably of the same class in life with himself, and who can but ill afford to pay the expenses that have been incurred—will they commiserate his sufferings and restore him to liberty? or will they not rather be acted upon in the fulness of their resentments at the loss of their debts, and having, as they unfortunately experience, thrown away good money after bad, and (apprehensive if they liberate the prisoner, they can have no pretence for suspending the payment of their attorney's costs) be more likely to continue his confinement, and endeavour to throw the odium of the expenses being incurred upon the pretended obstinacy of the unfortunate victim, for whom no one considers it his interests, or feels any incitement to drop a word of kindness or mitigation? And yet, in a country boastful of its laws and its freedom, these are the persons who are to pronounce on this imprisonment of their fellow-subjects, perhaps for the period of their lives, without the right of appeal to their country or the hope of relief. Power in the hands of man is always subject to abuse; but what is to be expected from him, when he is suffered to judge his own cause, under the influence of conceived injuries and agitated by resentment?"
He then appends a table of the allowed and ordinary Bills of Fees for arrests of £10 (p. 27):
"In the Case of an Arrest, where the Defendant is taken to Prison
Hilary Vacation
19th April.
| Description | £ s. d. |
|--------------------------------------------------|---------|
| Instructions and warrant to sue | 0 12 1 |
| Affidavit of debt | 0 7 2 |
| Drawing precipe for original fol. 25 | 1 5 0 |
| Copy for the cursitor | 0 12 6 |
| Paid for original | 0 5 6 |
| Fee thereon | 0 6 8 |
Carried forward | 3 8 11 |
| Description | £ s. d. |
|-------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Brought forward | 3 8 11 |
| Paid the King's fine and attending to compound it | 0 10 0 |
| Returning and filing original | 0 2 4 |
| Capias and fee | 0 16 0 |
| Warrant and messenger | 0 2 4 |
| Attending to instruct officer | 0 3 4 |
| Paid officer for arrest | 0 10 6 |
| Letters and messengers | 0 2 0 |
**23rd April**
| Description | £ s. d. |
|-------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Motion for a rule to return the writ | 0 3 4 |
| Paid for the rule | 0 6 6 |
| Copy and service | 0 2 0 |
| Instructions for declaration | 0 6 8 |
| Drawing same, fol. 25 | 0 16 8 |
| Entering on the roll, and paid prothonotary | 1 5 0 |
| Copy declaration on stamps to deliver to defendant and duty | 0 9 8 |
| Attending to deliver same | 0 3 4 |
| Affidavit of service, duty and oath | 0 7 2 |
| Copy declaration to annex to affidavit and duty | 0 9 8 |
| Copy affidavit and declaration and stamps | 0 13 4 |
**29th April**
| Description | £ s. d. |
|-------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Paid filing affidavit and declaration | 0 2 0 |
| Attending to file same | 0 3 4 |
| Term fee, letters and messengers | 0 12 0 |
| Total | 11 15 8 |
And in the country, if the arrest is made at a considerable distance from the county gaol, they will perhaps amount to £20 in the same period of time."
But the creditor was bound to pay something—fourpence a day—towards the support of his prisoner. This was by the "Lords' Act." How did it work out? The plaintiff was allowed five terms to proceed against his debtor. The attorney took care to spin out the case for the whole time, during which the prisoner might languish in semi-starvation with nothing but the doles of prison food, where there were any (see also pp. 535 and 540).
There was a society established with the laudable object of relieving persons imprisoned for small debts. In January 1778 the quarterly court of this society met to have a report of relief effected during the last three months; it appeared that 218 debtors had been discharged by the society; of these 113 were married men with 382 children. The debts of these persons amounted in all to no more than £399:19:3, which is just over £1:10:0 for each debtor. For such wretched, paltry debts a man might be shut up for life. This society afterwards became one for the release of poor prisoners. In 1808 it expended £2000 a year upon them and released 800 prisoners.
As for the number of prisoners, in 1792 there were 1957 prisoners for debt
in the different gaols of the kingdom. Of these 1251 were "a mesne process," i.e. no judgment obtained; 326 on demands under £20; 392 on demand upon £20 to £50; 215 on demand from £50 to £100. Many of the men had large families with them in the prison. In the King's Bench of 520 prisoners, 340 had wives and children. Among the whole number there were 1300 wives and 4088 children. The larger number of prisoners were quite humble persons—handicraftsmen and journeymen.
An Act for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors was passed on the 23rd of May 1776. It was not an Act for the Abolition of Imprisonment for Debt by any means, but an Act, apparently, for the clearance of the prisons. It is said that 8000 debtors were ready to get their discharge in accordance with this Act.
It exempted all debtors who owed more than £1000 to one man; it admitted to discharge all those who were arrested, imprisoned, fugitives, or bankrupts on or before the 22nd day of January 1776; but fugitives and bankrupts were to surrender. The only condition is that every debtor shall give in a complete list of all his possessions at the time, and that his release does not make him free from liability for the old debts should he inherit an estate or money in the funds. If a creditor opposed a prisoner's discharge he had to pay him 3s. 6d. or 4s. a week for maintenance, in default of which for a fortnight the prisoner may obtain a discharge.
Great care was taken to prevent fraudulent returns as to property. The main point, however, to note in this Act, whose operation was to cease on the first day of August 1778, is that it was essentially a gaol delivery. Thanks to this Act the number of prisoners was greatly reduced. Twenty years earlier, in the year 1759, a writer in the Idler estimates there were 20,000 prisoners for debt in Great Britain and Ireland. The heaviness of sorrow, the corruption of confined air, the want of exercise and sometimes of food, the contagion of disease, the severity of tyrants, and all the complicated horrors of a prison, killed yearly one in four in these prisons. Again, the misfortunes of the father affect his family. Every prisoner for debt represents the ruin of a whole family, or part of a family. The loss of his labour at a shilling a day means £300,000 a year. The misery of gaols does not lie in their confinement alone, but in the horrid corruption of morals and the profligacy that goes on openly at every prison. The writer was before his time; there were eighty years more of debtors' prisons before they were finally swept away.
"It is but too common a saying with creditors, that they expect no benefit or interest from throwing their unhappy fellow-creatures into a gaol, but they do it by way of punishment, and that they will at least have that satisfaction."
This, no doubt, was the chief motive which actuated the detaining creditor.
One must make every allowance for a tradesman. A few such defaulters and he is ruined; but, says the writer:
"The law might surely interpose to limit the extent and duration of that punishment which, as things stand, is now left to the creditors, who will suffer their debtors to languish out their lives in a gaol, while every day's imprisonment lessens the prospect of their payment by increasing their disability."
In order to mitigate in some degree the penalties of debt, courts were instituted, anciently denominated Courts of Request (Neild's *Account of Debtors*, p. 550):
"They had their origin in 1518, when the Common Council of the City of London issued an Act for the recovery of debts under forty shillings due to citizens, by a court to be called a Court of Conscience, and to be held in Guildhall; those debtors who failed to obey the award of that court were to be imprisoned in one of the City Compters until they complied with such award, even though it were *durante vitâ*. In 1605 (the third year of James I.) the powers of the court so formed in 1518 by the Common Council of London were established by Act of Parliament. In 1750 Alderman Dickenson brought in a Bill for extending similar powers to the whole county of Middlesex; but with this difference, that all persons refusing to submit to the decision or award of the court were rendered liable to imprisonment in Newgate for three calendar months, which cancelled the debt."
The unfair and iniquitous condition of the law in the year 1808 was further shown by Neild, in a table which proved that a man who owed 1s. only immediately on arrest had that amount run up to a sum varying, according to the place, from 14s. 11d. to £1:5:7. If he could not pay this whole amount—a man who could not pay 1s. certainly could not pay 14s.—he was either detained for life, or for forty days, or for three calendar months. The following is the table (Neild, p. 552):
"At the City Compters in Wood Street and the Poultry—"
| Description | £ s d. |
|--------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Debt of 1s. | 0 1 0 |
| Expenses to recover it as above | 0 8 11 |
| Fees exacted by the gaoler when cleared | 0 15 8 |
| Total | 1 5 7 |
which the debtor must pay or be imprisoned for life with felons.
"At the Borough Compter, Southwark—"
| Description | £ s d. |
|--------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Debt as above | 0 1 0 |
| Expenses ditto | 0 8 11 |
| Fees exacted by the gaoler when cleared | 0 7 0 |
| Total | 0 16 11 |
which the debtor must discharge or incur imprisonment for life with felons.
"At Newgate, the County Gaol—"
| Description | £ s d. |
|--------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Debt | 0 1 0 |
| Expenses | 0 8 11 |
| Fees exacted by the gaoler when cleared | 0 8 10 |
| Total | 0 18 0 |
which the debtor must pay or be imprisoned with felons for three calendar months.
At Clerkenwell—
| Description | £ s. d. |
|------------------------------|----------|
| Debt | 0 1 0 |
| Expenses | 0 8 11 |
| Fees exacted by the gaoler when cleared | 0 5 0 |
| **Total** | 0 14 11 |
which the debtor must pay or be imprisoned with felons forty days.
At Tothill Fields—
| Description | £ s. d. |
|------------------------------|----------|
| Debt | 0 1 0 |
| Expenses | 0 8 11 |
| Fees exacted by the gaoler when cleared | 0 5 0 |
| **Total** | 0 14 11 |
which the debtor must pay or be forty days imprisoned with felons.”
If prison was miserable and degrading, even the release from prison could be shameful and equally degrading. Thus, it was no unusual thing in the last century to meet men and women marching along the road escorted by constables, the men in irons. They were on the way from the town where they had been confined, to the town where they were to be tried; it was no small part of the ignominy of their trial, and perhaps punishment, that they had to undergo this open disgrace, this kind of prolonged pillory along the high road. Perhaps to some it was a relief after the confinement; irons did not gall some, nor did the character of the company oppress them. The danger to those whom they passed, or to any house in which they rested, was that they carried about with them the breath of the prison, and scattered gaol fever around them wherever they went. When they reached the place of trial there was very often no prison for them. Thus at Reigate, whither sixteen were marched from Kingston, there was no prison, and they were all crammed into a single small room where they were nearly suffocated. In this case they were not only marched from Kingston to Reigate, but also back again.
In the year 1766 a very remarkable procession started from the King’s Bench Prison and the Marshalsea for Reigate, thirty miles distant. They were going to attend the Sessions there and to obtain their discharge, according to the last Insolvent Debtors’ Act. The procession was six hundred in number; they were not in irons because, if they wished to escape, they could only anticipate their discharge by a few hours. They were escorted by officers; they were mostly poor prisoners; they were bare-footed and bare-headed; the clothing of all was in rags, and in many cases so bad as to be kept together by skewers instead of buttons. We find it difficult to understand the rags of the eighteenth century; they were, indeed, appalling; they were never changed; they were full of vermin; they were useless for the sake of keeping off the cold and almost useless for any other
purpose. These poor wretches had a starved and hungry look; their eyes were wolfish; their hair was long and uncombed; their beards were, to use the language of the day, horrid; they were weak from insufficient food, cold, and bad air; many of them were old men who had been confined for many years; they looked forward to liberty with no joy, because liberty would only take them out of semi-starvation to complete starvation; they had long since forgotten their handicraft; what remained for them but to beg their bread? For one of the worst effects of a debtors' prison was that it deprived a man of his power of work; it kept him idle so long that his sleight of hand left him; it made him incapable of work. Then again, these people had been so long accustomed to the flags and smooth boards of the prison that the roughness of the road made them footsore; presently they limped along; they sat down by the wayside; they dropped out of the ranks; only the youngest and the strongest covered the distance of thirty miles in two days; the rest kept dropping in, day after day, till all were at last arrived and all were set at liberty. But what afterwards became of them, this great army of martyrs, history sayeth not.
I have put together a few leading cases to illustrate the abuse of the law of debt and the imprisonment of debtors. A certain lady, in the year 1780, discovered that her husband was engaged in courting another woman, pretending to be unmarried. She naturally resented this treatment and stopped the courtship. The husband, in revenge, found a scoundrelly attorney who showed him how to get his wife locked up by swearing a pretended debt of £70 against her in her maiden name. When she was taken to the spunging-house, this worthy limb of the law brought her a paper which he wanted her to sign as a condition of discharge. In this paper the woman was made to renounce all claim to her husband. She absolutely refused. After a confinement of twelve days she made a representation of the business to a certain captain, at whose house her husband lived. He found an honest attorney, bailed the action, and applied to the Court for relief. The Court granted relief, released the lady, expressed indignation, hoped that the attorney would be punished, and said nothing as to the conspiracy of husband and attorney.
The next is the case of another lady; she lived in Clerkenwell, and was about forty years of age, unmarried, and with a fortune of about £1000, which, considering the class of neighbourhood in which she resided, was a considerable sum of money. She was also totally blind. The next house to her own was occupied by a shoemaker who had an apprentice. This lady, sitting with her window open, or in her doorway, listening to the sounds of the street, became aware of a steady and continuous hammering of the shoemaker's apprentice while he sat at his work. She argued from this steadiness that the young man must be industrious and of a good disposition. When, therefore, his apprenticeship came to an end she sent
for him and made him a present of a new suit of clothes, a silver watch, and £10 in gold.
He thanked her very much, and two or three days afterwards came to say that he had heard from his friends in Leicestershire, and that he was encouraged by them to go down to his native place and there open a shoemaker's shop. He assured her he would, at the earliest opportunity, repay her the money she had so kindly advanced him. He then left her, but next day he was stopped from continuing his preparations for going into the country by being arrested for debt at the suit of the lady, the amount of the debt being not only 10 guineas advanced, but also the attorney's bill and the cost of admission, or what was called "garnish," to the lock-up house to which they took him. The unfortunate young man, who could not possibly pay the money then, received a visit from the lady. She told him that he might do one of three things. Either pay the whole of the money immediately; or go to the debtors' prison, and stay there for the rest of his natural life; or marry her.
It is needless to say that the young man chose the last of the three courses. He was, however, kept in the spunging-house until such time as arrangements for the marriage could take place, when the officer who served him with the writ escorted him to the church, and would not let him go until he was fairly married to the lady who had played him this trick.
The third case shows the ease with which frauds could be perpetrated. There was no Charity Organisation Society in 1761, otherwise the following trick would not be possible:
A clergyman in charge of a London parish, in which there was a debtors' prison, received a letter from a certain physician in the country, asking for an account of the number and circumstances of the prisoners in the gaol. The clergyman replied that there were sometimes thirteen, sometimes fifteen, the number varying, but said the sums for which they were imprisoned were very small, and that the whole number might be set free for a comparatively small amount. The physician replied that he was acting for a noble lady who would not like anyone but himself to move in the matter. A few days after he wrote to say that he had been to the prison and had released the whole, five-and-thirty in number.
The clergyman then learned that it was by no means the first time that the worthy physician had been there on a similar errand; that the gaoler had always notice of the doctor's coming in order to get the discharges ready; that the honest gaoler, on the mornings of his arrival, got twenty and thirty poor neighbours to be locked up as prisoners; these received their discharge with the rest, their liabilities being placed at anything the gaoler pleased; these prisoners got a crown a piece for their trouble; and the gaoler's wife was always one of these fictitious prisoners.
Another case is that of a lady hopelessly in debt. To avoid imprisonment she went to Newgate and found a man under sentence of execution. In return for certain allowances during the few days left to him the man consented to marry the lady, and, in so doing, he took over all her debts. Then followed complications: for the man was respited and his sentence commuted into transportation for life. However, he could not be arrested for debt, and was duly carried across seas to Virginia. After a time he was either pardoned or he escaped and returned to London. Naturally he looked about for his wife and presently found her, but she was married to another man. The story breaks off here. I commend it to any novelist in search of a plot; he can furnish his own conclusion.
The joys of a debtors' prison are suggested by the history of one John Hutchinson in the year 1771. He was a poor prisoner lying hopelessly in the Castle of Leeds for a debt to the Crown. He had to take his turn with the rest of the common side, in begging at the grate; and one day, having attracted the attention of a gentleman's servant, he picked his pocket of a watch and concealed it so quickly that although it had been seen in his hand it could not be found. In a day or two he wrote to the servant offering to give back his watch and to pay any charges, not if the servant would keep silence, but if the servant would prosecute him. He was prosecuted, tried, found guilty, and sentenced to seven years' transportation. He received his sentence "with the greatest joy." Better far to be a slave on a Virginian plantation than to enjoy the liberties of Old England as a prisoner for debt on the poor side.
Of course no person could be carried off to prison without the proper forms; but there were abuses, as will be seen presently. There were cases in which persons were arrested and taken to prison simply by asking a constable to take them there. Thus on Saturday evening, 2nd March 1809, a maidservant, named Hannah Dunn, was carrying some crockery in a basket for her mistress, on Ludgate Hill. The ground being frosty and slippery she fell, and with her basket broke a window in the shop of one Louis, combmaker. The girl and her mistress went into the shop and offered to send a glazier, leaving, meantime, the basket as security. Louis refused the offer, and said that the girl must instantly pay him 4s. 6d. or he would send her to the Compter, and, as a constable was passing by, he called on the man and ordered him to take the girl to the Compter. He obeyed, against the law. On her way she met her master, who went to the man Louis and offered, as he had no small money, to leave his watch for security. Louis again refused; then the constable who, though a fool, was a person of humanity, got up a little collection outside the shop. It amounted to 2s., which was not enough. Therefore the girl was taken to the Compter and kept there till nine o'clock that evening, locked up with the most degraded creatures of the town.
The gaoler of the Compter, considering her story, bailed her out. On Monday she appeared before Alderman Boydell, who severely reprimanded the combmaker and advised the friends of the girl to bring an action. The action was brought and the girl got £150 damages. Further, the constable was discharged from his office.
The pitiful story—I do not know one more pitiful—of Richard Smith, is one of the tragedies of the Debtors' Prison. He was a bookbinder by trade—has a mere bookbinder the right to have a tragic story?—and he resided within the Rules of the King's Bench with his wife and their infant child. But the man and his wife were young; they were industrious; they bore an excellent character; they were temperate and sober; but they were prisoners for debt, and they were under the disadvantage—a very grievous disadvantage in such a trade as bookbinding, which is carried on in workshops by division of the work—of being unable to leave the place where they lived. One day this hapless couple was found hanging in their bedroom; in another room was their child—murdered. A letter lay on the table in which they gave the reasons for this terrible murder and suicide. The letter professed their belief in the wisdom and goodness of Almighty God; they believed that He could not take pleasure in witnessing the misery of His children; that He would consider with mercy the reasons why they had done this thing; they declared themselves willing to submit to whatever the Lord might order for them in the next world; they said that poverty and misery, want, cold, hunger, were inevitable, and
that they simply withdrew from these evils; but it was less miserable to kill their child than to leave her to the wretchedness of destitution, and they called their neighbours to witness that they had done everything possible to earn an honest livelihood.
Attempts to escape were very rare, probably because the debtor had no other place which would receive him, and no money. If he had money he could live in the Rules, where he was quite free from annoyance by his creditors. There is one incident in the history of the prison in which the debtors tried to effect an escape. They might, one would think, have marched out of the gates if they were strong enough in number and resolution. These persons, however, preferred to blow up the wall. They were caught in the attempt, arrested, and tried. Four were imprisoned in Newgate for four years, six in the Surrey Bridewell for two years, and three in the House of Correction for the same time.
Lord Cochrane, however, added to his long list of achievements an escape from the King's Bench. He was imprisoned on the charge, afterwards proved to have been false, of being concerned with certain Stock Exchange transactions of a fraudulent character. He had been imprisoned about eight months. In the interval he was re-elected for Westminster. He managed to escape by means of a rope introduced in short lengths, which he threw from his window to the spikes of the prison wall, letting himself down on the other side. He fell, however, when half way down and nearly killed himself. He recovered consciousness and took refuge with an old servant, and the next day appeared in his place in the House of Commons. Of course he was arrested and taken back to prison. Four months afterwards he was released.
There were five principal Debtors' Prisons: the Fleet, the King's Bench, the Marshalsea, Ludgate—for freemen of the City, and later, Whitecross Street. Besides these, there were the two City Compters, the Southwark Compter, Tothill Fields Bridewell, and small prisons in the Whitechapel Road, Stepney; at Well Close Square; and at St. Katherine's Precinct.
The Debtors' Prison was a favourite subject for writers, and one sure to arrest attention and interest so long as it lasted. The life there, so full of contrasts, so full of pity, so full of contempt, invited the hand of the novelist. Dickens was never tired of it; he laid one set of scenes in the Fleet, another in the Rules of the King's Bench, another in the Marshalsea. There is an extraordinary mass of material about the Debtors' Prison in literature. The number of litterateurs themselves who have been confined in a Debtors' Prison is surprising. Indeed, to the Bohemian poet the prison was a place of residence which one could look forward to with tolerable certainty, either as an episode of life, or as the fitting and natural residence for the evening of life.
Of all these prisons the Fleet has been made the subject of by far the greatest
amount of literary illustration. We are able to learn, from the literature of two hundred years, exactly how a prisoner lived. For those who had money it was a very expensive and most uncomfortable hotel. Those who were poor were maintained by bequests, doles, small endowments, weekly gifts from the Mayor and certain companies, by baskets of broken victuals, and by the alms of the passers-by, who were solicited by a man at a grille: "Pity the poor debtors, think of the poor debtors!" All the doles and gifts together made but a poor provision when the prison was full. It seems as if those who were better off must have been called upon every day to help the prisoners on the common side.
The Fleet Prison—the old prison which was burned down in the Great Fire of 1666, not that built in 1781—is said to have contained the prison proper, with a kind of small precinct or close walled round. In the close were messuages like those in the Temple, divided into chambers, and let out at so much a week to those who could afford to pay the high rent demanded. Some prisoners lived in suites of rooms, like a flat. Some had their wives and families with them; some, like Howell, carried on their literary work here. In fact, if one could get over the inconvenience of never changing the air, of never going abroad, and of being cut off from active participation in affairs, there was very little hardship in living within the walls of the Fleet, provided one could live on the Master's side. Many of the residents in this part of the prison were bankrupts, who took care to turn all their effects into money before their bankruptcy was declared; in this way they secured the means of living in comfort within the inevitable Fleet or King's Bench. Nor does it appear that there was any stigma or disgrace attached to residence in the place; the disgrace—the irretrievable disgrace—for a man in trade was bankruptcy, not the Debtors' Prison.
On the common side, if one had nothing at all, the misery of the place was intolerable. For instance, if a man had a bed and bedding he could bring them into the prison; if he had none he must pay twopence a night for a bed, or a penny for half a bed. If he had no money he must lie on the floor; one prison in London, and only one, provided dry straw for bedding. There were, however, many little offices to be done in the prison by which money could be made. Some trades, such as cobbling, mending, and repairing, could be carried on; actual starvation was extremely rare, though many were underfed and suffered from low vitality and liability to sickness.
The prisoners on the common side were often as well off in the way of food, drink, and lodging, in the prison as they had been outside. The place, it is true, was noisy; there were continual brawls and continual fights; but outside the prison these people were well accustomed to noise, brawling, fighting, and drunkenness. They were accustomed also to sleep two or more in a bed; they were accustomed to dirt, vermin, and unwashedness of things. Thus the prison was no
worse than their own houses. To be sure, when a prisoner of this kind—of the twopenny ward—happened to be a scholar or a gentleman there was no doubt a great deal of suffering. But we do not hear of many scholars or gentlemen in the twopenny ward.
On the common side, lower than the twopenny ward, was the Beggars' Ward, in which there were no beds, no blankets, no fire in winter, not even the means of getting drunk. One knows not how many as a rule inhabited the Beggars' Ward; we hope but few. In a word, it must be admitted that while for the better sort the Debtors' Prison must have been a noisome, unclean, and miserable place, we must not judge of the seventeenth or even the eighteenth century with the eyes and feelings of the twentieth. The people who occupied the poor side were far less sensitive than ourselves to cold, dirt, hunger, confined air, unwashed clothes, and stinking surroundings; they were in all respects far harder. What to our own people of all classes would be misery intolerable, was to them only part of the general unpleasantness of this episode in their earthly pilgrimage.
The history of the Fleet Prison is a long record of complaints against the tyranny and oppression of the wardens, or the persons by whom the care of the prisoners was farmed. One of the most interesting of the Camden Society's publications is a book called the Economy of the Fleet, in which the prisoner's hard case is set forth very clearly. It is proved that every form of exaction was practised upon the unfortunate residents. Other pamphlets from time to time exposed, but mostly in vain, the cruelties and the extortion of the wardens. It took a hundred years of complaint before action was taken, viz., from 1597 to 1696. In the latter year a committee of the House of Commons was appointed to examine into the management of the Fleet. Their Report showed that the warden underlet or farmed out the prison for £1500 a year, a sum which the sub-warden had to raise out of the prisoners before he received any profit for himself. Part of the money was raised by allowing certain prisoners to live in the Rules; part by allowing prisoners to escape.
It has never been the custom in a trading city to extend much sympathy towards persons who fail to meet their liabilities. Still, the facts brought out by the Report startled some people; it began to be whispered that even a debtor has rights, and that the law which imprisoned defaulters did not order them to be fined, over-charged, robbed, laid in irons, clapped into dark and noisome cells, and treated with systematic cruelty, not in the interests of justice, or by order of judges, but solely in order that the farmer of the prison might receive his enormous rent and speedily get rich. The whole system was shameful to any civilised country. The debtor, on being arrested, was carried to a "spunging-house" belonging to the warden or farmer of the Fleet, and kept for him by one of the tipstaffs. Here he was charged the most exorbitant sums for everything; if he demanded to be transferred to the prison he was told that he must pay a
fee for permission; if he refused to pay he was put into a cellar or garret until he gave in and paid the fee. He was then taken to the Fleet and there presented with the bill of fees for admission. There was a fee payable for every action or detainer against the prisoner. If there were four, the following was the bill which the poor man had to pay for the privilege of being a prisoner.
| Description | £ | s. | d. |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|----|----|----|
| For four surrenders at the Judge's chambers to his clerks | | 9 | 11 |
| To the tipstaff, four fees | | 2 | 2 |
| To the warden | | 16 | 12 |
| The previous fee for turning into the house | | 10 | 10 |
| Fee for occasional "liberty" to leave the spunging-house | | 6 | 6 |
45 1 6
In 1727, another committee, made immortal by Hogarth, sat to investigate the conduct of the Fleet. They found that the above fees were charged and had to be paid. Moreover, the prisoners who had paid so much were continually reminded that a present to the warden would be acceptable. In the case of a certain Roger Castell, an architect and artist, this demand made over and over again was at last refused. He was then transferred to a spunging-house where smallpox was raging. The warden, Bambridge, refused to receive him back, and the poor man caught the disease and died, leaving a wife and family in the utmost distress.
Another method of extortion was to keep on the books prisoners who were entitled to a legal discharge. The method of working this trick was simple. The men had been living in the Rules; being discharged they went away; the warden, however, having them still on his books, was able to declare that they had made an escape. He therefore arrested them, clapped them in the spunging-house, and got these fees out of them before they could prove that they were legally free. In one year the sum of £2828:17:4 was extorted from prisoners in this way.
Another method of making money was simply to let them go. Bambridge actually cut a door through the prison wall and suffered those to escape who could pay. Probably inquiry was seldom made about any prisoner; if it was, it would be easy to say that he was dead.
The case of Thomas Darnay shows what could be done, and was done by these officers of the law. He was a prisoner in the Fleet. He made interest, however, with the warden, and was allowed out, not to live in the Rules, but to carry on his trade of importer of French wines; he made three voyages to Bordeaux, and paid for the wine he bought by drawing bills on Richard Bishop, a tipstaff to the prison. These bills were accepted and paid. Darnay then
bought more and again tendered bills on Richard Bishop. He sold his wine and returned to the Fleet. But Richard Bishop refused to accept the bills, and, as they could not prove a conspiracy, the creditors had no redress.
As for the poor side, the prisoners there were treated with the greatest barbarities—thrown into dungeons, manacled, ironed, starved; it would seem as if the man chiefly concerned was confident that no one would interfere or examine into his conduct. Bambridge kept, for the unfortunate poor debtors, a dungeon called the "Strong Room"—a prison within a prison. Here he threw those who would not, or could not, pay his extortions. The room had no
fireplace and no window, with only such light as could struggle through a hole in the wall eight inches square; it was neither paved nor boarded; and it lay close to the sewer and the stinking sink into which everything was thrown. "The vault," says one, "is like those in which the dead are interred; and wherein the bodies of persons dying are deposited till the coroner's inquest hath passed them."
The result of the Committee's report was the trial of Bambridge and Huggins. Unfortunately, they were acquitted. Twenty years later, however, Bambridge cut his throat. The prison was burned down in 1666, rebuilt four years later, destroyed in the Gordon Riots of 1780, rebuilt in 1781, and finally taken down in 1844.
On Howard's visits in 1776 he found the prison governed by a warden and two sub-wardens. The fees payable by the prisoners were £1:6:8 to the warden, and 2s. to the turnkey; there was also 2s. for garnish. There was a taproom with a licence for beer and wine. Admission was freely granted to any one; some of the butchers and people in the neighbourhood used the court as a public racquet-court and the taproom as belonging to an ordinary public-house. There were 243 prisoners, many of whom had with them their wives and children; of these, thirty only were on the common side. If a prisoner swore that he was not worth £5 and had no means of subsistence, he was put on the common side, where he paid no rent and received what doles of food and money came into the prison. The wives and children were 475 in all, so that the prison contained 718 without counting the officers. Howard gives an exact account of the buildings and disposition of the chambers:
"At the front is a narrow court. At each end of the building there is a small projection or wing. There are four floors; they call them galleries, besides the cellar-floor, called Bartholomew Fair. Each gallery consists of a passage in the middle, the whole length of the prison, 66 yards; and rooms on each side of it about 14½ feet by 129 and 9½ high. A chimney and window in every room. The passages are narrow (not seven feet wide) and darkish, having only a window at each end. On the first floor, the hall gallery, to which you ascend by eight steps, are a chapel, a taproom, a coffee-room (made out of two rooms for debtors), a room for the turnkey, another for the watchman, and eighteen rooms for prisoners. Besides the coffee-room and taproom two of those eighteen rooms, and all the cellar-floor, except a lock-up room to confine the disorderly, and another room for the turnkey, were held by the tapster, John Cartwright, who bought the remainder of the lease at public auction in 1775. The cellar-floor is sixteen steps below the hall gallery. It consists of two rooms just now mentioned, the tapster's kitchen, his four large beer and wine cellars, and fifteen rooms for prisoners. These fifteen, and the two before-mentioned on the hall gallery, the tapster lets to prisoners for from four to eight shillings a week.
On the first gallery (that next above the hall gallery) are twenty-five rooms for prisoners. On the second gallery twenty-seven; one of them, fronting the staircase, is their committee-room. A room at one end is an infirmary. At the other end, in a large room over the chapel, is a dirty billiard table, kept by the prisoner who sleeps in that room. On the highest storey are twenty-seven rooms. Some of these upper rooms, viz., those in the wings, are larger than the rest, being over the chapel, the taproom, etc. All the rooms I have mentioned are for Master's side debtors. The weekly rent of those not held by the tapster is 1s. 3d. unfurnished. They fall to the prisoners in succession, thus:—when a room becomes vacant,
the first prisoner upon the list of such as have paid their entrance-fees, takes possession of it. When the prison was built the warden gave each prisoner his choice of a room according to his seniority as prisoner. If all the rooms be occupied a new comer must hire of some tenant a part of his room; or shift as he can. Prisoners are excluded from all right of succession to the rooms held by the tapster, and let at the high rents aforesaid. The apartments for common-side debtors are only part of the right wing of the prison. Besides the cellar (which was intended for their kitchen, but is occupied with lumber, and shut up) there are four floors. On each floor is a room about 24 or 25 feet square with a fireplace; and on the sides, seven closets or cabins to sleep in."
The prison, however, was not entirely given over to Bambridge and misery. There was another side, alluded to with pity by Howard, the side of clubs, merriment, drinking, and singing. It is of this side that the author of *The Humours of the Fleet* speaks in that sprightly poem. His name was William Paget: he is described as a comedian; he says that his father was a well-known architect and mason, whose principal work was Guy's Hospital; that he himself received an education such as was then "usual for reputable tradesmen to give their children"—an architect, observe, was at that time reckoned a tradesman. He served his apprenticeship; married a girl with some fortune; and embarked in trade. In a few years he had lost all; he therefore went to Ireland and became an actor. After a time he again engaged in trade, with the same disastrous result—bankruptcy and arrest. He was first taken to the spunging-house:
"Then seized and hurried to a spunging-house,
Where, when they've fleece'd your purse of ev'ry souce,
You're dragg'd remorseless to some dismal place,
Where never cleanliness displays its face;
Where beds of musty straw o'erspread the floor,
Through gaping chasms blasting vapours pour;
Where vermin crawl, and pining sickness dwells;
A state unrivall'd, but in Newgate cells.
This must your unavoided portion be,
Unless your friendly pocket sets you free;
A recipe that's seldom known to fail,
'Twill bring a Habeas, and you chose your jail.
Near this commodious market's miry verge,
The Prince of Prisons stands, compact and large,
Where, by the jigger's more than magick charm,
Kept from the pow'r of doing good,—or harm,
Relenting captives inly ruminante
Misconduct past, and curse their present state.
Tho' sorely grieved, few are so void of grace,
As not to wear a seeming cheerful face,
Therefore, cabals engage of various sorts,
To walk, to drink, or play at different sports.
Here on the oblong table's verdant plain,
The ivory ball bounds and rebounds again:
There at backgammon two sit tête-à-tête,
And curse alternately their adverse fate;
These are at cribbage, those at whist engag'd,
And as they lose, by turns become enrag'd;
Some of a more sedentry temper, read
Chance-medley books, which duller dulness breeds;"
On politicks in coffee-room, some pore
The papers and advertisements thrice o'er;
Warm'd with the alderman, some sit up late
To fix th' Insolvent Bill, and Nation's fate;
Hence, knotty points at different tables rise,
And either party's wond'rous, wond'rous wise;
Some of low taste, ring hand-bells, direful noise,
And interrupt their fellows' harmless joys;
Disputes more noisy now a quarrel breeds,
And fools on both sides fall to loggerheads;
'Till wearied with persuasive thumps and blows
They drink as friends, as tho' they ne'er were foes.
Without distinction, intermix'd is seen,
A squire quite dirty, a mechanick clean;
The spendthrift heir, who in his chariot roll'd,
All his possessions gone, reversions sold,
Now, mean, as once profuse, the stupid sot
Sits by a runner's side, and shules a pot.
Some sots ill-manner'd, drunk, a harmless flight
Rant noisy thro' the galleries all night;
For which, if justice had been done of late,
The pump had been three pretty masters' fate.
With stomachs empty, and heads full of care,
Some wretches swill the pump and walk the Bare:
Within whose ample oval is a court,
Where the more active and robust resort,
And glowing exercise a manly sport.
(Strong exercise with mod'rate food is good,
It drives in sprightful streams the circling blood),
While these with rackets strike the flying ball,
Some plan at nine-pins, wrestlers take a fall.
Beneath a tent some drink, and some above
Are slily in their chambers making love;
Venus and Bacchus each keeps here a shrine,
And many vot'ries have both love and wine."
But to arrive at this Paradise requires money. Your Habeas costs four guineas; you have to pay the Master's fee in addition to that; next, you must tip the turnkey, who, on receipt of half a guinea, suits you with a good room which you may have to share with another collegian.
The prisoners had access to the "Hall," a public place free to all the collegians; there were billiard-tables and a tennis- or racquet-court; the upper floors were accounted the best, "for the same reason as they are at Edinburgh," i.e. because there is no danger of things being thrown out of the window above (the suggestion makes one shudder in thinking of the condition of the courts and pavements); the rent of a room, with a chum, was 1s. 3d. a week. There were always messengers waiting to go on errands; they were called runners. When a messenger or a friend brought money, it was said that the ship had arrived. The stairs were crusted with dirt so old and so immovable that it was "knotted." The costume of those prisoners who had been long in the prison was ragged and slovenly to the last degree. The poem is illustrated by a picture of the Fleet in which we see the new comer, the old collegian, the tapster, the turnkey, the cook, and the players at racquets; in
the foreground the filth and dirt of the place are indicated by the two kites—then London's best scavengers—tearing at a piece of offal. The old prisoner wears a beard of a month's growth; his stockings are in holes; his shoes are worn out; the buttons are mostly gone from his ragged coat; he has no waistcoat; and his breeches are kept in place by a skewer instead of a button or a belt. The faces of the four figures are most clearly portraits; the date of the poem and the drawing is 1749.
The prison had its own slang. The gate was the "Jigg"; the open court was "the Bare"; fine ale sold at the tap was called "an Alderman" because brewed by Alderman Parsons; "to tip" bore the same meaning as now; a guinea is "half a piece"; a shilling is "a hog"—it is also a "twelver"; the prison itself was the "Place"—it was also the "College"; the cellar, where were tables for dining, was called "Bartholomew Fair"; one set of rooms was "Mount Scoundrel"; to spend money was to "kick it down"; to "cole it" is to have money; to "shule" a pot is to beg one; to "raise a Yaffle" was to provide a meal; a halfpenny was "half a win"; a "Flitch" was sixpence; to call for "a dozen" was to call for two quarts of beer; a "dram of bob" was a glass of gin; many of these terms may be found in the poem.
At half-past nine the watchmen prisoners begin crying, "Who goes out? who goes out?" to warn visitors. At the last stroke of ten by St. Paul's clock they cry, "All told!" and the gates are locked for the night.
We have spoken of the Rules of the Fleet. They were bounded by the Old Bailey on the right; Ludgate Hill on the south; Fleet Lane on the north, and down that lane by Fleet Market southward to Ludgate Hill. The Fleet marriages, described elsewhere, originated in the chapel of the Fleet, at which, for a time, clergymen who were prisoners for debt made a little money by marrying without banns or licence.
The prison was sometimes used as a place of concealment for "run" goods. On August 9, 1778, some Custom-house officers, with a file of musqueteers, entered the Fleet Prison and began to search for certain goods. There was some resistance offered by the prisoners, but after the soldiers had knocked down two or three there was no further opposition. They found, conveniently stowed away, 2491 lbs. of tea, 1874 lbs. of coffee, 1020 lbs. of chocolate, and £1500 worth of lace—a very considerable haul. The contraband goods, they found, had been lowered into the prison from the outside, while the prisoners received money from the smugglers for storage.
A pamphlet—on the title-page of which is written in ink the date 1710—entitled, *The Present State of the Prison of Ludgate in London*, provides us with an excellent account of the place of that time, if this date be correct. The type and the paper both belong to the early part of the eighteenth century, when the commoner
kinds of type and printing were execrable. The prison, the writer explains, was first assigned as a prison for freemen of the City, for debts, trespasses, accounts, and contempts, in the year 1377, Nicholas Brembre then being Mayor. This Act was confirmed by the Common Council in the year 1382. In the year 1464 the prison was enlarged by certain buildings on the south side of the gate, given to the City by Dame Agnes Forster (see p. 586) on condition that the prisoners should henceforward pay nothing for lodging or for water. Dame Agnes's part of the prison was called the Common Side; the roof was flat and covered with lead, on which the prisoners could walk for fresh air. The prison was entered by a postern on the south side. Here was a small room where prisoners were received on entering. Within this place was a large room "for people to drink in"—such was the humanity of an eighteenth-century prison—formerly free to all the prisoners, where there was a good fire kept all the winter through; but the deputy-keeper curtailed that privilege by charging an extra halfpenny a pot for beer called for in that room. This halfpenny was a perquisite of the turnkey, who also was allowed to sell spirits in "unsealed" measures, i.e. in any measure he pleased. By this arrangement the turnkey was enabled to buy his place from the deputy-keeper, who formerly had to pay him wages. Any prisoner, therefore, who could call for drink might use this room, and might further have the opportunity, if he was a good customer, of standing below at the outer door and conversing with the people in the street.
The hatch which led into the prison itself was always attended by a turnkey; on entering, one found a large room called the "Lumbry," at the window of which stood one of the prisoners all day begging money of those who passed in Blackfriars. Three times a day the steward took account of the money collected. At another grating which opened under the gate, another prisoner begged of those who passed. Of course, the number of passengers through Ludgate was very much greater than that of the Blackfriars window. On the first floor was a large room called the White Room, furnished with a table and benches. Every Sunday a broth was made here of beef; of this broth the prisoners were all entitled to a portion. This room served also as a council-chamber or chapter-house. Here the prisoners elected their own steward and his assistants from their own body once a month. And here was hung up the table of fees. These were moderate enough, but why there should be any fees at all for debtors who came to the prison very much against their will, and only because they were bankrupt, no one ventured to ask.
On admission the prisoners paid 1s. to the turnkey; to the officer who brought him, 2d.; on discharge, 2s.; for all actions and writs, 1s. each; for sheets, if the prisoner chose, 8d. a month; for beds and blankets, 3d. a night for the best lodging, and 2d. for the second best; when the prisoner found his own bed and bedding, 3d. a week; if the prisoner could not afford a bed, 1d. a week for chamber room; 1d. a week for lamps and candles. So that the prisoner had to pay 2d. a week at least
for chamber room and light. How if he could pay nothing, not even the penny a week for chamber room? You shall see.
On the same floor was a room called the Lower Ward, wherein were a fireplace and a chimney. This room was furnished with six bedsteads, but the beds and bedding were at the time of writing well-nigh worn out. It was, however, accounted the best ward in the place.
On the second floor was the Chapel Ward, so called from being near the chapel. This room was also furnished with six bedsteads, the bedding quite worn out. On the same floor was a smaller room, called the "Odd Men's Room," with three beds and a window looking into Ludgate Street. The chapel was on this floor. This is described as lofty and capacious, furnished with all things suitable; and, which is very curious and interesting, "beautified by the present churchwarden with greens and flowers according to the season." This is the only mention that I can remember of flowers in a church at that period. Prayers were read twice a day by one of the laymen in the house, if there was no clergyman; the reader had a salary of 4d. a day allowed him out of the boxes; every Sunday a clergyman appointed by the Lord Mayor preached a sermon to the prisoners.
On the next floor was a Charity Ward, because here slept the men who could pay nothing. It was their duty to stand at the windows over the boxes, begging the charity of the passers-by. These poor men had no chimney, and were therefore allowed to draw their provisions in the White Room. They had half a bushel of coals allowed them once a week in the winter. An agreeable fiction was kept up in this room concerning an imaginary Monsieur Shawney, who demanded a fee of 1s. 6d. The "flooridge" of every new prisoner was the money to be expended among the others. If the prisoner refused to pay either his footing or other fines imposed for petty offences, he found his hat or his coat kept from him till he procured from somebody the money for the deputy of Monsieur Shawney.
A small dark room stood next. It was formerly called the Chamberlain's Store-room, but as there was nothing left to store—no sheets or blankets or bedding—it was let as a bedroom to two men who slept on rags. "Should they live to obtain their liberty," says my author, "the keeper will exact 14d. a week from each of them for their lodging." That is to say, he will be able to keep them in prison until they have paid his dues as well as their debts.
On the top floor is the Women's Ward. They have a bushel of coals allowed them every week and one candle every night. There is another ward called the Upper Ward, but it is not stated whether it is kept for the women or not. The top of the house was flat, covered with leads, and on the leads oaken planks where the prisoners could take the air, and look down upon the City, contemplate the distant hills of Hampstead on the north and Norwood on the south, and play at ninepins.
The "Master's Side" was that part of the prison which was over the gate. Here there were four rooms on the floor immediately above the gate and six on the second floor, making ten rooms in all; there was also formerly a large room where the prisoners could work at their trades, but this room had been taken from them by the under keeper.
The official protector of all the freemen of the City was the Lord Mayor; he was therefore the master of this prison. As he was too great a person to look after the prison himself, he appointed a keeper. Then the usual developments followed: the post being found lucrative, the keeper became too grand to look after it, and appointed a deputy-keeper; he in his turn appointed a turnkey; the turnkey appointed a deputy-turnkey; and they all lived upon the poor prisoners. The deputy-keeper bought his place and paid a yearly rent as well; he received the admission fees and the chamber and bed money; he also took upon himself to let out such of his prisoners as could pay him a guinea down, and two shillings a week, and find security besides. It is not stated how many of the prisoners enjoyed this privilege; that of living within the Rules was afterwards another form of the same enlargement. The custom was winked at, probably because if men cannot work they must always be fed, and the charges of finding food for a prison full of debtors would be extremely onerous. Therefore, it was better to let those out who could find work to do. Moreover, if a man is locked up without the means of work, his wife and children become chargeable to the parish. This relaxation shows that the City was beginning to understand how expensive and useless a thing it is to lock up a man for life because he cannot pay a debt. The deputy-keeper was supposed to make more than £500 a year by the many emoluments of his place. He found it necessary, however, to retain certain messengers who collected the weekly dues from the "Ludgate Pigeons," i.e. the prisoners out on security.
The house was nominally governed by its inmates. They chose once a month a steward, whose duty it was to administer the charities, gifts, and endowments of the prison; to receive, at stated hours, the contents of the boxes; to defend the prisoners from insults of the keeper; to relieve the poorer prisoners by a daily allowance of food given out at noon; and to provide mops, brooms, and pails for keeping the place clean. For his services he was allowed a shilling a day.
The steward had seven assistants, or constables, under him, one for each day in the week: their duty was to check the steward's accounts; to see the orders of the house executed; to put down uproars; to clap mutinous prisoners in the stocks, and, if need be, to call in charity men to assist him in keeping order.
The out-steward was appointed originally from among the prisoners; his duty
was to collect the rents and endowments. The turnkey, however, took over the office.
The churchwarden looked after the chapel, made the scavenger ring a bell for prayers, and wound up the gate clock; for which he received 4d. a day and something on account of the clock.
The reader was appointed to read the prayers daily. The running assistant directed visitors to the prisoner they came to see; and he gave notice to the steward at the hours appointed to clear the boxes.
The kettle-pot man made the Sunday broth out of meat sent in by the Butchers' Company. In one place we read that the prisoners were entitled to this weekly dole of food; in another place it is said that the kettle-pot man sold it to the prisoners.
The scavenger swept and cleaned the wards; rang the prisoners to prayers; rang out visitors at eight in the evening; summoned the steward and assistants to their meetings; made proclamation about things lost; cleaned out the cistern of water; and was "Yeoman of the Nut Crackers," i.e. was in charge of the stocks, when any one had to be put in them. On the whole a useful and a well-paid office.
More useful still were the "Box Men." Eight of them were appointed from the charity men; their duty was to stand at the grating over the boxes, imploring the charity of the passer-by. There were, as we have seen, two boxes—one in the gate, the other in Blackfriars at the south of the prison. The boxman for the gate began at five in the morning; he of Blackfriars side at seven, because there were fewer passengers. If the man did not bawl loud enough and could not move the compassion of the people, he was turned out of the place, which, among the poorer side, was greatly envied. When the boxes were opened, the boxman of the gate received a fourth part, and he of Blackfriars, which contributed much less, three-fourths. It was reckoned that a boxman usually made a shilling a day; therefore, since there were six men employed every day, the average takings would be at the gate 24s. a day, and at the Blackfriars side 8s. a day. Sometimes a piece of gold would run up the day's takings. The whole amount thus received was about £600 a year.
The secretary kept the steward's books and wrote the petitions and the private letters for those unable to write. There were also two men whose duty it was to walk upon the leads all day in order to prevent the prisoners from escaping.
Such was the constitution of the Ludgate Prison. The freedom of election degenerated into a mere form: the steward went through the form of election, but was appointed over and over again for years; he exercised power almost absolute; he could put a prisoner in the stocks and keep him there for days—nay, he refused to let him out at all, until he had received a signed paper of
submission; he claimed and exercised the power of flogging the prisoners; he always kept an account against the house showing the prisoners to be in his debt; if charitable gifts of money were sent to the prisoners he received them, put them in his pocket, and set the amount against the debt. Other charges are made against the deputy-keeper and the steward, the whole amounting to a system of turning the charities of the prison into the private advantage of the officers, and the assumption of arbitrary power in spite of a constitution meaning self-government.
Sometimes a wedding took place in the prison. When one prisoner married another, the woman was set free and became an assistant to the man in procuring him work or necessaries, while the man took upon himself his wife's debts and obligations. As his own were far beyond any means at his command, this made little difference. On such occasions the prisoners welcomed the bride with a concert upon frying-pans, tongs, gridirons, keys, etc., and after the serenade demanded half a crown in the name of Monsieur Shawney. They then went to the steward and demanded a fee of 4d., and visited each ward, asking 2d. per head of every prisoner who had not seen such a wedding before. The money thus collected they spent in drink, merry-making as long as the funds allowed. In case of a death, the body was conveyed to the Bethlehem burial-ground beside Moor Fields, at the cost of the prison stock.
Such was the life in Ludgate Prison in the year 1710. In the house we have described, there were always from seventy to a hundred prisoners. We have found a very small number of beds, not enough for the fourth part of the residents, unless two or more slept in the same bed, which was probably the custom. We see the prisoners in the receipt of doles in money and food; the Lord Mayor's basket goes to the prison every day; the beef comes on Sundays; bread was sent in by some of the companies; coals were provided by charity; the boxes waited all day long for the receipt of alms. What we have not seen, but may imagine, at Ludgate as well as all the other prisons, is the crowded bedroom, with the prisoners lying about in rags between the beds; the noisomeness of the prison; the dirt and the noise and the stench of it; the drinking wherever there was any money; the idleness; the frying and the boiling over the fire all day long; the wretchedness of some, the recklessness of others, the hopelessness of all; and for those who had neither money nor work, the pangs of hunger and the debility and low vitality of the half-starved.
When the gates were removed the old Ludgate Prison was demolished. A new prison, however, for freemen of the City, clergymen, proctors, and attorneys, was fitted up in Bishopsgate Street; it had been a bridewell to the workhouse there. It was quite a small place, and contained only eleven rooms for
Master's Side debtors, and two garrets for the Common Side; there was a very small court; no infirmary, no bath; the chapel common to the prison and the workhouse. The City allowed these prisoners 140 lbs. of beef every week, or 20 lbs. a day: a twopenny loaf, weighing 21 oz.—in the year 1783—every other day to each prisoner; the Lord Mayor and sheriffs sent coals every year; Messrs. Calvert and Co. sent every week two barrels of small-ale. There were also bequests amounting to about £140 a year. The fees in this prison were much more moderate than those in the Fleet. The number of prisoners, in seven visits paid by Howard, was 29, 31, 29, 13, 15, 20, and 15. On the average it was 22, so that by reference to the statement of charities it will be perceived that each prisoner ought, on an average, to receive daily a pound of beef, 10½ oz. of bread, three pints of small-ale, and about 4½d. in money. A luxurious prison.
In the year 1794 the Ludgate prisoners, as they were still called, were removed from Bishopsgate Street to a new prison adjoining to, and partly encircled by, the compter in Giltspur Street. The prisoners continued to be freemen of the City, clergymen, proctors, attorneys, and such other persons as the Lord Mayor and aldermen should send there. The fees on admission were: to the clerk of the compter, 2s. 6d. if in execution, and 1s. 4d. if in mesne process; to the sergeant-at-mace, 5s.; the prison fees were 1s. on admission and 3d. a week during confinement. A discharge cost 5s. 4d. if there was only one writ; more if there were several; to the clerk, 3s. 8d.; to the messenger, 1s.; to the prison, 2s. The number of prisoners averaged, from 1800-1807, nine to twenty-eight. This prison, alone among prisons, actually had a bathing-tub. There were many small legacies and charities, and something of the old order and discipline of the Ludgate Prison were maintained.
There was a tradition as regards Ludgate Prison which must not be forgotten. It is of one Stephen Forster, who was confined within its walls. He had to take his turn at the grate to beg for the poor prisoners. Stephen Forster attracted the attention of a wealthy widow, who asked him how much would be sufficient to set him free. Having ascertained that point, she paid the money, set him free, took him into her service, and married him. After this he prospered exceedingly, and became in the end Lord Mayor of London and received the honour of knighthood. In the midst of his prosperity Sir Stephen did not forget his old prison-house. His lady and himself (see p. 581), to enlarge the prison, caused several of the houses near the gate to be pulled down, and in their stead erected a strong square stone building, containing the following rooms, viz. the porch, the paper-house, the watch-hall, the upper and lower lumbries, the cellar, the long ward, and the chapel. In the chapel there was the following inscription:—
"This chapel was erected and ordained for the divine worship and service of God, by the Right Hon. Sir Stephen Forster, Knight, some time Lord Mayor of this honourable city, and by Dame Agnes his wife, for the use and goodly exercise of the prisoners of this prison of Ludgate. (Anno 1454.)
Devout soules that passe this way
For Stephen Forster, late Maior, heartily pray;
And Dame Agnes his spouse, to God consecrate,
That of pite this house made for Londoners in Ludgate,
So that for lodging and water prisoners here nought pay,
As their keepers shall all answer at dreadful domesday."
In Lamb's *Specimens* (Leigh Hunt, p. 70) is quoted a scene from a play by Rowley, in which there are introduced two brothers Forster, one rich and the other a prisoner in Ludgate. The latter has a son who is strictly forbidden by the rich man to relieve his father. In the following scene the father is begging at the grate:
"Forster.—Bread, bread, one penny to buy a loaf of bread, for the tender mercy.
Rob.—O me! my shame! I know that voice full well; I'll help thy wants, although thou curse me still.
(He stands where he is unseen by his father)
Forster.—Bread, bread, some Christian man send back Your charity to a number of poor prisoners. One penny for the tender mercy—
[Robert puts in money.
The hand of Heaven reward you, gentle sir. Never may you want, never feel misery; Let blessings in unnumbered measure grow, And fall upon your head, where'er you go.
Rob.—Oh, happy comfort! curses to the ground First struck me: now with blessings I am crowned.
Forster.—Bread, bread, for the tender mercy; one penny for a loaf of bread.
Rob.—I'll buy more blessings! take thou all my store; I'll keep no coin and see my father poor.
Forster.—Good angels guard you, sir, my prayers shall be That Heaven may bless you for this charity.
Rob.—If he knew me sure he would not say so: Yet I have comfort, if by any means I get a blessing from my father's hands."
There were two City compters, one in Wood Street and one in the Poultry. One sheriff had charge of the former; the other, of the latter; they received prisoners committed or sentenced by the Lord Mayor or the aldermen. They were, in fact, prisons for all who were arrested in the City. Stow's account of them is as follows (bk. iii. p. 51):
"The charge of those prisons is committed to the sheriffs, who always enter into their office on the 28th of September, which is the eve of St. Michael the Archangel, and are accordingly sworn to the charge of the said office.
Under the sheriffs there are divers other officers belonging alike in both counters, who give security to the sheriffs for their true and faithful execution of their several offices:"
1. The first and principal officer next to the sheriff, is the secretary, whose office is to return writs, mark warrants, impanel juries for the courts both above and below, and also for the Sessions.
2. The clerk of the papers, whose office is to impanel juries for the sheriff's court; he enters up judgment and makes out all processes for the sheriff's court.
3. Four clerk sitters, who enter actions, take bails, receive verdicts after trials, etc.
4. Eighteen serjeants at mace; and every serjeant hath his yeoman. Their office is to arrest, execute all processes, serve writs and executions upon actions, and summons from above, as well as from the courts below. And each of these serjeants gives £400 security to the sheriff, for the due execution of their office. They wear blue coloured cloth gowns, which are allowed them by the sheriffs yearly, which they always wear upon their waiting days. Four of these serjeants, and as many yeomen out of each counter, wait upon their respective sheriff daily; and during the time of Sessions, double the number. At which time, in the mornings, they bring the prisoners down from Newgate to the Sessions-house, and put them in the dock; and wait there all day, and return the prisoners back to the gaol at night; and upon the execution days, see the condemned prisoners executed.
Unto each counter also belongs a master keeper; and under him, two turnkeys and other servitors."
The Wood Street Compter succeeded an earlier prison situated in Bread Street.
Stow affords very little information as to the condition of the prison in his time. From Strype's map, it seems to have been approached by a court or passage on the east side of Wood Street, south of Fryers Alley, and to have then consisted of a single court.
The Wood Street Compter served both for debtors and for felons. Latterly, it had become a most noisome and filthy place. The average number of debtors was about seventy; of felons about twenty-eight. The debtors had one room—12 feet high, 33 feet long, and 15 feet broad—for the men, which was at once their day-room, night-room, and kitchen; the place swarmed with vermin. The prisoners slept on shelves put up against the wall, the highest being reached by steps; no bedding or straw was allowed. Their victuals were dressed at a large fire in the same room, which had only one door and no other opening but the chimney. No provision was made for sickness—not even an apothecary attended them. The General Dispensary (established 1770 with 100 subscribers; in 1773, 600 subscribers) supplied these poor captives with medical attendance, which they could not otherwise have obtained.
This prison was closed in 1791, when the prisoners were transferred to the new compter of Giltspur Street, which was appropriated for debtors, felons, vagrants, and disorderly persons. The night charges of the City were all taken to Giltspur Street, and in the morning marched out to the Lord Mayor or one of the aldermen. The average number of debtors in this place between 1800 and 1807, both years inclusive, was thirty-six. The prison was a great improvement on any of the older places of confinement. There was plenty of water, and the rooms and wards were kept clean. The compter was pulled down in 1855.
The Poultry Compter stood between Grocers' Hall and the Poultry, between Nos. 31 and 32. This prison was of great antiquity. It possessed many small endowments, and the broken meats were sent daily from the sheriff's table. Neild complains (1803) of the ruinous condition into which the Poultry had been allowed to fall. It contained a separate ward for Jews, of whom in that year—1803—there were two, not felons, but debtors. In 1804, on account of its dangerous condition, the debtors were removed to Giltspur Street. Two years later, that place overflowing, the criminals were taken from Giltspur Street back to the Poultry. In 1815 the place was cleared out again, and in 1817 taken down. The new prison of Whitecross Street, which had been recently built, held 500 prisoners, and was closed and pulled down in 1870.
The uses of the compters appear very plainly in the mediaeval pages of Riley and others. Thus, in the year 1377 (Memorials, p. 413) one John Roos, Esquier, was arrested on the charge first of debt and of conspiracy afterwards. He was brought before John of Northampton, one of the sheriffs of London, and committed to the "compter of the same sheriff in Milk Street," that is to say, to Wood Street Compter, having at that time an entrance by Milk Street as well as Wood Street. In the next year there was a dispute between one of the sheriffs and the Mayor regarding the compter belonging to the former. It was a very serious dispute, involving the authority of the Mayor, then Sir Nicholas Brembre (Memorials, p. 415):
"On Sunday, the feast of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas [7 March], in the first year, etc., before the hour of noon, a conflict arose in Westchepe, between certain persons of the trade of goldsmiths and others of the trade of pepperers, from a certain rancour that had existed between them; by reason of which conflict, no small affray arose throughout the whole city; and that, too, while the Bishop of Carlisle was preaching in St. Paul's Churchyard; in which place, because of such conflict, and the wounded fleeing thither with very great outcry, no little tumult and alarm ensued. Upon which, Nicholas Brembre, the then Mayor, being informed thereof, together with other aldermen, immediately went to Westchepe, to restore peace there, and to maintain it; and after he had so restored order, he convened his aldermen on this matter, to meet, after dinner on the same day, at the Guildhall.
And when they had met there, as also Nicholas Twyford, one of the then sheriffs, at the mandate of the said Mayor, there came with the said sheriff one of his suite, John Worsele by name, who was publicly accused before the said Mayor, of being a principal mover of the strife; by reason whereof, the Mayor forthwith personally arrested him, and ordered him to be sent to the compter of Andrew Pykeman, the other sheriff. Upon which arrest being made, the said Nicholas, the sheriff, went to the serjeant-at-arms, who so had him in custody by precept of the Mayor, and said that he was to be taken to his own compter, in Mylk Street; alleging that he had been arrested by himself and his fellow sheriff. It was accordingly whispered to the Mayor, that the person who had been so arrested by him, could not be taken to the place named by him, as the said Nicholas, the sheriff, was opposed thereto; wherefore, the Mayor, going up to him, asked why the man so under arrest, was not taken to the compter of the said Andrew, the other sheriff, as he had ordered. Whereupon the said Nicholas answered him as above stated; for which reason the mayor there bodily arrested him. In consequence whereof, as also for other reasons which had arisen in quelling the said disturbance, and for having more mature deliberation thereon, and confirming the preservation of the peace for the future, the said Mayor caused a Common Council to be summoned,
together with the other wiser and more influential men of the City, to be on the Tuesday following at the Guildhall.”
In the end the sheriff was dismissed his office, imprisoned, and all his goods and chattels sequestrated.
In the year 1388 the porter of one of the compters got into trouble for speaking evil of Adam Bamme, alderman. It is not stated which of the compters.
In 1390 the compter of John Fraunceys, sheriff, was in Wood Street. In 1413 the compter mentioned in the case of John Askwythe seems to have been Wood Street.
In 1382 it was ordered that common women of the town should wear hoods of ray only; and that any one wearing hoods of budge, perreil, or revers, should be committed to the compter, i.e. to either compter. In 1418 it was ordered that one William Michen, for offence to the Court, should be confined in “the compter,” meaning the one which belonged to his sheriff.
In 1419 we learn that one John Selby was the clerk of “the compter,” but it is not stated which.
Early in the reign of Henry VI. the following regulations were enacted on the treatment of prisoners in the compters (Liber Albus, p. 447):
“That the compters from henceforth shall not be to ferm let by any sheriff, or by any other person in their name, unto the porters of such compters, or unto any other officer of the sheriffs; but that the sheriffs shall be bound to bear the charge of the rent, candles, and other such costs as the porters of the compters have borne in time past, by reason of their ferm.
That prisoners who are staying in the compters shall pay nothing for the customary fees unto the porters, or unto the sheriffs, for one night, by reason of their so staying in the said compter, save only for a bed, one penny the first night.
And if such person shall wish in preference to stay in the compter rather than go to Newgate or to Ludgate, whether for debt, trespass, or any other cause, felony and treason excepted, in such case it shall be fully lawful for the said sheriffs to leave such prisoners in the compter, for their comfort, they paying to the use of the said sheriffs four pence, six pence, eight pence, or twelve pence, per week, each person towards the rent of the said house, without more; and this, by assessment of the clerks of the compter, who shall take into consideration their arrest and also their estate.
That if a prisoner shall make such agreement with the sheriff or his clerks, to wait in the compter, as before stated, it shall be fully lawful for such prisoner to have his own bed there, if he has one; and if he had not, then it shall be fully lawful for the said porter to find him a bed, taking each night one penny for the same, as the manner is in all lodging-houses.
That neither the porter nor any other officer of the said compter shall sell unto the prisoners bread, ale, charcoal, firewood, or any other provisions whatsoever, under pain of imprisonment and of paying a fine at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen—except by [due] measure, and at a reasonable price.”
The Tun of Cornhill, according to the opinion of Neild, was the predecessor of the Bread Street Compter. But they existed at the same time. For in 7 Rich. II. it was ordained (Liber Albus, p. 396) that an incontinent priest should be taken to the “Tun on Cornhill, with Minstrels”; that a person impeached of
adultery shall be taken, with minstrels, first to Newgate and then through Chepe to the Tun in Cornhill; any adulteress found with a priest or a married man was to be taken "to the compter of one of the sheriffs," and thence to the Tun, with minstrelsy; and a single woman found with a priest was to be taken in like manner to one of the compters, and thence to the Tun.
In the year 1425 the sheriffs were ordered to keep their compters in "a certain place," meaning, I suppose, that the prisons were not to be shifted about, e.g. that Wood Street Compter was not to be transferred to one of the City gates, or to a private house. It was also ordered, which I do not understand, that no bedel was to be porter of a compter.
I am possessed of a tract or pamphlet—said to be rare—printed in the year 1616, which affords a glimpse of the conduct of Wood Street Compter at that date. It is written by one William Fennor, a prisoner in that place. The style is something like that of the illustrious Tom Brown, with spirit, yet with extravagance and with a constant straining after effect, which is less noticeable in the successor of William Fennor a hundred years later. He was arrested by a brace of bandogs, belonging to one of the compters:
"The thought of my arrest did not so much affright me as the countenances of those peuter-buttoned, shoulder-clapping catch-poles that seazed on my body. The one had a face ten times worse than those Jewes that are pictured in Arras-hangings whipping Christ; his black hair hung dangling about his cares like elfelockes, that I cannot be persuaded but some succubus begot him on a witch; his nose was precious, richly rubified, and shined brighter than any Sumner's snout in Lancashire."
The indication of the pewter buttons is one of a hundred instances in which the writer affords information as to those mean matters which make up the life of a time, yet are so difficult to discover, because they are beneath the notice of writers, and, indeed, beneath their observation. How many living men could describe the ordinary costume of a cab-driver?
They conducted him first to a tavern, where they ate and drank at their prisoner's expense; they then led him to the compter, the gates of which instantly flew open at their arrival.
"Noctes atque dies patet atri janua Ditis."
His name entered, he was asked whether he chose the Master's Side, the Knights' Ward, or the Common Side. He chose the first—and the dearest. For this choice he paid one shilling; and was then led into a spacious room, beyond which was a hall decorated with the Story of the Prodigal Son. He was then made to pay two shillings garnish. This done, he was taken to his chamber and locked in for the night. In the morning he found that he had several chamber-fellows, among whom was an attorney. This benefactor to his kind endeavoured,
unsuccessfully, to fleece him out of what he had, under pretence of doing him a service. Some of them began the morning with tobacco "to expel noisome savours." From all we learn about the noisome savours it would seem the best and safest thing to do. They then began to drink, and so passed the time till morning service, which they appear to have attended regularly. The other prisoners demanded garnish from the new-comer. It took the form of claret, which, we learn, then cost sixpence a quart.
After breakfast the new hand walked into the forerooms where the keepers and servants were taking their dinner. Again he had to pay garnish; and again he had to send for a quart of claret. A friend called upon him and gave him two angels, by the aid of which, and other gifts and loans, he rubbed along for three weeks. This kindness coming to an end, he was fain to leave the Master's Side, and to seek the cheaper hospitality of the Knights' Ward. Here he made acquaintance with the "Cellar," the drinking-place, where a goodly company made music all day long with cans of beer, and where the smoke of tobacco ascended unto the heavens, like incense. Here, too, he came across an old prisoner who entertained him with an account of the trickeries and cheateries practised not only on the unfortunates lying in the prison, but by the unfortunates themselves. Here are two or three of his cases:
The young gentleman newly come to London. He is carried away by pleasures and amusements of the town; he longs to plunge into them: there are the women to be courted, as he thinks—to be bought, as he learns; there are the gallants of the tavern whose fine dress and swaggering speech he would imitate if he could. But he wants money. He goes to a shop in the City and tries to borrow. He fails. Then an honest broker—there is always an honest broker—calls upon him and says plainly that he can manage his affair. They go off together to the same tradesman who had refused before, but is now standing in with the broker. He will advance the money if the borrower will sign a deed and get some one to be bound for him. The broker kindly agrees—the money is advanced, in goods which have to be sold for what they will fetch, and the broker takes half for his share. When the time agreed upon in the deed arrives, the writ is issued and our young friend is clapped into the compter.
When the young gentleman leaves the compter, his education is so complete that he is generally able to set up for himself in the profession of hawk. The pursuit of the pigeon by the hawk is not unlike later histories to the same effect, except that the hawks of the seventeenth century hunted, like weasels, in companies.
Many of the prisoners were brought there by their own contrivance and wish. Thus, a tradesman, when he found himself secretly in difficulties, yet openly in credit, went round the town and bought a thousand pounds' worth of goods here,
and another thousand pounds worth there; and so on. Then he sold the whole, not in his shop, but privately, and put the money in his pocket. He then shifted his lodging and sent round a private friend to his creditors, begging them to take the goods he left behind him in discharge of his liabilities. Perhaps they did, in which case he was clear, with all that money to the good. Perhaps they arrested him. It mattered little to him. He had got that money. After a year or two the creditors grew tired of waiting; they then took what they could get and let him go.
Another trick, practised this time by young gentlemen, was to get arrested for a pretended debt of five or six pounds. Their friends paid it; the prisoners came out, and received the money for which they had been put into prison.
Another class of prisoners was those who got arrested a little before Easter or Christmas for a pretended debt of thirty shillings or so, and went into the common side, because at this time of year the legacies dropped in. It must be remembered that in the bequests of the time, it was as much the fashion to remember the poor debtors as it had been two hundred years before to remember the five orders of friars. They then came out with their share of the bequests.
A fourth class was that of the gallant gentlemen who were in request for some brave deed on Newmarket Heath, and contrived to be brought here, where no search was made, until the storm blew over.
As regards the legacies, the keepers made use of them to get their debts paid; for though the money was left for the poorer debtors only, they took some of it for the Knight's Ward, on the pretext that the residents there were in debt to them. Sometimes the keepers themselves were hoist by their own petard. For instance, they were liable for the custody of every prisoner to the full amount of the debts for which he was incarcerated. At the same time it was their custom to go abroad with the prisoners, one at a time, charging two shillings for a single walk; in order that the latter might call upon his friends and get money. Now on one occasion, a young fellow was brought in until he should find bail; it was a case of paternity and the parish wanted the father of the expected child to bear the burden. The man persuaded a keeper to take him out in order to look for bail; ran away; made good his escape; and left the keeper, with whom was associated the book-keeper, to settle matters with the parish. The event brought twins; it is pleasant to relate that the keeper had to pay for one child and the book-keeper for the other.
The New Prison, Clerkenwell, first built toward the end of the seventeenth century, was rebuilt in 1775, on the site of the older prison; again rebuilt in 1818 and in 1845. It was closed in 1877. Howard describes it as it was in the year 1776. The night-rooms were furnished with barrack beds; the day-room for the men in their ward—and also for the women in theirs—was a long low
shed with a fireplace in it. The women slept in unventilated cabins or cupboards; the windows had no glass; there was plenty of water. The chapel was common to the prison, and the Bridewell stood beside it; there was no infirmary. In the keeper’s house there was a bath. The tap-room was not open to prisoners, who took their drink at a wicket. The number of prisoners varied from fifty to ninety.
The Bridewell was a crowded and miserable place. In 1753 there were 191 prisoners, as many women as men. The women had to sleep in dark and unwholesome night-rooms; many of the prisoners were debtors committed for forty days by the Court of Conscience. In the men’s infirmary in January one man was dying, with little or no covering; five more were sick; in the women’s infirmary twelve were lying sick in their clothes, either on the bare barrack bed or on the floor. Many of them complained of sore feet, which had turned black.
The history of the Poultry Compter has already been given (p. 589), but I give here in addition some details as to its internal arrangements. It was for debtors and felons both. The number of felons (average in seven visits) about eight; the number of debtors about fifty-eight. There was a tap-room in the prison; there was an infirmary; there was abundance of water; the prison was kept quite clean. The prisoners were allowed to walk on the leads; the felons were kept separate from the debtors; they had a day-room for men and women both; and two sleeping-rooms for men and women separate. In 1776 there were 52 debtors who had their wives and 163 children with them in the prison. The prisoners had each a penny loaf a day; the sheriffs sent in 32 lbs. of beef every Saturday; and Messrs. Calvert and Co. sent in two barrels of small ale every week.
At the beginning of this century there were, on an average, about 33 debtors in this place beside the felons. On Neild’s visits at that time he found living in the prison ten women, wives of the debtors, and fifteen children. Drink was flowing all day long. The leads were used, as in the old Ludgate prison, for exercise. The house, as has been said, was in a most ruinous condition in 1803; it was then shored up with props in many places, and in 1804 it became so dangerous that the prisoners were removed to the Giltspur Street Compter, while their own prison was put into repair. The criminals and felons, however, were soon sent back to their old quarters, of which a large part had been pulled down. In 1813 the building was finally taken down and the debtors removed to Whitecross Street, now also pulled down. Boyse, the poet, was a prisoner in this wretched place.
Whitechapel Prison was a debtors’ prison for Stepney and Hackney. In it were confined persons whose debts were over £2 and under £5, all poor and miserable men; there were generally about twenty-five prisoners. They hung out a begging-box in front of the house, and this brought them in a few pence daily, but no one could share who had not paid the keeper’s fee of half-a-crown. In 1777, out of twenty-seven persons, only three had paid this amount. By an act of Parliament 1782, it was ordered that no debtor should be confined to this prison for more than one week for every pound of debt. This act virtually closed the prison. In April and December 1782 there were no prisoners; in August and October 1783 there were no prisoners. The keeper had a licence, and used to allow men to come in from the outside, drink, and play skittles, in the court, as if he kept a common public-house.
In Well Close Square used to exist a most remarkable prison. It was a public-house kept by a Swede. The house contained a court-room for the Tower Hamlets; the garden of the house was converted into a prison-yard, 116 feet by 18, latticed overhead. The prison rooms consisted of a day-room (or closet, Howard adds) of the liberal dimensions of $5\frac{1}{2} \times 3\frac{1}{2}$ feet “with a doorway.” Overhead were three night-rooms. Allowance from a penny to twopence a day. No straw. Only an occasional prisoner was found here, and in 1782 the prison was ruinous.
Another small prison was that of St. Katherine’s Precinct. It consisted of two rooms, one above and one below, but there were seldom any prisoners. The Savoy was a military prison.
Newgate prison belonged especially to the criminal side, but there were always a large number of debtors confined in it. Let us here consider only the debtors’ side. Between 1800 and 1807 the average number of debtors was 201. By the Insolvent Act of 1793 some 25 to 50 per cent were year after year discharged. There were charities and doles to a considerable amount for the relief of the debtors. Many of the City Companies gave money and victuals. Writing in 1808 Neild gives a short list of debtors still in prison for debts of the most insignificant description. Thus:—
| Year | Name | Debt | Costs |
|------|---------------|-------|-------|
| 1797 | John Allen | 3 5 | 8 8 |
| | William Gough | 3 10 | 8 4 |
| | Thomas Blackburn | 2 0\frac{1}{2} | 6 10 |
| | Deloe | 1 5 | 6 10 |
| | Ann James | 2 3 | 8 10 |
| 1798 | Charles Burnet| 3 10 | 8 10 |
| | Thomas Blackburn | 2 6 | 8 10 |
| | Elizabeth Irvine | 3 9 | 8 8 |
| 1799 | Caleb Only | 3 9 | 8 10 |
| | T. Dobson | 1 6 | 8 10 |
| | John Hyder | 3 10 | 8 8 |
Two of the eight separate wards were allotted to debtors: (1) the main yard 49 feet long by 32 feet wide, with three wards and a long room capable of accommodating ninety persons; (2) the women’s yard with two wards capable of receiving twenty-two persons. There had been known to be 285 men and forty women on the debtors’ side.
Tothill Fields Prison contained—1800-1808—on an average fifty-seven debtors. There were also wards for vagrants, for cases of assault and battery, and for the punishment of apprentices. The prison was well washed and cleaned with plenty of water. There was a male and a female infirmary. Tothill Fields Bridewell, contained a number of prisoners varying from thirty-eight in 1774 to ninety-two in 1783. The prison is well spoken of as clean, regularly washed, and airy; the prisoners themselves were made to wash. There was no infirmary for the women, and sick women were lying on the floor. Adjoining this Bridewell was another small prison appropriated to women, but originally put up in place of the old Gate House, Westminster.
Let us now cross over the river and visit the prisons of Southwark. Truly the Borough was liberally provided with prisons as with taverns. In the words of the Water Poet:
Five jayles or prisons are in Southwark placed;
The Counter, once St. Margaret’s Church defaced;
The Marshalsea, the King’s Bench, and White Lyon.
Then there’s the Clink where handsome lodgings be;
And much good may it do them all for me.
The King’s Bench Prison, though a larger place than the Fleet, and perhaps as old, for there was a prison here from time immemorial, plays a less important part in history and literature than the Fleet. Why this should be so it is impossible to explain, except that the Fleet was at first considered as a part of the King’s Houses of Westminster. We have seen that the warden of the prison was also warden of the gate of the palace, and that prisoners of the Star Chamber were taken to the Fleet. The King’s Bench Prison stood in low and marshy ground, but had the advantage of open fields at the back; fields that were included in the Rules, so that
those who enjoyed the liberty of the Rules could walk in the open country. It was possible, and a common practice, to exchange one prison for another, so that a debtor could get change of air and of companions by payment of certain fees.
The list of worthies who illustrate the annals of the King's Bench is meagre compared with that possessed by the Fleet. Tradition gave to the King's Bench Henry, Prince of Wales. History gives it John Bradford, the martyr; Edward Cocker, arithmetician; Lord Rushworth, Clerk of the Parliament, died in 1690; Christopher Smart, the poet, died here; Theodore, King of Corsica, was a prisoner here; Baxter was confined here; Smollett; Combe, author of *Dr. Syntax*, was confined here; here Wilkes was imprisoned for two years, and here were imprisoned Cochrane, afterwards Lord Dundonald, Haydon, and William Hone. On this prison we find the following notes in Stow and Strype (1720), vol. ii. pp. 18, 19:
"The prisoners in this prison of the King's Bench were formerly not only restrained of their liberty but were further punished by reason of the straitness of room; there being a great many more about the middle of Queen Elizabeth's reign, committed there than before, as well for debt, trespass as other causes by reason of which, straightening and pestering one another, great annoyances and inconveniences grew among the prisoners, that occasioned the death of many. So that within six years last past (it was now about the year 1579) well near an hundred persons died, and between Michaelmas and March about a dozen persons; besides others that had been extremely sick and hardly recovered; and some remained still sick and in danger of their lives, through a certain contagion, called the sickness of the house; which many times happened among them, engendering chiefly, or rather only of the small or few rooms, in respect of the many persons abiding in them; and there, by want of air, breathing in one another's faces as they lay, which could not but breed infection; especially when any infectious person was removed from other prisons, thither. And many times it so happened, namely, in the summer season, that through want of air, and to avoid smoldering, they were forced in the night-time to cry out to the marshal's servants to rise and open the doors of the wards, thereby to take air in the yard for their refreshing. Whereupon these prisoners, about March 1579, put up a petition to the Lords of the Queen's Privy Council, setting forth
all their lamentable condition; and beseeched them to take some order for the enlarging of the said rooms for preservation of their lives, that then remained there, as of others that should fortune to be committed there; and also for building of some chapel, or place of common prayer; they being driven to use for that purpose a certain room through which was a continual resort. And that they would the rather be moved hereunto, in that the same house or lands were the Queen's inheritance; and the marshal there answerable to Her Highness for a yearly rent therefore; and being also Her Highness's principal gaol.
For seconding this petition Sir Owen Hopton, Kt. Lieutenant of the Tower, Fleetwood and Recorder, and several Aldermen and Justices of the Peace, sent their letter to the Lords, testifying the truth of the above said complaint, and moreover assuring their honours, that there was not one convenience or several room in the whole house wherein they might sit, for the executing of the Queen's Majesty's Commission, but were forced to use a little low room, or parlour, adjoining to the street, where the prisoners daily dined or supped; so that were it not for the discharging of their duties that ways, and some pitiful remorse toward the help of some prisoners' hard cases they could be contented to tarry from thence, as well as some others of their colleagues did, for the inconveniency aforesaid."
At that time the King's Bench Prison was on the east side of the High Road where is now King's Bench Alley. On the north was the old Marshalsea; on the south the White Lyon Prison. In Rocque's map, 1745, there are open fields and gardens on the east of these prisons. In 1758 the prison was removed to the other side of the road, opposite the church. We must bear in mind in reading of this prison, this transference of site.
We have seen how the prisoners of the Fleet from time to time complained against their treatment by the wardens. The history of the King's Bench is not free from trouble. On one occasion the prisoners of this place, too, rose in mutiny; seized upon the prison, and kept the warden, Sir George Reinell, and the under-wardens, out of the place; the riot was put down by the High Sheriff and the Deputy Lieutenant of Surrey, who called out a posse comitatus; broke into the prison, seized upon the leaders and conveyed them to Newgate. Whereupon the rioters petitioned the Council to be heard as to the grievances which caused this tumult. Their principal complaint was that a window, by which they had been in the habit of receiving victuals from the street, had been shut up by Sir George Reinell, the warden, whereby they were obliged to obtain their food only from Sir George's servants "to their great charge and inconvenience, as being far dearer than that which they could buy abroad."
The warden got out of the charge by evading the point, apparently to the satisfaction of the Council. For he did not deny the closing of the window; but it was done, he declared, for the better safety of the prisoners; and, to show the tenderness of his heart, he declared that he had, himself, some years before, abolished a charge previously made, of 2d. on every joint of meat. Observe that he did not deny the real complaint, that by shutting up the window he was enabled to charge his prisoners what he pleased. However, the council seems not to have cross-examined him, and a private commission was appointed from which very little, one expects, resulted for the good of the prisoners.
Howard's notes on the place were taken in 1776. In that year the prison was so crowded that the prisoners had to lie two in a bed, and many could not obtain even a share of a bed, but slept on the floor of the chapel. The number of prisoners was 395; there were 279 wives, including the women who ought to have been married, but were not, and 725 children; a total of 1399 persons sleeping every night in the prison. The place was well supplied with water, but there was no infirmary; there was no surgeon; and there was no bath. Picture to yourself a population, including many of the better class, of 1399 without a single bath. There were bequests and gifts to the poor debtors amounting to £83:18s. a year, or about 32s. a week, which would not go far among the common side.
In the *Life, Adventures, and Opinions of Colonel George Hanger*, written by himself and published in 1801, there is an account of the King's Bench as he knew it, when he was a prisoner there in 1798. The daily life of the prisoners was very much the same in one prison as in another. We have already seen what it was in the Fleet. In the Bench, in Hanger's time, it was ordered that a detaining creditor should contribute 6d. a day towards the maintenance of his debtor. He had to lodge every Monday evening, before nine o'clock, 3s. 6d. in the hands of the doorkeeper for his prisoner, provided that the latter had taken oath that he was not worth £5, and had no means of making a livelihood.
It is, he says, the general opinion that the King's Bench is a place of festivity and mirth; that no prisoner is in want, and that those who surrender, only go there until an arrangement of their affairs can be made. This opinion, he shows, is entirely wrong. The prison "rivals the purlieus of Wapping, St. Giles, and St. James's, in vice, debauchery, and drunkenness." The general immorality was so great, that it was almost impossible for any man to escape contagion; his only chance was to live separate and apart, which was difficult; or resolve to consort only with the few who remained gentlemen of honour, which was equally difficult; otherwise, "he will quickly sink into dissipation; he will lose every sense of honour and dignity; every moral principle and virtuous disposition."
As for the women who find themselves there:
"No unhappy and unfortunate female ever did, nor do I believe ever will, quit this seat of contamination without the most degrading, if not fatal, effects of such a situation. Nay, if Diana and her nymphs, from not being able to pay the penalties for an accidental breach of the game-laws, were to be confined one twelvemonth in the Bench, unless they were locked up in the strong stone-room, they would be completely fitted for the associates or attendants on the Paphian Queen, and perhaps in a state to furnish a set of gamekeepers for the ladies of manors in that delightful island; for Messalina never stole from Claudius Caesar's bed to greater scenes of revelling than are practised and enjoyed within these wanton walls."
There were in Hanger’s time from 350 to 500 prisoners; out of the whole number “there are seldom fifty who have any regular means of sustenance”; not that they starved to death; but they were underfed. Often they got no more than a single meal in two days; often they had not the means of buying a roll of bread for breakfast. For the poorest, even the creditor’s 6d. a day was often withheld, on some technical plea, or some chicanery, or some cunning devilry of an attorney. How, again, could a man live on 6d. a day? At the present moment he certainly might, in an underfed, miserable way. Bread is cheap; fish, such as salt herring and haddock, is cheap; tea is cheap; it is easy to understand that a prisoner on 6d. a day would not do so badly. But in 1798 a pound of bread cost $4\frac{1}{2}$d.; a pint of porter, 2d.; therefore a man could not buy so much as a pound of bread and a pint of porter. As for meat it was out of the question. A more monstrous grievance at this time was, that if a man was arrested for debt in the country he must surrender at London. Hanger mentions a case. A poor old man, between seventy and eighty, walked all the way from Cumberland to surrender at the King’s Bench. Hanger saw him at the door, barefooted, carrying his clothes in a small bundle on a stick, over his shoulders; he had walked 350 miles rather than let his bail be “fixed,” that is, made liable for the debt. The doorkeeper told him that forms had to be gone through; he sent a tipstaff with the old man to Chancery Lane, where he paid the fees which were demanded, and was handed over to the King’s Bench in due form.
Again, humanity or expediency, as we have seen, established the Rules of the Debtors’ Prison; a place where a prisoner might lie in greater quiet and decency than in the prison itself; where, too, he might follow his calling or craft. But in order to obtain the liberty of the Rules, there were fees to be paid. These fees were proportioned to the amount of the prisoners’ debts. For the first £100 of debt a prisoner paid £10. For every additional £100 he paid £4; so that a man who was detained for £500 would have to pay £26 as a fee for permission to live in the Rules.
Again, if there were any writs against a prisoner, he would have to pay the same fees for every one, separately. Moreover, if a man had one writ against him in the Court of Common Pleas, he had to surrender to the Fleet; but if there were others against him in the Court of King’s Bench, he would have to surrender at the King’s Bench Prison. So he might be thrown backwards and forwards like a shuttlecock from one prison to the other, on each occasion, paying all the fees over again.
As regards the prison fees, if a debtor got his discharge from the court, he still had the fees to pay, otherwise he would be detained on account of them; and that, perhaps, for life.
Many of the prisoners—Hanger says at least the half—were detained by attorneys on account of their fees. Many hundreds were in confinement for sums of money which began by being £4 or £5 only, but, by the infamous practice of the period, were run up to £10, £20, and more, by the attorney's bill of costs. And though the creditors were often willing to take a part of the debt and release the debtor, the attorneys, with few exceptions, would not abate 1s. of their costs. They relied on the compassion of relations, which they thought would rise in time to the payment of the whole amount. Suppose the case of a poor prisoner who had nothing in the world. He had sworn to the fact—and was therefore entitled to claim his "groats"—so called because 4d. was the charge at first made upon the creditor. If the creditor did not pay, the prisoner could obtain it by demand at Westminster Hall. This was the most hollow mockery of justice ever offered. For the costs of the application would be as follows:
| Description | £ s d. |
|--------------------------------------------------|----------|
| Fee for the tipstaff who went with the prisoner | 0 10 0 |
| Fee for a "day rule," i.e. liberty to go out under supervision for a day | 0 4 0 |
| To the attorney for attending at the King's Bench | 0 6 8 |
| Do. for attending at Westminster | 0 6 8 |
17 4
How was a pauper prisoner to command the sum of £1:7:4? It was too ludicrous. Hence an excellent and humane law was broken daily, openly, and with impunity. If the creditor did pay his 3s. 6d. a week, he generally did so through his attorney, who charged him 6s. 8d. for the job; so that the creditor was mulcted 10s. 2d. a week for the luxury of locking up his debtor, while the attorney had 6s. 8d. a week, or £17 a year, so long as the man was kept there. Why, an attorney in fair practice—with, say fifty debtors, scattered about the different prisons, would draw a handsome income of £850 a year from that source alone.
Hanger sums up:
"It is not possible for me at present to speak with certainty to the fact, not having as yet obtained an account of the number of prisoners who are confined in the various prisons in London for debts under £10. But I call God to witness that from the conversations I have held with various prisoners in the King's Bench (in the Fleet it is exactly the same), and the information I have acquired on the subject, I truly believe that I speak much within the compass, when I with horror inform you that above one-half of the prisoners in the King's Bench and the Fleet (aye, in most of the other jails in England), could be liberated, and would be liberated to-morrow, were it not for the costs that must be paid to the attorney before they can be discharged."
Neild (in 1806) gives details concerning the prison, from which we extract
certain parts not touched upon by Hanger. The marshal received from fees and emoluments about £2300 a year (in a note he says that another account shows an income of £7900 a year). The deputy received £210. The average number of prisoners was from 500 to 600. There were from 70 to 100 living in the Rules. There was no prison surgeon; the chaplain received a salary of £100 a year, but very few debtors attended service. The marshal was required to reside in the prison or within the Rules; to keep the place in repair; and to pay the servants. By the Act 32 G. II. the Courts were required to settle the table of fees to be paid by the debtors. This list of fees, even after revision by a merciful Court, shows that it was an expensive business getting into the King's Bench or out of it.
| Description | £ s. d. |
|--------------------------------------------------|----------|
| To the marshal | 0 4 8 |
| To the turnkey on the marshal's side | 0 1 6 |
| To the deputy-marshal | 0 1 0 |
| To the clerk of the papers | 0 1 0 |
| To the deputy-marshal on surrender | 0 1 0 |
| To the clerk of the papers | 0 1 0 |
| To the four tipstaffs 2s. 6d. each | 0 10 0 |
| To the tipstaffs for carrying the prisoner from the court | 0 6 0 |
| | |
| | 1 6 2 |
The rent of a bed and bedding was 3d. a night or 1s. 9d. a week, unless the prisoner found his own, when he was charged 1s. a week for the place to put it. On discharge the debtor paid 7s. 4d. to the marshal; 4s. to the deputy-marshal, to the clerk of the papers 3s. for the first action, and 4d. each for every other action.
The "Rules" lay in a circle of nearly three miles round the prison. There were also Day Rules, by which every prisoner would get three days in every term. The reason of this indulgence was, perhaps, an idea that the prisoner would look up his friends or visit his creditors, and compound with them. This description of the prison is from Neild (1808 edition, p. 290):
"It is situated at the top of Blackman Street, in the borough of Southwark. The entrance to it from St. George's Fields is by a handsome courtyard, where there are three good houses. The largest of them is the proper residence of the marshal; one for the clerk of the papers with his office on the ground-floor; and the third is generally let to persons of rank and fortune, who are committed by the Court for challenges, libels, or other misdemeanors. From this courtyard the ascent is by a few stone steps into a lobby, which has a good room on the right hand, and over it several good apartments, which, I was informed, usually let at five guineas a week; also two rooms called Strong Rooms, to secure those who have attempted to escape. These strong rooms are about 12 feet by eight; one of them has a flagged floor, and is occasionally used as a coal-hole; the other has a boarded floor. No fireplace in either; no casements, or shutters, to keep out the weather."
From the lobby is a descent by a few stone steps, into a small square yard, where there is a pair of great gates and a small door, with a lodge for the turnkeys and a room over it, generally let at one guinea a week. On the right hand of this gate, on entering the inner part of the prison, there is a brick building called the "State House" containing eight large handsome rooms, let at 2s. 6d. each per week to those who have interest to procure one. Opposite to the State House is the tap-room, where from twelve to twenty-four butts of beer are drawn weekly. In this tap-room is a bar; and on one side is a very neat small parlour, belonging to the person who keeps the tap. On the other side is a room on a larger scale, called the Wine-room, where prisoners and their friends occasionally resort. The residence of the prisoners is in a large brick building, about 120 yards long, with a wing at each end, and a neat uniform chapel in the centre. There is a space of ground in front of the building, of about forty yards, including a parade of about three yards paved with broad flag-stones. In the space between the building and the wall are three pumps, well supplied with spring and river water; also another pump, at the side of the further wing, with a spring of very fine water. Part of the ground next the wall is appropriated for playing at rackets and fives; and there are also, in different parts, frames of wood, with nine holes in each frame, called Bumble-puppy grounds, where the prisoners amuse themselves with trying to bowl small iron balls into the holes marked with the highest numbers.
The building is divided into sixteen staircases, with stone steps and iron railings. No. 1, at the further wing, contains twenty-one rooms; and on each staircase the ranges of rooms are divided by a passage, or gallery, about two yards wide. In the staircases, Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5, there are four rooms on each floor, making sixteen in each staircase, separated from each other by a passage of about a yard wide. The staircase No. 6 contains twelve rooms, besides two small cabins. Nos. 7, 8, and 9 contain eight rooms each. No. 10 contains thirty rooms, separated from each other by a passage, about twenty yards long and two wide. The staircases, Nos. 11, 12, 13, 14 and 15, have eight rooms each, and are at the back of the building, but separated from the wall by a space of about eight yards. Each staircase has eight rooms with a passage of about a yard wide. No. 16 is also in the further wing, at the back of the building; has a spacious wide staircase, with passages or galleries on each floor, four yards wide; and contains, on the whole, twenty rooms.
The whole number of rooms, including the eight state rooms, is 224; the size of them, in general, is 15 to 16 feet by 12 to 13 feet; some few are on a little larger scale. In each room is a strong iron range, and on each side a recess, either for a bed or a cupboard. All the rooms that were destroyed by the fire, some years ago, are now arched with brick, to prevent in future any fire from extending beyond a single room. In the passage from the entrance to the back of the building is a coffee-house where there was formerly an ordinary every day, at 2s. per head, with a pint of porter included. The marshal, I am told, receives an annual rent of £105 from the person who keeps it.
Beyond the coffee-room is a bakehouse, which pays also a rent of 36 guineas per annum. And on the opposite side of the way is the public kitchen, where the prisoners may have their meat roasted and boiled gratis, before one o'clock. After that time the cook charges 2d. or 3d. for each joint, according to the size of it. Between the coffee-house and the public kitchen, there are generally two or three butchers' stalls, a green-market, and persons selling fish; and in the further wing is a large tap-room, called the Brace, from its having once been kept by two brothers, whose names were Partridge. Over this tap-room is another room of the same size, occupied by a prisoner, where the newspapers may be read, and tea, coffee, etc., may be had; but the man having been detected in selling spirituous liquors, the marshal turned him out, and gave the room to another prisoner. The lower rooms on the parade are, many of them, converted into chandlers' shops, kept by prisoners.
The management and government of this prison is in the hands of a marshal, who has under him a deputy-marshal, a clerk of the papers, several clerks, three turnkeys, and their assistants. As the marshal, deputy-marshal, and clerk of the papers, I am informed, seldom come into the prison, every complaint must be made by letter, or by a personal application at the office of the clerk of the papers. If it relates to any quarrel or disturbance, it is generally settled in a summary way. The marshal is a magistrate, and also armed with a rule of Court, authorising him to commit any person to the new gaol for riotous or disorderly conduct,—one month for the first offence, and three months for the second; but the prisoner may appeal either to the Court, or to a judge out of term.
No spirituous liquors are allowed to be sold within the prison; and, by a rule of Court, no women or children ought to stay in the prison after ten o'clock. At half-past nine, therefore, a man goes round with a bell, and at certain places calls out, "Strangers, women, and children—out!" The number of prisoners, before the act of insolvency of 1797, was upwards of 600, about 200 of whom were excluded by the limitations of the sum, and time. After the Act of 1801 about 150 were left in prison. Many of those who had been a great number of years confined were excluded from benefit, on account of the limitation of the sum; and others, who were not within the term specified by the Act. Not more than three or four were remanded under the Act for fraud, etc. March 10th, 1802, the numbers within the walls were 315 and 57 within the rules; January 13th, 1804, within the walls and rules, 520.
When a debtor is first committed to this prison, he is entitled to have what is called a Chummage, as soon as he has paid his fees. The Chummage is a ticket given him by the clerk of the papers, to go to such a room; and whether it be to a whole room, the half, or the third of a room, must entirely depend on the number of prisoners within the walls. But, as it is more convenient for persons, when they first come to this prison, to hire a bed for a week or two, there are always great numbers of distressed persons willing to hire out their beds, on being paid two or three shillings per night. Others, who are distressed, let their right to half a room at 5s. per week, and sleep in the tap-room, on the benches, in hammocks, or on mattresses. The clerk of the papers has the entire management and disposition of the rooms. He is assisted by the eldest turnkey, who goes round every Monday morning and receives the weekly rent of one shilling. The poor side of the prison now consists of sixteen rooms at the back of the building. The number seldom exceeds thirty.
When once prisoners are admitted on the poor side, they become entitled to their share of all charities, bequests, gifts, and donations, a list of which ought to be put up in some conspicuous part of the prison, but which, for some reasons, is not complied with. Every person, as soon as he is admitted on this charity, must also take his turn to hold the begging-box at the door; which prevents many, who have lived in respectable situations, in the army and navy, respectable merchants, and tradesmen, who (sunk into misfortunes, and abandoned by their former friends), rather than submit to this degradation, have shut themselves up for months in their rooms, and become so emaciated, from the want of wholesome and necessary food, as to lay the foundation of those disorders which have ended in their death.
The staircase and lobbies are in the most filthy state imaginable; and, in respect to the prisoners' rooms, some are very dirty, others tolerably clean; but, each preserving that degree of cleanliness which satisfies himself."
On the 18th of June 1779 a remarkable case was brought before the Court. A number of prisoners, it appeared, in defiance of the marshal's authority, had associated themselves together and established a Reign of Terror in the prison, flogging all those who refused obedience and extorting money. The ringleaders were a certain Captain Philips and a Mr. Chillingsworth; the former styled himself Marshal—the latter, Deputy. They were joined by about eighty of the other prisoners and issued precepts, orders, decrees, etc., against the persons and the property of the prisoners. It appeared further (Annual Register for 1799, p. 116):
"That there were only 140 rooms in the prison, and near 600 prisoners; that they were dispossessed of their rooms at the will and discretion of the above Court; that their property was also seized on and disposed of as that Court thought fit; that the actual marshal of the King's Bench had not visited the bench above three times in the last year; that the above Court consisted of prisoners, who had long been entitled
to their discharges; that they refused to go out because in that case they would be obliged to give up their property to their just creditors; that the Court, by its oppressions and extortions, had even raised the price of rooms from £50 to £70 per annum; that it claimed them by seniority, and let rooms out, not choosing to live in them on that account; that numbers of them had been long supersedable, or entitled to their discharges under insolvent Acts and the Lord's Act; and lastly, that such was the violence and enormities committed by them, that it was dangerous to oppose or refuse to obey, and therefore prayed the Court's interposition."
Observe that by long residence at the prison, by carrying on trades of various kinds, by practices such as the above, many of these prisoners had become possessed of property. If they took advantage of the Insolvent Acts, they would have to give up the property to their creditors; they had also got together a certain *clientèle* in the prison which they would also have to lose. Therefore, they had no desire to leave the place at all. Lord Mansfield, after consideration, ruled that all those who were entitled to take their discharge should be sent out; and if they were rearrested, they should lose their seniority. The judge, in fact, saw very clearly that if they kept their seniority many of the prisoners would be rearrested immediately, and so return. The decision of the Court seems to have settled the business. Captain Philips, however, was brought before Lord Mansfield and questioned. He declared that the so-called Court existed before his arrival at the prison; that he was elected "Lord Chief Justice" of the King's Bench by his fellow-prisoners; and that the Court did a great deal of good in the prison by enforcing order. Lord Mansfield, however, remarked that the self-created Court was illegal and oppressive; that he had discovered that there were more than a hundred prisoners in the King's Bench who ought to be discharged, but refused to go, in order to go on letting rooms, and for the convenience of smuggling; that one extensive seizure had been made in the prison only a few days before; and that as Captain Philips was in the prison on a charge of smuggling, with certain other criminal charges, he should be removed from a debtors' to a criminals' prison. This was done; and we hear no more of the "Lord Chief Justice" of the King's Bench.
The Marshalsea Prison, Southwark, was used for debtors, arrested for the lowest sums, anywhere within twelve miles of the palace, except in the City of London. Despite the vast area thus included, the occupants of the prison do not seem to have been numerous at any time. From 1800 to 1807, there was an average of forty-six prisoners—persons charged with contempt of His Majesty, the Courts of the Marshalsea, the Court of the Queen's Palace of Westminster, and the High Court of Admiralty—and also for Admiralty prisoners under sentence of Courts-martial. Smugglers were also brought here, and offenders against the revenue law.
The Court of the Marshalsea was a court held by the Marshal of England
over the servants of the King's House. When we consider that with the archers of the King's Guard, these servants numbered many thousands, it will be understood that the office of marshal was no sinecure. Why the Marshalsea Prison was established in Southwark is not known. There is a good deal of confusion as to the sites of the three Southwark prisons, called respectively the Marshalsea, the White Lyon, and the King's Bench. Let us clear up the point by means of a little description. The White Lyon was a small prison, situated on the north of St. George's Church. It lay, I believe, hidden from the street by a tavern called the Black Bull—the site is now occupied by one of the shops—a cheesemonger's close to the church. Between Angel Alley, formerly called Old Bridewell Alley, and King's Bench Alley, stood the King's Bench Prison, with its gardens extending west to an open sewer, or stream. Farther north, between the Mermaid Inn, and Ax and Bottle Yard (now King Street), stood the Marshalsea also, with its garden extending like that of the King's Bench to the stream. In the year 1758 the King's Bench was removed to a larger and more commodious site opposite the church. In the year 1811 the site of the White Lyon and the inn called the Black Bull, was bought. Over the courts and houses lying at the back was constructed, at a cost of £8000, the New Marshalsea. It will be seen from the map that no part of the old King's Bench was covered by the New Marshalsea. The building described by Charles Dickens was entirely built in 1811. Dickens says: "Itself a close and confined prison for debtors, it contained within itself a much closer and more confined jail for smugglers, offenders against the revenue laws... were supposed to be incarcerated behind an iron plates door, closing up a second prison, consisting of a cell or two, and a blind alley seven yards and a half wide."
About the year 1880 I visited the place just before it was pulled down. The iron plates door, the "blind alley," the cell or two, were all there as he describes them. But the appearance of the two cells, one above the other, with their massive walls and doors, had become studded with broad nails and did not suggest a building of the year 1811, but one very much older, and I came away with the certainty that I had looked upon part of an older prison, which could only have been the White Lyon. Nothing is more likely than that portions of that prison found standing in 1811 should have been left and used for the new prison.
On the east of the "Clink" stood the chapel of the prison, a modern structure above a room used for a court, and on the west stood two terraces of modern houses that were the lodgings of the prisoners. In the court they played bowls for exercise. It was a dreary dismal place. My guide showed me "Mr. Dorritt's Room," in the firm belief of his reality.
Wilkinson (London Illust., etc., vol. ii.) gives a picture of the old Marshalsea,
taken in 1773, thirty years before its removal. With the exception of the "prison within a prison" it was exactly like its successor. The same rows of houses ending with the court and the chapel. It is therefore certain that the second Marshalsea was built in imitation of the first.
Why and when this prison was placed in Southwark does not appear. Stow mentioned that the marshal, in the year 1376, had his prisoners in the City, which occasioned a tumult. But in the year 1377, when there was another tumult, these prisoners were at Southwark. In the year 1381 the rebels of Kent broke open the prisons of the Marshalsea, and the King's Bench, and let loose the prisoners. In 1504 the prisoners broke out and many of them escaped. In 1592 there was a dangerous riot there which Stow describes at greater length than seems necessary.
The Marshalsea court and prison were abolished in the year 1849. We must carefully bear in mind that it was in the Old Marshalsea that the persons lived who have distinguished the place by their residence. There was Bishop Bonner, who was confined here during the reign of Edward VI., and again under Elizabeth, for about eleven years. It was here that he died, 5th September 1569; and it was in St. George's Churchyard that he was buried at midnight in order to escape the fury of the mob, it is said; but funerals were more commonly held at night, and one doubts whether the mob would have interfered with the coffin and corpse of the dead persecutor. Other occupants of the Marshalsea were Sir Christopher Brooke; Wotton, who wrote *The Shepherd's Hunting*; and Sir John Eliot (1625), Vice-Admiral of Devon. The Old Marshalsea is described by Neild, writing in the year 1808. It was governed by the Knight Marshal and his substitute; it had a paid chaplain who also did his duty by a substitute; there was a prison surgeon whose fees were a shilling from each prisoner on discharge. We have seen that the average number of debtors was no more than forty-seven; the post of surgeon to the Marshalsea can hardly have been lucrative. Neild describes the building as quite ruinous at his visit; the habitations of the debtors wretched in the extreme.... There was only one courtyard, so that though there were two or three rooms for women, they had to associate with the men in the day-time. There was no infirmary. A tap was in the prison, leased to a prisoner at £2 a week.
Some of the prisoners employed themselves in cutting pegs for brewers. The courtyard was cut in two, after this visit, by a wall across the middle of it with twenty new rooms, which made the prison more close and confined.
The character of Mr. Dorritt was perhaps suggested by the case of one Henry Allnutt. He was imprisoned here for many years; he succeeded at length to a large estate and was discharged. In recollection of his former sufferings he bequeathed the sum of £100 a year for the discharge of poor debtors, whose
liabilities did not exceed £4. There were charities attached to this prison of about £280 a year, without counting gifts of beef and bread.
There is an account of a London prison written by Thomas Fowell Buxton in the year 1817. I hesitated for a time, so shocking and revolting a picture does it present, to quote from it. But history cannot afford to misrepresent things on account of their real character. The date, 1817, belongs to the eighteenth century inasmuch as prison reform was only as yet beginning. The prison described is the Borough Compter. It had been visited and described by Howard in 1783, whose account is not so minute as Buxton's; perhaps the condition of things had become worse instead of better—it certainly had not become better—in twenty years.
The prison belonged to the City of London and served for five parishes. It contained both felons and debtors; men and women. The felons' ward and yard contained the tried and the untried; boys and men; arrested and confined for all kinds of offences from forgery to assault. They had nothing to do; no work; no occupation; they therefore gambled all day long. Next to this place was a yard 19 feet square,—the only airing-place for debtors; men and women; vagrants; prostitutes; misdemeanants of all kinds—with their children. Alas poor children! In this yard Buxton says that thirty-eight debtors, with thirty women, and twenty children, were crowded all in a space of 19 feet square.
"On my first visit the debtors were all collected together upstairs. This was their day-room, bedroom, workshop, kitchen, and chapel. On my second visit they spent the day and the night in the room below; at the third, both the room above and that below were filled. The length of each of these rooms, exclusive of a recess, in which were tables and the fireplace, is 20 feet. Its breadth is 3 feet, 6 inches for a passage, and 6 feet for the bed. In this space, 20 feet long and 6 wide, on eight straw beds, with sixteen rugs, and a piece of timber for a bolster, twenty prisoners had slept side by side the preceding night. I maintained that it was physically impossible; but the prisoners explained away the difficulty by saying, "they slept edgeways." Amongst these twenty was one in a very deplorable condition; he had been taken from a sick-bed and brought there; he had his mattress to himself, for none would share it; and indeed my senses convinced me that sleeping near him must be sufficiently offensive.
I was struck with the appearance of one man, who seemed much dejected. He had seen better times, and was distressed to be placed in such a situation. He said he had slept next to the wall, and was literally unable to move, from the pressure. In the morning the stench and heat were so oppressive that he and everyone else on waking, rushed unclothed, as they must be, into the yard; and the turnkey told me that "the smell on the first opening of the door was enough to turn the stomach of a horse."
One thing was very striking: the "deplorable wretchedness" manifest in the faces of these unhappy people; wretchedness which increased with the length of their imprisonment, so that one might guess by a comparison of faces at the length of time any man had spent there. "I have seen," says Buxton, "many hospitals and infirmaries, but never one, to the best of my belief, in which the patients exhibited so much ill-health."
At his second visit there were five cases of fever in the prison; one of them was a boy. They would not open the windows because it would be bad for him; there were, however, two other prisoners who slept in the same room with him. These unhappy men, remember, were prisoners for sums of the most trifling kind: as a shilling, or a penny. In 1817, for instance, there was a boy, in the service of a corn-chandler, who was sentenced to pay a fine of 40s. and was imprisoned for not paying a penny toll.
There was no medical man; there was no infirmary. If a criminal was taken ill, there was no attempt at separation; if a debtor, he was separated by a blanket—what sort of separation would a blanket afford when twenty men are lying in a row in a room 19 feet long?
The women's ward was on the same floor as the men's, in the day-time the doors were open, and the men freely went in and out. "Am I not warranted," Buxton says, "in saying that the regulations of this prison encourage licentiousness?"
"Imagine an innocent girl, who had hitherto been shielded from even allusions to vice, brought to this prison, and placed at once within the view and within the range of this unbridled harlotry. Can her mind escape pollution? Can she shut her eyes and her ears to the scenes which are passing around her? Is not residence in this place (however innocent she may have been of the imputed crime) an eternal stain upon her character? The law is justly jealous of female reputation; but here, as if forgetful of its own principles, it robs the unprotected, and often innocent girl, of her fair name, exposes her virtue to temptation, and places before her eyes vice in its worst and most degrading realities."
The prison seems to have been entirely neglected by the authorities. The allowance of food was 14 oz. of bread a day, and 2 lbs. of "clods and stickings" of beef per week. Those who have only the prison allowance, here or elsewhere, gradually decline in health. Four women and four children had recently died in Newgate through the insufficiency of food. In Howard's time, however, there was no allowance of meat at all.
The prison was so crowded that those who would have followed some trade, as shoemaking, were prevented by want of room; and, in place of work, there were parties of men playing cards, one man reading a novel, and one man reading the Bible.
Buxton's account of this dreadful place concludes with the story of a vagrant who was arrested and thrown into this place at the last stage of disease, filth, and vermin. It is enough to know that such things were possible, and to imagine what would be the effect of admitting this poor wretch in a room full of prisoners, among whom he was to sleep.
Between the visit of Howard in 1783 and that of Buxton in 1817 occurred that of Neild in 1804. His account is worse, in some respects, than Buxton's. The allowance to one prisoner was in 1804 a twopenny loaf a day—that weighed 6 oz., whereas in 1783 it had weighed 21 oz.
Neild addressed the following letter to the Lord Mayor:
"Men and women debtors have one small courtyard, about 19 feet square, and they appear to me at all times to associate together. They have nothing but the dirty boards to sleep upon. No bedding, nor even straw allowed. No fire, even in this cold and damp season. No medical assistance in sickness. No religious attentions whatever. The few remaining boards in the men-debtors' room (mentioned in my former report) are now taken away, as are the joists on which they were laid. The room is useless; the floor is earth. Neither mops, brooms, or pails are allowed to keep the prison clean. Soap and towels are not afforded to the prisoner; so that a man may, for a debt of one guinea, remain in this wretched place forty days, without once taking off his clothes, or washing his hands and face.
"Permit me now, my Lord, to submit to your consideration the allowance to this prison. It is a twopenny loaf a day: weight, 10th March 1801, 6 oz.! and 7th December 1804, 8 oz. This scanty provision, without any nutritious liquor, only water, is not sufficient to support the cravings of nature; and the prisoner at his discharge may be fit for an hospital, but he cannot be fit for labour. The county of Middlesex allows to prisoners of this description, in Cold Bath Fields, a loaf of bread of 1 lb. weight every day, a pint of gruel every morning, a quart of broth made of rice and oatmeal for dinner, and every other day 6 oz. of meat for dinner, instead of broth. They have a common room, with a fireplace, and a peck of coals per day; a sleeping-cell 7 feet by $5\frac{1}{2}$, with plank bedsteads, straw in ticking beds, a blanket and a rug."
The eighteenth century has many terrible sights and shows: there is nothing more terrible, more sickening, more heartrending, than the pictures of its prisons; than the thought of innocent girls and boys thrust into the whirlpool of hell which they pleasantly called a House of Correction or a House of Reformation.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
THE CHURCH SERVICES, 1733
The following tables have been compiled from the *New Remarks of London*, collected and issued by the Company of Parish Clerks in the year 1733. Here are found notes on the value of the various livings, the hours of the services, the presence or the absence of the organ, the number of bells, the endowments of sermons, the schools, the number of persons in each parish, and the principal buildings.
To these notes I have appended another table showing the hours of daily or weekly services, another showing the times of celebrating the Holy Communion, and a third showing the lectures given in the various parish churches. These latter tables are taken from those drawn up by one Robert Midgeley in the year 1693. They also show (see last column) some of the important places in the parish.
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Alban's, Wood Street, with St. Olave's, Silver Street. | £170 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Played only on Sunday except 29th of May and Election of Trustee to Barber - Surgeons' W. | 2 | 3rd Thursday in August before Companies of Barber - Surgeons. | School for 50 boys. School for 25 girls. (Clothed, taught, put out in apprentice and service.) | 112 | A workhouse and mission in St. Giles's, Cripplegate. |
| Allhallows, Barking. | £100 | 9 A.M. { daily. 7 P.M. | An organ. | 6 | | School for 20 boys. | 147 | A meeting-house in Silver Street. |
| Allhallows, Bread Street, with St. John the Evangelist. | £140 | Thursday, 5 p.m. | Organ plays Sunday and Xmas day. | 2 | 1. Every Thurs. 5 p.m. 2. July 25th (Spanish Armada). 3. Nov. 5th. 4. St. James's Day. | | 83½ | The Custom-House. |
| Allhallows the Great. | £200 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | Every 1st Thurs. 11 A.M. | School—30 boys, ,, —20 girls. | 140 | Plumbers' Hall. Joiners' Hall, Steelyard. |
| Allhallows the Less. | | | | | | | 66 | |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Mary-le-Bow | £200 | 8 A.M., 5 P.M. daily | None | 8 | 1. Two in Aug. for Spanish Armada.
2. July 25th.
3. Good Friday.
4. Nov. 5th, 1 P.M. and 6 P.M. | St. Mark's Day—Dole of bread and 3d. in money to charity children. School—50 boys, ,, —30 girls | 104 | |
| St. Pancras, Soper Lane | | | | | | | | |
| Allhallows, Honey Lane | | | | | | | | |
| Allhallows, Lombard St. | £110 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Organ | 2 | Good Friday. | 49 boys clothed and apprenticed. | 120 | Quakers' meeting-house. |
| Allhallows, Staining | £100 | 11 A.M., 4 P.M. daily. | ? | 7 | 1. St. Stephen's Day;
2. St. Luke's Day. | 6 boys taught and apprenticed. | 100 | Ironmongers' Hall, Hudson's Bay Co |
| Allhallows in London Wall | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None | 5 | School—50 boys, ,, 30 girls. (Taught, clothed, and put out.) | Almshouses, 10 men and 10 women. | 300 | Vestry without wall. Pulpit in the wall. |
| St. Alphage | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | ? | 6 | School—50 boys, ,, 25 girls. (Clothed, taught, and put out.) | 162 | Sion College. Part of Plaisterers' Hall. |
| St. Mary Hill, with St. Andrew's Hubbard (no separate information) | £200 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. Sat. 3 P.M. Daily in Lent, 7 A.M. and 3 P.M. | Organ | 2 | Every Thursday at 10 A.M. | 127 | Turners' Hall, Billingsgate. A meeting-house. |
| St. Andrew's Undershaft, and St. Mary Axe (united 1565) | £250 | 6 A.M. or 7 A.M. daily. and 6 P.M. | Fine organ. | 6 | 1. Quarterly.
2. Sunday before Xmas Day.
3. Nov. 5th and one day in July.
4. 10 sermons endowed. | School—50 boys, ,, 30 girls. | 210 | East India Ho. Fletchers' Hall. Upholsterers' Hall. A meeting-house. |
| St. Andrew's Wardrobe, with St. Anne's. | £140 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | Every Wed. | Free school—40 boys and 30 girls. Three almshouses. | 193 | King's Printing House. Scotch Hall. |
| St. Ann's, Aldersgate, with St. John Zachary. | £140 | W. F. & Holyday, | None. | 1 | New Year's Day. | Dole to widows. School—30 boys, ,, 20 girls. | 144 | Goldsmiths' Hall, Wax Chandlers' Hall. |
| St. Anthony or St. Antholin, with St. John Baptist. | £120 | 6 A.M. or 7 A.M. daily. | | | Sermon any weekday. | | 86 | Skinners' Hall, Tallow Chandlers' Hall. |
| | | | | | | | 78 | |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Augustine | £172 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | 1. Ash Wed.
2. May 14th.
3. Aug. 1st. | | | | 66 | St. Paul's Cathedral.
St. Paul's School.
Newgate Market. |
| St. Faith's | | | | | | | | |
| St. Bartholomew, Royal Exchange | £400 | 7 P.M. daily. | None. | 2 | 1. Tuesday.
2. Wednesday.
3. Friday.
4. Last Sat in month. | | | | 118 | Royal Exchange. |
| { St. Benedict or St. Benet Fink. | £100 and £85 glebe | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | An organ. | 2 | Churchyard free burial-place for parishioners. | ? | A French church. |
| { St. Benedict, Gracechurch, with St. Leonard's, Eastcheap. | £140 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | 1 charity sermon. | | | |
| { St. Benet's, Paul's Wharf, with St. Peter's, Paul's Wharf. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M., Holyday and Sat. 3 P.M. | None. | 2 | School—20 boys.
Almshouses — 6 widows. | 121 | Doctors' Commons (College Herald). |
| { St. Stephen's, Walbrook, with St. Benet, Sherehog. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | Good Friday.
4 boys put out every year. | 76 | |
| { St. George's, Botolph Lane, with St. Botolph, Billingsgate. | £180 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Small organ. | 2 | 1. New Year's Day.
2. Do. afternoon.
3. Good Friday.
4. Nov. 5th.
5. Xmas Day, morning and afternoon. | 48 | Butchers' Hall. |
| { Christ Church, Newgate St., with St. Leonard, Foster. | £200 | 11 A.M. and 5 P.M. daily. | Fine organ. | 2 | 1. Xmas Day.
2. St. Stephen's Day.
3. First day in Lent.
4. Sunday after Ascension Day.
5. St. John Baptist.
6. St. Matthew.
7. Nov. 5th.
8. Nov. 7th. | School—50 boys.
,, 40 girls. | 350 | College of Physicians.
Christ's Hospital.
Prison of liberty of St.-Martin-le-Grand. |
| St. Christopher. | £120 | 6 A.M. and 6 P.M. daily. | ? | 2 | May 11th. | | 92 | Part of Royal Exchange. |
| { St. Clement, Eastcheap, with St. Martin Ogar. | £140 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Good organ. | 1 | 1. Michaelmas.
2. Every Wed. 5 P.M. | 132 | Old Town and F. Church.
2 meeting-houses. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Dionis, Backchurch. | £120 | 8 A.M., 5 P.M. or 9 A.M. and 5 P.M. daily. | An organ. | 10 | Maunday Thurs. | | 120 | |
| St. Dunstan in the East. | £200 | W. F. & Holyday, 10.30 A.M. | Good organ. | 8 | Every Tuesday. | | 322 | Clothworkers' Hall. A workhouse. |
| St. Edmund the King, with St. Nicholas Acon. | £180 | 11 A.M., 7 P.M. daily. | An organ. | 2 | Last Sunday in month. Xmas Day on afternoon. | | 104 | 50 |
| St. Ethelburga. | £70 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | Nov. 5th. Evening lecture every Sunday. | | 120 | |
| St. Margaret Pattens, with St. Gabriel, Fenchurch | £120 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | June 7th. Jan. 1st. Good Friday. | | 44 | 79½ |
| St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish St., with St. Gregory by Paul. | £120 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | School—30 boys. ,, 20 girls. An almshouse. | | 103 | St. Paul's College. St. Paul's Chapter House. |
| St. Helen's. | Tithes. | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | 1st Sunday in Lent. June 27th. Every Tuesday. March 2nd. Oct. 3rd. | 5 almshouses, Skinner. Judd's almshouse for 6 people. Little St. Helen's, 7 poor widows. | 138 | Gresham College. Leatherworkers' Hall. |
| St. James's, Duke Place. | £13 and perquisites. | | None. | 1 | Maunday Thurs. | | 150 | |
| St. James's, Garlickhithe. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Organ plays Sunday and Xmas Day. | 1 | | School—50 boys. | 40 | |
| St. Katherine Coleman. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 4 | | | 180 | Workhouse. |
| St. Katherine Cree Church. | £150 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Good organ. | 5 | Michaelmas Day. Nov. 16th (lion sermon) Nov. 5th. | School—40 boys. | 300 | Meeting-house in Pombury Lane. Aldgate pump. Bricklayers' Hall. African Co. Hall. Jews' Synagogue. Meeting-house in Little Bury Street. |
| St. Lawrence, Jewry, with St. Mary Magdalen, Milk Street. | £124 | 11 A.M., 7 P.M. daily. | Good organ. | 8 | Every Tuesday. ,, Thursday ,, Friday. | A school. | 167 | Guildhall. Blackwell Hall. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Mary Abbchurch, with St. Lawrence Poultney. | £170 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | None. | None. | 100 | Merchant Taylors' School. |
| St. Magnus, with St. Margaret, New Fish St. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Good organ. | 10 | 1. Every Thurs. before 1st Sunday in month.
2. Xmas Day.
3. New Year's Day. | | 114 | Bridgewater works. Nonsuch House. Chapel Street, London Bridge. |
| St. Margaret, Lothbury. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | None. | None. | 150 | Founders' Hall. Scotch Kirk (over the Hall). |
| St. Mildred, Bread Street, with St. Margaret Moyses. | £130 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | 9 gift sermons in the year. | None. | 54 | Cordwainers' Hall. |
| St. Olave's, Old Jewry, with St. Martin, Ironmonger Lane. | £120 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | Every Wed. | Free school—25 boys. 2 almshouses for 9 widows of armourers and braziers. | 60 | |
| St. Martin, Ludgate Hill. | £160 | 11 A.M. 6 P.M. daily. | An organ. | 2 | 5 gift sermons in the year. | School—60 boys. ,, 50 girls. | 179 | Stationers' Hall, Ludgate. Ludgate Prison. |
| St. Martin Outwich. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 5 | 2 gift sermons. | | 40 | Merchant Taylors' Hall. |
| St. Michael Royal, with St. Martin Vintry. | £140 | W. & Sat. 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | Every Friday, 3 P.M. | 13 almshouses for 13 decayed persons. | 60 | Cutlers' Hall. Skinners' Hall. Vintners' Hall. Joiners' Hall. Fishmongers' Hall. Innholders' Hall. Whittington College Workhouse. |
| St. Mary, Aldermanbury. | £150 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | Wed. before 1st Sunday. | | 135 | Conduit. Brewers' Hall. Plaisterers' Hall. |
| St. Mary Aldermanary, with St. Thomas Apostle. | £150 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | | 1 | 1 gift sermon. | 2 almshouses. 4 salters. | 97 | |
| St. Mary Bothaw and St. Swithin's. | £140 | 11 A.M. 5 P.M. daily. | None. | 1 | Thursdays. | | 138 | Salters' Hall. London Stone. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Mildred in Poultry and St. Mary Colechurch. | £170 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | Wednesdays before 1st Sunday in month. November 17th. | | 239 | Grocers' Hall. Miners' Hall. Poultry Compter. |
| St. Mary Somerset with St. Mary Mounthaw. | K.B. £10; 10 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | | School—40 boys. 20 girls. | 168 | Water mill. |
| St. Michael's, Wood Street, with St. Mary's, Staining Lane. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | | | 140 | Haberdashers' Hall. Wood Street Compter. Wallmakers' Hall. |
| St. Mary Woolnoth, or St. Mary Woolchurch. | £152 | 10 A.M. 3 P.M. or 4 P.M. daily. | A pretty organ. | 3 | Prep., Friday before 1st Sunday. | None. | 153 | General Post Office. Stocks Market. |
| St. Matthew's, Friday Street, with St. Peter's, Cheapside. | £150 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | None. | None. | 117 | |
| St. Michael's Bassishaw. | £132:11 | 4 P.M. daily, W. & F. 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | From Michaelmas to Lady Day. | None. | 141 | Masons', Weavers', Coopers', and Girdlers' Hall. |
| St. Michael's, Cornhill. | £140 | W. & F. 10 A.M. | An organ. | 12 | Every Holyday, 10 A.M. Every Sunday, 6 A.M. | None. | 136 | Part of Royal Exchange. |
| St. Michael's, Crooked Lane. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 2 | 8 gift sermons. | | 118 | Fishmongers' Hall. |
| St. Michael's Queenhithe with Trinity Church. | £160 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. 5 P.M. daily. | ? | 3 | None. | School—43 boys and girls. | 225 | |
| St. Nicholas Cole Abbey, with St. Nicholas Olave. | £130 | 11 A.M. daily. | ? | 1 | Every Thursday. | None. | 104 | |
| St. Olave's, Hart Street. | £200 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 6 | Every Thursday. | Almshouse, Crutched Friars Almshouse, Gunpowder's Alley. | 205 | Navy Office. |
| St. Peter's, Cornhill. | £110 | 11 A.M. 4 P.M. daily. | An organ. | 1 | 4 gift sermons. | | 171 | Leadenhall Market. |
| St. Peter Poor. | £130 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | An organ. | 5 | None. | 6 almshouses. | 140 | Pay Office. Drapers' Hall. Gresham College. Pinners' Hall (meeting-house). Austin Friars. Dutch Church. Excise Office. South Sea Co. |
| St. Stephen's, Coleman Street. | £110 | 11 A.M. 6 P.M. daily. | None. | 8 | 2 gift sermons. | 6 almshouses for 6 poor couples. | 461 | Bedlam. Armourers' Hall. Braziers' Hall. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Vedast's with St. Michael Querne | £160 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 6 | None. | None. | 208 | Saddlers' Hall. |
| St. Andrew's, Holborn | £400 | {6 A.M., or 7 A.M., 11 A.M., 3 P.M.} daily. | An organ. | 8 | | School—80 boys, ,, 80 girls. | ? | 2 workhouses, Gray's Inn, Furnival's Inn, Staple's Inn, Barnard's Inn, Thavies' Inn, Lincoln's Inn. |
| St. Bartholomew the Great. | £50 | 11 A.M. daily, week before Sacrament 5 P.M. | An organ. | 5 | None. | School—50 boys, ,, 20 girls. | 324 | Pyepowder Court. |
| St. Bartholomew the Less. | £120 | 11 A.M. daily. | None. | 3 | None. | None. | 143 | St. Bartholomew's Hospital. |
| St. Botolph's, Aldersgate. | £200 | {11 A.M., 3 P.M.} daily. | ? | ? | 5 gift sermons. | School—50 boys, ,, 50 girls, 6 poor men, 4 poor widows. | 700 | |
| St. Botolph's, Aldgate. | £700 | {11 A.M., 7 P.M.} daily. | An organ. | 6 | 1 gift sermon. | 1 school—50 boys, ,, 40 girls, Another—40 boys, ,, 39 girls. | 2500 | Workhouse. |
| St. Botolph Bishopsgate. | £300 | {11 A.M., 6 P.M.} daily. | None. | 6 | 3 gift sermons. | School—25 boys, ,, 25 girls, Almshouses for poor of parish, 3 almshouses for 3 widows. | 1800 | Workhouse. |
| Bridewell Precincts. | £100 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | ? | ? | None. | None. | 91 | Bridewell. |
| St. Bride's. | £120 | {11 A.M., 8 P.M.} daily. | An organ. | 12 | 2 gift sermons and Spital sermons. | School—50 boys, ,, 50 girls. | 1400 | Fleet Prison. |
| St. Dunstan's in the West. | £300 | {7 A.M., 3 P.M.} daily. | An organ. | 8 | 14 gift sermons. | Almshouses for 7 women. School—50 boys, ,, 40 girls. | 858 | Serjeants' Inn, Symond's Inn, Rolls Office, Six Clerks' Offices, Clifford's Inn. |
| St. George's, Southwark. | £70 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | An organ. | 8 | 3 gift sermons. | School—50 boys, 22 almshouses. | 740 | King's Bench Prison, Marshalsea, County Gaol, Bridewell. |
| St. Giles's, Cripplegate. | £450 | {11 A.M., 8 P.M.} daily. | An organ. | 10 | Every Sunday. Every Thursday. 6 in Lent. 1 All Saints. | School—150 boys, ,, 50 girls. French Hospital, 6 almshouses. | 3010 | Framework Knitters' Hall, Greenyard, Lorimer's Hall, Dissenters' burial ground, Quakers' burial ground, 5 meeting-houses and Tabernacle, Workhouse in Moor Lane, Workhouse in Bunhill Fields. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Olave's, Southwark | £300 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. and at 3 P.M. | Organ | 8 | | School—40 boys, 60 girls. Free school for parish. 20 almshouses. | 3000 | Borough Compter, Bridge House, Anabaptists' Dipping Place. Workhouse. |
| St. Saviour's, Southwark | £350 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Organ | 10 | May 20. | Free grammar school. Free English school. Free school for 50 girls. Free school for 50 boys. Cure's almshouses for 16 men and women. Other almshouses. | ? | Town Hall. |
| St. Sepulchre | £200 | 6 or 7 A.M., 3 or 4 P.M. daily. Wed. and Fri. 11 A.M. | | | 8 gift sermons. | Almshouses (Snow Hill) for 6 men; (Evan Alley) for 8 poor. School—50 boys, 52 girls, 30 boys, 20 girls. | ? | Workhouse. |
| St. Thomas, Southwark | £60 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | ? | ? | Every 1st Sunday in month, also 4 quarterly. | School—30 boys. Almshouses. | 130 | |
| Holy Trinity, Minories | £25 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | ? | ? | None. | None. | 123 | |
| St. Anne, Limehouse | £230 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | None. | None. | 1000 | Lewisham Bridge. Dock. Workhouse. |
| Christ Church, Surrey | £120 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 8 | | School—30 boys, 10 girls. | 1000 | Workhouse. |
| Christ Church, Spitalfields | £300 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Organ. | 1 | Once a quarter. Lenten sermons. Prep. sermons. | School—30 boys, 30 girls. Almshouses. | 2190 | Spitalfields Market meeting-house, 4 French churches, with Quakers' meeting-house. Workhouse. Friends' hospital. |
| St. Dunstan, Stepney | £500 | 11 A.M., 6 P.M. daily. | Organ. | 6 | | Dole of bread. Free school—30 boys. Free school—20 boys. Free school—10 girls. Free school (Ratcliffe)—75 boys. Free school—25 girls. Many almshouses. | Between 500 and 600 | 3 meeting-houses. Bishop Bonner's Hall. Radcliffe Cross. Jews' burial-ground. Workhouse. |
| St. George's, Bloomsbury | £400 | 11 A.M., 4 P.M. daily. | None. | 1 | | School—101 boys, 101 girls. | 900 | Bedford House. Montague House. Bloomsbury Sq. Lincoln's Inn Fields. |
| St. George in the East | £300 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | | School—50 boys, 50 girls. | 2000 | Willesden Square. Danish Church. Jewish Church. 2 Anabaptist meeting-houses. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. George the Martyr, Queen Square. | ? | 11 A.M., 4 P.M. daily. | None. | 1 | 2 sermons. | School—50 boys, 40 girls. | 666 | Town Hall. |
| St. Giles-in-the-Fields. | £400 | 10 A.M., 3 P.M. daily. | Organ. | 6 | | Charity school, Almshouse. | 2000 | Bloomsbury Sq. Workhouse. |
| St. James's, Clerkenwell Green. | £4:19:10 | 11 A.M. daily. | None. | ? | Friday, preparatory sermon. 2 gift sermons. | School—60 boys, 40 girls. Quaker school. | 1900 | Bridewell Prison. Bear garden. 2 Quaker meeting-houses. |
| St. John, Hackney. | £400 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | Organ. | 6 | 5 gift sermons. | Free school—12 boys. Free school—70 boys. Free school—20 girls. | 600 | 3 meeting houses. Many boarding-schools. |
| St. John, Wapping. | £130 | 8 or 11 A.M. daily. | | | 1 every week. Preparatory sermon. Good Friday. | Almshouses. School—40 boys, 20 girls. | 1600 | Executive Dock. Hermitage Dock. |
| St. Katherine's by the Tower Hospital. | | 11 A.M. daily. | Organ. | 2 | | Free school—35 boys. Free school—15 girls. | 867 | Workhouse. |
| St. Leonard, Shoreditch. | £350 | 11 A.M. daily. | None. | ? | 7 gift sermons. | Kingsland Road. School—50 boys, 50 girls. Almshouses (many). | 2500 | The Holy Well. Hoxton Square. Agnes le Clair. Aske's Hospital. |
| St. Mary Islington. | £200 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 6 | | School—26 boys, 15 girls. | 937 | Conbury House, Chapel. Lockhouse. Workhouse. |
| St. Mary's, Lambeth. | £300 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. Saturday, 3 P.M. | Organ. | 8 | 1st Wed. after Quarter day. | School—50 boys, 14 girls. Almshouses. | ? | Palace. King's Barge House. Carlisle House. Cuper Gardens. Lambeth Wells. Spring Gardens. Distilling House. |
| St. Mary Magdalen, Bermondsey. | £150 | 11 A.M. daily. | Organ. | 8 | 5 gift sermons. | School—50 boys, 50 girls. | 1900 | |
| St. Mary Newington. | £80 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 6 | None. | 8 almshouses. | 700 | |
| St. Mary Rotherhithe. | £400 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 6 | Thursday before 2nd Sunday in month. | Free school—8 children. | 1500 | Southsea Dock. Meeting-house. Workhouse. |
| St. Mary Whitechapel. | £300 | W. & F. 11 A.M. Saturday, 3 P.M. | Organ. | ? | 1 gift sermon. | Free school—60 boys. Free school—40 girls. Almshouses. | 3000 to 4000 | Debtors' Prison. |
| St. Paul's, Shadwell. | £300 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 6 | | School—50 boys, 50 girls. Almshouses. Dissenters' school—30 boys. | 1800 | Workhouse. Meeting-house. |
| Name of the Church | Yearly Value | Services | Organ | Bells | Special or "Gift" Sermons | Charities and Schools | No. of Houses | Other Notes |
|--------------------|--------------|----------|-------|-------|---------------------------|----------------------|---------------|-------------|
| St. Ann's, Westminster (Soho) | £300 | 6 & 11 A.M., 4 & 6 P.M. daily. | Organ. | 2 | 2 gift sermons. | School—50 boys, 30 girls. | 1500 | 7 French churches, Soho Square. |
| St. Clement's Danes. | £600 | 11 A.M., 3 P.M., 8 P.M. daily. | ? | ? | | School—70 boys, 40 girls. Almshouses. | 1752 | Lyon's Inn. New Inn. Clement's Inn. |
| St. George's, Hanover Sq. | £300 | Daily. | Organ. | 1 | None. | School—80 children. | 1432 | Hanover Square. Grosvenor Sq. Chelsea Waterworks. |
| St. James's, Westminster. | £500 | 6 & 11 A.M., 3 & 6 P.M. daily. Sunday 6, 7, & 10 A.M., 3 & 5 P.M. | Organ. | 6 | 7 gift sermons, and every Thurs. | School—36 boys, 40 girls, 80 girls. | 4300 | St. James's Sq. General meeting-houses. Workhouse. |
| St. John's, Westminster. | £280 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. and 3 P.M. | None. | 2 | | | 1600 | |
| St. Margaret's, Westminster. | £400 | W. F. & Holyday, 10 A.M. and 6 P.M. | Organ. | 8 | 2 gift sermons. | Westminster school. Almonry school. Tothill Fields school. Greycoat school. Greencoat Many almshouses. | 2350 | Abbey Courts. Houses of Parliament, etc. |
| St. Martin's-in-the-Field. | £600 | 6 or 7 A.M., 5 P.M. daily. W. F. & Holyday, 10 A.M. | Organ. | 12 | | School at Hungerford Market. Tomson's free school. | 5000 | Horse Guards. Whitehall, etc. |
| St. Mary's Strand. | £225 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | 2 gift sermons. | School—20 boys, 20 girls. | 266 | |
| Savoy. | | | | | | | 76 | |
| St. Paul's, Covent Garden. | £356 | 6 & 10 A.M., 3 & 6 P.M. daily. | Organ. | 2 | | School—30 boys, 20 girls. | 600 | |
| St. Peter's ad Vincula. | £60 | W. F. & Holyday, 11 A.M. | None. | 1 | | | ? | Tower. |
**THE HOURS OF DAILY PRAYER IN AND ABOUT THE CITY OF LONDON**
| Church | M. | E. | Church | M. | E. |
|--------|----|----|--------|----|----|
| Allhallows, Barking | 8 | 0 | Charterhouse, in summer | 10 | 5 |
| St. Andrew's, Holborn | 6, 11 | 3 | " in winter | 10 | 2 |
| St. Andrew's, Leadenhall Street | 6 | 0 | Christchurch, in summer | 11 | 5 |
| " in winter | 11 | 3 | " | 11 | 3 |
| St. Ann's, Westminster | 11 | 4 | St. Christopher, Threadneedle Street | 6 | 6 |
| St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 | St. Clement's Danes | 10 | 3, 8 |
| St. Austin's, by St. Paul's School | 0 | 6 | St. Dionis in Lime Street | 8 | 5 |
| St. Bartholomew the Great | 10 | 0 | St. Dunstan's, Stepney | 11 | 6 |
| " " Less | 11 | 8 | " in winter | 11 | 3 |
| St. Benet, Gracechurch | 11 | 3 | St. Dunstan's in the West | 7, 10 | 3 |
| " " on holydays | 11 | 4 | St. Edmund, Lombard Street | 11 | 7 |
| St. Botolph, Aldersgate | 10 | 3 | Ely House in Holborn | 10 | 4 |
| " " Aldgate | 7 | 0 | St. Giles-in-the-Fields | 10 | 3 |
| " " in winter | 8 | 0 | Bloomsbury Tabernacle | 11 | 3 |
| St. Bridget in Fleet Street | 11 | 8 | | | |
| Church/Location | M. | E. |
|-----------------------------------------------------|-----|------|
| Gray's Inn, vacations | 11 | 3 |
| " " all other times | 11 | 5 |
| St. James's, Westminster | 11 | 4 |
| " " Chapel | 6, 11 | 4 |
| " " Clerkenwell | 10 | 0 |
| " " " on Saturday | 10 | 2 |
| St. Katherine Tower | 11 | 0 |
| St. Lawrence Jewry | 11 | 8 |
| London House, Aldersgate Street | 10 | 3 |
| Lincoln's Inn | 11 | 5 |
| St. Martin's-in-the-Fields | 6 | 5 |
| " " Ludgate | 11 | 3 |
| St. Mary, Aldermanbury | 11 | 0 |
| " " Axe, Leadenhall Street | 6 | 0 |
| " " le-Bow | 8 | 5 |
| " " Magdalen, Old Fish Street | 6 | 0 |
| " " Woolnoth Lamb | 11 | 5 |
| " " Covent Garden | 6, 10 | 3, 6 |
| St. Peter's, Cornhill | 11 | 4 |
| St. Sepulchre by Newgate | 7 | 3 |
| St. Stephen's, Walbrook | 11 | 5 |
| St. Swithin's, London Stone | 11 | 4 |
| Temple Chapel | 8 | 4 |
| " " in Term | 7 | 5 |
| Wapping Chapel | 8 | 0 |
| Westminster Abbey | 6, 10 | 4 |
| Whitehall Chapel | 7, 11 | 5 |
| Church/Location | M. | E. |
|-----------------------------------------------------|-----|------|
| St. Ann's, Aldersgate | 11 | 0 |
| St. Alban's, Wood Street | 10 | 0 |
| St. Benet, Paul's Wharf | 11 | 0 |
| St. Botolph, Bishopsgate | 10 | 3 |
| St. Dunstan's in the East | 10 | 0 |
| St. Ethelburga, Bishopsgate | 11 | 0 |
| St. Foster's, Foster Lane | 11 | 0 |
| " " every St. day | 11 | 0 |
| " " every Saturday | 0 | 4 |
| St. Giles's, Cripplegate | 10 | 0 |
| St. James's, Garlick Hill | 11 | 0 |
| St. Margaret, Lothbury | 10 | 0 |
| " " Westminster | 10 | 0 |
**Saturday only.**
| Church/Location | M. | E. |
|-----------------------------------------------------|-----|------|
| St. Mary Hill | 11 | 8 |
| " " every day in Lent | 7 | 3 |
| St. Mary le Savoy | 10 | 0 |
| St. Michael's, Wood Street | 11 | 0 |
| " " every St. day | 11 | 0 |
| " " every Saturday | 0 | 4 |
| St. Mildred's, Bread Street | 11 | 4 |
| St. Olave's, Hart Street | 11 | 0 |
| St. Peter Poor, Bread Street | 11 | 0 |
| St. Helen's, Bishopsgate Street | 9 | 4 |
| St. Magnus, Fish Street Hill | 10 | 0 |
| St. Margaret Pattens | 11 | 0 |
| St. Mary Abchurch | 11 | 4 |
**Wednesdays and Fridays only.**
| Church/Location | M. | E. |
|-----------------------------------------------------|-----|------|
| Allhallows in the Wall | 11 | 0 |
| St. Alphage, London Wall | 11 | 0 |
---
**THE HOLY SACRAMENT OF THE LORD'S SUPPER ADMINISTERED**
| Every Lord's Day | M. |
|-----------------------------------------------------|-----|
| Allhallows, Barking | 12 |
| St. Andrew's, Holborn | 12 |
| St. Giles's, Cripplegate | 12 |
| St. Foster's, Foster Lane | 12 |
| St. James's Chapel | 8 |
| St. Michael's, Wood Street | 12 |
| St. Peter's, Cornhill | 12 |
| St. Swithin's, London Stone | 12 |
*(Except the first in the month)*
| St. Lawrence, near Guildhall | 6 |
*(Except the second)*
| St. Martins-in-the-Fields | 6 |
| but on the first it is at | 12 |
| Every second and last Lord's Day of every Term | M. |
|-----------------------------------------------------|-----|
| Gray's Inn | 12 |
| Lincoln's Inn | 12 |
*Every first Lord's Day in the month*
| St. Mary le Savoy | 7, 12 |
| Whitehall Chapel | 7, 12 |
At all other Parish Churches (as also at Ely House, the Temple, and Westminster Abbey except St. James's, Westminster, where it is on the second Lord's Day)
THE LECTURES IN AND ABOUT THE CITY OF LONDON ARE:—
| Every Lord's Day | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------|------|------|
| a. St. Michael's, Cornhill | 6 | 0 |
| b. St. Stephen's, Walbrook | 0 | 5 |
| Every first Lord's Day in the month | A.M. | P.M. |
|-------------------------------------|------|------|
| St. Clement's Danes, Strand | 0 | 5 |
| St. Lawrence, by Guildhall | 0 | 5 |
| Whitehall Chapel | 7 | 0 |
| Every second in the month | A.M. | P.M. |
|--------------------------|------|------|
| St. Bridget, near Fleet Street | 0 | 5 |
| St. Katherine Tower | 0 | 5 |
| Every third in the month | A.M. | P.M. |
|--------------------------|------|------|
| St. Bartholomew, Smithfield | 0 | 5 |
| Wapping Chapel | 0 | 5 |
| Every last Lord's Day in the month | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------------------------|------|------|
| Christ Church, Newgate Street | 0 | 5 |
| St. Edmund, Lombard Street | 0 | 5 |
| St. Olave's, in Southwark | 0 | 5 |
| St. Paul's, Covent Garden | 0 | 6 |
| Every Monday | A.M. | P.M. |
|--------------|------|------|
| c. St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 |
| Every Tuesday | A.M. | P.M. |
|---------------|------|------|
| d. St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 |
| e. St. Dunstan's in the East | 10 | 4 |
| f. St. Lawrence, by Guildhall | 0 | 0 |
| g. St. Swithin's, London Stone | 0 | 4 |
| From Michaelmas to Midsummer | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------------------|------|------|
| h. St. Bartholomew behind the Exchange | 0 | 4 |
| Every Wednesday | A.M. | P.M. |
|-----------------|------|------|
| i. St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 |
| k. St. Anne's, Blackfriars | 0 | 3 |
| From Michaelmas to Midsummer | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------------------|------|------|
| l. St. Olave's, Southwark | 0 | 6 |
| Every Thursday | A.M. | P.M. |
|----------------|------|------|
| m. St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 |
| n. St. Bartholomew behind the Exchange | 10 | 0 |
| o. St. Giles's, Cripplegate | 0 | 2 |
| p. St. Mary Hill | 10 | 0 |
| q. St. Olave's, Hart Street | 10 | 0 |
| r. St. Nicholas Coleabbey, Old Fish Street | 10 | 0 |
| From Michaelmas to Midsummer | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------------------|------|------|
| s. Allhallows behind Bow Church | 0 | 3 |
| t. St. Dunstan's, in Fleet Street | 0 | 3 |
| u. St. Sepulchre's, without Newgate | 10 | 0 |
| Every Friday | A.M. | P.M. |
|--------------|------|------|
| w. St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 |
| Every Saturday | A.M. | P.M. |
|----------------|------|------|
| x. St. Antholin's, Watling Street | 6 | 0 |
| In the week before the first Lord's Day in the month | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------------------------------------------|------|------|
| On Wednesday | y. St. Mildred, Poultry | 0 | 4 |
| On Friday | A.M. | P.M. |
|-----------|------|------|
| z. St. Giles's, Cripplegate | 0 | 4 |
| 1. St. James's, Clerkenwell | 10 | 0 |
| 2. St. Mary le Savoy | 10 | 0 |
| 3. New Chapel, Westminster | 0 | 4 |
| On Saturday | A.M. | P.M. |
|-------------|------|------|
| 4. St. Bartholomew behind the Exchange | 11 | 0 |
| 5. Cree Church, Leadenhall Street | 0 | 5 |
| On every first Thursday of the month | A.M. | P.M. |
|--------------------------------------|------|------|
| 6. Allhallows, Thames Street | 10 | 0 |
| 7. St. Olave's, Hart Street | 10 | 0 |
| On every first Monday in the month except June, July, and December | A.M. | P.M. |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------|------|------|
| 8. St. Mary-le-Bow | 10 | 0 |
| St. M.-in-the-Fields | 10 | 0 |
| Every Saint's Day | A.M. | P.M. |
|------------------|------|------|
| 9. St. Martin's-in-the-Fields | 10 | 0 |
| * St. Peter's, Cornhill | 10 | 0 |
| † Westminster Abbey | 9 | 0 |
Note that at those places where the Morning Prayers are very early, they are, in the depth of Winter, generally a little later than is here set down.
APPENDIX II
The following is the list of chapels and meeting-houses of the several denominations within the City and suburbs licensed in the year 1738 (Maitland, ii.). First, the chapels under the Church of England:
Archbishop's Chapel at Lambeth.
Aske's Hospital Chapel, Hoxton.
Bancroft's Chapel, Mile End.
Banqueting House Chapel, Whitehall.
Berwick Street Chapel, Old Soho.
Bridewell Hospital Chapel.
Charterhouse Chapel.
College Almshouse Chapel, Deadman's Place.
Coopers' Almshouse Chapel, Ratcliff.
Dacre's Chapel, Westminster.
Drapers' Almshouse Chapel, Blackman Street.
Drapers' Almshouse Chapel, Newington Butts.
Duke Street Chapel, Westminster.
Ely House Chapel, Holborn Hill.
Fishmongers' Almshouse Chapel, Newington Butts.
Fleet Prison Chapel.
Gray's Inn Chapel, Gray's Inn.
Great Queen Street Chapel, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Gresham College Chapel, Bishopsgate Street.
Grosvenor's Square Chapel, Audley Street.
Guildhall Chapel, Guildhall Yard.
Guy's Hospital Chapel, Southwark.
Hill's Chapel, Rochester Row, Westminster.
Jefferies Hospital Chapel, Kingsland Road.
Kensington Palace Chapel.
King's Bench Prison Chapel, Southwark.
Kingsland Hospital Chapel, Kingsland.
King's Street Chapel, Oxford Street.
Knightsbridge Chapel, Knightsbridge.
Lamb's Chapel, Monkwell Street.
Lincoln's Inn Chapel, Chancery Lane.
Lock Hospital Chapel, Southwark.
Long-acre Chapel, Long-acre.
London House Chapel, Aldersgate Street.
London Workhouse Chapel.
Ludgate Prison Chapel.
Marshalsea Prison Chapel, Southwark.
Mayfair Chapel, Mayfair.
Mercers' Chapel, Cheapside.
New Chapel, Westminster.
Newgate Prison Chapel.
New Street Chapel, St. Giles-in-the-Fields.
Owen's Almshouse Chapel, Islington.
Oxenden Chapel, near the Haymarket.
Oxford Chapel, Mary-le-bone Fields.
Palmer's Hospital Chapel, Westminster.
Petticoat Lane Chapel, Westminster.
Poultry Compter Chapel.
Queen Square Chapel, Westminster.
Queen Street Chapel, Bloomsbury.
Ram's Chapel, Homerton, Hackney.
Rolls Chapel, Chancery Lane.
Russel Court Chapel, Drury Lane.
St. James's Palace Chapel.
St. John's Chapel, Clerkenwell.
St. John's Chapel near Red Lion Street.
St. Martin's Almshouse Chapel, Hog Lane.
St. Thomas's Hospital Chapel, Southwark.
Sergeant-Inn Chapel, Chancery Lane.
Skinners' Almshouse Chapel, Mile End.
Somerset House Chapel.
Spring Garden Chapel, Charing Cross.
Staple's Inn Chapel, Holborn.
Trinity Almshouse Chapel, Mile End.
Vintners' Almshouse Chapel, Mile End.
Wheeler's Chapel, Spitalfields.
Whitechapel Prison Chapel.
Whittington's College Chapel, College Hill.
Wood Street Compter Chapel, Wood Street.
Number Total—69.
MEETING-HOUSES OF DIVERS DENOMINATIONS
Presbyterian Meetings
Bethnal Green Meeting.
Brooke House Meeting, Hoxton.
Church Street Meeting, Hoxton.
Crosby Square Meeting, Bishopsgate Street.
Crown Court Meeting, Russel Street.
Founders' Hall Meeting, Lothbury.
Gravel Lane Meeting, Houndsditch.
Great St. Thomas Apostle's Meeting.
Hanover Street Meeting, Long Acre.
King's Weigh-house Meeting, Little Eastcheap.
Leather Lane Meeting, Holborn.
Little Carter Lane Meeting.
Little St. Helen's Meeting, Bishopsgate Street.
Longditch Meeting, Westminster.
Maiden Lane Meeting, Deadman's Place.
Middlesex Court Meeting, Deadman's Place.
Middlesex Court Meeting, Bartholomew Close.
Mourning Lane Meeting, Hackney.
New Broad Street Meeting, London Wall.
Old Bailey Meeting.
Old Jewry Meeting, Poultry.
Parish Street Meeting, Horselydown.
Poor Jewry Lane Meeting, near Aldgate.
Rampant Lion Yard Meeting, Nightingale Lane.
Salters' Hall Meeting, Swithin's Lane.
Shakespear's Walk Meeting, Upper Shadwell.
Silver Street Meeting, Wood Street.
Swallow Street Meeting, Piccadilly.
Windsor Court Meeting, Monkwell Street.
Number Total—28.
Independent Meetings
Boar's Head Yard Meeting, Petticoat Lane.
Brickhill Lane Meeting, Thames Street.
Broad Street Meeting, near Old Gravel Lane.
Court Yard Meeting, Barnaby Street.
Deadman's Place Meeting, Southwark.
Hare Court Meeting, Aldersgate Street.
Jewin Street Meeting, Aldersgate Street.
Mare Street Meeting, Hackney.
Nevil's Alley Meeting, Fetter Lane.
New Broad Street Meeting, Moorfields.
New Court Meeting, Carey Street.
Orchard Meeting, Wapping.
Pav'd Alley Meeting, Lime Street.
Pavement Row Meeting, Moorfields.
Pinners' Hall Meeting, Broad Street.
Queen Street Meeting, Ratcliff.
Queen Street Meeting, Rotherhithe.
Redcross Street Meeting, Fore Street.
Ropemakers' Alley Meeting, Little Moorfields.
St. Michael's Lane Meeting, Cannon Street.
St. Saviour's Dockhead Meeting, Southwark.
Staining Lane Meeting, Maiden Lane.
Stepney Meeting, Stepney Fields.
Turners' Hall Meeting, Philpot Lane.
White Horse Yard Meeting, Duke's Place.
Zoar Street Meeting, Southwark.
Number Total—26.
Anabaptist Meetings
Angel Alley Meeting, Whitechapel.
Artillery Street Meeting, Spitalfields.
Beech Lane Meeting, near Whitecross Street.
Brewers' Hall Meeting, Addle Street.
Cherry Garden Lane Meeting, Rotherhithe.
Church Lane Meeting, Limehouse.
Collier's Rents Meeting, White Street, Southwark.
Devonshire Square Meeting, Bishopsgate Street.
Dipping Alley Meeting, Horselydown.
Eagle Street Meeting, Red Lion Street, Holborn.
Fair Street Meeting, Horselydown.
Flower de Luce Meeting, Tooley Street.
Glasshouse Meeting, Swallow Street.
Glasshouse Yard Meeting, Pickaxe Street.
Goat Yard Passage, Horselydown.
Johnson's Street Meeting, Old Gravel Lane.
Little Wild Street Meeting, Cripplegate.
Maze Pond Street Meeting, Southwark.
Maidenhead Court Meeting, Great Eastcheap.
Mill Yard Meeting, Rag Fair.
New Way Meeting in the Maze, Southwark.
Paul's Alley Meeting, Redcross Street.
Pennington's Street Meeting, Virginia Street.
Pepper Street Meeting, Southwark.
Rosemary Branch Meeting, Rosemary Lane.
Rotherhithe Meeting, Rotherhithe.
St. John's Court Meeting, Little Hart Street.
Sheer's Alley Meeting, White Street, Southwark.
Snowfields Meeting.
Union Yard Meeting, Horselydown Lane.
Vinegar Row Meeting, Shoreditch Fields.
White's Alley Meeting, Little Moorfields.
Number Total—33.
Quakers’ Meetings
Brook Street Meeting, Ratcliff.
Ewer’s Street Meeting, Southwark.
Fair Street Meeting, Horselydown.
Little Almonry Meeting, Westminster.
Peel Meeting, St. John’s Lane.
Quaker Street Meeting, Spitalfields.
Sandy’s Court Meeting, Houndsditch.
Savoy Meeting, in the Strand.
Wapping Meeting, Wapping.
Whitehart Yard Meeting, Gracechurch.
Workhouse Meeting, Clerkenwell.
Number Total—12.
In addition to these there were:
French Ambassador’s Chapel, Greek Street, Soho.
French Prophets’ Meeting, Clerkenwell.
French Prophets’ Meeting, Hatton Garden.
Imperial Ambassador’s Chapel, Hanover Square.
Muggletonian Meeting, Barnaby Street.
Muggletonian Meeting, Oldstreet Square.
Nonjurors’ Meeting, Aldersgate Street.
Nonjurors’ Meeting, St. Giles.
Nonjurors’ Meeting, Scroop’s Court.
Oratory Meeting, Lincoln’s Inn Fields.
Popish Meeting, Butler’s Alley, Grub Street.
Portuguese Ambasador’s Chapel, Golden Square.
Sardinian Ambassador’s Chapel, Lincoln’s Inn Fields.
Spanish Ambassador’s Chapel, Ormond Street.
Venetian Ambassador’s Chapel, Suffolk Street.
Number Total—15.
French Chapels
Black Eagle Street Chapel, Spitalfields.
Berwick Street Chapel, Old Soho.
Brown’s Lane Chapel, Spitalfields.
Castle Street Chapel, Green Street.
Crispin’s Street Chapel, Spitalfields.
Friery Chapel, Pallmall.
Hog Lane Chapel, Soho.
Little Chapel Street Chapel, Old Söho.
Little Rider’s Court Chapel, Little Newport Street.
Mary-le-Bone Chapel, St. Mary-le-Bone.
Milk Alley Chapel, Wapping.
Orange Street Chapel, Hedge Lane.
Petticoat Lane Chapel.
St. John’s Street Chapel, Swan Fields, Shoreditch.
St. Martin’s Lane Chapel, Canon Street.
Savoy Chapel, in the Savoy.
Slaughter’s Street Chapel, Swan Fields, Shoreditch.
Spring Garden Chapel, Charing Cross.
Threadneedle Street Chapel.
Three Crown Court Chapel, Spitalfields.
West Street Chapel, Soho.
Number Total—21.
German and other Chapels
Danish Chapel, Well Close Square.
Dutch Chapel, St. Augustin Friars.
Dutch Chapel, in the Savoy.
German Chapel, in St. James’s Palace.
German Chapel, in the Savoy.
German Chapel in Trinity Lane.
Russian Chapel, Exeter Exchange Court, Strand.
Swedish Chapel, Princes Square, Ratcliff Highway.
Number Total—8.
Jewish Synagogues
Bevis Markes Synagogue of Portuguese Jews.
Duke’s Place Synagogue of German Jews.
Magpye Alley Synagogue of German Jews.
The following is a list of City Almshouses in 1750:
St. Alban's, Wood Street.
St. Alphage—
10 Almshouses for 10 men and 10 women.
St. Andrew Wardrobe—
3 Almshouses.
St. Benet at Paul's Wharf—
Almshouses for 6 poor widows.
St. Mary Magdalen—
1 Almhouse.
St. Helen's—
5 Almshouses for 5 decayed skinners and their wives.
6 Almshouses for 6 poor people.
7 Houses for 7 poor widows of the leathersellers.
St. Olave's in the Jewry—
2 Almshouses for 9 poor widows of armourers or braziers.
St. Martin Vintry—
13 Almshouses for decayed persons founded by Sir Richard Whittington.
St. Mary Aldermary—
2 Almshouses for 4 poor of the Salters' Company.
St. Olave, Hart Street—
15 Almshouses belonging to the Drapers' Company for as many poor men and women.
10 Almshouses, the gift of Lord Banyan.
St. Peter Poor Church in Broad Street—
6 Almshouses, the gift of Sir Thomas Gresham.
St. Stephen, Coleman Street—
6 Almshouses built by Christopher Ayre for 6 poor couples of the parish.
St. Botolph without Aldersgate—
£400 bequeathed by Christopher Tamworth, for the maintenance of 6 poor men and 4 poor widows.
St. Botolph, Bishopsgate—
Almshouses in Lamb's Court for the poor of the parish.
3 Almshouses for 3 poor widows.
Bridewell—
Hospital for indigent persons.
St. George's, Southwark—
22 Almshouses for the relief of indigent freemen of the Fishmongers' Company or their widows.
St. Giles's, Cripplegate—
A French Hospital.
6 Almshouses founded by Mr. Allen.
Lorrimer's Almshouses.
St. Olave's, Southwark—
20 Almshouses.
St. Saviour's, Southwark—
Hospital for 16 poor men and women.
2 more Hospitals.
2 Rooms for 2 poor people.
St. Sepulchre's—
Almshouses for 6 unmarried men.
St. Thomas, Southwark—
Almshouses.
Christ Church in Surrey.
Christ Church in Spitalfields—
Almshouses.
Hospital.
St. Dunstan, Stepney—
6 Almshouses for 6 decayed men of Bethnal Green.
8 Almshouses for 8 poor widows of Drapers' Company.
6 Almshouses for 6 widows of commanders of ships.
12 Almshouses for 12 poor widows of the Skinner Co.
Almshouses of the Corporation of Trinity House for 28 decayed commanders of ships, and widows of such.
12 Almshouses for 12 decayed Vintners.
12 Almshouses for as many poor men (past labour) of Stepney parish.
10 Almshouses for 10 poor widows of mercers.
Hospital for 6 poor coopers.
7 Almshouses founded by Nicolas Gybson.
Estate for the maintenance of 14 poor women.
St. Giles-in-the-Fields—
Almshouses for 20 poor women.
St. John at Hackney—
6 Almshouses for 6 poor widows.
10 Almshouses for 10 poor widows.
Almshouses for 6 poor men and their wives.
St. Katherine by the Tower.
St. Leonard, Shoreditch—
A Hospital for 20 poor members of the Haberdashers' Company and 20 poor boys.
6 Almshouses for the widows of 12 weavers.
12 Almshouses for 12 poor widows of Shoreditch.
8 Almshouses for 8 poor widows of the parish.
6 Houses for 6 poor men.
2 Almshouses built by Mr. Bearmore.
6 Almshouses for decayed drapers and their wives.
6 Almshouses for the parish.
14 Houses for 56 poor people.
6 Houses for decayed goldsmiths.
St. Mary at Lambeth—
Almshouses.
St Mary Magdalen—
Legacy for clothing 12 poor men and women once a year.
St. Mary at Newington—
8 Almshouses for the poor of the parish.
8 Almshouses for the Drapers' Company.
St. Mary in Whitechapel—
6 Almshouses for 12 poor widows of the parish.
St. Paul's, Shadwell—
5 Almshouses for the poor of the parish.
St. Clement's Danes—
6 Almshouses for 6 poor women.
St. Margaret, Westminster—
Ann Dacre's Almshouses for 10 poor men and 10 poor women.
George Witchers' Almshouses for 6 poor people.
Tothill Fields' 12 Almshouses, 6 for men and 6 for women.
2 Almhouses for 2 decayed virtuous gentlewomen.
Norton Folgate—
6 Almshouses.
APPENDIX IV
TAXES AND INFERIOR OFFICES
The following is a list of inferior offices in the City of London:
Weigher of meat at Leadenhall Market, Bishopsgate.
Setter out of stalls at Leadenhall.
Clerk of Court of Requests and Beadle there.
Clerk of the City Works.
Porter of the Bridgehouse.
Weigher of meat at Newgate Market.
Common Serjeant.
Judge of the Sheriff’s Court.
Town Clerk of Southwark.
Steward of Southwark.
Attorney in the Mayor’s Court.
Clerk of the Assayers, Middle Temple.
Common Pleader.
Secondary:
Common Cryer.
Keeper of Ludgate.
Keeper of the Compter.
Bailiff of Southwark.
Clerk of the Bridgehouse.
Attorney in the Sheriff’s Court.
Clerk of the Chamber.
Clerk of the Compters.
Keeper of wood and coal for the poor at Leadenhall.
Common outcryer.
“Oter” Bailiff.
Common Hunt.
Keeper of the Session House, Old Bailey.
Upper Labourer in the Bridgehouse.
Prothonotary.
Clerk of the Court of Requests.
Keeper of the Guildhall.
Keeper of Moorfields.
Drawer of water at Dowgate.
The following is a list of Assessed Taxes for 1797:
For every clock within or outside a house, 5s. a year.
For every gold watch kept or worn, 10s. a year.
For every silver watch kept or worn, 7s. 6d. a year.
Every maker of, or dealer in, clocks and watches, to pay 2s. 6d. a year for a licence.
For four-wheeled vehicles:—For the first, £8 a year. For the second, £9 a year, and £10 a year for every one after the first two.
For every two-wheeled vehicle (36 G. III. c. 14), £4 : 4s.
Carriages used as stage-coaches and posting carriages pay only £7 a year.
Taxed carts, two-wheeled and without cover or springs, to pay 12s. a year.
For keeping a hunting-dog or two or more dogs, 5s. a year for each.
For keeping one dog only, not being a hunting-dog, 3s. a year.
For every horse 10s., and for two horses £1.
When three, four, or five are kept, for each £2.
Where six are kept, for each £2 : 5s.
Horses for trade or agriculture paid 5s. each.
The House Tax was as follows:
For a rent of £5 to £19, inclusive, sixpence in the pound.
For a rent of £20 to £39, inclusive, ninepence in the pound.
For a rent of £40 and upwards, a shilling in the pound.
But by 31 and 36 George III. the tax was increased by 20 per cent.
The Window Tax was as follows:
| Number of Windows | Amount |
|-------------------|--------|
| 1 to 6 | £0 4 0 |
| 7 | 0 12 2 |
| 8 | 0 17 6 |
| 9 | 1 2 6 |
| 10 | 1 8 4 |
| 11 | 1 14 0 |
| 12 | 2 6 0 |
| 13 | 2 7 10 |
| 14 | 2 16 6 |
| 15 | 3 4 6 |
| 16 | 3 12 0 |
| 17 | 4 0 0 |
| 18 | 4 7 6 |
| 19 | 4 15 0 |
| 20 | 5 4 8 |
| 21 | 5 14 0 |
| 22 | 6 3 6 |
| 23 | 6 13 8 |
| 24 | 7 5 0 |
| 25 | 7 16 0 |
| 26 | 7 18 0 |
| 27 | 8 0 0 |
| 28 | 8 2 0 |
| 29 | 8 4 0 |
| 30 | £8 19 6|
| 31 | 9 1 6 |
| 32 | 9 3 6 |
| 33 | 9 5 6 |
| 34 | 9 7 6 |
| 35 | 10 3 6 |
| 36 | 10 5 6 |
| 37 | 10 7 6 |
| 38 | 10 9 6 |
| 39 | 10 11 6|
| 40 | 11 8 0 |
| 41 | 11 10 0|
| 42 | 11 12 0|
| 43 | 11 14 0|
| 44 | 11 16 0|
| 45 | 12 13 0|
| 46 | 12 15 0|
| 47 | 12 17 0|
| 48 | 12 19 0|
| 49 | 13 1 0 |
| 50 | 13 18 0|
| 51 | 14 0 0 |
| 52 | 14 2 0 |
| 53 | 14 4 0 |
| Number of Windows | Amount |
|------------------|--------|
| 54 | £14 6 0|
| 55 | 15 3 0 |
| 56 | 15 5 0 |
| 57 | 15 7 0 |
| 58 | 15 9 0 |
| 59 | 15 11 0|
| 60 | 16 8 0 |
| 61 | 16 10 0|
| 62 | 16 12 0|
| 63 | 16 14 0|
| 64 | 16 16 0|
| 65 | 17 13 0|
| 66 | 17 15 0|
| 67 | 17 17 0|
| 68 | 17 19 0|
| 69 | 18 1 0 |
| 70 | 18 18 0|
| 71 | 19 0 0 |
| 72 | 19 2 0 |
| 73 | 19 4 0 |
| 74 | 19 6 0 |
| 75 | 20 3 0 |
| 76 | 20 5 0 |
| 77 | 20 7 0 |
| 78 | 20 9 0 |
| 79 | 20 11 0|
| 80 | 21 8 0 |
| 81 | 21 10 0|
| 82 | 21 12 0|
| 83 | 21 14 0|
| 84 | 21 16 0|
| 85 | 22 13 0|
| 86 | 22 15 0|
| 87 | 22 17 0|
| 88 | 22 19 0|
| 89 | 23 1 0 |
| 90 | 23 18 0|
| 91 | 24 0 0 |
| 92 | 24 2 0 |
| 93 | 24 4 0 |
| 94 | 24 6 0 |
| 95 | 25 3 0 |
| 96 | 25 5 0 |
| 97 | 25 7 0 |
| 98 | 25 9 0 |
| 99 | 25 11 0|
| 100 | 27 3 0 |
| 101 | 27 5 0 |
| 102 | 27 7 0 |
| Number of Windows | Amount |
|------------------|--------|
| 103 | £27 9 0|
| 104 | 27 11 0|
| 105 | 27 13 0|
| 106 | 27 15 0|
| 107 | 27 17 0|
| 108 | 27 19 0|
| 109 | 28 1 0 |
| 110 | 29 13 0|
| 111 | 29 15 0|
| 112 | 29 17 0|
| 113 | 29 19 0|
| 114 | 30 1 0 |
| 115 | 30 3 0 |
| 116 | 30 5 0 |
| 117 | 30 7 0 |
| 118 | 30 9 0 |
| 119 | 30 11 0|
| 120 | 32 3 0 |
| 121 | 32 5 0 |
| 122 | 32 7 0 |
| 123 | 32 9 0 |
| 124 | 32 11 0|
| 125 | 32 13 0|
| 126 | 32 15 0|
| 127 | 32 17 0|
| 128 | 32 19 0|
| 129 | 33 1 0 |
| 130 | 34 13 0|
| 131 | 34 15 0|
| 132 | 34 17 0|
| 133 | 34 19 0|
| 134 | 35 1 0 |
| 135 | 35 3 0 |
| 136 | 35 5 0 |
| 137 | 35 7 0 |
| 138 | 35 9 0 |
| 139 | 35 11 0|
| 140 | 37 3 0 |
| 141 | 37 5 0 |
| 142 | 37 7 0 |
| 143 | 37 9 0 |
| 144 | 37 11 0|
| 145 | 37 13 0|
| 146 | 37 15 0|
| 147 | 37 17 0|
| 148 | 37 19 0|
| 149 | 38 1 0 |
| 150 | 39 13 0|
| 151 | 39 15 0|
Number of Windows.
| Number | Amount |
|--------|---------|
| 152 | £39 17 0|
| 153 | 39 19 0|
| 154 | 40 1 0 |
| 155 | 40 3 0 |
| 156 | 40 5 0 |
| 157 | 40 7 0 |
| 158 | 40 9 0 |
| 159 | 40 11 0|
| 160 | 42 8 0 |
| 161 | 42 10 0|
| 162 | 42 12 0|
| 163 | 42 14 0|
| 164 | 42 16 0|
| 165 | 42 18 0|
| 166 | 43 0 0 |
Number of Windows.
| Number | Amount |
|--------|---------|
| 167 | £43 2 0 |
| 168 | 43 4 0 |
| 169 | 43 6 0 |
| 170 | 45 3 0 |
| 171 | 45 5 0 |
| 172 | 45 7 0 |
| 173 | 45 9 0 |
| 174 | 45 11 0|
| 175 | 45 13 0|
| 176 | 45 15 0|
| 177 | 45 17 0|
| 178 | 45 19 0|
| 179 | 46 1 0 |
| 180 | 48 3 0 |
(Kearsley, pp. 17-24.)
Male servants were taxed as follows:
For one, £1:5s. a year.
For two, £1:15s. each.
For three or four, £2:5s. each.
For five, six, or seven, £2:15s. each.
For eight to ten, £3 each.
For eleven or more, £4 each.
Bachelors who kept one or more male servants were to pay £1:5s. in addition for each.
Auctioneers residing within the Bills of Mortality had to pay £1:3s. a year licence.
Pawnbrokers, 5s. a year.
On the proceeds of auctions there was a tax of 6d. in the pound.
On Bills of Exchange:
From £2 to £5: 5s.—4d.
From £5: 5s. to £36—8d.
From £30 to £50—1s.
From £50 to £100—1s. 4d.
From £100 to £200—2s.
Promissory Notes were taxed in the same way as Bills of Exchange.
Foreign Bills of Exchange were taxed:
Under £100—8d.
Under £200 and over £100—1s.
Over £200—1s. 4d.
Bricks were taxed at 5s. for every 1000.
Plain tiles for every 1000—4s. 10d.
Pan —— 12s. 10d.
Paving tiles for every 100 not exceeding ten inches square, 2s. 5d.
Above that size, 4s. 10d.
Cider and perry, for every hogshead, 18s. 7d.
For every game licence, £3:3s. a year.
For a gamekeeper, £1:1s. a year.
For the use of hair powder, a yearly tax of one guinea.
For the retail of hats within the Bills of Mortality a woman was taxed at £2 a year.
There was a duty on every hat varying from 3d. on a hat sold at 4s. or under, to 2s. on every hat sold at 12s. and upwards.
Hawkers and petty chapmen had to take out a licence of £4 a year, or if they travelled with a horse, ass, or mule, £4 a year more.
Horse-dealers within the Bills of Mortality had to pay £20 a year licence.
Legacies were taxed on a scale:—
(1) Payable to wife, children, or grandchildren:—
When the amount did not exceed £20—2s. 6d.
When the amount was over £20 and did not exceed £100—5s.
When the amount was over £100—£1.
(2) Payable to a husband:—
When the amount did not exceed £26—5s.
When the amount was over £20 and less than £100—16s.
When the amount was £100 and more—£2.
And for every £100, an additional £1.
(3) Payable to collateral relations or strangers:—
When the amount was not over £20—5s.
For every £100—£2.
The retail of wine:—
(1) Foreign wine without a beer or spirit licence, £5 : 4s.
Foreign wine with a beer but not a spirit licence, £4 : 4s.
Foreign wine with a spirit licence as well, £2 : 4s.
(2) For the retail of British-made wine, £2 : 4s.
For the retail of spirits according to the rate on the house, from £4 : 14s. a year when the rate is under £15, to £7 : 2s. a year when the rate is £50 and upwards.
Every maltster was to take out a licence according to the amount of malt he made, varying at 5s. for no more than 50 quarters, to £3 for more than 550.
For every bushel of malt, 9\(\frac{1}{4}\)d.
Vendors of medicines were to pay 20s. a year.
Paper was heavily taxed:—
For imported paper, 75 per cent.
For hanging paper made in Great Britain, per square yard, 1\(\frac{1}{4}\)d.
For writing and drawing paper, 2\(\frac{1}{2}\)d. a lb.
For coloured paper, 1d. a lb.
For brown paper, \(\frac{1}{2}\)d. a lb.
Imported books paid a duty of £1 : 3 : 4 for every cwt.
Pawnbrokers’ licences within the Bills of Mortality were £10 a year.
Vendors of perfumery paid 1s. a year for licence.
For every packet of perfumery, according to its value, of under 8d. in price, one penny tax; if over 5s. in price, then 1s.
Postmasters and innkeepers who let out horses for hire paid 5s. a year.
Persons keeping a stage-coach paid 5s. a year for licence.
Receipts were taxed according to the amount acknowledged:
From £2 to £20—2d.
From £20 to £50—4d.
From £50 to £100—6d.
From £100 to £500—1s.
From £500—2s.
Dealers in foreign spirits paid an excise licence of £5.
An immense list of the stamps used in London in the year 1797 is given in Kearsley's handbook. It occupies twenty-six pages. It includes all kinds of legal documents, writs, judgments, sentences, leases, wills, letters of administration, licences, etc.
Among them we find the following:
Admission into any of the four Inns of Court.
Admission into any Inn of Chancery.
Admission into any Inn of attorney, proctor, notary, physician, or any officer of any court in Great Britain.
Advertisements in newspapers, 3s. each.
Advertisements in periodical pamphlets, 3s.
Almanacs, 8d.
Apprentices' indentures.
Cards, per pack, 2s.
Certificate of marriage, 5s.
Dice, 15s. a pair.
Newspapers, 3d. and 4d. according to the size.
Pardon of corporal punishment, crime, forfeiture, or offence, £12.
Racehorses. For every horse entered for a race, £2:2s.
Tea-dealers to pay 5s. 6d. a year licence.
Tobacco-dealers to pay 5s. a year licence.
Manufacturers of tobacco to pay according to the amount: namely, from 20,000 to 180,000 lbs., £3 to £15.
APPENDIX V
DISEASES
The following figures have been taken to show the Diseases and Casualties of one year in London. It was the year 1770:
| Disease | Number |
|----------------------------------------------|--------|
| Abortive and stillborn | 696 |
| Aged | 1512 |
| Ague | 1 |
| Apoplexy and suddenly | 223 |
| Asthma and phthisic | 590 |
| Bedridden | 9 |
| Bloody Flux | ... |
| Bursten and rupture | 12 |
| Cancer | 42 |
| Canker | 1 |
| Chicken Pox | 1 |
| Childbed | 172 |
| Cholic, gripes, and twisting of the guts | 48 |
| Cold | 7 |
| Consumption | 4809 |
| Convulsions | 6156 |
| Cough and whooping-cough | 249 |
| Diabetes | 1 |
| Dropsy | 1024 |
| Evil | 15 |
| Fever, malignant fever, scarlet fever, | |
| spotted fever, and purples | 2273 |
| Fistula | 9 |
| Flux | 8 |
| French pox | 65 |
| Gout | 91 |
| Gravel, stone, and strangury | 34 |
| Grief | 3 |
| Headache | 2 |
| Headmouldshot, horshoehead, and water | |
| in the head | 22 |
| Imposthume | 5 |
| Inflammation | 79 |
| Itch | ... |
| Jaundice | 156 |
| Leprosy | 2 |
| Lethargy | 6 |
| Livergrown | 2 |
| Lunatic | 90 |
| Measles | 115 |
| Miscarriage | 6 |
| Mortification | 199 |
| Palsy | 69 |
| Pleurisy | 13 |
| Quinsy | 6 |
| Rash | 2 |
| Rheumatism | 4 |
| Rickets | 4 |
| Rising of the Lights | ... |
| Scurvy | 3 |
| Small-pox | 1660 |
| Sores and ulcers | 24 |
| Sore throat | 22 |
| St. Anthony's fire | ... |
| Stoppage in the stomach | 14 |
| Surfeit | ... |
| Swelling | 1 |
| Teeth | 809 |
| Thrush | 69 |
| Tympany | 1 |
| Vomiting and looseness | 10 |
| Worms | 8 |
| Bit by a mad dog | ... |
| Broken limbs | 2 |
| Bruised | 3 |
| Burnt | 9 |
| Choaked | ... |
| Drowned | 138 |
| Excessive drinking | 11 |
| Executed | 8 |
| Found dead | 10 |
| Killed by falls and several other accidents | |
| Killed themselves | 76 |
| Murdered | 34 |
| Overlaid | 8 |
| Poisoned | 2 |
| Scalded | 3 |
| Category | Males | Females |
|---------------|--------|---------|
| Shot | | |
| Stabbed | | |
| Starved | | 5 |
| Suffocated | | 6 |
**CHRISTENED**
| Category | Males | Females |
|----------|-------|---------|
| Males | 8839 | |
| Females | 8233 | |
| In all | 17,072| |
**BURIED**
| Category | Males | Females |
|----------|-------|---------|
| Males | 10,921| |
| Females | 10,859| |
| In all | 21,780| |
**WHEREOF HAVE DIED**
| Age Group | Count |
|----------------------------|-------|
| Under two years of age | 7617 |
| Between two and five | 1839 |
| Five and ten | 818 |
| Ten and twenty | 844 |
| Twenty and thirty | 1671 |
| Thirty and forty | 1945 |
| Forty and fifty | 2094 |
| Fifty and sixty | 1751 |
| Sixty and seventy | 1469 |
| Seventy and eighty | 1210 |
| Eighty and ninety | 460 |
| Ninety and a hundred | 67 |
| A hundred | 1 |
| A hundred and one | 2 |
| A hundred and three | |
| A hundred and seven | 1 |
APPENDIX VI
SIGNS OF TAVERNS
The following is a list of the Taverns mentioned in the *Vade Mecum*, with the places to which they belonged when these are given:
| Justice, Mint. | Bear, Minories. |
|----------------|-----------------|
| Stone's End. | Red Gate, Minories. |
| Nag's Head (St. George's Church) | Sieve, Minories. |
| Three Goats' Heads. | Hanover Head, Minories. |
| Coach and Horses, St. Margaret's Hill. | Three Kings, Minories. |
| Magpye and Bear, Bridgefoot. | Queen Mary's Head, Minories. |
| Harrow and Lamb, Mint. | Queen Mary, St. Katherine. |
| Birdcage, on the Bridge. | King John, Holywell Lane. |
| Red Cross, opposite St. Magnus. | The Dog, Shoreditch. |
| Three Tuns, Thames Street. | The Helmet, Bishopsgate Street. |
| The Cannon, Mint. | Flower Pot, Bishopsgate Street Without. |
| Bull's Head, Leadenhall Street. | Marlborough Head, Bishopsgate Street Without. |
| Magpye, Fenchurch St. | King's Head, Hoxton Square. |
| White Hart, Gracechurch Street. | Three Tuns, Cloak Lane. |
| White Lyon, Gracechurch Street. | George, Stocks Market. |
| George, St. Mary Axe. | White Horse, Castle Alley. |
| The Crown, Duke's Place. | Angel, Ironmonger Lane. |
| Queen's Head, Lime Street. | Bird in Hand, Cheapside. |
| Fleur, Leadenhall Market. | Three Crowns, Old Jewry |
| Green Dragon. | Bell, Caviator Street. |
| Magpye, Whitechapel. | Sun in the Alley, King Street. |
| George, Rosemary Lane. | Dyal, Queen Street. |
| Blue Boar, Rosemary Lane. | St. Paul, Lawrence Lane. |
| Stars, Rosemary Lane. | Cross Daggers, St. Lawrence Church. |
| Guy E. of Warwick, Warwick Lane. |
| Magpie and Stump, Newgate Street. |
| Coopers' Arms, Old Bailey. |
| Fortune of War, Pye Corner. |
| Golden Heart, Smithfield. |
| Bull Head, Ivy Lane. |
| King's Head, Newgate Street. |
| Crown, Newgate Street. |
| Semper Eadem, Holborn Hill. |
| Coach and Horses, Little Ormond Yard. |
| Hole in the Wall, Hatton Garden. |
| Brewer's Yard, Cheek Lane. |
| New England, Saffron Hill. |
| Black Horse, Cross Street. |
| Crowns, Cross Street. |
| Lust and Crown, Cross Street. |
| Two Brewers, (?). |
| Coopers' Arms, Peters Street. |
| Three Queens, Clerkenwell Green. |
| Crown, Clerkenwell Close. |
| Cherry Tree, Clerkenwell Close. |
| Sir John, Turmmill Street. | Fish, Strand Lane. |
| Cross Keys, Turmmill Street. | Horse-Shoe and Anchor, Dutchy Lane. |
| Dragon, (?) Boar’s Head, Fleet Street. | The Two Muskets, Bloomsbury. |
| Sun, Cripplegate. | King’s Head, Monmouth Street. |
| Golden Hind, Redcross Street. | Crown, Little Drury. |
| Three Tuns, Redcross Street. | Rose and Crown, Long Acre. |
| Swan, Shoe Lane. | Sun and Apple Tree, White Hart Yard. |
| Sugar Loaf, Chancery Lane. | Serpent, Covent Garden. |
| Rose and Crown, Little Britain. | Crown and Rolly, Chancery Lane. |
| Globe, St. Andrew’s Church. | White Lion, Brick Lane. |
| Glove, Bartlett’s Buildings. | King Charles’s Head, Chiswell Street. |
| Anchor, Castle Yard. | Jack of Nunbury, Chiswell Street. |
| Swan and Cap, Lincoln’s Inn. | Five Bells, Little Moor Fields. |
| Queen’s Head, Middle Row. | Last Old Bedlam. |
| Dolphin, Lamb’s Conduit Passage. | Horns, Moor Lane. |
| White Horse, Green Street. | Bull’s Horns, Moor Lane. |
| Ship, Little Turnstile. | Eagle and Child, Moor Lane. |
| Raven, Fetter Lane. | White Horse, Moor Lane. |
| Three Tuns, Fetter Lane. | Bull, Hart Street. |
| Sun in Splendour, Cripplegate. | Swan, St. Ann’s Lane. |
| Magpye, Cripplegate. | Goose and Gridiron, St. Paul’s Churchyard. |
| Plough, Fore Street. | Sun in Splendour, Carter Lane. |
| Cevil, Wood Street. | Bell, Carter Lane. |
| King’s Head, Bishopsgate Street. | Cock, Amen Corner. |
| The Red Rose, Bridewell Alley. | Bull’s Head, Smithfield. |
| Golden Lyon, St. George’s Church, Southwark. | Prince of Wales’s Feathers, Hick’s Hall. |
| King’s Head, St. George’s Church, Southwark. | Harp and Pillars, Chancery Lane. |
| Rose and Crown, St. George’s Church, Southwark. | Three Morrice Dancers, St. Martin’s le Grand. |
| Horseshoe, St. George’s Church, Southwark. | King’s Head and Glove, Leather Lane. |
| The Horn, St. George’s Church, Westminster. | Cock Liquor, Pond Street. |
| White Lion, Bird Cage Alley, Southwark. | Bell, Bow Lane. |
| King’s Head, Spittle Fields. | Lock and Key, Smithfield. |
| Star and Garter, Islington. | Cock and Fountain, White Friars. |
| The Dial, Goswell St. | King’s Head, Shoe Lane. |
| The Prison, Ironmonger Lane. | Elephant and Castle, High Holborn |
| Globe, Queen Street, Cheapside. | Crown, Hatton Garden. |
For reasons already explained, I consider that the ideas of the eighteenth century continued to obtain well into the nineteenth. I have therefore continued the “eighteenth century” in this Chronicle so as to include the first thirty-six years of the nineteenth.
1701. Louis XIV. proclaimed Pretender King of Great Britain and Ireland. City’s loyal address on that subject.
1702. March 3rd.—King William III. died. Address of City to successor. Queen Anne dined in City. Thanksgiving for victories.
1703. City Watch regulated, 583 men. Defoe in pillory.
Nov. 26th.—The Great Storm. Old Buckingham House built.
1708. May Fair put down for a while. Bartholomew Fair restricted to three days.
1709. 12,000 Palatines arrive.
April 21st.—First number of Tatler appeared.
Nov. 5th.—Sacheverel’s famous sermon.
1710. Feb. 27th.—Sacheverel tried in Westminster Hall. St. Paul’s completed. South Sea Company formed.
1711. Act for fifty new churches to be built.
March 11th.—First number of Spectator published.
1712. Nov. 15th.—Duel between Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun. An Academy of Arts opened by Sir James Thornhill.
1714. Aug. 1st.—Death of Queen Anne. George I. proclaimed.
Sept. 20th—George I. entered in magnificence.
1715. Jan. 20th.—Public thanksgiving. Address on report of Jacobite rising. Address of City merchants on suppression of rebellion. Act for lighting City. Westminster Clock Tower taken down. Maypole in Strand taken down. Gay’s Trivia published.
1719. Westminster Hospital founded.
1720. South Sea Scheme. First edition of Strype and Stow.
1721. Tumult of the weavers on account of the postponement of the Bill for the encouragement of the woollen and silken manufacture of the country. They tore calico gowns off the backs of women; they crowded the avenues to the House of Lords demanding justice; they threatened to demolish
the house of a French weaver and to rifle that of the East India Company. Order restored by trained bands and by the Guard.
1722. The City warned by the Government that another attempt was on foot to raise a rebellion, and admonished to preserve vigilance. The City replied loyally. All Papists and reputed Papists were ordered to leave London and Westminster, and to get beyond ten miles of either.
1723. Sir Christopher Wren died. Chelsea Waterworks founded.
1724. It was enacted that all rain-water should run down the sides of houses in pipes.
1725. Bill for regulating elections in London. Ferment in the City, it being supposed that the Bill was aimed at their privileges and liberties.
1726. A mutiny in Newgate not put down until the convicts were fired upon from above. The Sheriff, in exhorting them to submit, caught the gaol-fever and died.
1727. Accession of George II. Address of the City, 16th June. Banquet of the City to the King and Queen on Lord Mayor's Day.
1728. It is noted that the violence and audacity of the mob were so great at this time that they formed a design to rob the Queen in St. Paul's Churchyard, and would have done so, but were employed in robbing an Alderman at the time of her passing, so that she escaped.
1729. The Grand Jury (12th February) made four presentments to the Court of King's Bench. The first against Infidelity: the second against Gin-shops: the third against Beggars: the fourth against Masquerades.
On 21st Feb. the merchants of London trading in tobacco represented to the House of Commons the great depredations, wrongs, and cruelties inflicted on British trade in America by the Spaniards.
1730. Serpentine River opened by Queen Caroline.
1731. On 31st December a very high tide flooded the south of London.
1732. A cold, accompanied by fever, raged for six weeks, especially among the old, so that the mortality rose in one week and was doubled. Parish Clerks' Survey of London published.
1733. Opposition to Sir Robert Walpole's Excise Scheme. Berkeley House, Piccadilly, pulled down. St. George's Hospital founded.
1735. The Precinct of Blackfriars put forward a claim to exemption from jurisdiction of the City. A case was heard, City v. Daniel Watson, a resident in the Precinct; result in favour of City. The Precinct was declared part of Ward of Farringdon Within, which sent two members to Common Council.
1736. The old contract for lighting the City reconsidered. Act against excessive consumption of spirits. No person allowed to sell less than two gallons of spirits without a licence. Scouring of the Fleet River. 1668-1673, the Ditch choked with mud and filth was cleaned out and turned into a canal, 2100 feet long, 40 feet broad, 5 feet deep; bounded on each side by a strong wall within which were vaults for storing coals. Wharves on each side, 35 feet wide, supported by wall and vaults at the cost of £27,777. It became once more choked. Therefore in 1736 one part of it, close to Fleet Bridge, was covered over. New Exchange, Strand, taken down.
1737. Stock Markets moved to Farringdon Street, and called Fleet Market.
1738. Jan. 14th.—King's Printing House, Blackfriars, burned. Here Bibles, Prayer Books, and Proclamations were issued. The site is now Printing House Square.
Feb. 4th.—Workmen began to clear away Stock Markets to make room for the Mansion House.
1738. March 3rd.—Merchants sent to House of Commons a petition complaining of depredations of the Spaniards.
Dec. 17th.—King granted licence for nominating Trustees for the erection of a Foundling Hospital. The Royal Charter was dated 17th October of the following year.
Dec. 20th.—James Buchanan condemned to be hanged for murder on the high seas. Was taken to Wapping and hanged, but cut down in five minutes by sailors, and carried out to sea.
1739. Feb. 20th.—Common Council met to consider the convention with Spain. Petitioned House of Commons against it. Walpole carried the convention by 262 against 235. Among those who voted for Government were 234 placemen, whose employment was worth £212,956:13:4.
Sept. 29th.—The City rejected Sir G. Champion as Lord Mayor for voting with the Government.
Oct. 22nd.—War proclaimed against Spain.
(?) Oct. 29th.—Foundation of Mathematical School in Grey Coat Hospital, Westminster.
1740. Jan. 23rd.—Riot at Drury Lane because two of the dancers were not present. Great frost throughout January.
March.—Admiral Vernon presented with freedom.
Nov. 12th.—William Dewell hanged for a rape and murder. Taken to Surgeons’ Hall, where he recovered. Ordered to be transported for life.
1741. Jan. 27th.—Lord Tyrconnel asked leave to bring in a Bill for the better paving and cleansing of the streets of Westminster.
Feb. 10th.—Petition to House of Commons to prevent the pernicious habit of running wool to foreign ports. Middlesex Grand Jury presentment against the presence of soldiers at elections. In this year occurred an epidemic of fever, chiefly among the poorer sort and those who lived in towns and crowded places.
1742. Jan. 5th.—The Burgesses of Westminster drew up a paper of instructions for their members. They protested especially against the presence of placemen in Parliament, against standing armies, and against any extension of the Law of Excise.
Dec. 13th.—London Stone moved from its ancient site to that which it occupies at present.
1744. Feb. 18th.—Loyal addresses from various bodies on news of the Pretender’s intended attempt. Banishment of Papists from the City and Westminster for ten miles round.
March 31st.—Proclamation of war with France.
April.—Presentment of Grand Jury against Gaming Houses, in which the actual names of offenders are published boldly. A combination of 1500 journeymen tailors and stay-makers to advance wages above the limit of Act of Parliament. Privy Council wrote to Duke of Newcastle. Address of Lord Mayor and Alderman to King on the confederation of rogues and robbers and murderers in streets, and their defiance of authority. An Act in consequence to improve the lighting of the City.
1745. Jan. 22nd.—Journeymen tailors petition Parliament on the hardship of being deprived of liberty to combine.
Sept. 5th.—News arrived of Pretender’s landing. Loyal addresses.
Sept. 7th.—Proclamations against Papists.
Sept. 10th.—More loyal addresses from Lord Mayor and Corporation, clergy, Dissenting ministers, lawyers, etc. Militia mustered; Quakers offered warm clothing; City granted £1000 for the soldiers; people provided 12,000 pairs of breeches, 1200 shirts, 10,000 pairs of woollen stockings, and 1000 blankets; 12,000 woollen gloves; 9000 woollen spatterdashes.
Oct. 8th.—Lawyers formed a regiment. Train of artillery started for Finchley Common. Loyal congratulations after Culloden from City, Quakers, and merchants.
1746. Aug. 18th.—Lords Kilmarnock and Balmerino executed on Tower Hill. And on 8th December Charles Ratcliffe.
1747. April 9th.—Lord Lovat beheaded. At this execution one of the scaffolds, containing 400 persons gathered together to see the sight, fell down. Twenty persons were killed, and a much greater number had their limbs broken. Lock Hospital opened.
1748. March 25th.—Great fire on Cornhill.
March 30th.—Mutiny in Newgate. Seven prisoners charged as smugglers rose against the turnkeys. Two got out.
Dec. 22nd.—Committee at Guildhall resolved to prosecute all hawkers and pedlars, even though they had licences.
1749. March 2nd.—Proclamation of peace. Addresses, rejoicings, fireworks.
July 1st.—Riot of sailors in Strand.
Aug. 27th.—Fire in Grocer's Alley: threatened to burn down the Poultry Compter—all the prisoners released. Nine of them were felons, of whom only one was taken. Of the fifty debtors forty went back again of their own accord.
1750.—The City considered the differences between masters and journeymen freemen. It was resolved that whenever the masters found it impossible to get journeymen who were freemen they might employ foreigners. The earthquake scare. Charter granted to a new company—the Society of the Free British Fishery.
Nov. 17th, 12 p.m.—Westminster Bridge opened at midnight by a procession of Westminster gentlemen, the chief artificers employed in the work, a great number of spectators preceded by trumpets, kettle-drums, and with guns. The first stone was laid 19th January 1739, so that it was eleven years and nine months building.
May.—Two judges, the Lord Mayor, several of the jury, and sixty persons who were present in the Session House during a trial, die of gaol-fever.
Oct. 20th.—Increased rewards offered for apprehension and conviction of highwaymen.
1751. Jan.—A certain document called Constitutional Queries earnestly recommended to the serious consideration of every true Briton, was sent to all the principal persons in the kingdom, and left upon the table of every coffee-house in London and Westminster. It was brought before the two Houses and ordered to be burnt on the 25th of January, in New Palace Yard, by the common hangman, as a seditious and treasonable libel. This was done, and a reward of £1000 was offered for the discovery of the author; £200 for that of the printer; and £50 for that of the publisher. Riot of sailors.
Feb. 28th.—The Court of Guildhall fixed the wages of journeymen tailors at 2s. 6d. a day for the summer half-year, and 2s. a day for the winter, the day's hours being from six o'clock to seven. The men gained an hour by this law.
1752. Master hat-makers and master tailors petition to House of Commons for redress of their grievances, which were against their journeymen. Merchants of London petition against naturalisation of foreigners who come over here to trade. Parliament Street made.
1753. Linen-drapers petition for prohibition of cambrics. Sugar-dealers on the price of sugar. Bill for regulating licences.
April 16th.—Bill for naturalisation of the Jews. Bill passed the Lords. Sent down to the Commons. Petition of City merchants for it and against it. The Bill passed the House. The opposition, however, was so great that it was repealed six months later.
June 7th.—Archibald Cameron executed for high treason. Consideration of a new bridge to be built across the Thames at the Fleet Ditch. British Museum founded. Mansion House finished.
1755. March 20th.—Act vested Montague House in trustees for the occupation of the British Museum.
1756. Fear of invasion. Declaration of war. Popularity of war in the City.
1757. Freedom of City presented to William Pitt. Act for repairing London Bridge. Temporary bridge burned. New King's Bench Prison built.
1758. Apothecaries allowed to employ non-freemen. Address to Prince of Wales on attaining majority. Houses on London Bridge taken down.
1759. Holbein's Gate at Westminster taken down. Ten-pound notes first issued by Bank of England.
1760. Resolution to improve the City and suburbs of London. Execution of Earl Ferrers.
Oct. 25th.—Death of George II. Proclamation of King George III. The proclamation was read at Saville House, Charing Cross, Chancery Lane, Cheapside, and again at the Royal Exchange. The City carried two cases through the Courts and established their right to the tolls, not only in the markets, but in the avenues leading to them. Three City gates removed.
1761. Marriage of the King. Common Councilmen in honour of the event assumed gowns of blue Margarine silk. Loyal addresses.
June 24th.—More than 300 debtors released by Lord Mayor under Insolvent Debtors' Act. On Lord Mayor's Day, King and Queen were entertained by the City at Guildhall. Sale of City offices. Coal-meter's place sold for £4430. Remembrancer's for £2000.
Sept. 22nd.—Coronation of King.
1762. An Act of Parliament passed for removing the posts and signs, and for repaving the streets. Lady Fair, Southwark, abolished. St. Bartholomew's Fair forbidden to have interludes and shows.
July 5th.—Final decision of the long pending case whether Dissenters were liable to serve office of Sheriff. It was decided that they were not. Preliminaries of peace signed. Great discontent in the City.
1763. Increased discontent with the peace. Common Council refused an address of congratulation. Violence of attack on the Government by the North Briton. The mob carried the body of one Cornelius Sanders, executed for robbing one Mrs. White, Lamb Street, Spitalfields, of £50, to the door of the woman, laid it there, then wrecked the house.
June 4th.—King's birthday. Fireworks on Tower Hill. A railing gave way. Many fell 30 feet; six killed, fourteen died afterwards, large number bruised and hurt.
Feb. 29th.—John Wilkes arrested.
1764. Marriage of the King's sister, Augusta, with Prince of Brunswick-Luneburg. Loyal addresses. Act of Parliament to prevent fires.
April 9th.—Petition of silk-weavers in distress.
June 18th.—A company of 600 German Protestants were found lying in an open space behind Whitechapel Church, starving. They had been brought over on false pretences by a German officer, who abandoned them. They were relieved by the City and sent out to South Carolina. Houses first numbered.
1765. Corporation petitioned Parliament for relief from the heavy expenses of repairing London Bridge and for assistance in rebuilding Newgate. John Williams, for publishing the North Briton, No. 45, put in pillory before a crowd of 10,000 applauding him. Procession of Spitalfields weavers. The Fleet covered over as far as Ludgate Hill. Commissioners present a report on the paving of the City. It was very badly paved: irregular; frequently disturbed by water companies; deep channels in the middle and across; everything thrown into the street; washing of casks, etc., performed in the streets themselves; footways not raised above level, covered with mud and water. The path narrow; posts on one side; on the other encroachments of cellar flaps, showboards, door-steps, etc. No names of streets put up.
1766. Act for the better paving of London. Very bad frost, 26th December, continued till 22nd January. Man and woman prosecuted for offering to sell a girl for £30. One thirty-sixth part of a share in New River Company sold for £4400. Rejoicings at the repeal of the American Stamp Act. City bells rang all day. Great banquet of Americans in Drapers' Hall. House-signs of London taken down.
1767. Act for the better care of parish children. They were to be sent into the country, supported voluntarily. Guardians to be appointed who were to nurse the children. Lock-up and crimps' houses found to be places of great villainy. Gresham College sold to Government as the Excise Office for £500 a year. Renewed riots of the weavers.
1768. Fighting among coalheavers. Wilkes riots. Dyers' Hall fell down. Riots of coalheavers and sailors.
Dec. 18th.—Institution of the Royal Academy of Arts.
1769. Nov.—Two weavers sentenced to be hanged. Discussion as to whether the King can, at his will, change the place of execution. First Royal Academy Exhibition.
1770. A dreadful record of fires early this year. Remonstrance of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of the City of London in Common Hall assembled. Establishment of Lloyd's as a society. Death of Chatterton. King's Printing House removed to New Street, Gough Square. Rosamond's Pond, St. James's Park, filled up. Foundation-stone of Newgate laid by Alderman Beckford.
1771. The case of John Wheble. Lord Mayor and House of Commons. Imprisonment and release of Lord Mayor and Oliver.
Oct. 16th.—John Wilkes and Frederick Bull addressed an order to the Keeper of Newgate, directing him in future to knock off the irons of prisoners before they were brought to the bar; and in future not to charge money for admission to the court of the Old Bailey.
1772. Great distress owing to price of provisions. Wagons loaded with meat were stopped and robbed by mobs; at the Spital sermon Lord Mayor's carriage-windows were broken.
April 27th.—The journeymen tailors brought forward questions of wages, obtained a rise of 6d. per day. It was noticed as a great thing that forty-three hours after the failure of a certain bank the fact was known in Edinburgh at 420 miles' distance. The news was therefore carried at the rate of 10 miles an hour.
Dec. 3rd.—A vagrant who had been sent on to his parish, but returned, was whipped all through Cornhill, and then sent back to his parish. The Lord Mayor took up a large number of vagrant boys and handed them over to the Marine Society. Punishment by pressure to those who refused to plead was abolished.
1773. The Livery met in Common Hall and passed an address praying for a redress of grievances. The King received it with a severe snub. The Court of Aldermen passed a resolution in favour of shorter Parliaments. The City presented a petition to the House of Commons against lotteries—fifty-three years too soon. The plundering of ships in the river received a temporary check by the breaking up of a gang, and by the exemplary punishment administered to two fellows caught robbing a ship. The crew tied them up to the shrouds, neck and heels, for four hours. Every half hour they gave each of them fifty lashes, taking them down at the end of the time more dead than alive.
1774. It was discovered that a merchant living in Lothbury was keeping in his house a negro as a slave; that the man had thus been kept for fourteen years, during which he had no wages. The man was released, and the Attorney-General prosecuted his master for fourteen years' wages. It was resolved that no two-wheeled cart drawn by men should be taken into the City. The Royal
Assent was given to three Bills: a Thames Navigation Bill; a Bill for licensing drovers; and a Building Act by which churchwardens of every parish were bound to provide ladders for use in case of fire. The London booksellers obtained a legal decision in favour of copyright. This decision, however, was reversed by the House of Lords. Fleet marriages declared null and void.
1777. Dispute between the City and Admiralty about right to impress men within the City. This year it was ordered that the 3rd Buffs or successors of the City trained bands should have the right of marching through London with drums beating and colours flying.
1778. The Common Council refused to join in a proposed subscription for raising men for the war, on the ground that "to give any countenance or to be in any way instrumental in continuing the present war with the Colonies will reflect discredit on humanity."
May 11th.—Lord Chatham died. Common Council voted £3000 for a statue to him.
Nov. 19th.—Common Council instructed their representatives to make strenuous efforts to prevent the loss of the Colonies "and the shame and distress of their unhappy country."
1779. Aug. 5th. City of London claimed a duty of 6d. a load on hay sold in Smithfield. The right was disputed and the case tried. Verdict for the City.
1780. Popular discontent with conduct of the Ministry, the encroachments on civil liberty, waste of public money. Sawbridge publicly charged Lord North with corrupting the Members of Parliament. Associations formed all over the country for the promotion of constitutional reform. Royal Academy Exhibition in Somerset House.
June 2nd–9th.—The Gordon Riots.
Oct. 2nd.—Retrenchment of expenses by the Common Council.
1781. Nov.:—Trial of Alderman Kenneth, late Lord Mayor, for not using his authority to suppress the riots. Found guilty. Died before sentence was pronounced.
Dec.—Remonstrance of City and Westminster.
1782. The Guildhall Chapel was converted into a Court of Requests. The Common Council again declared its belief that unequal representation in Parliament was the cause of the American War. The position of things was becoming desperate. Great Britain was isolated; France, Spain, and Holland were against her as well as the Colonies. The trade of London had decreased by one-half. One hundred millions had been wasted for nothing. In February a motion was made for peace, and lost by one vote. In March the City petitioned the House "to interpose in such a manner as shall seem most effectual for preventing the continuance of the unfortunate war with America." The motion for peace was then carried. Lord North resigned; the Marquis of Rockingham came in; Rodney defeated the French fleet in the West Indies and saved Jamaica; we lost our Colonies, but we had beaten the French. With such consolation peace was arrived at with universal rejoicings. Fleet Prison rebuilt.
1783. Peace was not formally signed until the autumn. On 6th September it was proclaimed. The theatre in Barber-Surgeons' Hall was pulled down.
May 28th.—It was resolved that the procession to Tyburn should be discontinued.
1784. The Handel Festival.
Sept. 15th.—Lunardi ascended in a balloon from Artillery Ground; descended in a meadow five miles from Ware.
Dec. 13th.—Dr. Johnson died. Letters first sent by mail-coach on Palmer's plan.
1785. It is recorded that twenty persons were hanged outside Newgate on 2nd February and nineteen on
28th April. Christopher Atkinson, H.M. Victualling Contractor, put in pillory, Mark Lane, on 25th November. A new Session House built, Old Bailey. Lambeth Waterworks Company founded.
1786. Feb. 7th.—Great fire at Guildhall, in which the registers and books of admission of freemen were destroyed.
Aug. 19th.—Margaret Nicholson attempts the life of the King. Watermen’s Hall on St. Mary-at-Hill erected.
1787. March.—First sailing of convict-ship to New South Wales from Spithead. Five bookbinders imprisoned for striking.
1788. Jan. 1st.—First number of The Times, then called The Daily Universal Register. Common Council petitioned House of Commons against the slave-trade and against the shop-tax. Common Council resolved that no persons should serve on any Corporation Committee who had defrauded in weights and measures: who had compounded with his creditors: or had not paid 20s. in the pound. On the branding of a woman before Newgate the Council petitioned the Government against the retention of this barbarous legislation. In this year, sixty-seven years before the thing was done, a writer named Delolme proposed to remove the live-cattle market from Smithfield to St. Pancras or Battlebridge.
1789. A great frost from 25th November 1788 to 13th January 1789. On the news of the King’s recovery there were great rejoicings in the City. The King himself went in State to return thanks for his recovery. The shop-tax repealed.
June 17th.—Burning of the Opera House. Another attempt to repeal the Corporation and Test Acts failed.
1790. Arrest and trial of the “Monster,” a man who stabbed ladies with a knife through their clothes. He was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment. Milton’s grave desecrated. Pennant’s London published.
1791. May 30th.—Insurrection in King’s Bench Prison. Wood Street Compter removed to Giltspur Street.
1792. May 8th.—Attempt to burn down the House of Commons. Political excitement, Corresponding Society, etc. Christopher Atkinson restored to his franchises.
May 5th.—Riot of footmen. Improvement of Westminster police. Seven police-courts established with magistrates salaried and having no interest in fees. Establishment of Loyal Associations. Tower prepared for defence. Bank double-guarded. Villages garrisoned. Company of militia always on duty. Meeting in favour of constitution.
Dec. 19th.—Paine tried and found guilty for publishing the 2nd part of the Rights of Man.
1793. Feb. 1st.—France declares war with Great Britain.
Feb. 16th.—Address of City to King. City offered a bounty of 50s. to every able seaman and 20s. to every landsman. Great distress in City. Number of bankruptcies. Many prosecutions for libel and sedition.
Dec. 2nd.—Great fire at Wapping. Post Office carriers provided with uniforms.
1794. Lord George Gordon died in Newgate.
June 1st.—Lord Howe’s victory over French fleet.
July 23rd.—Great fire at Ratcliffe, 630 houses destroyed.
Aug.—Destruction by mob of crimping- and recruiting-houses.
Sept.—The Pop Gun Plot.
Oct. and Nov.—Political trials. Defeat of the Government. Five-pound notes first issued by Bank of England.
1795. Jan.—Richard Brothers locked up as a lunatic.
April 8th.—Marriage of Prince of Wales.
April 23rd.—Acquittal of Warren Hastings after a trial lasting 7 years and 2 months.
July.—More riots against crimping-houses.
Oct. 26th.—Attack on King, destruction of his coach. Addresses to the King on his escape. Trinity House rebuilt.
1797. July 26th.—John Quincy Adams, afterwards President of the United States, married Louisa Catherine Johnson at Allhallows Barking. Meetings to protest against the conduct of the war.
June 1st.—Mutiny of the Fleet.
Oct. 26th.—John Wilkes died, aged seventy-one; buried in Grosvenor Chapel.
Dec. 19th.—Procession of thanksgiving for victories to St. Paul's.
1798. Feb. 9th.—Voluntary subscription for service of the country.
May 24th.—Bill to accelerate the manning of ships carried through both Houses on same day, signed by King. Out of the discussion on this Bill arose the duel between William Pitt and Tierney on Putney Heath. Neither wounded.
June 3rd.—James O'Wigley arrested, tried, and executed for high treason, in connection with the French.
Oct. 2nd.—News of the battle of the Nile. River police established. Grocers' Company Hall rebuilt.
1799. June 4th.—Review of Volunteers.
June 21st.—Another inspection. Pump set up in Cornhill over the deep well discovered in front of the Royal Exchange. Great distress among the people. Old Hall of St. Helen's pulled down. St. Helen's Place on the site.
1800. Bakers prohibited to sell bread till it had been twenty-four hours out of the oven. Royal College of Surgeons incorporated.
Dec. 3rd.—King issued proclamation exhorting all persons to use utmost economy in bread and flour.
1801. Execution of John Wall (28th January), formerly Governor of Goree, for flogging one Armstrong to death in 1782. Peace proclaimed 29th April. Great rejoicings.
1803. Jan. 10th.—Despard, with nine others, sentenced to be executed. Three of them pardoned. Ranelagh Gardens closed.
May 16th.—War declared with France. General levy of Volunteers; 27,079 in London alone.
1804. May 22nd.—Spanish dollars re-stamped, issued as 5s. pieces.
March 7th.—Fatal duel in which Lord Camelford was killed by Mr. Best in fields of Holland House.
1805. Jan. 30th.—London Docks opened.
March.—Foundation-stone of East India Docks.
Nov. 16th.—News of battle of Trafalgar.
1806. Jan. 8th.—Funeral of Lord Nelson.
Aug. 4th.—East India Docks opened. West Middlesex Waterworks Company founded.
1807. Gas exhibited in Pall Mall. London Institution incorporated.
1808. Sept. 20th.—Covent Garden Theatre destroyed by fire.
Dec. 9th.—Meeting of merchants to defray expenses of clothing for Spanish Army—£50,000.
1810. Feb. 19th.—Sir Francis Burdett sent to the Tower.
June.—Cobbett sentenced to two years in Newgate, and to pay £1000 to the King.
1811. Jan. 18th.—Mr. Lyon Levy, a diamond-merchant, threw himself from the top of the Monument. Pillory of six criminals exposed to a hail of missiles.
Dec. 25th.—Robbery of plate at St. Paul's Cathedral.
1812. April 28th.—Remonstrance of Lord Mayor and City on the abuses of the time.
1813. April 17th.—City address to Caroline, Princess of Wales. This year vaccine inoculation approved by College of Surgeons. Regent Street commenced.
July 15th.—Address to Prince Regent in congratulation of victory of Vittoria. New prison of Whitecross Street built.
1814. Began with eight days' fall of snow. Then twelve weeks' frost. Thames frozen over.
Feb. 2nd.—Ice gave way. First steamboat seen on Thames. Peace with France. Arrival of Czar of Russia and King of Prussia.
1816. Jan. 18th.—Day of Thanksgiving for peace.
May 2nd.—Marriage of Princess Charlotte.
1817. Jan. 28th.—Riots on opening Parliament.
Jan. 31st.—New silver coinage—£1,125,630 in half-crowns; £2,455,566 in shillings; £657,162 in sixpences.
June 18th.—Opening of Waterloo Bridge. City of London Gas Light and Coke Company founded.
Nov. 5th.—Death of Princess Charlotte.
Nov. 17th.—Death of Queen Charlotte, aged seventy-five.
1818. Poultry Compter taken down. Prisoners removed to Whitecross Street.
1819. Nov. 23rd.—Houses of Parliament assembled. The Government proceeded to bring in a Bill for the destruction of the national liberties. The publication of a libel, seditious or blasphemous, was punishable, on a second conviction, by fine, imprisonment, banishment, or transportation. A stamp-duty was also imposed, as in the case of newspapers. As regards public meetings, it was enacted that seven householders at least should sign a requisition for a public meeting; and that it should be illegal except for residents in the place to attend the meeting. As regards danger from insurrection, secret arming and drilling were forbidden, and magistrates had authority to seize arms.
1820. Jan. 21st.—Death of the Duke of Kent.
Jan. 29th.—Death of the King.
May 1st.—Execution of the Cato Street conspirators.
June 3rd.—Arrival in London of Queen Caroline. Cabs came in.
1821. May 1st.—Thistlewood and his fellow-conspirators executed.
June 2nd.—Freedom of City presented to Brougham, Denham, and Lushington, for their defence of the Queen.
June 19th.—Coronation banquet.
Aug. 7th.—Death of Queen Caroline.
1822. Jan. 29th.—Mutiny of convicts in Newgate. Prosecutions for selling "blasphemous" productions. St. James's Park lit with gas.
1823. London now completely fitted with gas. There were 215 miles of gas-lit streets.
1824. March 15th.—First pile of New London Bridge driven in.
July 10th.—Brunel engaged to construct the Thames Tunnel. National Gallery opened.
1825. April 25th.—Duke of York laid foundation of the new hall of Christ's Hospital. First meeting for the foundation of University College.
June 15th.—First stone of London Bridge laid by the Lord Mayor, John Garratt. In this year a livery was granted to the Woolmen's Company and another to the Basket-makers'. Zoological Gardens founded.
1826. Oct. 18th.—Last State lottery.
Nov. 20th.—Farringdon Market opened. Almost the last vestige of the Grey Friars monastery was removed.
1827. May 8th.—A meeting to protest against the Corporation and Test Acts.
Oct.—Trial of Rev. Robert Taylor, a Deist, for blasphemy. Found guilty and sentenced to a year's imprisonment. Removal of turnpikes. Commencement of University College.
1828. Jan. 2nd.—Drowning of six men by flooding of the Thames Tunnel.
March 4th.—Court of Aldermen decided that persons born of Jewish parents, but baptized as Christians, were eligible for the freedom of the City.
June.—Opening of the Guildhall Library.
Oct. 25th.—Opening of St. Katherine's Docks.
1829. Feb.—Common Council petitioned for abolition of death penalty for forgery, and for the removal of Roman Catholic disabilities.
June.—Rioting of Spitalfields weavers.
July 4th.—First omnibus from Bank to Yorkshire Stingo, New Road; twenty-two passengers inside, nine outside—fare 1s. The New Police introduced in the Metropolis.
Sept. 23rd.—New General Post Office opened; 131 houses displaced to make room for it. "Old Bethlehem," which covered part of the churchyard of Bethlehem Hospital and of the House of St. Mary, Bethlehem, was widened, built over, and rechristened Liverpool Street. The City Canal, through the Isle of Dogs, having proved a failure, was given to the West India Dock Company. King's College opened.
1830. April.—A horse-market established at Smithfield every Thursday.
June 22nd.—The last punishment by pillory in London. The sufferer was one Peter Bossy, for perjury.
June 26th.—George the Fourth died. The usual loyal addresses were presented to his successor.
Nov. 8th, 9th, 10th.—Riots in the City.
Dec. 6th.—The libel against the Roman Catholics on the Monument was ordered to be removed.
Dec. 10th.—Act to allow persons to take oaths according to their religion.
1831. April.—Church of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, removed to make approaches to the Bridge.
Aug. 1st.—London Bridge opened by the King and Queen.
1832. Grant of £3000 compensation to tradesmen whose businesses had been injured by change of approaches to the Bridge. Cholera in the City—February to October.
June 4th.—Reform Bill passed the House of Lords. City police remodelled. First cemetery, that of Kensal Green, laid out.
1833. April.—Epidemic of influenza.
July 18th.—Royal Commission to inquire into Municipal Corporations.
1834. Invention of hansom cabs. Common Council resolved to petition King for charter to London University for granting degrees.
Aug. 13th.—Act for establishing City of London School.
1835. Improvement in postal service. Six deliveries and six collections daily in London. A large number of public works in progress.
1836. Feb. 1st.—Issue of fourpenny-pieces. Number of Aldgate citizens petitioned against railways. March 17th.—Common Council petitioned against flogging in the army. Greenwich railway opened. May 31st.—Council expressed regret at the rejection by the House of Lords of a measure for the improvement of Irish municipal government. Committee, appointed in March 1834 to consider the whole question of Corporation Reform, dismissed 13th October. The Common Council voted £500 for the Polish refugees.
1837. Jan.—Influenza in many places. Feb. 2nd.—City of London School, Milk Street, opened by Lord Mayor. April.—A petition agreed to by Common Council in favour of equalisation of the land-tax. June 20th.—King died. Lord Mayor and Aldermen attended on Princess Victoria and joined in the signature of the Declaration of her Accession.
INDEX
Abdy, Sir R., 119
Aberdeen, Lord, 328
Abergavenny, Lord, 267
Abershaw, Jerry, 530
Abney, Sir Thomas, 177, 534; Lady, 177
Abolition Bill, 61
Act of Toleration, 173
Actors, 343
Adam, Mr., 359
Adams, Charles, 98
Addison, Joseph, 158, 313, 314, 316, 320, 322, 417
Adelphi Terrace, 368
Adelphi, the, 132
Aikin, Lucy, 281
Aislabie, Chancellor, 8
Akenside, 366
Akerman, 332, 548
Aldermanbury, 173
Aldermen, 31, 83, 199, 200, 201, 205, 261, 517, 518, 531; and disputed elections, 10; character of, 51; court of, 11, 32, 46, 57, 201; law costs of, 9, 10; right of veto, 10
Aldersgate, 334
Aldersgate Street, 76, 98, 332, 334
Aldersgate Ward, 517
Aldgate, 99, 130
Aldgate Pump, 94
Aldgate Street, 130, 334
Aldgate Ward, 517
Allen, Mary, 546
Allen, Ralph, of Bath, 120
Allnutt, Henry, 608
"Almanack" John, 183
Almshouses, 154, 155, 613-622, 628-630
Alsatia, 91, 165
America, 556
American Colonies, revolt of, 31-33, 216, 534, 558
Amherst, Lord, 490, 491
Amusements—Badger-baiting, 409, 440; bear-baiting, 137, 440; bowling, 416; bragg, 241; bull-baiting, 137, 409, 440, 442; bumble-puppy, 603; cards, 245, 280, 281, 328, 342, 345, 362, 404, 405, 455-458, 593, 610; change of air, 342, 361, 405, 420; cock-fighting, 437, 438, 439, 444; cock-throwing, 442, 444; concerts, 437, 447, 448; cricket, 416, 441; dancing, 241, 280, 399, 400, 402, 404, 412, 436, 441, 448; fairs, 442, 444, 448, 465-471; fencing, 437; fighting, 444, 445, 478, 549; fives, 603; horse-racing, 442; masquerades, 342, 410, 411, 448, 494, 502; peep-shows, 142; places of public entertainment, 245, 344, 362, 410, 411, 414; pleasure-gardens, 78, 79, 235, 243, 244, 245, 287, 296, 341, 346, 361, 363, 407, 410, 411, 415-419, 422-425, 440, 441, 449, 495, 502; private theatricals, 339, 342; prize-fights, 373, 409, 421, 451-454; Punch and Judy, 142; racquets, 603; regattas, 441; sights, 446-450; spas and wells, 363, 412, 413, 414, 421, 440; tennis, 441; theatres, 58, 77, 130, 329, 343, 362, 410, 426-432, 438, 439, 441, 447, 449, 502; trials, 448; wrestling, 440, 466
Anderson, Dr. Patrick, 371
Andreossi, M., 48
Angel Alley, 606
Angier, M., 98
Annandale, Marquis of, 267
Anne, Queen, 284, 438
Anodyne necklace, 379, 371
Antiquaries, Society of, 96
Apollo Garden, 287, 423, 425
Apollo Room, 95, 322
Apothecaries, 364, 367
Arbuthnot, 317, 366
Aristocracy, houses of, 76, 77, 79, 239, 343
Artillery Ground, 193, 205
Arundel, Earl of, 194
Ashburton, Lord, 328
Aske's Hospital, 3
Askew, Dr., 367
Askwythe, John, 590
Association, Committees of, 211
Athenian Oracle, the, 150
Atterbury, Bishop, 11
Attorneys, 601, 602
Augustine Friary (Austin Friars), 86, 172, 366
Austen, Jane, 281
Ax and Bottle Yard, 606
Bacon, Lord, 534
Bagmen, 108, 114
Bagnigge Wells, 363, 413, 414, 421
Baillie, Dr., 367
Bakewell Hall, 449
Ballads, 342, 548
Balmerino, Lord, 554
Bambridge, 576, 578
Bamme, Alderman, 590
Bampfield, 174, 175
Bank of England, 80, 81, 151, 391, 446, 449, 492
Bankers in Fleet Street, 97
Bankers, list of, 392
Bankrupts, 574
Banks, Joseph, 328
Barbauld, Mrs., 278, 281
Barber-Surgeons, Company of, 364
Barbers, 239, 342, 361, 421
Barbers' Hall, 84
Barbican, the, 99
Barclay, Captain, 444
Barebone, Praise God, 97
Barmaids, 335
Barnabas, Mr., 98
Barnard, Sir John, 12
Barry, Mrs., 432
Bartholomew Close, 371
Bartholomew Fair, 204, 465-469, 545
Bartholomew Lane, 131
Bartlet, Peter, 372
Barwick, William, case of, 282
Basinghall Street, 464
Bassishaw Ward, 517
Bateman, Dr., 372
Bateman, Mary, 187
Bath, Society at, 399, 400
Batho's Library, 194
Baxter, Richard, 177, 598
Bean-feasts, 434
Bear-gardens, 440
Bearman, William, 176
Beau, the, 408
Beauclerk, Topham, 327
Beaumont, Francis, 322
Beaurain v. Scott, case of, 162
Beckford, Lord Mayor, 24
Bedford, Duchess of, 340
Bedford House, 76, 79, 343
Beech Street, 94
Beggars, 343, 360, 361, 383-390, 494, 495
Beggars' Opera, 385
Bell Alley, 388
Bell Court, 322
Bellamy, Mrs., 432
Benefit Clubs, 155
Berkeley, Bishop, 150, 368
Berkeley Square, 76
Bermondsey, 482
Bermondsey Spa, 414, 423, 424
Bernardi, Major, 527
Berners, Juliana, 97
Berthelet, T., 97
Bertie, Lord Albemarle, 439
Bethlehem Burial-ground, 585
Bethlehem Royal Hospital, 90, 365, 374-377, 449, 485, 544
Bethnal Green, 73, 132, 377, 384
Betterton, 431
Betting, 345, 445, 454, 457
Bevis Marks, 130, 131, 194
Bible and Dial, the, 96
Billingsgate, 134, 353, 360, 448; Ward, 517
Billiter Lane, 126
Birdman, Dr., 316
Bishop, Richard, 576
Bishopsgate, 90, 420
Bishopsgate Street, 76, 117, 120, 131, 332, 334, 586
Bishopsgate Ward, 131, 517
Blackfriars, 76, 87, 90, 130, 371, 426, 441, 582, 585
Blackmail, 406
Blackman Street, 482, 603
Blackmore, Richard, 366
Black Nan's Hole, 425
Blackwall, 73
Blake, Rev. Mr., case of, 162
Blanchard's Bank, 97
Bleeding, 367
Blomfield, Bishop, 328
Bloomsbury, 230, 343, 366
Bloomsbury Square, 76, 343, 488
Blow, Dr., 437
Bloy, Sir John, 267
Bluecoat Boys, 459, 460
Blue-stocking, origin of term, 281
Bonaparte, 50
Bond Street, 328
Bonesetters, 368
Bonner, Bishop, 607
Bonner, John, 183
Bonney, 39
Book Clubs, 194, 195
Booksellers' shops, 8, 96
Booth, 343
Borough, the, 74, 165, 481, 482
Bosworth, 328
Botolph, St., 113
Bow, 73, 559
Bow Church Yard, 372
Bow Creek, 132
Bow Street, 343; police court, 346, 507, 518
Box Clubs, 155
Boxing Day, 436
Boydell, Alderman, 571
Boyes, 597
Braces, 261
Bradford, John, 597
Brandenburgh House, 58
Branding, 556, 560
Bread Street, 588
Bread Street Ward, 517
Brembre, Sir Nicholas, 51, 581, 589, 590
Bridewell Boys, 544, 545
Bridewell Hospital, 100, 365, 374, 544
Bridewell Precinct, 517
Bridges, tolls on, 126, 129; Battersea, 132; Blackfriars, 91, 124, 125, 126, 129, 488; Bridewell, 123; Chelsea, 132; Fleet Lane, 123; Fleet Street, 123; Holborn, 123, 262; London, 77, 99, 126, 372, 448, 486; Pitt, 126; Westminster, 94, 125, 441
Bridge Ward, 517
Bridge Without, Ward of, 517
Brighton, 342
Brill, the, St. Pancras, 42
Bristow, Richard, 97
British Forum Club, 64
British Museum, 76, 77, 318, 393, 446, 447
British Oracle, the, 150, 151
Brixton Road, 244
Broad Street, 80, 131
Broad Street Ward, 131, 517
Broadbent, Humphrey, 294, 296
Brodum, Dr., 369
Brokers, 393
Bromley, 73, 132, 230
Brompton, 359, 420
Brooke, 324
Brooke, Sir Christopher, 607
Brookfields, 470
Brougham, Lord, 57, 66, 328
Broughton, the pugilist, 453
Brown, Alderman, 533
Brown, Mr., 534
Brown, Tom, 276, 335, 360, 591
Brown, William, 283
Brownrigg, Elizabeth, 528, 555
Brunnell, Beau, 408
Bruton Street, 528
Brydges Street, 120
Bubblefoot, 221
Buchan, Dr., 316, 366
Buchanan, James, case of, 476
Buckingham, Duke of, 7
Buckingham House, 79
Buckingham Palace, 407.
Budgell, Eustace, 9
Bulkeley, Sir R., 186
Bundy, Samuel, 283
Bunhill Row, 81
Burbage, 332
Burdett, Sir F., 48, 56, 63-65, 69, 559
Burial Clubs, 247
Burke, Edmund, 40, 61, 211, 324, 327, 328, 486
Burlington House, 76, 79
Burney, Fanny, 281
Burney, Rev. Dr. Charles, 328
Burning alive, 556
Butcher Row, 355, 356
Butchers' Company, 584
Bute, Lord, 479
Butler, Bishop Joseph, 150, 170
Butler, Samuel, 318
Buxton, T. F., 608-610
Buzaglo, 369
Bydell, John, 97
Byng, Admiral, executed, 22
Byrom, Dr., 452
Byron, Lord, 333, 334
Cadosa, 504
Calamy, Edmund, 173, 177
Camberwell, 78; Fair, 471
Camden Society, 574
Camomile Street, 84, 131
Canals, 217
Candlewick Ward, 517
Canning, George, 327, 328, 359, 419
Canonbury House, 423
Canonbury, water brought from, 94
Cardinal Wolsey's Palace, 96
Careless, Betty, 376
Caricatures, 340
Carlisle House, 411
Carnaby Market, 299
Carolinas, the, 556
Caroline, Queen, 56-60, 385, 426; her funeral procession, 58
Carter Lane, 243
Carter, Mrs., 371
Cartwright, John, 578
Carvings, 81
Caryl, Joseph, 176
Castell, Roger, 575
Castle Alley, 151, 295
Castle-Baynard Ward, 517
Castle, Lady, 495
Castle Street, 452
Castle Street Library, 193
Castlereagh, Lord, 359
Casualties, 638, 639
Cat and Fiddle Lane, 95
Cateaton Street, 80
Cavalier, John, 186
Cave, the, Highgate, 287
Cavenaugh, Christian, 283
Cavendish Square, 70, 343
Cawthorne’s Library, 194
Caxton’s House, 80
Chalmers, Alexander, 316
Chamberlain, Dr., 371
Chamberlain of London, 200
Chambers’ Bank, 97
Chanier, 327
Champion, Sir George, 19
Chancery Lane, 96, 296, 297, 356, 600
Chandler, Samuel, 173
Chandos, Duke of, 7, 9
Chapels, list of, 625-627. See also Churches, Meeting-houses, Jews
Charing Cross, 111, 135, 311, 362, 374
Charities, 5, 45, 47, 154-156, 201, 209, 396, 564, 573, 587, 593, 599, 613-622
Charity Schools, 147, 154-156
Charles I., 558
Charles Edward, Prince, 11, 15, 16
Charnock, Stephen, 172, 173
Charter House, 76, 87, 416
Chatham, 510
Chatham, Earl of, 31
Chatterton, 315
Chauncey, Dr., 318
Chauncey, Isaac, 176
Chaworth, Mr., 333, 359
Cheap Ward, 517
Cheapside, 94, 131, 136, 305, 319, 320, 340, 401, 408, 448, 486, 492, 496
Chelsea, 74, 94, 262, 377, 425, 516
Chelsea College, 318
Chelsea Hospital, 284
Chepe, 88, 591
Chesterfield, Earl of, 324, 429
Chesterfield House, 79
Cheyne, 317
Child’s Bank, 97
Child’s Place, 81, 95
Children, cruelty to, 528
Chillingworth, Mr., 605
Chimney-sweeps, 386, 387, 435
Christ’s Hospital, 3, 94, 100, 448, 459
Christmas Day, 436
Christmas, Gerard, 98
Chroniclers, lack of, 159
Chummage, 604
Churches — All - Hallows - on - the - Wall, 80, 84; All Hallows the Great, 152; All Hallows, Staining, 80; Fleet Chapel, 264, 265, 266; Islington, 553, 554; King’s Bench Prison Chapel, 265, 266; Marshalsea Chapel, 265; Mayfair Chapel, 264, 265, 267; St. Alphege, 84; St. Andrew, Holborn, 149, 185; St. Bartholomew-the-Less, 80; St. Botolph, Aldersgate, 81; St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, 162, 380; St. Christopher-le-Stock, 80, 131; St. Clement Danes, 137, 463; St. Dunstan-in-the-West, 99; St. George, Ratcliffe, 352; St. George, Southwark, 606, 607; St. James, Clerkenwell, 87; St. James, Duke’s Place, 264, 265; St. James, Westminster, 149; St. Katherine-by-the-Tower, 76, 85; St. Magnus, London Bridge, 163, 176; St. Margaret, Lothbury, 131, 152, 153; St. Margaret, Southwark, 597; St. Margaret, Westminster, 460; St. Mary-le-Bow, 1, 78, 362; St. Mary Overy, 450; St. Mary-le-Strand, 422, 477; St. Michael Bassishaw, 450; St. Michael’s Chapel, 131; St. Michael, Cornhill, 173; St. Pancras, 501; St. Paul’s Cathedral, 1, 81, 446, 448; St. Paul, Covent Garden, 271, 376; St. Peter-le-Poer, 80; St. Philip, Waterloo Place, 470; St. Sepulchre, 149, 547, 548; St. Stephen, Walbrook, 446; St. Thomas, Southwark, 176; Savoy Chapel, 264, 265, 267; Westminster Abbey, 3, 20, 77, 84, 428, 446
Churches — bells, 149, 613-622; carvings, 81, 132; changes, 80; decoration and arrangement, 152, 153; lighting, 93; numbers, 147, 613-624; organs, 149, 613-622
Church of England — activity of, 148, 362; and the City, 147-160, 211; characteristics, 150, 152, 153, 159; charitable work, 154-158; churchwardens, 518; constitution of, 69; defects, 152, 153, 507, 508; discipline, 161-167; excommunication, 161, 162, 264; fines for absence from service, 153; Good Friday, observance of, 163, 433, 466; lectures, 148, 624; Lent, observance of, 162, 163, 447; politics of, 11, 37, 169; religious literature, 149, 150, 151; sanctuaries, 165, 166; sermons, 149, 150, 152, 613-623; services, 147, 149, 152, 361, 362, 422, 613-623; social status of, 69, 231, 361; standard of religion in, 158; statistics of, 613-624; Sunday, observance of, 163, 164, 165, 362, 373, 401, 414, 420-425, 436, 445, 496
Churchill, Charles, 329, 330, 427
Churchill, General, 426
Cibber, Colley, 96, 324, 343, 428, 469
Cibber, Mrs., 427, 428
Citizens, right of to bear arms, 490, 491
City, the— and Admiral Byng, 19; and American colonies, 31-33, 490; and Blackfriars, 150; and the Church, 147-160, 211; and the Constitution, 9-12; and the Crown, 4, 200, 210, 211; and Dissenters, 22, 23, 168, 169, 211; and East India Company, 355; and excise, 12, 211; and the forces, 355; and fairs, 469, 470; and the French Revolution, 33-39; and the Great War, 42-50; and the House of Commons, 26-31, 49; and Jacobites, 5, 11, 15, 16; and John Wilkes, 12, 23-31; and liberty of the press, 26-30; and Queen Caroline, 56-60; and parliamentary reform, 11, 22, 30, 48, 49, 54, 63-70, 210, 211; and press warrants, 25, 26, 355; and public order, 484; and the slave-trade, 60-62; and the Spanish War, 17-19; and the streets, 127-129; and trade unions, 224; and the Union, 46; Courts, 201-204; election of Members of Parliament, 205-207; election of ward officers, 207-209; entertains Czar and King of Prussia, 50; entertains Duke of
Wellington, 50; instructions to Members of Parliament, 5, 11, 22; loyalty of, 4, 5, 15, 37, 42; military forces of, 82, 355; officers of, 199-201, 515, 517, 518, 631, 632; petitions and remonstrances from, 9, 10, 17, 18, 19, 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 33, 36, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 51, 58, 59, 62, 210, 212, 484; political power of, 51, 210-212; social position of, 51, 52, 229-235, 405, 407, 408, 409; testamentary customs of, 10; wards, list of, 517
City Assembly, 401, 402, 403
City Companies, 404, 405
City Foot Association, 488, 491
City of London Lying-in Hospital, 365
City Militia, 488, 490
City Road opened, 127
City Wall, 84, 99, 125, 128, 130, 131, 448
Clapham, 124
Clapham Common, 335
Clare Market, 79, 317, 343, 441, 487
Clarendon House, 77, 79
Clares, the, 76
Clark, Dr., 371
Clarke, Mrs., 14
Clarkson, 61
Clergy, the—beneficed, 393; and clandestine marriages, 264-269; condition of, 14, 51, 69, 148, 153, 154, 339; dress, 259; duelling, 359; loyalty of, 15; non-residence of, 162; unbeneficed, 264
Clerkenwell, 87, 101, 165, 423, 495, 518, 568
Clerkenwell Green, 79
Clive, Lord, 345
Clive, Mrs., 428
Clochard, 125
Cloth Fair, 76, 90
Cloth, manufacture of, 465, 466
Clubs, 316, 319-331, 344; Almack's, 323, 324; Apollo, 95, 322, 332; Arthur's, 324; Beefsteak, 316, 317, 318, 328-331; Bold Bucks, 321; Boodle's, 324, 325; Brothers', 320; Cocoa-tree, 322, 457; Essex Head, 328; Great Bottle, 325; Green Ribbon, 434; Hell Fire, 321; Ivy Lane, 328; Kit-Kat, 96, 320, 322; Literary, 318, 327, 328; Medmenham Franciscans, 321; Mughouse, 320, 475; No Pay No Liquor, 326; October, 320; Purl Drinkers, 326; Robin Hood, 327; Royal Philosophers', 322, 323; Royal Society, 322, 323; Shilling Whist, 328; Society of Bucks, 326; Society of Dilettanti, 328; Sons of the Thames, 326; Spiller's Head, 316; Spouting, 441; Sublime Society of Steaks, 328; Tom's, 324, 325; White's, 320, 323, 324, 456
Coaches, 81, 107-114, 361, 412; appearance, 107, 108; charges, 81, 109; flying coaches, 118; guards, 524; mail coaches (see Post Office); management, 110; robbed, 496; speed, 112
Cochrane, Lord, 559, 572, 598
Cocker, Edward, 597
Cockpits, 438, 439
Cockspur Street, 81
Codrington, Sir W., 457
Coffee-houses, 77, 95, 96, 98, 308-319, 326, 343, 405; Arthur's, 324; Bank, 421, 422; Batson's, 311; Bedford, 313, 315; Bow Street, 310; British, 313, 315; Button's, 313, 314, 315; Chapter, 311, 313, 315, 316, 326, 366; Child's, 311; Clifford Street, 327; Cocoa-tree, 311, 313, 323; Daniel's, 311; Garraway's, 310; Hamlin's, 311; Jonathan's, 310; Little Man's, 313; Nando's, 96, 313, 480; North's, 311; Old Man's, 313; Old Slaughter's, 313, 316, 317, 318; Ozinda's, 309; Peele's, 313; Piazza, 313; Rainbow, 98, 310, 448; Robins's, 310; Mrs. Rochford's, 313; St. James's, 309, 311, 313, 315; Smyrna, 313, 315; Tilt-yard, 311; Tom's, 309, 324, 325; Turk's Head, 313; White's, 311, 313, 320; Williams's, 311; Will's, 309, 313, 314, 315, 316; Young Man's, 311, 313
Coffee, sold in Fleet Street, 98
Coinage, 221
Coiners, 221, 309, 511, 512
Colburn's Library, 194
Cole, Dr., 98
Coleman Street, 126, 131; Ward, 517
Coleridge, 332
College of Physicians Library, 193, 341
Collier, Dr., 437
Colman, George, 325, 328, 329
Colquhoun, Patrick, 383, 384, 507-512
Combe, William, 598
Commissioners of Sewers and Pavements, Report of 1764, 128
Common Council, Court of, 9, 10, 17, 25, 28, 29, 32, 37, 38, 39, 42, 45, 49, 54, 59, 66, 68, 199, 201, 490, 517, 518, 566, 581, 590
Common Hall, 11, 12, 18, 19, 49, 66, 68, 201, 202, 206
Companies and private traders, 215
Companies' Halls, 80, 81, 86, 170, 172, 173, 175, 177, 186, 201, 437, 449, 459, 589
Conduits, 94
Congreve, 322
Conventicle Act, 23
Convention with Spain, 17, 19
Convict-ships, 557
Conway, General, 33
Cook, Captain, 357
Cook's Hall, 80
Coopers' Hall, 464
Copland, Robert, 97
Copland, William, 97
Coram, Captain Thomas, 156, 251, 386
Coram, Eunice, 156
Corbett, 39
Cordwainer Ward, 517
Cordwainers' Hall, 80
Corn Law, the first, 53
Cornelys, Teresa, 411
Cornhill, 78, 94, 126, 131, 362, 591; Ward, 517
Corporation Act, 9, 168, 211
Corporation Library, 193
Cost of living, 303-307
Cotton Library, 192, 446
Couch, Richard, 98
Courts—of Aldermen, 11, 32, 46, 57, 201; Chamberlain's, 203; of Common Council (see Common Council); of Common Hall (see Common Hall); of Conscience, 202, 566; of Conservancy, 202; of Escheator, 203; of Exchequer, 14; of Hallmote, 204; of Hastings, 23, 202; Justice Hall, 204; of Lieutenancy, 82, 205; Lord Mayor's, 12, 28, 175, 201, 223, 588, 589; of Orphans, 204; Pie Powder, 204; of Requests, 202, 566; of St. Martin's-le-Grand, 205; Sheriffs', 23, 202; Tower of London, 205; of Wardmote, 202, 207
Covent Garden, 120, 137, 331, 332, 333, 343, 423, 495, 497, 505, 506; Piazza, 115
Coventry Street, 441
Cow-Cross, 530
Cowley, Abraham, 96
Cowper, 101
Cox, Dr., 372
Cox, Robert, 467
Cox, Under-Sheriff, 534
Craftsman, the—apprentices, 249, 257, 259, 338, 361, 362, 386, 420, 439, 476, 483, 496, 509, 544, 545; attendance at church, 152; burials, 247; condition, 34, 97, 223, 337; dress, 247, 253, 259, 342; food and drink, 246, 247; holidays, 433, 434; hours of labour, 246, 248; itinerant, 279; provision for old age, 154; shops, 246; trade unions, 223, 226, 479; wages, 248
Craggs, Secretary, 8
Craven Buildings, 343
Craven House, 76, 79
Craven Street, 318
Cries of London, 101-106; prints of, 96
Crime—causes of, 495, 502, 503, 504, 508, 509, 512, 513; complicity of peace officers in, 501, 505, 518, 523, 526; laws against, 500, 503, 504, 516, 523; prevention of, 496, 497, 513, 514, 518, 519; remedies, 497, 498; statistics, 514, 515
Criminals, 495-561; confederation among, 509, 524; haunts of, 529, 530; in prison, see Prisoners; pardons, 521; rewards for apprehending, 513, 522, 523; sentences on, 349-351, 514, 518-521, 532, 539, 540, 556, 559, 560
Crimping, 354, 355, 356
Cripplegate, 76, 84, 90, 99, 128, 193, 372; Ward, 517
Cromwell Gardens, 423, 425
Cromwell, Oliver, 1, 438, 522
Crosby, Brass, 25, 26, 28, 29
Cross Keys and Cushion, 96
Cross postage, 120
Cross Street, 299
Crown and Anchor Society, 38
Crutched Friars, 76, 85, 130, 131, 366
Cumberland, Duke of, 16, 453
Cumberland, Richard, 427
Cuper's Gardens, 415, 425
Curl, Edmund, 96
Curriers' Hall, 173
Curwen, 63
Custom House, 448
Custom-House Quay, 362
Czar, visit of, to City, 50
Daily life, 235, 236-245
Dance, Mr., 126
Darnay, Thomas, 576
Daude, John, 186
Day, John, 98
Dean, John, case of, 65
Dean Street, 404
Debating Societies, 327
Debtors, 5, 535, 537, 539, 540, 541, 543, 560, 561, 562-610
Debtor's Relief Act, 535
Defoe, Daniel, 309, 332, 385, 556, 559, 562
Deformities, 386
Denman, William, 371
Denmark Hill, 78
Deptford, 244, 354, 356, 510
Derwentwater, Lord, 6, 554
Destitution, case of, 387, 388
Devereux Court, 370
Dickens, Charles, 113, 572, 606
Dickenson, Alderman, 566
Digby, Sir Kenelm, 333
Diseases, 638, 639
Dissent—causes of, 174; decline of, 169, 174
Dissenters—and the Church, 173; and the City, 22, 23, 168, 169, 173, 211; and Sunday, 164; deputies, 168, 169; disabilities of, 34, 168, 169, 170, 174; elected sheriffs, 22, 23, 168, 169; influence of, 171; first Conference, 171; loyalty of, 15; ministers' salaries, 170; morality of, 171, 526; numbers of, 148, 170, 380; politics of, 23, 168; relief of, 23, 168; schools, 170; social position, 169, 171, 174; Baptists, 164, 170, 172; Bible Christians, 170; French Prophets, 186, 187; Independents, 172, 176; Lady Huntingdon's Connection, 171; Methodists, 164, 170, 171; Moravians, 170; Muggletonians, 186; Quakers, 23, 61, 171, 346, 347; Ranters, 186; Seekers, 186; Seventh Day Baptists, 172, 174, 175; Sweet Singers, 186; Wesleyans, 171; Unitarians, 23
Distress, 46, 47, 56, 442, 480, 484, 485
Dobson, Austin, 554
Docks, 220, 221, 354, 510, 511
Dockwra, William, 118, 119
Doctors' Commons, 76, 243; Library, 193
Dodd, Dr., 325
Doddington, Bubb, 324
Doggett, 469
Domesday Books, 192
Donne, 322
Dormer, case of, 166
Douglas, Bishop, 328
Dover Street, 328
Dowgate, 94, 441; Dock, 101; Hill, 120; Ward, 517
Drapers, their airs and dress, 253
Drapers' Gardens, 81
Drapers' Hall, 80
Drayton, Michael, 340
Dress, 236, 239, 240, 244, 250-262, 273, 337, 339, 340, 342, 352, 365, 399, 402, 404, 408, 490, 591; cost of, 397
Drinking, excessive, 42, 237, 238, 240-242, 289, 290, 296-300, 321, 331, 332, 337, 352, 361, 362, 383, 402, 425, 441, 445, 494, 495, 503, 539, 585, 586
Driving, art of, 114
"Drums," 404
Drury Lane, 138, 266, 343, 439, 495
Dryden, 96, 308, 313, 314, 316, 317, 364, 366
Duelling, 358, 359
Dugdale, 96
Duke's Place, 85
Duncan, Admiral, 44
Dundonald, Lord, 598
Dunn, Hannah, 579
Dunning, 211
Duration of life, 380-382
Durham Yard, 132
Dyers' Hall, 80
Earthquakes, 19-22, 183
East India Company, 213, 353, 355, 389, 392
East Smithfield Liberty, 517
Easter Monday, 163
Eastlake, Sir Charles, 328
Eastminster, 85, 469
Eaton, the pedestrian, 444
Edgware Road, 76
Education—charity schools, 147, 154-156, 544, 613-622; cost of, 306; Dissenters' schools, 170; in middle classes, 236, 238, 243; Lancastrian schools, 338; of women, 279, 280; Sunday schools, 385
Effra, River, 244
Eldon, Lord 290
Eliot, Sir John, 607
Elliot, Adam, 264, 265
Enfield Chase, 559
England, state of, at close of eighteenth century, 34
Englefield, Sir H. C., 328
Epping Forest, 78, 361
Epsom, 442, 549
Erkenwald, Bishop, 99
Erskine, Lord, 36
Essex Stairs, 225
Essex Street, 279
Evans, Allan, 169
Evelyn, John, 417
Evening Post, the, 28
Ewbank, Mrs., 378
Exchequer, the Westminster, 192
Excise Bill, 12, 13, 211, 212
Excise Office, 131
Excommunication, 161, 162, 264
Executions, 501, 505, 543, 549-556
Execution Dock, 476
Exeter Street, 285
Exports, 214, 218-220
Facio, Nicolas, 186
Fae, Durand, 186
Fairs. See Amusements
Falkland, Lord, 359
Falling houses, 79, 80
Farr, James, 98
Farr, Nathaniel, 225
Farringdon Within, Ward of, 517
Farringdon Without, Ward of, 131, 517
Fennor, William, 591
Ferguson, Robert, 176
Ferrers, Lord, 554
Fetter Lane, 79
Field Lane, 262
Field of Forty Footsteps, 359
Fielding, Henry, 313, 318, 365, 410, 429, 469, 501-506, 559
Fielding, Sarah, 278
Fielding, Sir John, 225, 286, 325, 377, 378, 483, 488
Fielding, Timothy, 469
Figg, James, 452, 453
Fighting Captains, 358, 458
Figtree Court, 81
Finch's Grotto, 425
Finders, 361
Finsbury, 365, 515
Finsbury Fields, 127
Finsbury Square, 374
Fire-engines, 518, 545
Fire Insurance Companies, 392
Fire of London, 76, 80, 81, 88, 94, 96, 98, 120, 123, 124, 126, 172, 173, 193, 573
Fires, 127, 576
Fish Street, 448
Fitzgerald, Fighting, 358
Fitzgerald, Lord E., 36
Fitz John's Avenue, 413
Five Mile Act, 23
Fleet Chapel, 264, 265, 266
Fleet Ditch, 80, 529, 530
Fleet Lane, 581
Fleet Market, 91, 581
Fleet River, 94, 123, 130, 448, 528, 538
Fleet Street, 91, 94, 95-98, 136, 242, 266, 311, 320, 328, 332, 361, 476, 486
Fleet Weddings, 264-268, 581
Fleetwood, 431
Flogging, 349, 355, 356, 520, 521, 544, 556, 559, 560, 585
Florida Gardens, 423
Food and drink, 22, 98, 237, 238, 240-242, 246, 247, 289-302, 303-307, 322, 323, 332, 334, 335, 344, 347, 353, 357, 361, 362, 401, 403, 405, 415, 422, 423, 435, 540, 545, 548
Foote, Samuel, 325, 430, 505
Foreign trade, 213, 214, 215
Foreigners in London, 339
Forest of Middlesex, 78
Forster, Dame Agnes, 581, 587
Forster, General, 6
Forster, Stephen, 587
Foster Lane, 295
Foundling Hospital, 155-157, 386
Foundlings, 155, 156, 347, 385, 386
Foundry, the Moorfields, 171
Fountain Court, 371
Fox, Charles James, 29, 61, 290, 323, 324, 328, 346, 359, 455, 456, 457
Fox, Henry, 267
Fox, Sir Stephen, 267
Franking of letters, 121, 342
Franklin, Benjamin, 247
Fraunceys, Sheriff, 590
Frederick, Prince of Wales, 418
Freemasons' Hall, 448
Freethinkers, 149, 158
Freind, Dr., 366
French refugees, 40-42, 170
French Revolution, the, 33-39, 53
French War, 42-50, 215, 217
Frere, Hookham, 338
Friday Street, 124
Friends of the People, 36, 63
Frosts, famous, 441, 442
Fry, Elizabeth, 539
Fryers Alley, 588
Fullboure Rents, 165
Fulham Marshes, 371
Fuller, Thomas, 333
Funerals, 247, 270-272
Furnivall's Inn, 79
Fyfoot Lane, 124
Gainsborough, 316
Gainsborough Gardens, 413
Gallini's Rooms, 448
Gambling, 455-464, 503, 539, 540
Gaming-houses, 457, 458
Gardens, 79, 81
Garnish, 536, 540, 569, 577, 592
Garrotting, 560
Garrick, David, 318, 324, 325, 328, 329, 345, 426, 427, 430, 431
Garth, Dr., 322, 364, 366
Gas invented, 93; first burned in London, 94
Gates, City, 98, 99, 128, 334, 448, 538, 586, 591
Gay, 9, 89, 428, 429, 469; his Trivia, 133-139, 320, 321
Gazetteer, case of, 26
General Dispensary, 589
General Post Office, 119
General Thornton's Act, 560
Gentility and Trade, separation between. See Trade
George I., accession of, 4-6, 475; and South Sea Bubble, 7
George II., 4, 7, 503
George III.—and American colonies, 32, 33; and City, 43, 44, 46, 48; and Gordon Riots, 490; and reform, 69; mobbed, 42; his religion, 159; his sobriety, 296
George IV.—and his Queen, 56; and reform, 49, 53, 54, 69
George Square, 80
George Street, 130
George, the, 97
Georgia, 215
Germaine, Lord George, 480
Gerrard, Lord, 193
Gerrard Street, 327
Ghosts, 181-185
Gibbon, Edward, 8, 231
Gibbon, family of, 8, 231, 232
Gift sermons, 149
Gilray, 340
Gin, 297, 298, 494, 503, 548, 551, 552
Gipsies, 390
Gloucester Lodge, Brompton, 359
Gloucester Street, 129
Golden Buck, the, 96
Golden Square, 79, 299, 487
Golden Sun, the, 97
Goldsmith, Oliver, 313, 325, 327, 328, 332, 366, 432
Gooch, Bishop, 173
Goodman's Fields, 73, 279, 495
Gooseberry Fair, 471
Gordon Lane, 94
Gordon, Lord George, 281, 484-487, 489, 492, 493
Gordon Riots, 80, 100, 484-490, 538, 541, 576
Gostling, 318
Gracechurch Street, 94, 295, 347, 448
Graham, Dr. James, 368, 369
Grand Juries, presentments by, 159
Gravesend, 353, 360
Gray, 96
Gray's Inn, 77, 78
Gray's Inn Gardens, 79
INDEX
Gray's Inn Lane, 101, 425
Gray's Inn Library, 193
Graydon, Hon. John, 267, 268
Great Berkeley Street, 343
Great George Street, 125
Great Marlborough Street, 516, 518, 523
Great Minories, 130
Great Queen Street, 334
Great Tower Street, 131
Great War, distress after, 52-56
Gregg, Mr., 371
Green Arbour Court, 81
Green Park, 407, 423
Green Stage, the, 421
Green Walk, 283
Greenwich Fair, 470
Greenwich Park, 448
Greve, Hon. E. H., 346
Grenville, 322
Gresham College, 80, 131, 393
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 51, 201
Grey, Betty, 186, 187
Grey Friars, 76, 86
Grey Friars Library, 193
Grey, Lord, 67, 68
Grocers' Hall, 589
Grose, F., 318, 384
Grosvenor, Robert, 22
Grosvenor Square, 76, 343, 446
Guildhall, 193, 201, 203, 446, 449, 463, 518, 566, 599
Guy, the bookseller, 8, 126
Guy's Hospital, 78, 365, 449, 578
Gwyn, 128
Hackney, 73, 230, 243, 595; water brought from, 94
Hackney coaches, 81, 114, 115, 496, 525
Hackney ghost, the, 185
Hainault Forest, 78
Hale, his evidence on mendicity, 385
Half Moon Street, 372
Halford, Sir Henry, 328
Halifax, Earl of, 322; his estate, 132
Hallam, 328
Hamilton, Duke of, 359
Hammersmith ghost, the, 185
Hampstead, 94, 264, 322, 361, 405, 412, 413, 425; Roman Catholic Church, 42
Hampstead Assemblies, 413
Hand Court, 526
Hanger, Col. G., 47, 165, 259, 390, 455, 599, 601, 602
Hanover Square, 76, 343, 448
Hanseatic Merchants, 99
Hanway, Jonas, 293, 340
Hartopp, Sir John, 176
Hatchett, 328
Hatton Garden, 516, 518, 523
Hawkabites, 475
Hawkers, 101-106, 279, 343
Hawkey, Lieutenant, 358
Hawkins, John, 327
Hawley, Mrs., 377
Haydon, 598
Hayman, Frank, 316
Haymarket, 426, 429
Head, Sir Edmund, 328
Headboroughs, 517, 518
Heathcote, Sir Giles, 478
Hebron, 332
Heidegger, 410, 411
Hemmest Street, 130
Heralds' College Library, 193
Herbalists, 367
Herne Hill, 78
Hewit, James, case of, 226
Hick's Hall, 224
Highbury, water brought from, 94
Highgate, 94, 287, 422, 425
Highwaymen, 405, 416, 522, 548, 549, 593
Hill, Dr. John, 368
Hill, Rowland, 121, 122
Hill Street, 529
Hills, Mr., 98
Hillsborough, Lord, 490
Hoadley, Dr., 318
Hoadly, Bishop, 251
Hoare's Bank, 95
Hockley-in-the-Hole, 137, 425, 440
Hodgson, John, 555
Hodgson's Library, 194
Hogarth, 15, 92, 102, 103, 157, 238, 246, 247, 250, 251, 257, 271, 296, 313, 316, 317, 318, 324, 329, 333, 361, 376, 386, 410, 431, 438, 439, 440, 456, 469, 555, 575
Holbein Gate, the, 192
Holborn, 81, 91, 298, 441, 488, 496, 514, 515
Holborn ghost, the, 185
Holloway, Mount, 132
Holidays, 433-436, 444
Holmshold, 291
Holland, Lady, 467
Hollis, Thomas, 176
Holloway, Mount, 132
"Holy Land," the, 140
Holy Trinity Priory, 76, 85, 265
Holywell, 87
Hone, William, 55, 598
Hood, Captain, 486
Hookham's Library, 194
Hoop and Toy Gardens, 425
Hopton, Sir Owen, 598
Horn Fair, 471
Horne Tooke, 39
Hornsey, 361, 412
Horse Guards, private soldiers in, 21
Hospitallers, House of the, 87
Hospitals, 3, 73, 78, 100, 155, 286, 365, 374-376, 386, 396, 449, 469, 470, 482, 485, 544, 578, 589
Houghton, 87
Houndsditch, 130
House of Commons, 18, 19, 51, 54, 63, 67, 210, 230
Houses, numbering of, 129
Houses of Parliament, 77, 486, 487
Howard, John, 534, 535, 536, 537, 540, 577, 578, 586, 594, 596, 599, 608, 609, 610
Howe, Lord, 33, 44, 357
Howell, 573
Hoxton, 73, 124, 230; water brought from, 94
Hudson's Bay Company, 213, 215, 392
Huggins, 576
Hulks, the, 558
Hume, 324
Humphreys, the pugilist, 454
Hungerford Market, 372
Hunt, Leigh, 426
Hunter, Dr., 366
Huntingdon, Countess of, her Connection, 171
Hutchinson, John, 570
Hutton, Catherine, 401-404
Hutton, William, 93, 401
Hyde Park, 77, 81, 94, 260, 343, 359, 407, 553
Hyde Park Corner, 371
Idiots, 379
Idler, The, 365
Imports, 214
Indigence, 383-390
Inglish, Isabella, 371
Inland communication, 107-117, 217
Inner Temple Library, 193
Inns and taverns, 109, 292, 295, 298, 321, 331-336, 353, 354, 422, 509, 524, 525, 640, 641; African, 332; Angel, St. Clement's, 112; Bell, 112; Belle Sauvage, 331; Black Bull, 606; Black Lyon, 95; Black Swan, Holborn, 112; Black Swan, Bishopsgate St., 120; Boar's Head, 332; Bolt in Tun, 95; Bull, 332; Catherine Wheel, 332; Chequer, 112, 481; Cider Cellar, 243, 333; Coal Hole, 333; Cock, 332; Denmark, 131; Devil, 81, 95, 328, 332; Dog and Duck, 287, 423, 425; Evans's, 333; Fountain, 332; Freemasons', 334; George, 334; George and Blue Boar, 110, 331; Glacière, 334; Globe, 242, 332; Golden Cross,
111; Green Dragon, 95, 112, 332; Half Moon, 332; Harp, 296, 320; Heaven, 333; Hell, 295, 333; Hercules' Pillars, 95, 331, 332; Horn, 243; Horn-on-the-Hoop, 95, 96; Horns, Highgate, 425; Horseshoe, 482; Jamaica, 425; Jew's Harp, 425; King's Arms, Cornhill, 38; King's Head, Spitalfields, 296; London, 334; Magpie, 332; Magpie and Stump, 320; Marygold, 95; Mermaid, 322, 606; Mitre, 95, 96, 323, 332; Offley's, 333; Old Swan, 332; Pontack's, 332; Queen's Arms, 243; Queen's Head, 334; Rainbow, 95, 310; Red Lion, Saffron Hill, 529, 530; Roebuck, Cheapside, 320; Roebuck, Whitechapel, 320; Rose, 332, 333; St. Paul's Chapter House, 295; Salutation and Cat, 332; Saracen's Head, 112; Shakspear's Head, 505; Spaniards, 417, 422, 425; Spread Eagle, 243; Star and Garter, 333; Sun, 333; Swan, 112; Swan with two Necks, 331; Tabard, 331, 334; Talbot, 112; Thatched House, 323, 328, 421; Three Cups, 112; Turk's Head, 327; Upper Flask, 322; Welsh Harp, 296; White Hart, 332; White Horse, 295; White Lion, 295; White Swan, 112; Woolsack, 295; Yorkshire Stingo, 425; Young Devil, 96
Insolent Debtors Acts, 565, 567, 579, 596, 605
Insurance at lotteries, 460-462
Irishmen, 339
Isle of Dogs, 73, 132, 476
Islington, 73, 78, 230, 243, 422, 522, 553, 554; water brought from, 94
Islington Spa, 413
Izzard, Anne, 188
Jack Straw's Castle, 425
Jacobites, 4, 5, 11, 15-17
Jacobs, Joseph, 186
Jacobsen, Theodore, 156
James, John, 175, 176
Janssen, Mr. Sheriff, 477
Janssen, Sir T., 8
Jarvis, Sir J., 44
Jekyll, Sir Joseph, 297
Jenkins, Captain, 17
Jenny's Whim, 425
Jewel House, the, 192
Jews, condition of, 177-180, 262, 339, 345, 411, 454, 511, 512; disabilities of, 34, 393; naturalisation, 179, 180; in prison, 589; synagogues, 627
Jews' Library, 194
John of Northampton, Sheriff, 589
John Street, 130
Johnson, Dr., 113, 259, 276, 281, 286, 292, 293, 313, 317, 318, 325, 327, 328, 332, 334, 367, 427, 428, 497
Johnson, John, 221
Jones, John Gale, 48, 64, 66
Jones, Sir William, 328
Jonson, Ben, 95, 322, 333, 340, 466, 560
Jordan, Mrs., 428
Journeymen, position of, 223, 224
Joyce, Rev. J., 39
Judge's Head, the, 96
Justice, administration of, 501, 504, 505, 506, 507; cost of, 563, 564, 566, 569, 574; pardons, 521, 543; sentences, 518, 519, 520, 521, 543, 556, 558, 559, 560; trials, 518, 530, 531-533
Justice, officers of—bailiffs, 526; beadles, 100, 517, 518, 547, 548; complicity of in crime, 501, 505, 518, 523, 526; constables, 496, 498, 499, 505, 506, 507, 513, 515, 517, 518, 523, 548, 590; justices, 505, 506, 507, 516, 518, 522, 523, 526; marshals, 602, 603, 604, 606, 607; statistics of, 515-518; turnkeys, 501, 533, 537; watch, 100, 353, 360, 361, 372, 496, 505, 517, 518, 522, 523
Katt, Christopher, 322
Keith, Alexander, 267, 269
Kelly, J. C., 371
Kelsey, John, 171
Kemble, 329
Kennmuir, Lord, 6, 554
Kennet, Sheriff, 345
Kennington Common, 244, 554
Kensington, 297, 516
Kensington Gardens, 359, 423
Kensington Museum, 77
Keppel, Admiral, 216, 480
Kettle, 317
Kiffin, William, 172
Kilburn Wells, 413
Kilmarnock, Lord, 554
King Street, 323, 448
King Street, Southwark, 606
King's Bench Alley, 598
King's Crower, 163
King's House, 449, 597
King's Library, 194, 341
King's Printing House, 80
King's Theatre, 410
Kingston, 507
Kissing, 238
Kit-Kat, 322
Kites, 101
Kneller, Sir Godfrey, 322
Knightsbridge, 411
Labeleye, 125
Laguerre, 317
Lamb, Charles, 332
Lambert, George, 317, 329
Lambeth, 354, 423, 425
Lambeth Marsh, 78
Lambeth Palace Library, 193, 317
Lambeth Street, 523
Lambeth Wells, 414, 440, 441
Lammius, case of, 225
Langbourn Ward, 517
Langdale's Distillery, 488
Langford, 318
Langton, Bennet, 327
Lansdowne, Lord, 328
Laud, Archbishop, 558
Lauriston, General, 47
Law, John, 8
Law offices, list of, 394-396
Lawyers, 339, 343, 361, 393
Laystalls, 101
Lea River, 132
Leade, Mrs., 186
Leadenhall Market, 137, 301, 449
Leadenhall Street, 80, 130, 131
Leathersellers' Hall, 80, 81, 86
Lee, Nat, 429
Leicester, Earl of, 193
Leicester Fields, 487
Leicester House, 79
Leigh Hunt, 81
Lemon Street, 279, 495
Lent, observance of, 163, 291
Lester, John, case of, 161
Letters. See Post Office
Lettsom, Dr., 281, 294
Levant Company, 213, 215, 392
Lewis, Sir G. C., 328
Libraries, 192-195, 341; circulating, 194
Licences, 298, 347, 495, 497, 498, 540
Life Insurance Companies, 392
Lilburne, John, 172
Lime Street Ward, 517
Limehouse, 2, 73, 132, 352, 510
Lincoln's Inn Fields, 76, 79, 129, 247, 429, 446, 487
Lincoln's Inn Gardens, 79
Lincoln's Inn Library, 193
Linley, 329
Lintot, 96
Lisson Grove, 425
Little Britain, 76, 96
Little Queen Street, 487
Little Tower Street, 131
Livery fines, 206
Lock and Key, the, 97
Lock, Constable, 506
Lock Hospital, 365
Lockier, Dean, 313
Lodging-houses, 140, 141
Lombard Street, 117, 119, 120, 126, 372, 448
London Assembly, 402
London Association, 491, 492
London Corresponding Society, 35, 37, 38, 44
London, extent of, in 1750, 75-79
London Hospital, 73, 365
London, old views of, 84, 86
London Spa, 413, 495
Long Acre, 320, 331, 333
Lord Chamberlain, 428-430
Lord Mayor, 11, 12, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 32, 43, 44, 46, 48, 67, 68, 82, 83, 175, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 583
Lord Hardwicke's Act, 265, 268
Lord Mayor's Day, 434, 435
Lord's Act, 564, 605
Lothbury, 131
Lotteries, 182, 383, 384, 458-464, 508
Lovat, Lord, 554
Loyalty Loan, 43
Lucretia Romana, the, 97
Ludgate, 99, 538
Ludgate Hill, 81, 239, 266, 331, 340, 371, 401, 408, 481, 486, 526, 570, 581
Ludgate Street, 582
Lunatics, 174, 374-379, 536
Luxury, 243-245, 502, 508
Lyme Street, 119
Lyndhurst, Lord, 68
Lyttelton, Lord, 457
Macaulay, Catherine, 278
Macaulay, Lord, 328
Macklin, 332
MacMurray, John, 96
Madhouses, private, 377-379, 543, 544
Magdalen Hospital, 286
Maiden Lane, 243
Mainwaring, 322
Maitland, 380, 381, 382, 538
Malone, Edmond, 328, 431
Manchester, Duke of, 33
Mansfield, Lord, 169, 457, 488, 605
Mansion House, 23, 124, 225, 300, 446, 491
Marble Arch, 549
March, Lord, 457
Margate, 342, 402
Marine Society, the, 80
Marion, Elias, 186
Mark Lane, 126, 131
Markets, 77, 91, 105, 124, 134, 137, 300, 301, 360, 448, 449, 479, 581, 631
Markham, Mrs., 98
Marlborough House, 79
Marriages, clandestine, 161, 264-268
Martin, Thomas, 317
Martineau, Harriet, 281
Marygold, the, 97
Maryland, 556
Marylebone, 74, 94, 235
Marylebone Gardens, 410, 415, 419
Master of the Revels, 410, 428
Maston, Secretary, 358, 359
Matey, Mathew, 317
Maurice, Peter, 94
Mawson's Bank, 97
May Day, 434, 435
May Fair, 470
Mayfair, 495
Mayo, Viscount, 267
Mead, Dr., 364, 366
Medicine, 364-372
Meeting-houses, list of, 626-627; numbers of, 147; Companies' Halls used as, 170, 172, 173, 177; Augustine Friary, 172; Brewers' Hall, 177; Bury Street, 176, 177; Crosby Hall, 172, 173; Curriers' Hall, 173; Devonshire Square, 172; Founders' Hall, 177; Foundry, Moorfields, 171; Girdlers' Hall, 176; Joiners' Hall, 177; King's Weighhouse, 177; Little Carter Lane, 177; Mill Yard, 175; Old Jewry, 173, 174; Pinners' Hall, 170, 172, 175; Plasterers' Hall, 170; Red Lion Street, 170; Salters' Hall, 170, 172, 177; Spa Fields, 171; Tallow-Chandlers' Hall, 177; Turners' Hall, 177
Mendoza, the pagilist, 178, 454
Mercers' Hall, 201
Merchants' houses, 18, 124, 230
Merchants' Lecture, 172
Merchants, origins of, 232, 233
Merchants' villas, 243, 244, 362
Merlin's Cave, 425
Messengers, 345
Methodist Burial-ground, 372, 373
Metryads, the, 528, 529
Mews, the, 135
Michen, William, 590
Middle classes, 235, 236-245, 344; dress, 237, 244, 252, 253, 257, 258, 259, 261; drinking, 237, 238, 240, 241, 242; education, 236, 238, 243; luxury, increasing, 243, 244, 245; meals, 237, 238, 241
Middle Row, Holborn, 262
Middle Temple Library, 194
Middlesex Journal, case of, 26
Middlesex Hospital, 365
Midwives, 368
Mile End, 73, 132
Military forces of London, 82
Military government of London, 82
Militia, 488
Milford Lane, 129, 165
Milk Street, 589, 590
Mill Yard, Whitechapel, 175
Million Bank, 392
Mills, Mrs., 377
Milman, Dean, 328
Milton, John, 81
Milton, case of, 224
Minorities, 130, 524
Mint, the, 221
Mint, the New, 166, 526
Mint, the Southwark, 166, 267, 529
Mitre Court, 95
Mohocks, 320, 475
Mohun, Lord, 359
Molesworth, Lord, 8
Monastic houses, 76, 80, 85-87, 172, 265, 332, 374, 416, 450, 465, 469
Monk, General, 438
Monmouth Street, 137, 177, 251, 262
Montagu Close, 87
Montagu, Lord, 267
Montague House, 76, 343, 359, 446
Montague, Mrs., 281
Monument, the, 448
Moorfields, 73, 90, 96, 124, 132, 171, 239, 405, 479, 487, 585; Market, 137
Moorgate, 99, 128
Morality, state of, 159, 171, 286-288, 337, 341, 352, 353, 357, 363, 384, 410, 411, 416, 425
More, Hannah, 278, 281
More, Sir Thomas, 87
Morland, Sir Samuel, 418
Mornington, Lady, 495
Morris, Charles, 329, 330
Morris, R., 27, 28
Mortality, Weekly Bills of, 380
Mother Red-Cap, 74
Mouncey, Dr. Messenger, 318
Mowatt, Mrs., 432
Muggleton, Lodowick, 186
Muggletonians, the, 186
Mughouse Clubs, 320, 475
Mulberry Gardens, 407
Murdoch invents gas, 93
Murphy, Arthur, 325, 329
Murray, General, 486
Murray, John, 96
Murray, Rev. Mr., 316
Mutiny of Spithead, 44
Mylne, Robert, 126
Nash, Beau, 399, 400, 457
National Gallery, 77
Naval officers, uniform of, 260
Navy, life in, 356, 357
Neild, 563, 566, 589, 595, 596, 602, 603, 608, 609, 610
Nelson, Lord, 45
New Burlington Street, 129
New Kent Road, 141
New Ormond Street, 366
New Palace Yard, 125
New River, 94, 554
New Tunbridge Wells, 413
New Wells, 413, 495
Newcastle House, 79
Newgate, 99, 538, 591
Newgate Market, 137, 448
Newgate Street, 332
Newspapers, lists of, 393, 394
Nicholas Laue, 372
Nichols, John, 410
Nithsdale, Lord, 6
Nolan, Deborah, marriage of, 268
Nonconformists. See Dissent, Dissenters, Meeting-houses
Non-freemen, employment of, 223, 224
Nonjurors expelled from City, 11
Morris, treatment of, in Bedlam, 375, 376
North Briton, the, 23, 358
North, Lord, 29, 31, 33, 480
Northumberland House, 371
Norwood, 79
Nugent, Dr., 327
Numbering of houses, 129
Oates, Titus, 559
Occasional Conformity Act, 168
Old Artillery Ground, 517
Old Bailey, 84, 131, 204, 320, 350, 448, 477, 483, 490, 514, 518, 539-533, 538, 548, 560, 581; statistics of cases at, 514, 515, 521
Old Bridewell Alley, 606
Old Change, 124
Old clo' men, 177, 178, 262
Old Jewry, 131
Old Palace Yard, 192
Old St. Pancras Churchyard, 42
Old Street, 127
Oldcastle, Sir John, 96
Oldfield, Mrs., 426, 428
Oliver, Sheriff, case of, 28, 29
Oman, 317
Opera House, 410, 426, 429, 430
Opie, Mrs., 278
Ordinaries, 313
Orford, Earl of, 333
Ormond, Duchess of, 7
Osborn, Mrs., 98
Otto, M., 47, 48
Our Ladye of Pity, 97
Overstone, Lord, 328
Owen, John, 176
Owen, Professor, 328
Oxford, Earl of, 5
Oxford Road, 452
Paddington, 74
Page, Thomas, 125
Paget, William, 578
Paine, Thomas, 36
Palace Yard, 225
Pallcat, Elizabeth, 388
Palliser, Sir Hugh, 480, 481
Pall Mall, 136, 313, 324, 333, 343, 368, 496
Palmer, Anthony, 172
Palmer, John, of Bath, 120
Pancras Wells, 413
Panic of 1793, 38
Pantheon, the, 344, 410, 411, 414, 422, 448
Panton Street, 368
Paris Gardens, 78
Paris Garden Stairs, 283
Paris, Peace of, 33
Park Lane, 76
Parker, Gustavus, 183
Parks, 407-409
Parliament, City's representatives in, 205, 206
Parliament, electors to, 206, 207
Parliamentary reform, 11, 22, 30, 48, 49, 54, 63-70, 210, 211
Parlour, Mary, 283
Parsons, Alderman, 580
Paternoster Row, 96, 400
Pavements, 88, 89, 91
Pawnbrokers, 383, 503
Peacock, the murderer, 537
Peckham Fair, 471
Penance, 161
Penge, 79
Penkethman, 469
Pepys, Samuel, 95, 332, 335, 418
Percy, Alderman, 17
Perdage, Dr., 186
Perkins, Dr., 369
Perkins' Rents, 79
Perring, Sir John, 560
Pesthouses, 365
Peterloo, 56
Petitions concerning trade, 224
Pettigo, William, 187
Philadelphians, the, 186
Philips, Captain, 605, 606
Philips, William, wig-maker, 252
Phillips, Thomas, 539, 540
Physicians, 364-372, 393
Physicians, College of, 364, 366, 367
Physicians' Dispensary, 364
Pigot, Mr., 457
Pillory, the, 135, 514, 520, 521, 536, 558, 559
Pinners' Company, 172
Pinners' Hall, 80, 170, 175
Pitcairn, Dr., 367
Pitt, William, 39, 43, 44, 61, 211, 212, 290, 359
Place, Francis, 276, 462, 491, 501, 526, 548
Placemen, 18, 19, 51, 54, 63, 67, 210, 230, 342, 345, 346, 537
Plasterers' Hall, 170
Police Courts, 516, 518, 523
Political power of City, 51, 210-212
Pool, the, 217, 448
Poor Jewry Lane, 130, 131
Poor, overseers of, 518
Poor, relief of, 45, 47, 153, 384, 503
Pope, Alexander, 96, 230, 308, 313, 316, 317, 410, 427
Poplar, 73, 282, 510
Population of London, 75
Porson, 332, 333
Port of London, 214, 215, 216, 220, 221, 354, 449
Portales, Charles, 186
Porteous, Bishop, 163, 433
Porters, 81
Portman Square, 76, 343
Portsoken Ward, 517
Post-chaises, 113
Post-horses, 118
Post Office — arrangements, 109, 117-122; charges, 118, 120, 121; cross-postage, 120; franking of letters, 121, 342; General Post Office, 119, 120, 131, 448; insurance, 121; mail-coaches, 120; money orders, 121; penny post, 118, 119; post-marks, 119; profits, 117; remodelled, 120; savings bank, 121; staff, 121
Posting-houses, 116, 117
Poultry, 589
Powell, Joseph, 188, 189
Powell, "Pogey," 359
Powell, the pedestrian, 444
Powis House, 79
Powis, Lord, 5
Pratt, Chief Justice, 23
Prescot Street, 129
Pressgang, 25, 26, 75, 355, 356, 389
Press, liberty of, 26-31
Press warrants in the City, 25, 26
Preston, Christopher, 440
Price, Dr. Richard, 35
Primrose Hill, 422
Prince’s Street, 131
Printers in Fleet Street, 96, 97
Printing House Square, 80
Prior, Matthew, 7
Prisoners—condemned, 546-550; condition of, 531-534, 536, 538-542, 560, 567, 568, 574, 576, 579, 580, 586, 590, 591, 598, 600, 604, 608, 609; Defence Act, 532; disabilities of, 532, 539, 540; extortions from, 533-537, 540, 575-577, 580, 582, 583, 585, 586, 587, 592, 594, 599, 600, 601, 602, 605; food of, 540, 545, 556, 560, 574, 577, 578, 582, 600, 609, 610; mutilies of, 542, 543, 598, 605; numbers of, 537, 538, 539, 543, 564, 565, 577, 578, 586, 589, 594, 595, 596, 599, 600, 605, 606; released, 567
Prisons, 80, 81, 281, 340, 449, 488; condition of, 534, 536, 538, 541, 576, 578, 579, 580, 594, 596, 604, 605, 608, 609; fees in, 537, 577, 580, 582, 583, 586, 587, 599, 601, 602; gaol-fever, 530, 531, 534, 538; licences in, 539, 542, 577, 581, 593, 603; press-yard, 539; weddings in, 585; Bishopsgate Street, 586; Borough Clink, 488, 597, 607; Borough Compter, 519, 566, 572, 597, 608-610; Bridewell, 13, 100, 249, 284, 285, 286, 448, 484, 488, 519, 544, 545, 559; Clerkenwell, 488, 519, 559, 567, 594; Clerkenwell Bridewell, 594; Cold Bath Fields, 47, 519, 561, 572, 610; Compters, 566, 570, 571, 572, 588, 589, 590, 591, 592; Fleet, 81, 162, 335, 411, 448, 488, 535, 572-581, 597, 598, 600, 602; Fleet rules, 572, 581; Giltspur Compter, 519, 586, 589, 595; Holloway, 544; King’s Bench, 265, 266, 335, 482, 488, 534, 565, 567, 571, 572, 574, 597-606; King’s Bench rules, 603; Ludgate, 448, 572, 581-586, 587; Marshalsea, 265, 527, 567, 572, 597, 598, 606-608; New Marshalsea, 606, 607; Newgate, 81, 99, 129, 131, 222, 281, 332, 346, 349, 356, 389, 448, 476, 483, 487, 489, 491, 498, 500, 501, 508, 514, 519, 527, 531, 533, 534, 535, 536, 538-544, 547, 553, 558, 560, 566, 570, 572, 579, 590, 598, 609; Poultry Compter, 81, 202, 488, 519, 566, 588, 589, 594, 595; St. Katherine’s Precinct, 572, 596, Savoy, 596; Stepney, 572; Tottihill Fields, 519, 567, 572, 596, 597; Tun of Cornhill, 591; Well Close Square, 572, 595; Westminster Gatehouse, 529, 597; Whitechapel, 595; White Cross Street, 572, 589, 595; White Lyon, 508, 606, 607; Wood Street Compter, 81, 202, 345, 566, 588, 589, 591
Pritchard, 343
Pritchard, Mrs., 427, 428, 469
Processions, political, 479
Prophets, 182, 185, 186
Prussia, King of, visit of to City, 50
Public buildings, 76, 77
Public offices, list of, 394, 395, 396
Publishers in Fleet Street, 96, 97
Puddle Dock, 129
Pulteney, Mr., 429
Pumps, 94
“Punch Spiller,” 316
Putney Heath, 359
Pykeman, Sheriff, 590
Pynson, Richard, 97
Quack doctors, 97, 98, 368-372, 411
Quarter Sessions, 518
Queen Anne Street, 343
Queen Charlotte’s Lying-in Hospital, 365
Queen Elizabeth’s Day, 434
Queen Square, 76, 78, 343, 516, 518, 523
“Queen’s House,” 407
Queen’s Library, 194
Queenhithe Ward, 517
Queensberry, Duke of, 324
Quin, 343, 427
Radcliffe, Dr., 364, 366
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 322
Ramsay, 316
Ranelagh, 410, 411, 415, 419, 441
Ratcliff, 132
Ratcliffe, Charles, 554
Ratcliffe Cross, 73
Rebellion of 1715, 5, 6
Rebellion of 1745, 15-17
Recorder of the City, 200
Recruiting, 42, 355
Red Lion Fields, water brought from, 94
Red Lion Street, 170
Reeve, Henry, 328
Reeve, John, 186
Reform Bill, 67-69
Reformation of Manners, Society for the, 158
Regent, the. See George IV.
Regulator, the, 501
Reigate, 567
Renell, Sir George, 598, 599
Religion, state of, 147-160, 171
Religious literature, 149, 150, 151
Rent, 305
Rescue societies, 287, 288
Resurrection men, 372; women, 549, 551
Restoration Day, 434
Revolution Society, 35
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 324, 327, 328
Rich, John, 426
Richardson, Jonathan, 317
Richmond, 243, 361
Richmond, Duke of, 491
Richter, 39
Ride, case of, 161
Riddle, Dr., 377
Riots, 23, 24, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 54, 56, 59, 65, 68, 80, 100, 107, 297, 411, 431, 475-493, 607
Ripley, 589
Roads, 107, 108, 111, 113, 155, 495
Robinson, bookseller, 316
Rock, Dr., 371
Rockingham, Marquis of, 33
Rodney, Admiral, 33
Rolfe, case of, 14
Roman Catholics—expelled from City, 11; disabilities, 34, 168; demonstrations against, 434, 435, 484-490
Romilly, Sir Samuel, 65
Romsden, Ann, 185
Rooker, 529
Roos, John, 589
Roquet, 317
Rosamund’s Pond, 553
Rose Garland, the, 97
Rosemary Lane, 252, 262
Ross, Mother, 283
Rotherhithe, 74, 78, 244, 425
Rounce, Thomas, 554
Rouquet, 366
Row, case of, 223, 224
Rowe, Thomas, 176
Rowlandson, 340
Royal Academy, 317, 393
Royal African Company, 60, 213, 215, 392
Royal Exchange, 15, 80, 129, 305
362, 446, 449, 480, 492; well near, 94
Royal George, the, 357
Royal Society, the, 322, 393
Royal Society Library, 194, 341
Ruins, 84-87, 131
Rushworth, Lord, 597
Ruskin, 114
Russell, Lord John, 66, 68
Russell Square, 384
Russia Company, the, 213, 392
Sackville Street, 328
Sadler's Wells, 363, 413, 414, 419, 420, 422, 495
Saffron Hill, 165, 479, 529, 530
Sailors, uniform of, 260
St. Antholin's, 94
St. Bartholomew-the-Great, Priory of, 76, 86; Precinct of, 90, 517
St. Bartholomew-the-Less, parish of, 517
St. Bartholomew's Hospital, 100, 365, 449
St. Botolph, 113
St. Catherine's Tower, parish of, 517
St. Chad's Well, 413, 425
St. Clement's Danes, 560
St. George, Middlesex, 132
St. George's, 78
St. George's Fields, 74, 225, 287, 420, 423, 482, 483, 485, 487, 603
St. George's Hospital, 365
St. Giles's, Cripplegate, 84
St. Giles's, Holborn, 140, 165, 298, 373, 600
St. Helen's Nunnery, 76, 80, 86, 450
St. Helen's Place, 80
St. James's, 137, 297, 487, 600
St. James's, Clerkenwell, 87
St. James's, Duke's Place, parish of, 517
St. James's, Court of, 447
St. James's Leper Hospital, 470
St. James's Market Fair, 470
St. James's Palace, 385, 449, 470, 480, 483
St. James's Park, 20, 81, 401, 407, 423
St. James's Square, 76, 79, 343, 359
St. James's Street, 115, 276, 323, 324, 328, 441
St. John's Gate, 76, 128
St. John's Lane, 320
St. John's, Wapping, 132
St. Katherine's-by-the-Tower, 76, 85; Hospital, 449, 469
St. Leonard, Shoreditch, 132
St. Luke's Hospital, 365
St. Margaret's Hill, 490
St. Martin's Abbey, 87
St. Martin's Lane, 316, 317
St. Martin's-le-Grand, 90, 120; parish of, 517
St. Martin Outwich, 94
St. Martin's Roundhouse, 483
St. Mary Axe, 130
St. Mary Grace, Abbey of, 85
St. Mary of Bethlehem, 87
St. Mary Overyes, 87
St. Mary Spital, 87
St. Mary, Whitechapel, 132
St. Michael's Chapel, 131
St. Paul's Churchyard, 94, 96, 131, 243, 372, 490, 590
St. Paul's Library, 194, 341
St. Paul's, Shadwell, 132
St. Peter ad Vincula, parish of, 517
St. Saviour's, Bermondsey, 87
St. Saviour's Close, 105
St. Sepulchre's Churchyard, 131
St. Thomas's Hospital, 78, 365, 449, 482
Sale of places, 14
Saloop, 98, 293, 420
Salter, Sir John, custom at his tomb, 163
Salters' Hall, 170, 172
Sanctuaries, 165, 166
Sanctuary, Tower of, 84, 87, 125
Sanderson, Sir J., 38
Sandwich, Lord, 329, 330
Sardinia Street, 487
Saunders, Captain, 269
Savile Act, 490
Savile, Sir George, 487
Sawbridge, Jacob, 8
Scardsale, Earl of, 5
Scavengers, 81, 100, 101, 517
Schomberg House, 368
Schools, 147, 154-156, 170, 238, 243, 279, 280, 338, 385, 544, 613-622. See also Education
School of Arts and Trades, 544
Scott, Samuel, 317
"Scratching Fanny," 184
Secker, Archbishop, 170
Sedan chairs, 115
Selby, John, 590
Selden, 322
Selwyn, George, 324
Sermons, 149, 150, 152
Servants, 273-275, 305, 407, 408, 409, 420, 430, 431
Seton, Lieutenant, 358
Settle, Elkanah, 469
Seven Dials, 529
Seyle, Mr., 98
Shad-Thames, 244
Shadwell, 132, 225, 483, 516, 518, 523
Shadwell, Thomas, 559
Shaftesbury, Lord, 434
Shakespeare, 322; his theatre, 130; his house, 333
Sheafe, Alexander, 23, 168
Sheerness, 510
Sheffield's coffee-house, 98
Sheppard, Jack, 530
Sheridan, 39, 290, 313, 324, 328, 359
Sheriffs, 200, 547, 588, 589, 590, 591
Sherlock, Bishop, 173
Shipley, 317
Shire Lane, 322
Shoe Lane, 91
Shoeblocks, 135, 340
Shop-tax, 211
Shopping, 81, 237, 239
Shoreditch, 132
Shuter, 469
Simms, Henry, 546
Sion Chapel, Hampstead, 264, 413
Sion College Library, 193, 341
Sisters of St. Clare, Convent of, 85
Slang, 390, 526, 580
Slave-trade, 34, 60-62, 214
Slaves, 556
Sloane, Sir Hans, 366, 446; his library, 193
Slums, 77, 140-143
Smallpox hospital, 365
Smart, Christopher, 597
Smashers, 221, 222
Smirke, Sir R., 221
Smith, Adam, 328
Smith, Richard, 571
Smith, Sir Robert, 36
Smith, Sydney, 532
Smithfield, 76, 299, 347, 465, 514, 528
Smollett, 7, 113, 297, 366, 404, 598
Snow Hill, 131
Snuff, 310, 312, 313
Societies, learned, 393
"Society," 230, 231, 399, 400
Society for Constitutional Information, 35, 36
Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, 215
Society of Antiquaries, 393
Society of Arts, 393
Society of British Artists, 393
Soho, 404, 496
Soho Square, 76, 79, 411, 440
Solomon, "Bubblefoot," 221
Solomon, Dr., 369
Somerset, case of, 61
Somerset, Duke of, 193
Somerset Fencibles, 117
Somerset House, 267
South Sea Bubble, 6-9, 231
South Sea Company, 6, 213, 215, 392
Southampton House, 343
Southampton Street, 343
Southwark, 132, 141, 166, 225, 267, 334, 403, 425, 426, 440, 441, 481, 482, 486, 516, 518, 523, 529, 559, 566, 597; Fair, 469, 545
Spa Fields Riot, 54
Spanish War, 17-19, 215
Speaker, power of, to arrest, 26-28
Spectator, the, 325
Speeches in Commons published, 26
Spells, 190, 191
Spiggot, William, 539, 540
Spinning-mills, 217
Spitalfields, 170, 225, 296, 384, 385, 388, 479, 482
Spring Gardens, 407, 418, 441
Spunging-houses, 575, 576, 578
Stainesbridge, 202
Stamps, 636, 637
Stanhope, Earl, 168
Star Chamber, the, 558, 597
Stationers' Hall, 437
Stavordale, Lord, 323
Steele, Richard, 313, 428, 429
Stennett, Edward, 175
Stennett, Joseph, 175
Stephens, 98
Stepney, 73, 225, 230, 366, 595
Stepney Fair, 470
Stepney Fields, 483
Stepney, Mr., 322
Stevens, G. A., 467
Stillingfleet, Benjamin, 281
Stocks, 560
Stocks Market, 94, 124, 448
Stockwell ghost, the, 184
Stockwell Green, 184
Stokes's Amphitheatre, 551
Stonecutter Street, 387
Storm of 1793, 1
Stormont, Lord, 490
Storms, famous, 1
Stow, 588, 598, 607
Stowell, Lord, 290, 328
Strand, 79, 132, 137, 243, 332, 351, 371, 372, 477, 486, 496
Strangeways, Major, 539
Streatfield, George, 23, 168
Streets—cleaning, 81, 100, 101, 135, 517; hawkers in, 101-106, 343; improvements, 80, 123-132; lighting, 79, 91-94, 343, 347, 484, 517; management, 128; nuisances and dangers, 89, 90, 91, 128, 133-139, 338, 340, 342, 361, 362, 370, 386, 445, 478, 483, 495, 497, 525-527; paving, 88, 89, 91, 130, 131, 338, 343; policing of, 100, 475-533; posts in, 89, 131; shops, 81, 89, 90, 96, 338, 342, 343, 361, 401; signs, 80, 89, 95, 96, 131, 133, 342, 371; water supply, 80, 94, 95
Street-shows, 142
Strikes, 224, 225, 479, 481, 482
Strong, case of, 61
Strype, 538, 588, 598
Stukeley, 317
Suffolk Street, 313
Sunderland, Earl of, 8
Sun-tavern-fields, 483
Superstitions, 181-191, 357, 457
Surgeons, 364, 367, 393
Surgeons, Guild of, 364
Surgeons' Library, 194
Surgeons, Royal College of, 365, 366
Surr, John, 379
Sussex, Duke of, 529
Sutton, the pugilist, 452, 453
Swift, Dean, 7, 175, 313, 316, 320, 340
Sydenham, Dr., 370
Tailors and staymakers, attempt to form a trade union, 223, 224
Talismans, 189
Tarleton, 426
Tate, Nahum, 437
Tatler, the, 313
Taverns. See Inns
Tavistock Street, 320
Taxes, 305, 632-636
Tea, 98, 237, 242, 293, 294, 304, 306, 313, 343, 361, 362
Temple, the, 3, 77, 311, 559
Temple Gardens, 79
Temple of Apollo, 415
Temple of Flora, 415, 423
Tennison, Archbishop, 193
Test Act, 22, 23, 168, 211
Thames, River, embanked—129; fares on, 81; fisheries, 202, 354; frozen, 441, 442; joined to River Lea, 132; regattas, 441; robberies on, 510, 511, 523; state of water, 301; traffic on, 78, 81, 354, 360, 430, 449, 523, 524; water brought from, 94
Thames Street, 89, 94, 124, 137, 332, 448, 526
Thanet House, 80, 343
Thatched House, Lambeth, 423
Thavies' Inn, 80
Theatre, the—58, 77, 130, 329, 343, 362, 410, 426-432, 438, 439, 441, 447, 449, 502; advertisements, 430; audience on stage, 431; authors' fees, 432; behaviour in, 427, 478, 479; dress in, 427, 431, 432; footmen in, 430, 431; hours, 430; increase of, 426, 428; Licensing Bills, 429; lighting, 431; and Lord Chamberlain, 428-430; and Master of the Revels, 428; Orange-women, 427; pit, 427; play-bills, 430; prices, 430; reforms and changes, 427, 430; seasons, 447, 448; status of actors, 426, 427; Blackfriars, 426; Covent Garden, 329, 426, 429, 430; Curtain, 426; Dorset, 426; Drury Lane, 58, 428, 429, 430, 431, 469, 478; Goodman's Fields, 426, 429, 430; Hallam's, 495; Haymarket Opera House, 410, 426, 429, 430; Her Majesty's, 426; King's, 410, 426; Little Theatre, Haymarket, 426; Phoenix, 439; Queen's, 426; Shakespear's, 130; Southwark, 426; Whitehall, 438
Thelwall, J., 39
Theobald's Road, 439
Theodore, King of Corsica, 597
Thieving and robbery, 138, 342, 349-351, 363, 477, 478, 484, 494-515, 524, 525, 526, 530, 532, 533, 546, 548; confederation among thieves, 509, 524; methods, 496, 503, 504, 509, 511, 525; pardons, 521; receivers, 499, 503, 504, 509, 511, 525; rewards for apprehension of thieves, 513, 522, 523; sentences on thieves, 349-351, 514, 518-521; on the Thames, 510, 511, 523; thief-takers, 498, 499-501, 513, 559
Thornton, Bonnell, 329
Threadneedle Street, 126, 131
Three Squirrels, the, 97
Throgmorton Street, 131
Thurlow, Lord, 313
Tickell, 324, 329
Tierney, Mr., 359
Tilt Yard, 477
Timbs, 529
Tipping, Dr., 372
Tobacco, 592
Todd, Silas, 555
Tofts, Mary, 183, 184
Toleration Act, 173
Tom of Ten Thousand, 9
Tompion, Thomas, 96
Tonson, Jacob, 96, 322
Tothill Fields, 74, 440, 469
Tottenham, 235
Tottenham Court, 343
Tottenham Court Road, 74, 372, 373, 420, 453, 471
Tottenham High Cross, parish of, 529
Tower, the, 84, 446, 448, 487, 510
Tower Hamlets, 516, 595
Tower Hill, 130, 131, 480, 529, 534
Tower Hill Fair, 409
Tower Liberty, 516
Tower of Sanctuary, 84, 87, 125
Tower Royalty, the, 132
Tower Street, 320
Tower Ward, 517
Townshend, Charles, 268
Townshend, Lord, 478
Trade—and coinage, 221, 222; companies and private traders, 215; customs, 246; foreign, 213-221; and gentility, 18, 51, 174, 229, 230, 231, 233, 245, 401, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409; increase of, 290; petitions, 224; from Port of London, 215, 216; rules, 246; strikes, 224, 225, 479, 481, 482; trade unions, 223-226; and war, 215, 216, 217
Trades and Offices, statistics of, 391-396
Trainbands, 15, 81, 82, 83, 355
Tramps, 156
Transportation, 522, 556-558
Trecothick, Sheriff, 345
Trinity House, 81
Trinity Lane, 80
Trinity Minories, 517
Trophy Tax, 205
Tucker, Humphry, 98
Tufton Street, 438
Turle, Benjamin, 530
Turlington, 377
Turners' Hall, 186
Turnham Green, 377
Turnmill Street, 529
Turnpikes, 107, 115, 116
Twyford, N., Sheriff, 590
Tyburn, 94, 483, 501, 505, 340, 549-553, 555
Tyburn, processions to, 547-549, 552, 554
Tyburn river, 413, 470
Tyburn Road, 76, 449
Tyburn tickets, 513, 523
Tyrconnel, Lord, 90
Umbrellas, 261, 340
Utrecht, Treaty of, 6, 17
Vails, 274
Vanbrugh, Sir John, 322, 426
Vandergucht, Gerard, 317
Vandermins, Frank, 317
Vauxhall, 235, 410, 414, 415, 417-419
Verrellyn, 172
Views of Old London, 76, 78, 79
Villagers, condition of, 36, 37
Vine and Elm Court, 81
Vintry Ward, 517
Virginia, 556, 557, 570
Voltaire, 150
Volunteers, 15, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 488, 490, 491, 492
Waggons, 109, 114
Waistcoats, origin of, 261
Waits, 347
Wake, Kyd, 43
Wakefield Tower, 192
Walbrook, 94; Ward, 517
Waleys, Henry, his well, 80
Walker, 316
Walking, fashions in, 340, 408
Wallace, William, 466
Walpole, Horace, 268, 323, 324, 456
Walpole, Sir Robert, 12, 17, 18, 19, 211, 322, 429
Walsh, 322
Walthamstow, 235
Walton, Izaak, 96
Wapping, 132, 244, 352, 356, 476, 483, 524, 526, 599
War, effect of, on public morality, 496
Warburton, William, 150
Ward, Ned, 276, 310, 319, 325, 360, 420, 467, 559
Ward officers, election of, 207-209
Wartons, the, 328
Warwick Lane, 364, 366
Warwick Street, 487
Water-carts, 81
Water Lane, 371
Water Supply, 94, 95
Watermen's Hall, 80
Watling Street, 81, 136
Watson, Thomas, 172
Watts, Dr., 170, 172, 176
Weddings—263-269; customs at, 133; festivities at, 264, 342; Fleet, 264-268, 581; lucky seasons for, 263
Welbeck Street, 487
Well Close Square, 518, 572
Well Walk, 413
Wellington, Duke of, 66, 69, 339
Wells Street, 452
Welshmen, 339
Wesley, John, 171, 555
West End, 18, 51, 74, 76, 77, 81, 229, 245, 253, 261, 343, 345, 362, 405, 422, 425, 456
West Ham, 124, 230
Westchepe, 589, 590
Westminster, 74, 77, 79, 87, 132, 165, 230, 296, 298, 333, 365, 446, 449, 515, 518, 529, 597
Westminster Abbey Library, 194, 341
Westminster Dispensary, 365
Westminster Fair, 469
Westminster Hall, 482, 601
Westminster Staple, 125
Wheble, John, proceedings against, 26-28
Whetstone Park, 165
White Conduit Fields, 127
White Conduit House, 243, 415, 416, 422, 423
White Hart, the, 96
White Tower, 192
Whitechapel, 73, 77, 79, 130, 132, 175, 243, 271, 320, 385, 488, 496, 516, 518, 523, 524, 526
Whitecross Street, 94
Whitefoord, Caleb, 318
Whitefriars, 76, 87, 90, 91, 517
Whitehall, 3, 135, 297, 438
Whitfield's Tabernacle, 372, 373, 420
Whittington, 51, 86, 99, 193, 538
Wigs, 250-252, 261, 339; cost of, 252, 365
Wilberforce, Bishop, 328
Wilberforce, William, 61, 324
Wild, Jonathan, 499, 500, 501, 502, 530, 546
Wilkes, John, 12, 23-31, 32, 243, 329, 330, 358, 359, 481, 482, 508
Wilkinson, 607
Wilks, 343
Willesden, 78, 412
William IV. and reform, 67, 68
Williams, Bishop, 192
Williams, bookseller, pilloried, 23
Williams Libraries, 192
Williams, Rev. Dr., 175, 192
Willis's Rooms, 328, 448
Willy, case of, 14
Wilmot, J., 42
Wilson, Richard, 317
Winchilsea, Lord, 171
Windmill Street, 441
Window-tax, 305
Windsor, 243
Winsor, 93
Witchcraft, 187, 188
Woffington, Peg, 428, 432
Wollstonecraft, Mary, 278, 281
Wolsey, Cardinal, his palace, 96
Women—blue-stockings, 281; and cards, 280, 342, 455, 456, 457; courtesans, 284-288, 341, 352, 363, 383, 413, 416, 423, 481,
INDEX
496, 497, 498, 525, 526, 544, 552, 559, 590, 608; education, 279; household duties, 278, 279, 280, 361; in literature, 278; in lower classes, 281, 282, 337; passing for men, 282, 283, 284; in prison, 282, 536, 537, 539, 541, 542, 544, 545, 559, 565, 578, 583, 585, 594, 596, 599, 600, 608, 609; riverside, 332, 353, 357; rough work of, 284; sale of wives, 348, 349; working, 278
Woodfall, 332
Wood Street, 332, 588, 589, 590
Woodward, Dr., 366
Workhouses, 154, 157, 158, 386, 388, 518
Wormwood Street, 131
Worsele, John, 590
Worship Street, 516, 518, 523
Wotton, 607
Wren, Sir Christopher, 332
Writing-paper, 272
Wyndham, Sir W., 5
Wynkyn de Worde, 97
Yarmouth, Lord, 359
Yates, 469
Yenfleet, 202
Younger sons, 51, 230
York, Duke of, 117, 118
THE END
Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.
| Date | Event Description |
|------------|-------------------|
| 1980-03-25 | Meeting with Dr. Smith to discuss project progress. |
| 1980-04-10 | Presentation at the annual conference in Boston. |
| 1980-05-05 | Field trip to the local factory for a tour and discussion. |
| 1980-06-15 | Meeting with the project team to review current status. |
| 1980-07-20 | Final report due date. |
LONDON IN 1741-5. BY JOHN ROCQUE.
Map accompanying "London in the Eighteenth Century" by Sir Valter Besant. Published by Adam and Charles Black, London.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it.
6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, typically used for data integrity checks.
7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components, allowing them to communicate with each other.
8. Network: A collection of interconnected devices that allow communication and sharing of resources.
9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs.
10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to express computations and control structures.
11. Query: A request for information from a database.
12. Security: Measures taken to protect data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do.
14. System: A collection of interrelated components working together to achieve a common goal.
15. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with the user, providing a means for input and output.
16. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another operating system.
17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
18. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data over a distance without the need for physical wires.
19. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
20. YAML (YAML Ain't Markup Language): A data serialization language that is easy to read and write, and is commonly used for configuration files.
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science:
1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task.
2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation.
3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system.
4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases.
5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to prevent unauthorized access.
6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values.
7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other.
8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that uses objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions.
9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures for communication between different systems or devices.
10. Query: A request for information from a database.
11. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction.
12. Software: A collection of instructions that can be executed by a computer to perform specific tasks.
13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal.
14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that interacts with the user, allowing them to input commands and receive feedback.
15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of a physical machine.
16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser.
17. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable.
These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used across various fields and industries. | 142e1448-62d9-43eb-9e2c-622caa8eb4f2 | CC-MAIN-2022-40 | http://public-library.uk/dailyebook/London%20in%20the%20eighteenth%20century%20(1902).pdf | 2022-10-02T06:13:04+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030337287.87/warc/CC-MAIN-20221002052710-20221002082710-00206.warc.gz | 41,912,799 | 423,623 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.966255 | eng_Latn | 0.998868 | [
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FINDING SUCCESS IN ELEMENTARY SCIENCE ACROSS SOCIOECONOMIC BOUNDARIES
by
Jill K. Hettinger
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education in Curriculum and Instruction Boise State University December 2014
© 2014
Jill K. Hettinger
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE COLLEGE
DEFENSE COMMITTEE AND FINAL READING APPROVALS
of the dissertation submitted by
Jill K. Hettinger
Dissertation Title: Finding Success in Elementary Science Across Socioeconomic Boundaries
Date of Final Oral Examination: 11 August 2014
The following individuals read and discussed the dissertation submitted by student Jill K. Hettinger, and they evaluated her presentation and response to questions during the final oral examination. They found that the student passed the final oral examination.
Ted J. Singletary, Ph.D. Chair, Supervisory Committee
Keith W. Thiede, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee
Michele Carney, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee
Melinda Hamilton, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee
Sasha Wang, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee
The final reading approval of the dissertation was granted by Ted J. Singletary, Ph.D., Chair of the Supervisory Committee. The dissertation was approved for the Graduate College by John R. Pelton, Ph.D., Dean of the Graduate College.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor Dr. Ted Singletary for his full support, expert guidance, understanding, and encouragement throughout my study and research. I would also like to express my appreciation to my many committee members: Dr. Keith Thiede, Dr. Melinda Hamilton, Dr. Michele Carney, and Dr. Sasha Wang for their guidance and support. I would like to provide a special thank you to Dr. Melinda Hamilton from the University of Idaho, for making it a priority to arrange her travel so that she could meet with the committee in person.
I am especially appreciative of, my mother, Eloise Kraemer who has read and edited my writing from my grade school work to my doctoral level dissertation. She has been constant and unconditionally dependable in her resolve to follow my educational progress.
I would like to thank Kara Brascia, Dr. Elisa Barney-Smith, Dr. Louis Nadelson, and Dr. Barbara Morgan for the opportunities and connections that they provided me while at Boise State University.
Thank you to the many teachers, principals, and districts across the state of Idaho that agreed to participate in this study. Without them, this dissertation would not exist.
Finally, I would like to thank my husband, Rob, and children, Ayden and Tyler, for their undaunting support of my endeavors.
Jill is an Idaho native with credentials in Elementary Education, Secondary Education (biological sciences, chemistry, physical sciences, natural sciences, and standard mathematics), and K-12 Administration. Jill has Bachelor of Science degrees in Zoology and Secondary Education from the University of Idaho. Her Master’s degrees in Curriculum and Instruction and Educational Leadership are from Boise State University.
Jill has 10 years of public school teaching experience in grades first through twelfth. Seven of those years were gained as the founding first through eighth grade science teacher for an Idaho charter school. While at Boise State University, she developed and taught a course titled Investigations into Sustainable Development, offered through the Biology, Geosciences, and Environmental Studies departments. Jill also taught courses for the education department at Boise State University, including Elementary Science Methods.
As a graduate advisor for the Boise State University Microgravity Research Team, she helped guide undergraduate students through the development of numerous outreach activities; the development of a NASA reduced gravity research proposal; and the fulfillment of their research agenda. She accompanied the team, composed of majors from Biology, Electrical Engineering, Mechanical Engineering, and Computer Science, to Houston where they tested their research on the Gravitational Effects on Cerebrospinal
Fluid Pressure and Flow in an Anatomical Model in the microgravity environment created on-board NASA’s C9 airplane.
While completing her doctorate, she had the opportunity to work as a STEM education research assistant, working on projects related to Idaho’s iSTEM project, IDoTeach, and STEM undergraduate research programs. During the last two years of her doctorate program, she worked with the Boise State University Service-Learning program as their STEM Coordinator. This role provided her the opportunity to work with professors from Chemistry, Biology, Environmental Studies, Geosciences, and Engineering, helping them to integrate service learning into their courses and assisting with the development of various STEM service-learning programs, including a teacher development opportunity called IdahoWatch: Teacher Researcher Partnership.
Elementary science education provides a platform for intellectual development, building a foundation of scientific literacy and a first entry point into interest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) fields. A significant body of research on elementary science education clearly defines what high-quality science education should look like at the elementary level. However, there is little understood about how to implement high-quality science instruction effectively within a school system. Prior research indicates that this problem is further compounded in low socioeconomic elementary schools by a lack of resources, time, and high teacher mobility. I used descriptive research to identify the presence of the key elements to elementary science reform within Idaho public schools that demonstrated consistent high science achievement. Survey responses were collected from principals and teachers from both low and high socioeconomic schools. The results of this study provide insight into how Idaho is currently defining high achievement in elementary science education and the value that Idaho schools are placing on science instruction at the elementary level. The results of this study also suggest a road map for where Idaho needs to focus efforts to achieve high-quality science achievement at the elementary level.
*Keywords*: elementary science education, STEM, elementary science reform, leadership in elementary science, high achievement, low socioeconomics, high socioeconomics
# TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................ iv
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF AUTHOR ................................................................. v
ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................... vii
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................ xiv
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... xix
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................... xx
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................... 1
Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1
Background ....................................................................................................................... 2
Influences on Elementary Science Achievement .................................................... 3
The Classroom Level ................................................................................................... 4
Identifying a Gap in Understanding .......................................................................... 6
Problem Statement .......................................................................................................... 6
Purpose of Study .............................................................................................................. 7
Research Questions and Hypotheses ............................................................................ 7
Theoretical Basis ............................................................................................................. 9
Theoretical Basis for the Key Elements to Elementary Science Reform ............. 9
Classroom Level Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 10
School Level Theoretical Framework ....................................................................... 11
Nature of the Study ........................................................................................................... 12
Assumptions, Limitations, Scope, and Delimitations .................................................. 13
Significance of the Study ................................................................................................. 15
Definition of Key Terms ................................................................................................. 16
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 19
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ............................................ 20
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 20
Importance of Early Exposure to Science Education .................................................. 21
Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................. 22
Theoretical Basis for the Key Elements to Elementary Science Reform .............. 22
High-Quality Elementary Science, the Classroom Level Theoretical Framework .... 29
Leadership in Elementary Science, the School Level Theoretical Framework .......... 35
Underrepresentation in Science, a Function of Socioeconomics ............................... 37
Measuring Elementary Science Achievement .............................................................. 40
The National Assessment of Educational Progress .............................................. 40
The Science Idaho Standards of Achievement Test .............................................. 41
Keys to Achieving Elementary Science Reform ............................................................ 46
The Classroom Level ................................................................................................. 49
The School Level ....................................................................................................... 59
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 65
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS ................................................................. 66
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 66
Research Design and Rationale ................................................................. 68
Research Design .................................................................................. 70
Sampling Procedures ........................................................................... 71
Idaho Science Achievement Testing.................................................... 71
Idaho High Science Achievement Sample.......................................... 73
Identifying Principal Participant Sample ............................................. 77
Identifying Teacher Participant Sample.............................................. 78
Measurement Instruments .................................................................. 79
The School Level: Principal Survey .................................................. 79
The Classroom Level: Teacher Survey.............................................. 84
Methodology .......................................................................................... 89
Analysis ............................................................................................... 93
Principal Survey and Teacher Survey............................................... 93
Between-Measures Analysis.............................................................. 93
Matching School Data....................................................................... 96
Threats to Validity ................................................................................ 96
Ethical Procedures ................................................................................ 97
Summary ............................................................................................. 97
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH FINDINGS ................................................. 99
Introduction ....................................................................................... 99
Data Collection .................................................................................. 100
Participant Description ..................................................................... 102
Principal Participant Description .................................................. 102
| Section | Page |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| Teacher Participant Description | 104 |
| Survey Implementation | 105 |
| Results | 106 |
| Programs and Practices | 107 |
| Teacher Background and Professional Development | 129 |
| Teachers’ Educational Background | 129 |
| Teachers’ Feelings of Preparedness | 133 |
| Professional Development | 136 |
| Instructional Leadership and Mandate | 140 |
| Principals as Instructional Leaders, Observation and Feedback | 142 |
| Support for Struggling Teachers in Science | 144 |
| Science Mentors and Coaches | 145 |
| Science Professional Learning Communities | 146 |
| Assessment and Feedback | 148 |
| Struggling Students | 152 |
| Monitoring Student Progress and Achievement | 154 |
| CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS | 156 |
| Introduction | 156 |
| Discussion | 158 |
| Programs and Practices | 159 |
| Time for Science Instruction | 161 |
| Science Teaching Practices | 162 |
| Science Textbooks or Modules | 165 |
| Section | Page |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| Funding for Science | 169 |
| Promoting a Culture of Science or Engineering | 171 |
| Teacher Background and Development | 174 |
| Teachers’ Educational Background | 175 |
| Teachers’ Feelings of Preparedness | 176 |
| Professional Development | 178 |
| Instructional Leadership and Mandate | 184 |
| Teachers as Leaders | 185 |
| Mandate | 185 |
| Principals as Instructional Leaders, Observation and Feedback | 187 |
| Support for Struggling Teachers in Science | 189 |
| Science Mentors and Coaches | 189 |
| Science Professional Learning Communities | 190 |
| Assessment and Feedback | 194 |
| Data Driven Instructional Practices | 198 |
| School-Wide Monitoring of Student Progress in Science | 198 |
| Summary | 201 |
| Limitations | 204 |
| Conclusion | 204 |
| Recommendations | 211 |
| REFERENCES | 215 |
| APPENDIX A | 235 |
| Tables | 235 |
APPENDIX B .................................................................................................................. 253
Recruitment Materials................................................................................................. 253
APPENDIX C .................................................................................................................. 258
Tools ............................................................................................................................ 258
APPENDIX D .................................................................................................................. 343
IRB Approval .............................................................................................................. 343
| Table | Description | Page |
|-------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 1 | Teacher Value-added Correlation on Various Assessments | 43 |
| 2 | Assessment Pairwise Correlations with Teacher Value-Added | 43 |
| 3 | Standard Error for the Fifth Grade Science ISAT | 44 |
| 4 | ISAT Science Scale Score Bands | 75 |
| 5 | Composite Questions Used on the Principal Survey Developed by Horizon Research (2012c) | 83 |
| 6 | Teacher Survey Composites for Instructional Leadership and Mandate | 88 |
| 7 | Three Year Mean for Participant Schools’ Fifth Grade Science ISAT Scale Scores | 101 |
| 8 | Participant School Grade Structures by Percent | 101 |
| 9 | Percent of Participant Teachers Assigned to Various Grade Levels | 104 |
| 10 | Percent of Participant Teachers Assigned to Various Science Teaching Assignments | 105 |
| 11 | Median Composite Score for the Extent to Which a Lack of Time Is Problematic | 110 |
| 12 | Median Ratings* for Teachers Perception of Control Over Pedagogy and Curriculum Content | 112 |
| 13 | Teacher Programs and Practices Median Composite Scores | 113 |
| 14 | Teachers Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices Median Composite Scores | 115 |
| 15 | Median Teachers Ratings* of Importance for Various Reform and Non-reform Science Teaching Practices | 116 |
| 16 | Teacher Beliefs about the Importance of Implementing Reform-Oriented Instruction Median Composite Scores | 117 |
| Table | Description | Page |
|-------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 17 | Number of Teachers Reporting Use of Various Science Textbooks/Modules | 118 |
| 18 | Median Teacher Ratings* on the Adequacy of Availability of Science Instructional Resources | 120 |
| 19 | Median Composite Scores for Adequacy of Science Instructional Resources | 121 |
| 20 | Median Composite Scores for the Extent to Which a Lack of Materials and Supplies are Problematic | 121 |
| 21 | Median Teacher Ratings* on the Availability of Specific Science Instructional Resources | 123 |
| 22 | Median Composite Scores for Use of Technology in Science Instruction | 124 |
| 23 | Principal Reported, Percent of Schools that Receive Science Funding from Various Sources | 125 |
| 24 | Principal Reported Median Spending on Science during the Most Recently Completed Budget Year | 126 |
| 25 | Percent of Teachers who Reported that their Schools Provide Activities to Promote Science or Engineering | 127 |
| 26 | Percent of Principals who Reported that their Schools Provide Activities to Promote Science or Engineering | 128 |
| 27 | Percent of Teachers Taking Various Paths to Certification | 129 |
| 28 | Number and Types of Degrees Earned by Participant Teachers | 130 |
| 29 | Percent of Teachers Reporting Completion of Introductory Coursework in Science and Engineering | 130 |
| 30 | Percent of Teachers Meeting the NSTA Course-background Standards | 131 |
| 31 | Median Teacher Ratings* on Feelings of Preparedness for Teaching Various Subject Areas | 134 |
| 32 | Median Teacher Ratings* on Feelings of Preparedness for Teaching Various Student Populations | 135 |
| Table | Description | Page |
|-------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 33 | Composite Scores for Teacher Perceptions of Preparedness Questions | 136 |
| 34 | Teachers Beliefs about the Focus Placed on Various Instructional Components, During Professional Development, Over the Last Three Years | 138 |
| 35 | Composite Scores for Teacher Professional Development Questions | 140 |
| 36 | Median Ratings* by Teachers on Shared Leadership within their School Buildings, During the 2013-2014 School Year | 141 |
| 37 | Composite Scores for Shared Leadership | 142 |
| 38 | Percent Teacher Reported Observational Occurrences, During the 2013-2014 School Year | 143 |
| 39 | Median Number of Teachers Reported Observational Occurrences, During the 2013-2014 School Year | 144 |
| 40 | Percent of Principals Reportedly Using Interventions to Help Struggling Teachers in Science | 145 |
| 41 | Median Ratings* by Teachers on their Principals’ Instructional Leadership | 147 |
| 42 | Composite scores for Instructional Leadership | 148 |
| 43 | Percentage of Teachers Reporting the Use of Various Types of Science Assessment | 149 |
| 44 | Percentage of Teachers Reporting Changes in Whole Class Science Instruction Based on Data | 150 |
| 45 | Percentage of Principals Reporting Changes Teachers Make in Whole Class Science Instruction Based on Data | 151 |
| 46 | Percentage of Teachers Implementing Various Strategies for Helping Struggling Students in Science | 152 |
| 47 | Percentage of Principals Reporting their Teachers Implement Various Strategies for Helping Struggling Students in Science | 153 |
| 48 | Median Ratings* by Teachers on their Level of Preparedness to Monitor Student Progress and Achievement During the Last Science Unit They Taught | 154 |
| Table | Description | Page |
|-------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 49 | Principal Median Composite Score for the Supportive Context for Science Instruction | 155 |
| 50 | Teacher Median Composites for Extent to which the Policy Environment Promotes Effective Instruction | 155 |
| 51 | Minutes Per Day of Instruction in Third through Fifth Grade Classrooms Across Content Various Areas | 161 |
| 52 | Idaho Teacher Sample vs the National Teacher Sample Responses on Reform-Oriented Teaching Composites | 164 |
| 53 | Program and Practice Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence | 172 |
| 54 | Percentage of Teachers Completed Introductory Science Courses, A Comparison between Idaho High Science Achieving School Teachers and the Nation | 175 |
| 55 | Composite Scores for Teacher Background Perceptions of Preparedness Questions, Comparison between Idaho High Science Achieving Sample and the National Sample | 178 |
| 56 | Teacher Background and Development Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence | 181 |
| 57 | Teacher Beliefs about Access to Professional Development in Science and Feelings of Preparedness, as Primary Indicators of teacher Background and Development | 182 |
| 58 | Instructional Leadership and Mandate Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence | 192 |
| 59 | Principal and Teacher Agreement on the Presence of Observation, Feedback, and Mandate in their School, as Primary Indicators of Instructional Leadership and Mandate | 193 |
| 60 | Assessment and Feedback Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence | 199 |
| 61 | Presence of Formative, Summative, and Performance Testing in Science and use of Science Journals in Science, as Primary Indicators of Assessment and Feedback | 200 |
| 62 | Criteria for Determining the Presence of each of the Key Elements | 201 |
| Table | Description | Page |
|-------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| 63 | Summary of Presence of the Key Elements found in Participating Schools | 202 |
| A1 | Programs and Practices Question Composites | 236 |
| A2 | Teacher Background and Development Question Composites | 237 |
| A3 | Instructional Leadership and Mandate Question Composites | 238 |
| A4 | Assessment and Feedback Question Composites | 239 |
| A5 | Composite Questions used on the Teacher Survey developed by Horizon Research (2012c) | 240 |
| A6 | Questions Matched Principal-Teacher Perspective Questions | 241 |
| A7 | Characteristics by Percent of Participant Idaho Principals Leading Schools Achieving Highly in Science | 244 |
| A8 | Characteristics by Percent of Participant Idaho Teachers in Schools Achieving Highly in Science | 245 |
| A9 | Percentage of Teachers who have taken Science and Engineering Coursework beyond Introductory Level, and Number of Courses Taken | 246 |
| A10 | Teacher Reported Median Time Spent on Instruction | 247 |
| A11 | Teachers’ Median Ratings* of Frequency that they Engage Students in Various Teaching Practices | 248 |
| A12 | Teachers’ Median Ratings* of Frequency that they Engage Students in Various Teaching Practices, Based on Real-life Constraints | 249 |
| A13 | Principals’ Median Ratings* of Importance for Various Instructional Practices | 250 |
| A14 | Principal and Teacher Agreement on the High-quality Science Teaching Practices and Access to Science Equipment and Facilities, as Primary Indicators of Program and Practice | 251 |
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Implementation of the Key Elements at the School and Classroom Level ................................................................. 49
Figure 2. Schools Invited to Participate in the Study, Dispersal Map .................................................. 77
Figure 3. Focus of Principal Survey Items ........................................................................................................... 81
Figure 4. Focus of Teacher Survey Items ............................................................................................................. 86
Figure 5. Participant School Dispersal Map ....................................................................................................... 102
Figure 6. Percent of Teachers Reporting Frequency of Science Teaching ............................................ 107
Figure 7. Teacher Reported Percent of Time Spent on Teaching Core Curriculum .............................................. 108
Figure 8 Time Spent per Week on Science Instruction Low and High-SES Schools, as Reported by Teachers ........................................ 109
Figure 9 Time Spent per Week on Science Instruction in Idaho High Science Achieving Schools, as Reported by Teachers ........................................ 110
Figure 10. Percent of Teachers Completing Formal Science Courses, for College Credit ........................................ 132
Figure 11. Percent of Teachers Having Taken Courses in Science Pedagogy ........................................ 133
Figure 12. Percentage of Teachers Participating in Professional Development ........................................ 137
| Abbreviation | Description |
|--------------|-------------|
| AAAS | American Association for the Advancement of Science |
| BASEE | Bay Area Schools for Excellence in Education |
| BSCS | Biological Science Curriculum Study |
| DOK | Webb’s Depth of Knowledge |
| ELA | English Language Arts |
| ELL | English Language Learners |
| FRL | Free and Reduced Lunch |
| ISAT | Idaho Standards Achievement Test |
| ISDE | Idaho State Department of Education |
| NAEP | National Assessment for Educational Progress |
| NCLB | No Child Left Behind |
| NCES | National Center for Educational Statistics |
| NGSS | Next Generation Science Standards |
| NRC | National Research Council |
| NSTA | National Science Teachers Association |
| SES | Socioeconomic Status |
| STEM | Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics |
| USP | Urban System Project |
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Introduction
Elementary science education provides a platform for intellectual development, building a foundation of scientific literacy and an entry point into interest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) fields (Allen, 2006; American Association for the Advancement of Science [AAAS], 1993b, 2009; Furtado, 2010; Keeves, 1995; Michaels, Shouse, & Schweingruber, 2008; National Research Council [NRC], 2007). There has been significant research conducted on high-quality science education and there is little debate about what high-quality instruction should look like at the elementary level (Allen, 2006; Anderson, 2002; Bennett, Lubben, & Hogarth, 2006; Dorph, Shields, Tiffany-Morales, Harty, & McCaffrey, 2011; Michaels et al., 2008; Minner, Levy, & Century, 2010; NRC, 2007; Shymansky, Hedges, & Woodworth, 1990). Inverness Research Associates (2007) defined four key elements needed to achieve elementary science reform. These key elements include: Programs and Practices; Assessment and Feedback; Instructional Leadership and Mandate; and Professional Development. Despite this knowledge, it is well documented that few elementary schools provide consistent high-quality instruction in elementary science (Anselm & Moore, 2007; Dorph et al., 2011; Enochs & Riggs, 1990; Riggs & Enochs, 1990; Spillane, Diamond, Walker, Halverson, & Jita, 2001; Stake & Easley, 1978; Weiss, 1978). This problem is further compounded in low-socioeconomic elementary schools by a lack of
resources, time, and high teacher mobility (Banilower, Smith, Weiss, Malzahn, Campbell, & Weis, 2013; Berryman, 1983; Dorph et al., 2011; Lynch, Kuipers, Pyke, & Szesze, 2005).
**Background**
The National Assessment for Educational Progress (NAEP) continues to report a significant gap, nationally, in science education between low and high-socioeconomic students (National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 1992, 1997, 2011). Idaho’s NAEP results mirror this trend (NCES, 2011). Despite these findings, some schools are able to overcome the challenges associated with low socioeconomics and achieve at high levels in all curricular areas, including science (Haycock, 1998; Idaho State Department of Education [ISDE], 2011a, 2012a, 2013a; Kane & Cantrell, 2009; Konstantopoulos & Borman, 2011).
Research examining how low-socioeconomic schools are able to achieve and outperform their high-socioeconomic counterparts is limited, possibly a result of the need to first question the Coleman study (Coleman et al., 1966). Coleman et al. (1966) identified socioeconomic status (SES) as a predictor of academic achievement and social effectiveness. The Coleman report was authorized under the 1964 Civil Rights act and was the second largest social science research project in history, with 600,000 students and 4,000 schools participating nationally. Coleman et al. (1966) reported,
School brings little influence to bear on a child’s achievement that is independent of his background and general social context; and that this very lack of an independent effect means that the inequalities imposed on children by their home, neighborhood, and peer environment are carried along to become the inequities with which they confront adult life at the end of school. (p. 325)
Reform models attempting to refute the findings of Coleman et al. (1966) are not widespread in Idaho (Parrett & Budge, 2012). Without a clear predictor of why some schools across the state are achieving so highly, under difficult circumstances, it is important to evaluate both the school and classroom-level influences on elementary science success.
**Influences on Elementary Science Achievement**
Elementary science program effectiveness can be influenced at multiple levels. These levels of influence include: the school level, the classroom level, and the external environment. The external environment includes everything outside of the school, such as the political environment, parental-education level, parental support, socioeconomic status, and outside experiences. Schools can have little influence on the external environment. This study evaluates the influences at the school and classroom level on high achievement in elementary science, within the external environment of low and high socioeconomics.
High achievement is defined many ways throughout the literature. For the purposes of this study, high-achieving schools in science had to meet the following criteria: (1) Maintain consistent performance over the past three years on the fifth grade science Idaho Standards Achievement Test (ISAT); (2) Achieve ISAT school-level scale scores within advanced (216+) or in the top third of proficient (215-212) on the fifth grade science ISAT; and (3) Have at least 30% of fifth graders performing within advanced (216+) on the science ISAT (ISDE, 2007b, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a).
Socioeconomic status (SES) is defined as the hierarchical ranking of individuals or families based on access to jobs, wealth, assets, power, and social status (Mueller &
The method of measuring SES varies widely across educational research. One common method of measuring SES comes from the use of Free and Reduced Lunch (FRL) status. For the purpose of this study, I have chosen to use FRL status to identify low-SES schools. The Title One qualifier for whole-school intervention in Idaho is school-level FRL qualifications of 40% or greater. I have defined schools meeting this criterion as low SES. Free and Reduced Lunch qualification of 25% or less at the school level was defined as high SES.
**The Classroom Level**
Research on the classroom level has dominated elementary science education research since the 1960s. Research on elementary science education at the classroom level has included: cognitive development through elementary science instruction (Adey, 2004, 2008; Adey, Robertson, & Venville, 2002; Adey & Shayer, 1993, 1994; Endler & Bond, 2001, 2008; Hu et al., 2011; Karplus & Thier, 1969; Shayer, 1996; Shayer & Adey, 1981, 1993, 2002), instructional methods (Bredderman, 1974, 1983, 1985; Dickerson, Clark, Dawkins, & Horne, 2006; Furtak, Seidel, Iverson, & Briggs, 2012; Karplus, 1962, 1964, 1977; Karplus & Thier, 1969; Klentschy, 2002; Klentschy, Garrison, & Amaral, 2001; Shymansky, Kyle, & Alport, 1983; Vanosdall, Klentschy, Hedges, & Weisbaum, 2007), science instruction with English language learners (Dickerson et al., 2006; Klentschy, 2002; Klentschy et al., 2001; Vanosdall et al., 2007), science instruction with children who have mental and physical impairments (van Benthem, Dijkgraaf, & de Lange, 2008), teacher efficacy (Joseph, 2010; Riggs & Enochs, 1990), and teacher content knowledge (Alonso, 2002; Brickhouse, 1990; Heller, Daehler, & Shinohara, 2003; Lederman, 1999; Nehm & Schonfeld, 2007). Despite an
understanding of why elementary science is important and an understanding of what high-quality instruction includes, there has been little system-wide change in elementary science instruction over the last fifty years.
**The School Level**
Lack of change, despite overwhelming evidence in favor of inquiry-based elementary science instruction, has prompted research to take a different direction, looking for other influences on change at the classroom level. More recently, research has looked toward school leadership and external resources to understand how they influence student achievement in elementary science. Research on the principal’s influence on elementary science instruction is still new and only a handful of studies have been conducted. Research on the school level includes work by Spillane et al. (2001) who conducted a qualitative study on schools in poverty (60% Free and Reduced Lunch qualification or higher) in the process of educational reform. Spillane et al. (2001), looked at distributed leadership, focusing on human resources, social capital, and physical resources. They found that not all elementary schools achieved success in the same manner, and that some schools that had resources, both social and capital, were ineffective in reform because they were unable to activate their resources. Spillane et al. (2001) also found strong evidence that support from positional leaders is crucial in activating and sustaining school-wide reform. Research by Lanier (2008) and Casey, Dunlap, Brown, & Davison (2012) found that in order for elementary science programs to match the message of reform, principals as instructional leaders are integral. Based on the work by Casey et al. (2012), Lanier (2008), and Spillane et al. (2001), it is apparent
that the effect of leadership within the school cannot be discounted when looking for influences driving low-SES school achievement.
**Identifying a Gap in Understanding**
Outside of national and state-level reports, there has been no comprehensive research conducted, to date, that has looked collectively at driving influences of school and classroom-level influences in high science achieving disadvantaged elementary schools (Banilower et al., 2013; Dorph et al., 2011). A knowledge gap exists in our understanding of what influences similarly achieving schools from high and low-SES demographics to achieve highly in science, leaving ten percent of Idaho elementary schools performing below proficient in elementary school science (ISDE, 2012a).
**Problem Statement**
Outside of report data, comprehensive research to provide a collective evaluation of school and classroom-level influences driving high science achievement in disadvantaged elementary schools is lacking (Banilower et al., 2013; Dorph et al., 2011). This knowledge gap also persists in our understanding of what influences in similarly achieving schools from high and low-SES demographics move students to high achievement. Without an understanding of the interplay between school and classroom-level influences driving high achievement in elementary science, our education system has become paralyzed in the implementation of high-quality elementary science instructional system wide. These gaps in our understanding of how to successfully implement high-quality elementary science instruction have resulted in high numbers of schools opting out of science instruction and low levels of performance in elementary school science (Anselm & Moore, 2007; Banilower et al., 2013; Berryman, 1983; Dorph
et al., 2011; Enochs & Riggs, 1990; Lynch et al., 2005; Riggs & Enochs, 1990; Spillane et al., 2001; Stake & Easley, 1978; Weiss, 1978).
**Purpose of Study**
The purpose of this study is to identify if the implementation level for each of the four key elements needed to achieve elementary science reform, as described by Inverness Research Associates (2007), are present in high science achieving elementary schools in the state of Idaho. This study also sets out to identify how the implementation level for each of the key elements differ between low and high-socioeconomic Idaho elementary schools that are achieving highly in science.
The implementation level for each of the key elements of reform (programs and practices; assessment and feedback; instructional leadership and mandate; and professional development) was evaluated at the school and classroom level (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). I used the perspective of the principal to evaluate the school level and the perspective of elementary teachers to evaluate the classroom level, using Internet-based survey tools.
**Research Questions and Hypotheses**
This study sets out to answer the following questions and sub-questions:
*Question 1:* In Idaho, are all of the four key elements present in all of the high science achieving elementary schools? This question was further broken into four sub-questions:
- Is there evidence of the element Programs and Practices found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
• Is there evidence of the element Teacher Background and Development found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
• Is there evidence of the element Instructional Leadership and Mandate found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
• Is there evidence of the element Assessment and Feedback found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
*Hypothesis 1:* Based on three years of science ISAT results, the identified Idaho schools have consistently developed high achievers in science (ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a). As a state, Idaho has scored above the national average on the last National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test given in the elementary grades (NCES, 2011). The NAEP test is a rigorous test that tests beyond rote knowledge, making it reasonable to believe that evidence will be present in all of the highest science achieving schools in the state indicating that they are engaged in delivering all four key elements considered important to achieving success in elementary science.
*Question 2:* In Idaho, high science achievement can be found in both low and high socioeconomic status elementary schools. Does the evidence indicate a difference between the low and high-SES schools’ implementation of the key elements to elementary science reform in Idaho high science achieving schools? This question was further broken into four sub-questions:
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Programs and Practices between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Teacher Background and Development between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Leadership and Mandate between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Assessment and Feedback between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
Hypothesis 2: Based on the different pressures created by socioeconomic status in low and high-SES schools, the ability to implement each of the key elements will be different in the high science achieving, high and low-SES schools.
Theoretical Basis
The theoretical basis of this proposal was framed around the key elements of elementary science reform (Inverness Research Associates, 2007), then evaluated at the school and classroom level. At the classroom level, quality science instruction was theoretically framed by constructivist learning theory. While at the school level, the study was framed around instructional leadership theory.
Theoretical Basis for the Key Elements to Elementary Science Reform
The key elements to elementary science—(1) Program and Practice; (2) Teacher Background and Development; (3) Instructional Leadership and Mandate; and (4) Assessment and Feedback—were established from over 25 years of research and evaluation of elementary science reform efforts by Inverness Research Associates (2007). Inverness Research Associates (2007) gathered their multitude of multi-faceted data from participant observations, in-depth interviews, focus groups, surveys, and document
review research and evaluations of National Science Foundation (NSF) funded State Systemic Initiative projects, five Local Systemic Change Projects, a rural systemic initiative, and four urban systemic initiatives. In Chapter Two, I will review three of these elementary science projects. Each is large in scale, National Science Foundation funded, and focuses on implementing high-quality elementary science instruction into districts where quality and quantity of elementary science instruction was lacking.
**Classroom Level Theoretical Framework**
Research over the past 50 years has shown that high-quality elementary science instruction is achieved through the implementation of methods that are supported by the constructivist learning theory. These methods will be discussed in Chapter Two, but the essential elements are based on the belief that learning occurs as learners are actively involved in the processes of meaning and knowledge construction, as opposed to passively receiving information (Driscoll, 2005). If implemented properly, instruction based on constructivist learning theory should focus on fostering critical thinking and creating motivated, independent learners. This theoretical framework maintains that learning builds upon knowledge that a student already holds. This prior knowledge is referred to as schema by Piaget (Driscoll, 2005). As students encounter conflicting experiences, they must restructure their knowledge, something that Piaget refers to as schema accommodation (Driscoll, 2005). During instruction based on constructivist learning theory, the role of the teacher is to model, coach, and scaffold learning, emphasizing learning in context, with defined thinking activities as central. Problem-based learning and inquiry-based learning are both models of teaching that are based on
constructivist learning theory, both of which represent the core elements of what has been identified as quality science instruction.
**School Level Theoretical Framework**
Instructional leadership theory is based on the belief that instructional quality is one of the most important factors in effective teaching. Without quality instruction, school reform is not possible. Instructional leadership includes all actions that a principal performs or delegates for the purpose of promoting growth in student learning (DeBevoise, 1984). By making instructional quality the top priority, the principal encourages educational achievement and makes that vision a reality. As an instructional leader, principals work with teachers to define educational objectives, set school wide goals, provide the necessary resources for learning, create new learning opportunities for students and staff, and provide effective feedback that is consistent with and helps to shape quality instruction in their teachers (Wildy & Dimmock, 1993). Instructional leadership theory holds that the leader is a key element to instructional reform. Glickman (1990) found that instructionally effective schools have principals who have become the primary instructional leader in their school, and the presence of an organizational phenomenon of collective action, an agreed-on purpose, where teachers perceive that they are part of something that is beyond them. Bamburg and Andrews (1990) described effective instructional leaders as the following: a resource provider that is knowledgeable about curriculum and instruction; an instructional leader that sets expectations for continual improvement of instructional program and actively engages in staff development as well as encourages the use of different instructional strategies; an effective communicator that models commitment to school goals and articulates a vision
of instructional goals and a means for attaining these goals; provides a visible presence in classrooms, collaborative meetings, and is accessible. Each of these factors is key in developing principals who are able to become key participants in helping students achieve.
**Nature of the Study**
This descriptive study was designed to identify if the key elements, identified as necessary to achieve elementary science reform, were present within science achieving elementary schools in the state of Idaho. This study also set out to identify if the implementation level for each of the key elements to elementary science reform differed between low and high-socioeconomic science achieving elementary in Idaho.
The study made use of descriptive analysis and between-measures analysis to answer the two overarching questions. Descriptive analysis was used to identify if the key elements were identifiable within the high science achieving elementary schools in the state of Idaho. Between-measures analysis was used to reveal the implementation level for each of the key elements to elementary science reform between high science achieving, low and high-SES elementary schools in Idaho.
The independent variable for the between-measures analyses was socioeconomic (SES) status, as determined by school-level Free and Reduced Lunch (FRL) qualification. This variable was broken down into high SES (25% or less qualification for FRL) and low SES (40% or higher qualification for FRL). The independent variables for the normative analyses are Idaho high science achieving school participants and national school participants.
The dependent variables in the study were the four key elements to elementary science reform. These variables were measured through the perspective of the elementary school principal and teachers using an adaptation of 2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education: Science Program Questionnaire (Horizon Research, 2012b) and an adaptation of the 2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics - Science Teacher Questionnaire constructed by Horizon Research (2012c). Each of the tools used in this study were aligned to the key elements elementary science reform: Programs and Practices, Assessment and Feedback, Instructional Leadership and Mandate, and Teacher Background and Development (Inverness Research Associates, 2007)
The measurable dependent variables included nominal, interval, and ratio survey and protocol responses, as well as short answer responses that were analyzed using qualitative coding methods. Purposive sampling was used to select the participating high and low-SES participant schools. High-SES schools were compared to low-SES schools, scoring within the same scale score bands on science, math, reading, and language on the fifth grade ISAT. By looking at schools with similar scores, I minimized reading, language, and mathematics as confounding variables.
**Assumptions, Limitations, Scope, and Delimitations**
There were three key assumptions in this study. These assumptions include: 1.) The data collection and data analysis methods were accurate and capable of answering the proposed research questions; 2.) The participants in the study provided true, accurate, and thoughtful answers to the self-report survey questions; and 3.) The science ISAT is an accurate measure of high-quality science achievement.
Limitations included lack of generalizability of the ISAT science scale scores outside of the state of Idaho. Each state has independently developed its own state-level science assessment, creating an inability to compare test scores across states. The NAEP science test is the only widely used, nationally given, science test at the elementary level. Scores on the NAEP test are not broken down below the state level. As a result, the NAEP science test does not provide comparable test scores at the school level, leaving only state developed tests, such as the ISAT to evaluate the effectiveness of elementary science education.
In an effort to remove the potentially compounding variables of mathematics, language arts, and reading abilities, I only looked at similarly achieving schools. The high science achieving schools were also high performers in mathematics, language arts, and reading. It is not possible to know how much high achievement in other content areas influenced achievement on the science ISAT. However, there were Idaho schools that were high achieving in language arts, mathematics, and reading that were not high achieving in science, indicating that high science achievement is not solely a measure of high achievement in language arts, mathematics, and reading.
Since a “model” of elementary science does not currently exist, I was limited to using key elements to elementary science reform, defended in the literature, to scaffold the study (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). Instruments used to survey participants about science education, assessment, and leadership were limited and did not contain Cronbach alpha reliability coefficients associated with them. However, the composites of questions I was able to use with Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients previously
demonstrated strong to moderate reliability, and maintained this level of reliability on this survey.
I followed contact protocols to minimize potential bias in the study. I know one of the principals of the schools I asked to participate in the study and I previously worked for one of the schools that I asked to participate in the study. I followed procedures to reduce the possibility of bias, despite my personal associations with various principals, teachers, and schools in Idaho. ISAT data sets are reported using school codes, so I was unaware of schools’ names during the original selection process. Once I identified schools that met the criteria for participation, I became aware of each school’s name. I followed contact protocols, even with individuals that I knew, and I did not discuss the study with any of them until after their districts provided consent for me to work in their district.
**Significance of the Study**
Very little research has been conducted to examine how, within a culture of low socioeconomics, some schools are able to achieve and out-perform their high socioeconomic counterparts. The National Assessment for Educational Progress (NAEP) has reported a significant gap, nationally, in science education between low and high socioeconomic students (NCES, 1992, 1997, 2011). Idaho’s NAEP results mirror this trend (NCES, 2011). Outside of national and state-level reports, there has been no comprehensive research conducted, to date, that has looked collectively at driving influences of school and classroom-level influences in high science achieving disadvantaged elementary schools (Banilower et al., 2013; Dorph et al., 2011). A knowledge gap persists in our understanding of how similarly achieving schools from
high and low-SES demographics move students to high achievement. These gaps in our understanding of what drives elementary science achievement has left 10% of Idaho elementary schools performing below proficient in elementary school science (ISDE, 2012a). Understanding what influences, in Idaho, enable schools of diverse socioeconomic backgrounds to achieve is critical in helping Idaho schools who are low performing in elementary science.
**Definition of Key Terms**
There are terms used regularly throughout this document that may not have a common universally understood definition; I have defined each of these terms for the purposes of this study.
*Assessment and Feedback* – Assessments are a method of establishing evidence of students’ ability to use scientific practices, apply their understanding of crosscutting concepts, and draw on their understanding of specific disciplinary ideas, over time (Pellegrino, Wilson, Koenig, & Beatty, 2014). Student assessment should come from a variety of approaches, including: diagnostic, formative, summative, and performance. Data collected from these assessments provides continuous feedback on a teachers’ instructional effectiveness, their students’ learning, and should be used to make data-driven decisions about refinement of curriculum and instructional practices (Inverness Research Associates, 2007; Pellegrino et al., 2014).
*Classroom Level* – The level at which the teacher has influence on student achievement.
*Elementary School* – Any school containing the fifth grade; for example, this may include Grades K–5, K–6, K–8, 3–5, 4–5.
High Achieving Elementary Science School – Elementary schools that: (1) Maintain consistent performance over a three year span on the fifth grade science ISAT; (2) Achieve ISAT school-level scale scores within advanced (216+) or in the top third of proficient (215-212) on the fifth grade science ISAT; and (3) Have at least 30% of fifth graders performing within advanced (216+) on the science ISAT (ISDE, 2007b, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a).
High-Quality Elementary Science Instruction – Instruction that links content and process skills, through the use of inquiry instruction. This instruction should focus on crosscutting principles and should develop students’ understanding of scientific explanations, generate scientific evidence, cause students to reflect on scientific knowledge, and encourage active participation in science (Michaels et al., 2008).
High Socioeconomic Status (SES) – Schools with less than 25% of their students that qualify for FRL.
Instructional Leadership and Mandate – Instructional leadership encompasses all actions performed or delegated by a leader for the purpose of supporting teachers’ development and promoting student growth in science. This instructional leadership in science should extend from positional leaders to shared leadership roles within the school (DeBevoise, 1984; Spillane et al., 2001; Inverness Research Associates, 2006b, 2007; Casey et al., 2012). Instructional mandate is the requirement of a school and its teachers to implement science instruction, encompassing the quality of instruction and the quantity of instruction (Inverness Research Associates, 2006b, 2007; St. John, Heenan, Heenan, & Helms, 2007)
Low Socioeconomic Status (SES) – Schools with 40% or more of their students that qualify for FRL, defined using the Title One qualifier for whole-school intervention, which is 40% FRL at the school level.
External Environment – The level at which influences on student achievement are outside the control of the school, examples include: policy, parental education, and experiences occurring outside of school.
Program and Practice – Program and Practice encompasses both the quality and quantity of the adopted instructional program and instructional practice within a school. A quality program is identifiable by the adoption, implementation, and support of high-quality instructional materials and instructional practices that meet state and district standards, and are consistent with the higher-order vision of the National Science Standards or the Next Generation Science Standards. The quantity of a program is identifiable by the number of hours dedicated to weekly instruction of science (Inverness Research Associates, 2006b, 2007; St. John et al., 2007).
School Level – The level at which the school building administration or individuals acting in a leadership role within the school building have an influence on student achievement.
Socioeconomic Status (SES) – A hierarchical ranking of individuals or families based on access to jobs, wealth, assets, power, and social status (Mueller & Parcel, 1981), as defined at the school level by the percentage of students qualifying for Free and Reduced Lunch (FRL) status.
Teacher Background and Development – Teacher background encompasses a teacher’s years of experience as an educator, and a teacher’s formal education in teaching
pedagogy and science content. Teacher development comes from the access to professional development (PD) that focuses on both pedagogy and content. The highest quality PD comes from sustained professional development (50+ hours) that promotes collaborative approaches, builds strong relationships among teachers, connects to classroom practice, and focuses on teaching and learning specific academic content (Heenan & Helms, 2013).
**Summary**
Despite the many studies conducted over the last 50 years on elementary science instructional methods, there still exists a lack of understanding of how to implement quality science instruction across an entire school or throughout school systems. Issues that instigated instructional reform in the 1960s are still the issues of today. It is important to look at a broader range of stakeholders. This study focused on stakeholders that had direct influence over student achievement: the principals and teachers. By collectively evaluating the implementation level for each of the key elements to elementary science reform at the school level and classroom level, in high achieving elementary science programs across the state of Idaho, this study sought to identify commonalities and differences between participant low and high-SES elementary schools in Idaho (Banilower et al., 2013).
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Introduction
With the shift, nationally, in the economic base towards technology, increased concerns have surfaced that the United States may not be able to meet future scientific and technological needs without a substantial increase in students entering Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematical (STEM) fields (NRC, 2005; Oakes, Ormseth, Bell, & Camp, 1990). This needed increase in a scientific literate society may be achieved through increasing the number of students developing an interest in STEM fields during early exposure in the elementary grades and by increasing the number of underrepresented groups entering STEM fields (Oakes et al., 1990; Tai, Liu, Maltese, & Fan, 2006). In this literature review, I will identify the importance of early exposure to science education. I will provide a thorough discussion of the theoretical framework of high-quality elementary science education. I will establish the importance of strong instructional leadership for achieving elementary science reform, and the theoretical framework for instructional leadership. I will then establish the existence of the achievement gap between low and high socioeconomic status students in elementary science achievement. I will provide an explanation of elementary science achievement measures and introduce the key elements of elementary science reform as a framework for evaluating the presence of support for high-quality science education in Idaho high science achieving elementary schools.
The purpose of this study was to identify the presence of each key element in the identified Idaho high science achieving schools and to identify the differences in the presence of these elements between low and high socioeconomic Idaho schools.
**Importance of Early Exposure to Science Education**
Children begin school with a rich knowledge of the natural world, innate curiosity, the ability to demonstrate early reasoning, and an interest in the discovery of new knowledge (NRC, 2007). The implementation of high-quality elementary science programs further develop and nurture these early tendencies into higher-order thinking skills and problem-solving skills. These skills include: the ability and propensity to ask questions, observe closely, evaluate, analyze, look for evidence, and think rationally.
The goal of high-quality elementary science instruction is to develop a student’s power to reason and solve problems in a scientific way. Thus, teachers must feel comfortable with guiding student-driven investigations and discussions in the early grades (Elstgeest & Harlen, 1985). Research indicates that teachers find helping students to develop scientific thinking, understand scientific methodology, and develop student-driven investigations their greatest challenge (Aschbacher & Roth, 2002). Even in schools where professional development (PD) is provided, observations reveal low cognitive demand placed on the students. This low cognitive demand comes from the teachers failing to provide students with opportunities to respond to questions and not requiring students to provide evidence or explanations for their thinking, resulting in low cognitive demand (Aschbacher & Roth, 2002). Additional research indicates that science is not being taught in many elementary grades with high priority or in a way that is consistent with what is considered high-quality instruction (Anselm & Moore, 2007;
The lack of high-quality science instruction at the elementary level is problematic, since elementary students need access to good science instruction as early as possible (Mulholland & Wallace, 2005). Exposure to high-quality scientific content and processes in the elementary grades is crucial to building a strong foundation for further scientific learning and intellectual development of arguments (Allen, 2006; AAAS, 1993b; Furtado, 2010; Keeves, 1995; Michaels et al., 2008; NRC, 2007; Rowe, 1992). The development of these skills is the focus of a high-quality science education.
**Theoretical Framework**
The theoretical basis of this proposal was framed around the key elements to elementary science reform, and evaluated at the classroom level and at the school level. At the classroom level, I framed quality science instruction around constructivist learning theory. While, at the school level, I framed the study around instructional leadership theory.
**Theoretical Basis for the Key Elements to Elementary Science Reform**
Using more than twenty-five years experience as a nationally recognized independent project evaluator for many successfully established and sustained high-quality science programs, derived from multiple National Science Foundation State Systemic Initiative projects, five Local Systemic Change Projects, a rural systemic initiative, and four urban systemic initiatives, St. John, founder of Inverness Research Associates, unveiled the key elements to elementary science education reform during a
congressional briefing in 2007 (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). St. John stated the following:
There is no secret about what it takes to install a strong elementary science program. A good well-rounded curriculum that is supported by well-designed instructional materials as the centerpiece. These materials, in turn, need to be supported by district or regional science materials center that assures teachers will have the materials they need to teach science.
A wide range of professional supports is also key so that teachers have the opportunity to learn how to teach their science kits, develop deeper understandings of content, become experts in facilitating student inquiries, learn how to use science journals, and become better at assessing their students’ learning. Teachers also need good assessments and other ways to get feedback on their teaching. Finally, teachers need to be supported by strong science leaders and also administrators who can help them improve their practice and make the case for science in their districts. The administrative leaders in the district need to make science a priority and establish a clear mandate for its teaching.
With these elements in place, high-quality elementary science instruction becomes a high, rather than a low, probability event. (Inverness Research Associates, 2007, p. 25)
The key elements to elementary science reform are: (1) Program and Practice; (2) Teacher Background and Development; (3) Instructional Leadership and Mandate; and (4) Assessment and Feedback. St. John et al. (2007) identified these elements as key supports necessary for elementary science reform changes, after seeing that these elements were present in each of the schools that they had identified as having developed a successful, sustained, elementary science reform projects that provided high-quality science education for their students. The research design used by Inverness Research Associates to evaluate improvement projects in science education, which ultimately allowed them to identify the key elements to elementary science reform, included a multifaceted approach that gathered data from participant observations, in-depth interviews, focus groups, surveys, and document reviews. There are many studies that have been
conducted by Inverness Research Associates that document the presence of each of key elements in school districts that successfully implemented elementary science reform. I will discuss three of these projects. Each of the projects that I discuss was large in scale, National Science Foundation (NSF) funded, and focused on implementing high-quality elementary science instruction in districts where quality and quantity of elementary science instruction was lacking. These projects include: a six year study of the Gilbert School District, Arizona; the San Diego Urban System Project, California; and finally, a fifteen year legacy study of the Bay Area School District, California.
**The Gilbert Systematic Science Plan**
The Gilbert Systemic Science Plan began as a NSF funded project in 1999 to implement an elementary science program across the Gilbert Public School District capable of serving all of the district’s young students (Inverness Research Associates, 2006b). Inverness Research Associates (2006b) evaluated the project during its sixth year. The presence of each of the key elements in the Gilbert Systemic Science Plan was documented. In regards to Programs and Practice, Gilbert Public Schools piloted, selected, and adopted into use three to four NSF funded and nationally recognized kits from Full Option Science Systems (FOSS) or Science and Technology for Children (STC). Gilbert put in place a central kit refurbishment center within their district to manage the cleaning and replenishment of each of the 1,895 kits district-wide for their 25 elementary schools. During the first year of implementation, the Inverness research team observed in ten classrooms and found that only five of these classrooms were implementing NSF funded instructional materials, none of science lessons incorporated a science notebook, and only 30% of lessons were judged to be of high quality. By the
spring of 2005, the Inverness research team observed 18 teachers. All of them were using NSF funded instructional materials, and 89% of the lessons incorporated science notebooks and were judged to be of high quality. Gilbert Public Schools addressed Teacher Background and Development by providing annual workshops to the district’s 1,555 teachers for the purpose of developing effective use of the FOSS and STC kits, increasing effective use of science notebooks, and increasing teachers’ content knowledge within areas addressed by the kits. Teacher professional development was tiered to provide opportunities for all teachers to expand their knowledge and pedagogy of science content and science skills. Workshops were also held to develop and train one to two teacher leaders from each school to implement teacher training workshops and increase the teacher leaders’ background in targeted areas through field experiences with specialists and scientists. There were as many as 109 workshops held during one school year to service 1,555 teachers. Instructional leadership came primarily from a district science team composed of an elementary science coordinator, two science resource teachers, the science material center staff, one to two lead teachers from each elementary school, and a professional consultant from a neighboring district. Elementary principals and district administration provided support for the process, but the process was lead by the district science team. The science coordinator developed deeper buy in by the principals by taking key principals with her to national science conferences. She also showed them how Gilbert Public Schools was part of a largely national movement to change science teaching and learning at the elementary school level. Teachers were required to participate in kit training prior to checking out their first science kit. The science team provided principals with data regarding the number of hours each teacher
logged in to science professional development. The data was then used to help target each school’s needs. Assessment and Feedback of student learning came from state-mandated assessments in science, student notebooks that were used for various forms of assessment, including formative and summative, and FOSS unit assessments. Notebooks were also used as a method of providing students with feedback (Inverness Research Associates, 2006b).
San Diego Urban System Project (San Diego USP)
The San Diego Urban System Project, CA (St. John et al., 2007) was a K-12 initiative aimed at improving teaching and learning in math and science. The initiative was funded by NSF over five consecutive years, affecting 133,000 students, who spoke 60 different languages and dialects, and approximately 4,500 teachers. Program and Practice was addressed by the adoption of FOSS kits in the elementary grades. In addition, the district worked with the inquiry-based curriculum development group, Biological Sciences Curriculum Study (BSCS), to build capacity and implement new instructional materials. Teacher Background and Development was met through the development of large-scale and high-quality professional development for teachers. They built infrastructure for professional development that responded to teachers’ increased sophistication, offering an ever-evolving set of challenges for administrators, teachers, and students that were cumulative, strategic, and right for the system. Over the course of one school year, K-12 teachers participated in professional development focused on science. Classroom teachers spent 6 hours while coaches and lead teachers spent up to 80 hours in professional development. Instructional leadership and mandate were taken very seriously within these and previous initiatives. Under the Blueprint for Student Success
initiative for literacy and mathematics, principals were expected to act as instructional leaders, providing intensive professional development to their teachers and spending about two hours each day in classrooms. Under the San Diego USP, leadership teams of principals, vice-principals, and teachers received training on identifying high-quality science pedagogy and developing science content. Two teacher leaders were established within each elementary school, one for coordinating materials and another for leading peers in lesson study. Content administrators were established that worked collaboratively with teachers and principals. The leadership team designed and delivered workshops, provided teacher coaching, identified and chose curriculum, and designed assessments. The district took the development of strong, well-defined district wide math and science programs, at every level, and for all students, very seriously. They mandated the use of adopted instructional materials district wide and required participation in the accompanied professional development and assessment supports. Their mandates were deliberately engineered mechanisms to ensure that all students were exposed to the same curriculum, leveling the playing field for all students. Assessment and Feedback was achieved through assessments aligned to the units teachers taught, use of science notebooks, and monitoring of state and district-mandated testing (St. John et al, 2007).
**Bay Area Schools for Excellence in Education (BASEE)**
Bay Area Schools for Excellence in Education (BASEE), San Francisco, CA was a five year (Inverness Research Associates, 2011; Heenan & Helms, 2013) NSF funded project involving eight school districts. It initially began as an investment from Hewlett-Packard Corporation to implement a kit-based hands-on elementary science program, including training at the National Science Resources Center in Washington, DC. Looking
at Program and Practice, the BASEE initiative continued the support for FOSS kits within the district and support for the district refurbishment center. Inverness Research Associates did a legacy study 15 years after the implementation of the BASEE initiative. They found that the use of FOSS kits was still institutionalized within district elementary schools and that despite the presence of the financially strapped district, a method of refurbishment of these kits still existed. Teacher Background and Development created by the BASEE initiative, and other initiatives that occurred before and after BASEE, provided extensive teacher and administrator training in elementary science pedagogy and content knowledge. BASEE specifically provided four strands of professional development, which introduced teachers to the kits, development of content background, provided teacher leadership development, and provided training for administrators in supervision of science teaching. The legacy study found that many of the teachers that were trained by BASEE were still teaching and that a pool of teacher leaders still advocated for elementary science education. Inverness Research Associates found that the training BASEE provided was deeply ingrained in the teachers who had participated in the trainings. Some of these ingrained trainings were seen in the commitment to still use the FOSS instructional materials, engage students in inquiry-based science instruction, and work with other teachers. During the legacy study, Inverness Research Associates found that the administrative support for science education, although not what it was during the implementation of BASEE, still existed within the district. During implementation of BASEE, principals were trained in supervision of science instruction, teachers were trained as leaders, science coaching occurred, and lesson study groups existed. Some of these formal leadership roles no longer existed, but building and district
support for science instruction was still supportive. One weakness of the Inverness Research Associate’s legacy report was that Assessment and Feedback was not discussed, despite its presence in the BASEE project. Hennan and Helms’s (2013) BASEE legacy study shows us,
… longer term sustained funding for science education improvement is important in developing champions with expertise and commitment, human capital necessary for achieving sufficient strength and durability to weather lean and unpropitious times. Funding is most effective when focused on creating supportive environments for local educational improvement efforts, aiming funding toward creating the capacity for ongoing improvements in instruction, through the development of teacher leaders and networks. (p. 3)
The insight that the sustained work of Inverness Research Associates has contributed over longer periods of time and multitudes of districts across the United States provides us a rare glimpse into the mechanical workings of districts before, during, and after change occurs. Their work has contributed to the theoretical basis for what is necessary to create change in science instruction within the elementary school environment (Inverness Research Associates, 2011; Heenan & Helms, 2013).
**High-Quality Elementary Science, the Classroom Level Theoretical Framework**
During the 1960s and 70s a huge outgrowth of research and understanding of thinking and learning in science education occurred as a result of low achievement in math and science and entry into the Sputnik era (Karplus & Thier, 1969; Shayer & Adey, 2002). Surprisingly, many of the views that were held in the 1960s about science education are still held today. Karplus (1962) has been noted as saying,
Teachers’ colleges require [too] few science courses for graduation; many [elementary] teachers feel inadequately prepared to teach science; many school districts allot less than an hour a week to science instruction; and … science competes for [teaching] time with reading, writing, and arithmetic. (p. 243)
The result of science reform of the 1960s-70s was the development of several new elementary science education programs that focused on the interactions between cognitive development and the development of scientific thinking and reasoning (Karplus & Thier, 1969). The result of this research in the United States (US) was the development of Science Reasoning Patterns and the Learning Cycle (Karplus & Thier, 1969). This movement in the US was mirrored in the United Kingdom (UK) by their concern with poor math and science achievement at the secondary level. Similarly, this reform movement in the UK resulted in investigations into cognitive development and the development of scientific thinking and reasoning (Shayer & Adey, 2002). The result of the research in the UK was a process known as Cognitive Acceleration and the 5-pillar approach to science instruction. This research contributed greatly to our understanding of what high-quality science instruction encompasses, and the development of the term inquiry instruction.
Inquiry instruction is developed from the implementation of methods supported by the constructivist learning theory (Adey & Shayer, 1993, 1994; Allen, 2006; Anderson, 2002; Bennett et al., 2006; Dorph et al., 2011; Karplus, 1977, 1964, 1962; Karplus & Thier, 1969; Michaels et al., 2008; Minner et al., 2010; NRC, 2007; Shymansky et al., 1990). Constructivist learning theory is based on the belief that learning occurs as learners are actively involved in the processes of meaning and knowledge construction, as opposed to passively receiving information (Driscoll, 2005). Learners are the makers of meaning and knowledge. Instruction based on constructivist learning theory should foster critical thinking, creating motivated and independent learners. This theoretical framework holds that learning builds upon knowledge that a
student already has. This prior knowledge is referred to as schema by Piaget (Driscoll, 2005). As students encounter conflicting experiences, they must restructure their knowledge, something that Piaget refers to as schema accommodation (Driscoll, 2005). Bruner and Vygotsky developed similar concepts to account for changes in a child’s knowledge (Driscoll, 2005). In a lesson based on constructivist learning theory, the role of the teacher is to model, coach, and scaffold learning, emphasizing learning in context, with defined thinking activities. Inquiry science instruction is consistent with constructivist learning theory; it refers to what scientists do, how students learn, and a pedagogical approach that teachers employ (NRC, 1998).
Within the United States, elementary science programs developed with National Science Foundation funding continue to be developed based on the Learning Cycle, or aspects of the Learning Cycle (Karplus & Thier, 1969; Lawson, Abraham, & Renner, 1989). The reasoning patterns developed by Karplus and Lawrence Hall of Science (1981) are no longer used. This change has come as a result of a change in our understanding of what children are capable of at a particular age or grade (Lowery, 1998; NRC, 2007). What children are capable of is the result of a complex interplay between maturation, experience, and instruction, making what children are capable of, in large part, based on their opportunities to learn, rather than a fixed sequence of developmental stages (NRC, 2007).
The Schwab scale, originally developed in 1962, further defined inquiry by the level of student involvement in the process (Rezba, Auldridge, & Rhea, 1999; Schwab, 1962). These levels became known as confirmation inquiry, structured inquiry, guided inquiry, and open inquiry.
• Confirmation inquiry is the lowest level of inquiry. During confirmation inquiry, students are working to confirm a principle through an activity in which the results are already known in advance (Rezba et al., 1999).
• Structured inquiry is used to investigate a question that the teacher has presented though a prescribed procedure. The students collect data, and develop a conclusion based on results. The results are not known prior to the investigation (Rezba et al., 1999).
• Guided inquiry is used to investigate a teacher-presented question, using student developed/selected hypothesis, procedures, data collection methods, and analysis (Rezba et al., 1999).
• Students form their own conclusions based on their data. The student-developed criteria is typically checked by the teacher before the student progresses on to investigating (Rezba et al., 1999).
• Open inquiry is the highest level of inquiry. In this form, the students develop their own question, method, and solution. The teacher still typically checks the student-developed criteria before allowing the students to progress on to the investigation (Rezba et al., 1999)
Using the more than 50 years of research on high-quality elementary science to guide them, Michaels et al. (2008) took a step, under the direction of the National Research Council, to recognize the vital connection between content and process skills in elementary science instruction. They redefined high-quality instruction in terms of science practices, rather than inquiry-base instruction. Science practices encompass all types of inquiry instruction. Michaels et al. (2008) defined high-quality science
instruction as occurring when, “conceptual understanding is linked to the ability to develop or evaluate knowledge claims, carry out empirical investigations, and develop explanations” (p. 35). High-quality instruction that involve students deeply in science practices can be divided into four strands. These four strands include: understanding scientific explanations; generating scientific evidence; reflecting on scientific knowledge; and participating productively in science (Michaels et al., 2008).
Each of these four strands requires further description to develop a full understanding of what they encompass. Within each of the strands, learning should be based on developmental appropriateness for the student.
- **Strand 1: Understanding Scientific Explanations.** Students need to know, use, and interpret scientific explanations of the natural world. Students should not be taught to simply memorize facts and definitions. Instead, learning should emphasize concept acquisition. Students should be taught how to apply and connect new knowledge to prior knowledge, interests, and experiences (Michaels et al., 2008).
- **Strand 2: Generating Scientific Evidence.** Strand two focuses on scientific reasoning. The aim should be to develop students’ knowledge and skills to guide them in building and refining models and explanations, designing and analyzing investigations, and constructing and defending arguments with evidence. Teachers should guide students in learning to ask questions, deciding what to measure, developing measurements, collecting data from the measures, organizing data, interpreting and evaluating the data, and using
results to develop and refine arguments, models, and theories (Michaels et al., 2008).
- Strand 3: Reflecting on Scientific Knowledge. Students should be exposed to the scientific process enough that they begin to understand that scientific knowledge builds over time and can be revised as new evidence emerges, scientific knowledge should be viewed as an evidence based body of knowledge. Students should recognize this characteristic in their own predictions or explanations as they revised their thinking based on newly observed evidence, increased content knowledge, or development of a new model (Michaels et al., 2008).
- Strand 4: Participating Productively in Science. Students should develop a proficiency in science from their participation. At a mastery level, they should be able to represent their scientific ideas, use scientific tools, and communicate about science with their peers (Michaels et al., 2008).
These four strands outlined by Michaels et al. (2008) were used by the National Research Council (2012) to develop *A Framework for K-12 Science Education*. This framework was then used to guide the development of the *Next Generation Science Standards (NGSS)* (NGSS Lead States, 2013). Developers of the *NGSS* are seeking approval nationally. Currently the NGSS has been adopted by nine states (California, Delaware, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Vermont, and Washington) and endorsed by the National Science Teacher Association (NSTA).
The classroom-level research that has dominated elementary science education research since the 1960s, has been successful in defining high-quality elementary science
instruction, and in developing the K-12 frameworks for science instruction and standards for implementing science instruction (Bredderman, 1974, 1983, 1985; Furtak et al., 2012; Karplus, 1962, 1964, 1977; Karplus & Thier, 1969; Klentschy et al., 2001; NGSS Lead States, 2013; NRC, 1998, 2005, 2007, 2012; Shayer & Adey, 1981, 2002; Schwab, 1962; Shymansky et al., 1983; van Benthem et al., 2008; Vanosdall et al., 2007). Unfortunately, despite these well developed understandings of why elementary science is important and what high-quality instruction includes, there has been little change in elementary science instruction over the last fifty years.
**Leadership in Elementary Science, the School Level Theoretical Framework**
Lack of change, despite overwhelming evidence in favor of inquiry-base elementary science instruction, has prompted research to take a different direction, looking for other influences on change in elementary science at the classroom level. Research into the area of instructional leadership has found that instructionally effective schools have principals who have become the primary instructional leader in their school, and the presence of an organizational phenomenon of collective action, an agreed-on purpose, where teachers perceive they are part of something that is beyond them (Glickman, 1990). Bamburg and Andrews (1990) described effective instructional leaders as the following: a resource provider that is knowledgeable about curriculum and instruction; an instructional leader that sets expectations for continual improvement of instructional programs and actively engages in staff development as well as encourages the use of different instructional strategies; an effective communicator that models commitment to school goals and articulates a vision of instructional goals and a means for attaining these goals; provides a visible presence in classrooms, collaborative
meetings, and is accessible. Each of these factors is key in developing principals who are able to become key participants in helping students achieve.
Instructional leadership theory is based on the belief that instructional quality is one of the most important factors in effective teaching. Without quality instruction, school reform is not possible. Instructional leadership includes all actions that a principal performs or delegates for the purpose of promoting growth in student learning (DeBevoise, 1984). By making instructional quality the top priority, the principal encourages educational achievement and makes that vision a reality. As an instructional leader, principals work with teachers to define educational objectives, set school-wide goals, provide the necessary resources for learning, create new learning opportunities for students and staff, and provide effective feedback that is consistent with and helps to shape quality instruction in their teachers (Wildy & Dimmock, 1993). Instructional leadership theory holds that the leader is a key element to instructional reform.
Current elementary science research has begun to look toward school leadership and external resources to examine how they influence student achievement in elementary science. Research with a primary focus on the principal’s influence on elementary science instruction is still new and only a few studies have been conducted. Research on the school level includes work by Spillane et al. (2001), who conducted a qualitative study on schools in poverty (60% FRL or higher) in the process of educational reform. Spillane et al. (2001) looked at distributed leadership, focusing on human resources, social capital, and physical resources. They found that not all elementary schools achieved success in the same manner, and that some schools that had resources, both social and capital, were ineffective in reform because they were unable to activate their
resources. Spillane et al. (2001) also found strong evidence that support from positional leaders is crucial in activating and sustaining school-wide reform. Research by Lanier (2008) and Casey et al. (2012) found that in order for elementary science programs to match the message of reform, principals as instructional leaders are integral. Based on the work by Casey et al. (2012), Lanier (2008), and Spillane et al. (2001), it is apparent that the effect of leadership within the school cannot be discounted when looking for influences driving low-SES schools’ achievement.
**Underrepresentation in Science, a Function of Socioeconomics**
The National Assessment for Educational Progress (NAEP) continues to report a significant gap, nationally, in science education between low and high socioeconomic students (NCES, 1992, 1997, 2011). Idaho’s NAEP results mirror this trend (NCES, 2011).
Despite these findings, some schools are able to overcome the challenges associated with low socioeconomics and achieve at high levels in all curricular areas, including science (Haycock, 1998; ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a; Kane & Cantrell, 2009; Konstantopoulos & Borman, 2011). Few studies that have sought to examine how, within a culture of low socioeconomics, some schools are able to achieve and out-perform their high-socioeconomic counterparts. This may stem from the need to first question the well-accepted Coleman study (Coleman et al., 1966). Coleman et al. (1966) identified socioeconomic status (SES), the hierarchical ranking of individuals or families based on access to jobs, wealth, assets, power, and social status (Mueller & Parcel, 1981), as a predictor of academic achievement and social effectiveness. The Coleman report was authorized under the 1964 Civil Rights act and was the second largest social science
research project in history, with 600,000 students and 4,000 schools participating nationally. Coleman et al. (1966) reported,
School brings little influence to bear on a child’s achievement that is independent of his background and general social context; and that this very lack of an independent effect means that the inequalities imposed on children by their home, neighborhood, and peer environment are carried along to become the inequities with which they confront adult life at the end of school. (p. 325)
This finding was unsuccessfully challenged, until the meta-analytical research on the relationship between SES and academic achievement by White (1982) and by follow-up research by Sirin (2005). White (1982) and Siren (2005) showed the key to student achievement was not as simple as looking at socioeconomic status. White (1982) found only a weak correlation between the traditional measures (using one or more indicators of parents’ income, educational attainment, or occupational level) of SES (with the student as the unit of analysis) and academic achievement, but a strong correlation with grade level and home environment. Sirin’s (2005) findings revealed a moderate to strong correlation between SES and academic achievement. Recent research by Brockmeier, Starr, Green, Pate, and Leech (2013) found school-level variables do affect elementary school student achievement; however, the percentage of FRL was a stronger predictor of an elementary school’s academic achievement. For this reason, it is important to evaluate not only school and classroom-level influences, but how low-SES high-achieving elementary science programs have overcome the effects of low SES as a primary indicator of students’ achievement (Andrews & Soder, 1987; Firestone & Wilson, 1989; Kannapel & Clements, 2005; Siegrist, Weeks, Pate, & Monetti, 2009).
Additional research into the effects of socioeconomic status and student achievement, conducted by Hoy and Sabo (1998), found school climate has significant
independent effects on academic achievement that rival even SES. Wenglinksy (2000) found, through the use of the 1996 NAEP study data, while SES was an influential predictor of achievement (0.75 standard deviations), when multiple aspects of teacher quality were taken into account teacher quality had about as strong an influence in science achievement (0.74 standard deviations).
Since the work of Coleman et al. (1966), Hoy and Sabo (1998), and White (1982), many researchers have conducted input-output and value-added research searching for ways in which teachers, teaching methods, school culture, and resources can overcome the effects of socioeconomics (Haycock, 1998; Kane & Cantrell, 2009; Konstantopoulos, 2011). Reform models within the United States attempting to refute the findings of Coleman et al. (1966) are not wide spread (Fryer, 2011, Secada et al., 1998). Idaho is no exception to this trend (Parrett & Budge, 2012).
Oakes et al. (1990) and Sirin (2005) both concluded that the quality of the learning opportunities children have access to is strongly related to the child’s family and community location in the socioeconomic structure. Access to learning opportunities are affected directly, by providing resources at home, and indirectly, by providing the social capital. Family SES also helps determine the kind of school and classroom environment to which students have access. Low-income students have access to fewer material resources and fewer qualified teachers who focus on developing inquiry and problem solving or promoting active involvement in mathematics and science (Banilower et al., 2013, Inverness Research Associates, 2007; Oakes et al., 1990; Weiss et al., 2001).
National testing has indicated that a gap exists within the United States, and in Idaho. This gap continues to persist between students of low and high socioeconomic
status (NCES, 1992, 1997, 2011). The *National Assessment of Educational Progress* or NAEP is the assessment that the United States uses to gauge both state-level and national-level performance in elementary science.
**Measuring Elementary Science Achievement**
There are few measurement instruments universally used to assess science in Idaho. In Idaho, students participate in the *National Assessment of Educational Progress* (NAEP), as available, and in the science *Idaho Standards of Achievement Test* (ISAT) given in the fifth, seventh, and tenth grades. I will discuss each of these assessment measures, and the viability of each of these as a measure of elementary science achievement.
**The National Assessment of Educational Progress**
The NAEP is used in the United States as a national tool aligned to the *National Science Education Standards* (NRC, 1998) and *Benchmarks for Scientific Literacy* (AAAS, 1993a) to measure science content knowledge and science practices. Content knowledge is measured in physical science, life science, and earth/space sciences. Science practices measure students’ ability to identify science principles, use science principles, use scientific inquiry, and apply technological design. The NAEP science assessment is a comprehensive test that contains paper-pencil items, hands-on performance tasks, and interactive computer tasks. The NAEP science test is given every four years in the fourth grade. NAEP scores are available at the state level and national level (NCES, 2012).
In 2009, the NAEP report on science continued to see low-income students, as identified by qualification for a Free and Reduced Lunch (FRL) program, with less access
to material resources in science and less qualified teachers. The science NAEP also reported an achievement gap at grades 4 and 8 between students from higher and lower-income families in both the hands-on tasks, interactive computer tasks, and the paper-pencil test. When broken down to state levels, Idaho has one of the smallest SES achievement gaps in the United States (-15.43 points between scale scores), second only to Maine (-14.86 points between scale scores), with the national average at 29 points. An achievement gap is also noted in Hispanic students, with a mean score that was 31 points lower than white students. This performance gap was similar to the national average (32 points) (NCES, 2011).
Although the NAEP test is a good test for providing a big picture of how our schools are performing at the state and national level, it is not useful for providing student, building, or even district-level data. The only universally given science assessment given to students in elementary school within the state of Idaho is the science ISAT.
**The Science Idaho Standards of Achievement Test**
The science ISAT is given annually in the state of Idaho to elementary students in the fifth grade. Scores are available at the individual student level, classroom level, school level, district level, and state level. The science ISAT assessment measures understanding of the nature of science; content knowledge: understanding of personal and social perspectives; and use of technology. Content knowledge is tested over life science, physical sciences, and earth/space systems. The science ISAT assessment is a computer-based assessment composed of multiple-choice items that are aligned to the Idaho content standards (ISDE, 2007a). Analysis of the fifth grade science ISAT test found 50% of the
assessment questions are composed of recall questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 1), 29% are made up of basic application of skill/concept (Depth of Knowledge - Level 2), 21% are made up of strategic thinking questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 3), and 0% are extended thinking questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 4) (ISDE, 2007d). The reviewers, composed of representatives from Idaho, national experts, and a national psychometrician, found the questions to be consistent with the Idaho content standards. Inter-rater reliability between the eight reviewers was found to be 0.80 (Wang et al., 2007). The science ISAT assessment has an emphasis on recall of facts, with only 21% of assessment elements focused on strategic thinking.
State-developed science tests, like the science ISAT, do not directly measure higher-order thinking skills, which has lead to concerns that high-achievement on these tests may only be identifying successful teaching to the test. In response to this concern, Kane and Cantrell (2009) conducted research that studied students assigned to groups of teachers over a three year time span. The study occurred in six MET project districts across six states. Teacher effectiveness calculations were created for each teacher based on past student performance in mathematics. If teachers test scores fluctuated greatly from year to year, this reduced the teacher predictive impact on student achievement. Students were randomly assigned to 1,181 of the participant teachers and given tests for higher-order thinking and their standard state assessment. What the MET project found was that the group of teachers with high predictive values continued to produce high gains on state assessments for mathematics, with randomly assigned students the third year. Even more importantly, the students with high gains on the state test also consistently scored high on the higher-order thinking tests (Kane & Cantrell, 2009, 2013;
Kane, McCaffrey, Miller, & Staiger, 2013). The MET study found moderate correlations between different sections of the same class taught by the same teacher, for both the state assessment and for the higher-order thinking tests, as well as for different academic year state achievement test data for the same teacher (see Table 1) (Kane & Cantrell, 2009).
**Table 1. Teacher Value-added Correlation on Various Assessments**
| Type of Test | Different Section | Prior Year |
|-----------------------|-------------------|------------|
| | Total Variance | Correlation Coefficient | Total Variance | Correlation Coefficient |
| State Math Test | 0.05 (0.23) | 0.38 | 0.4 (0.20) | 0.40 |
| BAM Test (Higher-order thinking test) | 0.07 (0.27) | 0.30 | | |
The correlation value was approximately the same for students within different sections of the same class (0.38) as it was for students from the previous year (0.40), indicating that the teacher’s effect on students was shared similarly between classrooms in the same year as between academic years (Kane & Cantrell, 2009).
The MET study revealed moderate correlation coefficients between students’ performance on state achievement tests and their performance on higher-order tests, for the same teachers (see Table 2). The higher-order tests used included the Balanced Assessment of Mathematics (BAM) test for math.
**Table 2. Assessment Pairwise Correlations with Teacher Value-Added**
| Type of Test | Value-Added State Test | Value-Added on Higher-Order Test |
|-----------------------|------------------------|----------------------------------|
| | Different Section | Prior Year | Different Section |
| Value-Added State Math Test | 0.38 | 0.40 | 0.54 |
The conclusion of the MET study was that groups of teachers who consistently produce students with gains on states tests also promote deeper conceptual understanding in their students (Kane & Cantrell, 2009). Although state tests are only proxy assessments
and do not test for higher-order thinking directly, the science ISAT should provide a fair amount of insight into identifying schools that are high achieving in Idaho. By identifying schools that showed consistent high achievement over a three year span on the science ISAT, I anticipated that I would be able to identify schools developing students’ higher-order thinking skills in a similar manner. This assumption is contingent on Kane and Cantrell’s (2009) findings being consistent for other curricular areas, such as science, and for grade-level data from the same schools, rather than groups of teacher-level data taken across six different schools in six different states.
The standard error of the science ISAT is described in Table 1 (ISDE, 2011b, 2012b, 2013b). The standard error on the fifth grade science ISAT, over the last three years, has been fairly consistent. The reported standard errors, however, show that actual science ISAT scores can deviate plus or minus $3.36 - 4.13$ points from the reported scores. These deviations vary by score band, as indicated in Table 3.
**Table 3. Standard Error for the Fifth Grade Science ISAT**
| | 2011 – 5th Grade Science ISAT | 2012 – 5th Grade Science ISAT | 2013 – 5th Grade Science ISAT |
|----------------------|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Overall | 3.962 | 3.967 | 3.960 |
| Advanced/Proficient | 4.13 | 4.13 | 4.10 |
| Proficient/Basic | 3.41 | 3.40 | 3.36 |
| Basic/ Below Basic | 3.43 | 3.40 | 3.41 |
Analysis of the 2012 ISAT data shows that the percentage of schools that are performing at the *basic* level on the fifth grade science ISAT is far greater than any other discipline. A school’s rating of *basic* is an indicator that students are only able to:
Demonstrate a limited understanding of how the world around them works. Students have a minimal understanding of how to use multiple observations, data, models, and measurement systems to make predictions and inferences during scientific inquiry. Students demonstrate a limited understanding of simple
systems, properties of matter, basic cell structure, Earth interactions, the rock cycle, basic environmental issues, the relationship between science and technology, and natural resources. Understanding these scientific concepts allows the student to more fully understand the world around them (ISDE, 2007c, para 3.).
Thirty-four schools, or 10% of Idaho’s elementary schools, are performing at the *basic* level on the fifth grade science ISAT, compared to eight schools (2%) in mathematics, one school (0.3%) in reading, and 4 schools (1%) in language (ISDE, 2012a). Each of these schools has fifth grade FRL populations that range between 28.95% and 100% (ISDE, 2012a). Although all the schools performing at *basic* or *below basic* on the ISAT have high FRL populations, there are many schools with similar FRL populations that are achieving at high levels in all curricular areas, including science (ISDE, 2012a). In addition, only a small number of the schools performing in the *basic* range were schools with populations of limited English proficient (LEP) students, which included 11 underperforming elementary schools in science (scoring below proficient), one elementary school in mathematics, one elementary school in reading, and two elementary schools in language (ISDE, 2012a). Interestingly, 59% of schools whose fifth grade ISAT scale scores fell into the *advanced* level had fifth grade classes that were composed of 30-67% FRL. Achievement at the *advanced* level is an indication that students in these schools are able to:
Consistently demonstrate the ability to use their understanding of the world around them to solve real-world problems. Students understand how to use multiple observations, data, models, and measurement systems to make predictions and inferences during scientific inquiry. Students demonstrate a clear understanding of multiple systems, characteristic differences of matter, basic cell structure, Earth interactions, the rock cycle, complex environmental issues, the relationship between science and technology, and natural resources. Understanding these scientific concepts allows the students to more fully understand the world around them. (ISDE, 2007c, para.1)
Ninety-four percent of the top third of schools performing at the *proficient* level on the fifth grade Science ISAT had between 30-87% of students qualified for FRL (ISDE, 2012a). Achievement at the *proficient* level is an indicator that students are able to:
Demonstrate a clear understanding of how the world around them works. Students have an understanding of how to use multiple observations, data, models, and measurement systems to make predictions and inference during scientific inquiry. Students demonstrate a general understanding of simple systems, properties of matter, basic cell structure, Earth interactions, the rock cycle, simple environmental issues, the relationship between science and technology, and natural resources. Understanding these scientific concepts allows the student to more fully understand the world around them. (ISDE, 2007c, para 2)
This study focuses on success already occurring within Idaho schools in spite of their socioeconomic status. This success was identified by finding both low and high-SES schools with consistent high science achievement on the fifth grade science ISAT over a three year span. Without a clear predictor of why some schools across the state are achieving so highly, under difficult circumstances, it was important to evaluate both the school and classroom-level influences on elementary science success. This evaluation occurred by setting Idaho schools alongside a predictive model or standard for elements required to achieve system-wide success in elementary science education, and looking to see which of these elements are occurring within these successful Idaho elementary science programs.
**Keys to Achieving Elementary Science Reform**
A model or standard of driving system-wide achievement in elementary science education does not currently exist. Research on reform in elementary science instruction has identified several keys to achieving high-quality elementary science reform
These key elements can be broken into four categories: Programs and Practices; Teacher Background and Development; Instructional Leadership and Mandate; and Assessment and Feedback (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). Each key element is defined in the following way:
- **Program and Practice**: Program and Practice encompasses both the quality and quantity of the adopted instructional program and instructional practice within a school. A quality program is identifiable by the adoption, implementation, and support of high-quality instructional materials and instructional practices that meet state and district standards, and are consistent with the higher-order vision of the National Science Standards or the Next Generation Science Standards. The quantity of a program is identifiable by the number of hours dedicated to weekly instruction of science (Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b, 2007; St. John et al., 2007).
- **Teacher Background and Development**: Teacher background encompasses a teacher’s years experience as an educator, and their formal education in teaching pedagogy and science content. Teacher development comes from the access to professional development that focuses on both pedagogy and content. The highest quality PD comes from sustained professional development (50+ hours) that promotes collaborative approaches, builds strong relationships among teachers, connects to classroom practice, and focuses on teaching and learning specific academic content (Heenan & Helms, 2013).
- **Instructional Leadership and Mandate**: Instructional leadership encompasses all actions performed or delegated by a leader for the purpose of supporting teachers’
development and promoting student growth in science. This instructional leadership in science should extend from positional leaders to shared leadership roles within the school (DeBevoise, 1984; Spillane et al., 2001; Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b, 2007; Casey et al., 2012). Instructional mandate is the requirement of a school and its teachers to implement science instruction, encompassing the quality of instruction and the quantity of instruction (Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b, 2007; St. John et al., 2007)
*Assessment and Feedback:* Assessments are a method of establishing evidence of students’ ability to use scientific practices, apply their understanding of crosscutting concepts, and draw on their understanding of specific disciplinary ideas, over time (Pellegrino et al., 2014). Student assessment should come from a variety of approaches, including: diagnostic, formative, summative, and performance. Data collected from these assessments provides continuous feedback on a teachers’ instructional effectiveness, their students’ learning, and should be used to make data-driven decisions about the refinement of curriculum and instructional practices (Inverness Research Associates, 2007; Pellegrino et al., 2014).
The presence of evidence indicating implementation of each of these key elements to elementary science reform may serve as a predictor of high science achievement within elementary schools in Idaho. Each of these key elements to the elementary school reform can be evaluated at the school and classroom level (see Figure 1). The primary influence at the classroom level comes from the teacher. The primary influence at the school level comes from the school administrator. Both the classroom level and school level are vital to establishing a successful elementary science program.
Inverness Research Associates (2007) identified the key elements as important to achieving elementary science reform. In addition to their 25 plus years of research that went into the identification of these key elements as vital, there are many studies that support and complement their work when key elements are evaluated at both the school and classroom level. I will begin by first discussing the classroom level within the context of the key elements of elementary school reform, followed by a discussion of the school level within the context of the same key elements.
**The Classroom Level**
Teachers are central to science reform (Glickman, 1990; Levitt, 2001; Mechling & Oliver, 1982; NRC, 1998; Woodbury & Gess-Newsome, 2002). In a synthesis of over
500,000 studies, Hattie (2003) calculated that 30% of the variance in student achievement can be attributed to teacher influence. Hattie (2003) further found that master teachers can affect student performance on standardized tests by +1.25 standard deviations. Hattie (2003) concluded, “It is what teachers know, do, and care about that makes a difference, these things are powerful in this learning equation” (p. 2).
**Programs and Practices**
Programs and practices incorporate what teachers do. What teachers do includes how much time they spend in implementing programs and practices, as well as how they implement programs and practices of science instruction. Time spent on science instruction is inarguably important to increasing achievement in science. Based on an analysis of the 2009 fourth grade NAEP science scores, conducted by Blank (2012) for the Noyce Foundation, instructional time for science has dropped 2.3 hours per week since 1994. In 2009, the average time spent on science varied across the United States, ranging from 1.9 hours per week in Oregon elementary schools to 3.8 hours per week in Kentucky elementary schools. According to the NAEP results, Idaho elementary schools spend an average of 2 hours per week on science instruction at the fourth grade level.
When Blank(2012) compared 2009 fourth grade science NAEP scale scores to the number of hours spent per week on science instruction to the percent of students qualified for Federal Free and Reduced Lunch (FRL), he found a 12-point increase in states where FRL qualified students were exposed to four or more hours of science per week. Additionally, Blank (2012) found that in states where schools were reporting a higher mean of science instruction per week, he also found that teachers reported a higher frequency of hands-on science activities. Kentucky, for example, reported 3.8 hours of
science per week. Seventy-six percent of the teachers surveyed there indicated that hands-on science activities occurred every day, or once or twice a week. In Idaho, where only a mean of 2 hours per week of science instruction was reported as occurring, only 35% of the teachers surveyed reported implementing hands-on science instruction daily, or once or twice a week. Idaho teachers reported one of the lowest frequencies of hands-on science activities use in the nation on the 2009 NAEP survey, along with: California, Hawaii, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Oregon, Tennessee, and West Virginia. By comparison, Kentucky’s 2009 NAEP scale score on the fourth grade science test was 161. Idaho had a scale score of 154. Nationally, students exposed to less than one hour per week of science instruction and eligible for FRL services scored an average of 126, and students who were not eligible scored 154 on the science NAEP in 2009. Nationally, students who were exposed to four or more hours of science instruction per week and eligible for FRL scored a mean of 138; those who were not qualified scored a mean of 166 on the science NAEP in 2009 (Blank, 2012). The data from the science NAEP begins to show us that the quantity of science instruction at the elementary level matters.
In addition to quantity, the quality of the science instruction implemented is also important. The use of well-written curriculum and good instructional materials greatly improves the quality of science teaching. A study on Local Systematic Change (LSC) by Banilower, Boyd, Pasley, and Weiss (2006) found that when teachers implement well-designed materials in the way they were originally intended, the lesson was more likely to be highly rated on providing significant and worthwhile content, providing developmentally appropriate content, and for portraying science as a dynamic body of knowledge. The use of good materials as part of a district program greatly improves the
quality of science teaching. The vast majority of elementary classrooms in the United States do not have this level of support, and the teachers are forced to improvise lessons and gather their own materials. If the results of this study hold true, only 11% of teacher-generated lessons will be of high-quality (Banilower et al., 2006). High-quality curriculum and instructional materials are important. A high-quality science program should incorporate all four strands of science instruction as established by Michaels et al. (2008). These strands include: understanding scientific reasoning, generating scientific evidence, reflecting on scientific knowledge, and participating productively in science.
**Teacher Background and Development**
Teacher support and development, comes in many forms: Professional Learning Communities (PLCs); professional conferences; state, district, and school-level in-service; institutes; university courses and workshops; and on-line professional development, professional blogs, and tutorials. A survey of 215 teachers (39% elementary teachers) from across Idaho found that teachers have distinct preferences for whom they seek out for content and pedagogical support. For content support, teachers prefer, in rank order: (1) professional development meetings, (2) teachers in their building, (3) websites, (4) teachers in their district, (5) an administrator in their building, (6) a master teacher/mentor, (7) online forums, (8) online communities (Nadelson, Seifert, Hettinger, & Coats, 2013). When asked about pedagogical support, teachers were more likely to use a website and less likely to request help from a master teacher, mentor, or administration. They were least likely to seek help from an online forum or online community (Nadelson et al., 2013). Nadelson et al. (2013) concluded that teachers most often access people they know and are physically present for support.
Professional development provides the opportunity to reflect on teaching practices, and develop both content knowledge and pedagogical skills. A recent survey of California educators, administrators, and districts conducted by Dorph et al. (2011) found that although almost 90% of elementary teachers felt prepared to teach English language arts, only one third of those surveyed felt prepared to teach science. Despite this finding, professional development for elementary school teachers in science is scarce. More than 85% of teachers surveyed had not received any science-related professional development in the last three years (Dorph et al., 2011). In order to make science more accessible to the elementary school teachers, professional development is key to increasing content knowledge and pedagogical skills.
**Instructional Leadership and Mandate**
Teachers can play an integral role in elementary science leadership, formally and informally as teacher leaders. Their roles can range from organizers of the annual science fair, or ordering supplies and instructional materials, to coaching instruction (Spillane et al., 2001). Spillane et al.’s (2001) qualitative study found that leadership for elementary science instruction came largely from teachers, who did not have official designations or receive monetary resources, release time, or reduction in teaching responsibilities. This study showed that although we think initially of the principals role in instructional leadership, there is also evidence that teachers play a critical role in leadership that helps move schools to high achievement.
Assessment and Feedback
The body of research conducted since the publication of the *National Science Education Standards* (NRC, 1998) has indicated that developing deep conceptual understanding is more productive for future learning than memorizing discrete facts. Learning experiences should be designed over multiple years with coherent progressions in mind (Black & Wiliam, 2009; Heritage, 2010; NRC, 2012; NGSS Lead States, 2013; Pellegrino et al., 2014; Perie, Marion, & Gong, 2007). To achieve a comprehensive assessment of student science understanding, teachers need to balance measuring students’ abilities to implement scientific practices, measuring students’ ability to apply crosscutting concepts, and measuring students’ ability to understand core ideas (Pellegrino et al., 2014).
To measure students’ abilities to implement scientific practices, students must be given the opportunity to engage in scientific practices. By allowing students to engage in scientific practices, teachers allow them the opportunity to truly understand the core ideas. In order to assess students in scientific practices, teachers need to ask students to: answer and ask questions; develop and use models; plan and carry out investigations where they are given opportunities to analyze and interpret data; use mathematics and computational thinking; construct explanations and design solutions; engage in argument from evidence; and obtain, evaluate, and communicate information (Pellegrino et al., 2014).
To measure students’ ability to apply crosscutting concepts, teachers need to first help students develop links between knowledge from the various disciplines. As students develop these links, they begin to develop an organizational framework for connecting
knowledge across disciplines and developing an integrated understanding of what they learn in different settings. Examples of crosscutting concepts that should be assessed at varying developmental levels include identifying patterns and creating organized meanings from them; developing an understanding of cause and effect; and conservation of energy and matter (Pellegrino et al., 2014).
To measure students’ understanding of core ideas, teachers need to evaluate core ideas within physical science, life sciences, earth and space sciences, and engineering, technology, and applications of science. Evaluation of core ideas, however, should not focus on scientific details; rather, it should focus on helping students build sufficient core knowledge and abilities to provide them a scaffold to which they are able to attach, acquire, and evaluate new information on their own as they continue their education (Pellegrino et al., 2014). In other words, the focus of core ideas is building a framework for a deeper understanding of the crosscutting concepts and scientific practices.
To reflect each of these three dimensions of learning, assessment tasks must be designed to provide evidence of students’ ability to use scientific practices, apply their understanding of crosscutting concepts, and draw on their understanding of specific disciplinary ideas, over time (Pellegrino et al., 2014). No single assessment type is capable of assessing all three dimensions of learning simultaneously, so teachers need to implement a variety of assessment activities and approaches. These assessment tasks must be representative of: what is valued; the curriculum objectives; the instructional methods; and the purpose for the assessment (Hanna & Dettmer, 2004). Assessment is often thought about as an instrument to evaluate if change has occurred, but the purpose of some forms of assessment is to enhance learning. Assessment comes in many forms:
diagnostic, formative, summative, and performance. Different types of assessment are used for different purposes.
The purpose of a diagnostic assessment is to identify a students’ current understanding of a subject, identify students’ misconceptions, and identify skill sets and capabilities. Examples of common diagnostic assessments include pre-tests, self-assessments, discussion board responses, and interviews.
The purpose of a formative assessment is to improve student learning and reduce the gap between the targeted student performance and observed student performance (Bell & Cowie, 2001; Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). Formative assessment allows teachers to evaluate key points and check for student understanding before, during, and after instruction (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). Formative assessment can be more formal, such as quizzes, tests, and portfolios, or more informal (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). Informal formative assessment is key to implementing teacher-led high-quality science instruction because the teacher must listen to students talk during the activity, asking students to explain their thinking, beliefs, and ideas, and requiring evidence for their thinking (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). The key to good informal formative assessment during inquiry science instruction is to listen to students’ talk during the inquiry activity (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). The craft of questioning is key: teachers must master the difference between asking questions for the purpose of recitation and asking probing questions (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). Informal formative assessment can take place during whole-class, small-group, or one-on-one teacher-student interactions. It is improvisational in nature and often goes unrecorded (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). Lines may be blurred between instructional activities and assessment activities, when teachers
are implementing formative assessments. Assessments may come in the form of students explaining their model designs, sharing ideas with each other in a group, or from artifacts that are the result of science activities (Pellegrino et al., 2014).
The purpose of summative assessment is to evaluate students’ learning; it is product-oriented and the assessment is the final product. Examples of summative assessment include: final exams, term papers, performances, and standardized tests. Summative assessments assess the final product, so no revisions can be made. If revisions are made, learning continues, and the assessment is formative. Idaho has one statewide science assessment at the elementary level: fifth grade. This one test is not able to capture all the learning outcomes related to science, and only provides data on students’ science knowledge after being in elementary school for six years. This situation is similar in many states, including California where a study by Dorph et al. (2011) found that 66% of California elementary teachers felt that they received little to no support in assessing their students’ science learning. Teachers in elementary schools serving high percentages of low-SES students were more likely to report receiving limited or no support for assessing their students’ science learning than teachers in elementary schools serving lower percentages of low-SES students (Dorph et al., 2011).
Traditionally, science assessments have focused on measuring students’ understanding of aspects of core ideas or of science practices as discrete pieces of knowledge. Progression in learning has generally been thought of as knowing more or providing more complete or correct responses. Assessments were more likely to ask for definitions than for actual use of the practice (Pellegrino et al., 2014). Performance assessment, also known as authentic assessment or assessment tasks, requires a student to
perform a task or demonstrate a skill under defined conditions, knowing that their work will be evaluated according to an agreed upon standard (Ruiz-Primo & Furtak, 2007). Performance assessments should have multiple components, including opportunities for students to engage in practices to demonstrate their capacity to apply their knowledge. Assessments should include opportunities to ask students to articulate a claim and provide justification linked to evidence (Pellegrino et al., 2014). Examples of performance assessments include open-ended or extended-response exercises, extended tasks, and portfolios.
In order for teachers to assess students on all three dimensions of learning, they should use a variety of assessment activities; they should be providing tasks with multiple components; the assessments should focus on connections among scientific concepts; and the assessments should gather information about how far students have progressed along a defined sequence of learning (Pellegrino et al., 2014). Teachers should also provide well-developed feedback to students about their performance or understanding of a concept.
Teachers use feedback to provide information to the student about their performance or understanding (Hattie & Timperley, 2007). The effective use of feedback by the teacher can assist students in comprehending, engaging, and developing a clearer understanding, and can motivate the student. Feedback has one of the greatest influences on student learning, with an effect size up to 1.13. Effective feedback must be clear, purposeful, meaningful, and compatible with students’ prior knowledge and provide logical connections to instructional content (Hattie & Timperley, 2007). The importance of classroom culture and climate is important in fostering peer and self-assessment and to
allow for learning from mistakes. When feedback is combined with effective instruction in classrooms, it can be very powerful in enhancing learning (Hattie & Timperley, 2007).
**The School Level**
Research on the classroom level has predominated since the 1960s. Despite an understanding of why elementary science is important and an understanding of what high-quality instruction includes, there has been little change in elementary science instruction. Teachers are central to science reform (Glickman, 1990; Levitt, 2001; Mechling & Oliver, 1982; NRC, 1998; Woodbury & Gess-Newsome, 2002); however, to have great influences on student achievement, teachers need support (Hattie, 2003). Teachers cannot be held solely responsible for achieving successful science reform; “the past failures of many attempted reforms can often be explained by reformers’ lack of attention to the support systems that surround a desired change” (p. 774). Despite both small and large-scale efforts to reform science education, centered on curriculum and methodological changes to instruction, reform efforts have made little difference over the past 50 years. Elementary science education reform has been experiencing the paradox of *change without difference* (Goodman, 1995; Woodbury & Gess-Newsome, 2002).
Many science education professionals have concluded that school principals have the greatest influence within the context of the school (Ediger, 1999; Greenleaf, 1982; Mechling & Oliver, 1982, 1983; Vasquez, 2005). Mechling and Oliver (1983) stated, “Principals have the power to promote or prevent innovation not because they have a monopoly on imagination or creativity, but because they have the authority to make a decision” (p. 14). These decisions can influence access to resources, professional development, high-quality instructional materials, and support. Current research on the
principals’ role in elementary science education is in its infancy, but the limited research indicates that principals do have an influence on science achievement in elementary schools (Brockmeier et al., 2013; Casey et al., 2012; Khan, 2012; Lanier, 2008)
**Programs and Practice**
Administrators play a critical role in creating the space, time, and incentives for teachers to engage with the ideas in science reform efforts and in helping teachers to critically examine their current practice. Administrators control access to budgetary resources and often make judgments about instructional materials. When there is a lack of budgeting for materials and replacement costs, instruction is affected and often it completely prevents high-quality instruction from getting off the ground (Goldsmith & Pasquale, 2002). The current economic climate in the United States has brought about deep cuts in education across the country. Idaho is no exception. These cuts have limited funds to support high-quality science programs (Dorph et al., 2011; Goldsmith & Pasquale, 2002). Teachers in schools serving higher percentages of students in poverty are even more likely to report lack of facilities and resources as a major challenge to providing science instruction than teachers from affluent schools (Dorph et al., 2011). Seeking external funding and resources to support science becomes crucial (Dorph et al., 2011; Spillane et al., 2001). However, Dorph et al. (2011) discovered that most schools do not seek out external funding.
**Teacher Background and Development**
Principals need to be skilled in providing support and feedback to teachers. Like teachers, principals also need to seek out professional development. Principals need to be
current on the elements of high-quality science instruction. Dorph et al. (2011) provide examples of high-quality principal professional development that schools in California have implemented with success. One example involved a district science coordinator providing training to principals to familiarize them with the science instructional materials. In another case, a science coordinator provided principal support by conducting science observations with the principal. A debriefing followed these observations on what high-quality science instruction should look like and what evidence they saw of it during the observations (Dorph et al., 2011).
A principal’s ability to identify teachers who need extra support becomes crucial in schools that have large populations of low-SES, ELL, and minority students. Due to high teacher mobility in schools with high levels of diversity and low socioeconomics, teachers that are less skilled and have less experience are more highly concentrated in schools with large populations of underrepresented students. Therefore, learners traditionally underrepresented in the STEM career pipeline are most apt to be at the mercy of outdated texts and curriculum materials. Their teachers are more likely to be less able to compensate for these weak materials due to lack of content knowledge and pedagogical skills, preventing students from gaining needed skills to enter or continue down the STEM career pipeline (Berryman, 1983; National Commission on Mathematics and Science Teaching for the 21st Century, 2000).
School administrators can create a school community that actively supports science learning. Administrators can help build understanding of what highly skilled teachers are doing and encourage others to join and support them. They can help educate other teachers, students, and parents about the changes that they observe in these
teachers’ classrooms (Michaels et al., 2008). Principals can create support positions, such as teacher mentors and/or science coaches who are skilled in implementing high-quality science instruction. These individuals can play a shared leadership role in the selection of instructional materials and the development of curriculum. Dorph et al. (2011) found that only 25% of schools received support in the form of replenishment centers, instructional coaches, or science specialists.
**Instructional Leadership and Mandate**
Science is considered a core subject in the elementary school. However, it is not assessed to the degree that reading, language arts, and mathematics are assessed. In Idaho, the science ISAT is given in fifth, seventh, and tenth grades, meeting the standard set by No Child Left Behind (NCLB). According to the Idaho State Department of Education, the science ISAT only assesses standards from the fifth, seventh, and tenth grades (ISDE, 2013c, para 6). This pattern of assessment is similar to many states throughout the United States. For this reason, it is not surprising that across the United States, science has continued to be one of the most disregarded subjects at the elementary level. It has taken on the role of a fringe subject accessed when time allows, taught intermittently and unsystematically (Ediger, 1999; Greenleaf, 1982; Mechling & Oliver, 1982, 1983; Spillane et al., 2001; Vasquez, 2005). This haphazard treatment of elementary science instruction is counterproductive in developing a foundation for intellectual development, scientific literacy, and STEM career awareness.
A national survey conducted by Weiss (1978) showed that elementary teachers taught science a mean of 17 minutes per day as opposed to about 90 minutes per day for reading. Results of the National Survey of Science and Mathematics indicate that this
pattern has changed little (Banilower et al., 2013; Weiss, Knapp, Hollweg, & Burrill, 2001). In 2000, elementary teachers spent a mean of 25 minutes per day on science and 114 minutes on reading/language arts (Weiss et al., 2001). In 2012, the survey indicated that elementary teachers spent a mean of 21 minutes per day on science and 86 minutes per day on reading/language arts (Banilower et al., 2013). Weiss (1978) pointed out that elementary teachers’ perceptions about their qualifications for teaching science are consistent with the amount of time they spend teaching science. Lynch et al. (2005) believed that the less skilled and less experienced the teachers, the less likely they are to use high-quality instructional practices.
Teachers need the support of their principals to remodel their instructional practices (Banilower et al., 2013; Johnson & The Project on The Next Generation of Teachers, 2007). Through effective instructional leadership, principals can create cultures of collaboration, inquiry, lifelong learning, experimentation, and reflection, resulting in greater teacher motivation, self-esteem, and reflective behavior, with increased innovation, variety in teaching, and risk taking (Blasé & Blasé, 2001; Glickman, 1990). Banilower et al. (2006) found that teachers are more likely to implement the use of science reform-based instructional materials and practices if they are supported by their principals. Blasé and Blasé (1999a, 1999b) found that principals can have a direct impact on teachers’ efficacy and teacher instructional practices. This is important because we know that teacher efficacy and teacher instructional practices interact to promote student achievement (Hallinger & Heck, 1998; Pitner, 1988).
Assessment and Feedback
Principals’ use of assessment and feedback should extend to a school-wide model, as well as supporting effective practices at the classroom level. Principals should monitor and model effective use of both summative and formative assessment data within their schools, both through the use of state assessment data and by monitoring evidence of student learning during classroom observations. Development of frequent, common, high-quality formative assessments used by teachers working collaboratively together on an agreed-upon focus can result in powerful results. By building a team’s capacity to improve their programs and practices, they ensure that the curriculum is taught. They provide information about the practice of individual teachers, and they facilitate a response system for students who are experiencing difficulty (DuFour, DuFour, Eaker, & Many, 2006).
Closing the knowing-doing gap by embedding the process of acquiring new knowledge into actually doing to the task, they set their teachers up for a greater chance of success (DeFour et al., 2006). Establishing a school-wide culture of reflective practices provides opportunities for principals to evaluate the effectiveness of curricular programs within their schools on an ongoing basis and provide opportunities and guidance for teachers to participate in professional learning communities (PLC) or lesson study groups focused on science. Within these PLC or lesson study groups teachers have the opportunity to discuss science assessment and share student artifacts with their peers (DuFour et al., 2006; Pellegrino et al., 2014).
Principals need to be knowledgeable about the elements of high-quality science instruction so that they can contribute valid evaluation of teachers’ instructional practices
in science. Principals need to model, providing specific feedback on instructional practices that are meaningful. They need to identify and support teachers that need increased pedagogical growth or increased background knowledge in science to be successful (National Commission on Mathematics and Science Teaching for the 21st Century, 2000; Berryman, 1983).
**Summary**
The key elements to elementary science reform provided a framework against which to check Idaho high science achieving elementary schools. By gathering the perspectives of the teachers and principals, I was able to identify the level of implementation of the key elements to elementary science reform, holistically, within participant high-achieving schools.
By identifying the presence of each of the key elements to elementary science reform within participant schools, this study is able to provide a road map to where Idaho needs to focus efforts for achieving high-quality science instruction and further insight into what Idaho is currently defining as high achievement in elementary science education. This study also provides a unique prospective into the differences between low and high-SES schools and value that Idaho schools currently place on science instruction in the elementary grades.
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to discover if the four key elements of elementary science education reform were present in high science achieving elementary schools within the state of Idaho and specifically if the presence of the key elements differ between low and high-SES schools. The four key elements to elementary science reform include: Programs and Practices, Assessment and Feedback, Instructional Leadership and Mandate, and Professional Development (Inverness Research Associates, 2007).
This study sets out to answer the following questions:
Question 1: In Idaho, are all of the four key elements present in all of the high science achieving elementary schools? This question was further broken into four sub-questions:
• Is there evidence of the element Programs and Practices found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
• Is there evidence of the element Teacher Background and Development found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
• Is there evidence of the element Instructional Leadership and Mandate found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
• Is there evidence of the element Assessment and Feedback found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
Hypothesis 1: Based on three years of science ISAT results, the identified Idaho schools have consistently developed high achievers in science (ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a). As a state, Idaho has scored above the national average on the last National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test given in the elementary grades (NCES, 2011). The NAEP test is a rigorous test that tests beyond rote knowledge, making it reasonable to believe that evidence will be present in all of the highest science achieving schools in the state that indicates they are engaged in delivering all four key elements considered important to achieving success in elementary science.
Question 2: In Idaho, high science achievement can be found in both low and high socioeconomic status elementary schools. Does the evidence indicate a difference between the low and high-SES schools’ implementation of the key elements to elementary science reform in Idaho high science achieving schools? This question was further broken into four sub-questions:
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Programs and Practices between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Teacher Background and Development between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Instructional Leadership and Mandate between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
• Is there a difference in the implementation of Assessment and Feedback between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
Hypothesis 2: Based on the different pressures created by socioeconomic status in low and high-SES schools, the ability to implement each of the key elements will be different in the high science achieving, high and low-SES schools.
I attempted to answer these questions and test my hypothesis using the following research design and rationale, which details a two-phase study focused on collecting data from principals at the school level and teachers and the classroom level.
Research Design and Rationale
This study was descriptive in nature, but took advantage of between-measures analysis to reveal the implementation level for each of the key elements to elementary science reform between high science achieving low and high-SES elementary schools in Idaho.
The independent variable used for the between-measures analysis was socioeconomic (SES) status, as determined by school-level Free and Reduced Lunch (FRL) qualification. This variable was broken down into high SES (25% or less qualification for FRL) and low SES (40% or higher qualification for FRL).
The dependent variables used for the between-measures analysis were the four key elements to elementary science reform. The operational definitions for each of the key elements, for the between-measures analysis, are as follows:
- **Programs and Practices**: The Programs and Practices variable investigated the time committed to science instruction, teaching practices and beliefs about application of practices, and the promotion of a culture of science education. This variable also analyzed the science textbooks or modules used, the availability of science instructional resources, and the annual funding
budgeted for science. Questions and composites aligned to this variable are available in the Programs and Practices section of the teacher and principal survey tools (see Appendix C and in Table A1).
- **Teacher background and development**: The Teacher Background and Development variable analyzed teachers’ pedagogical and content background and their feelings of preparedness to teach the various science disciplines, encourage students in science, and teach diverse learners in science. The variable also evaluated the perceived availability, quality, and the focus of elementary science professional development. Questions and composites aligned to this variable are available in the Teacher Background and Development section of the teacher and principal survey tools (see Appendix C and in Table A2).
- **Instructional leadership and mandate**: The Instructional Leadership and Mandate variable evaluated the presence of shared leadership and the presence of instructional leadership. The variable analyzed the extent to which the policy environment and school-level support promoted effective science instruction. The variable looked at the availability of coaching of science instruction, support for struggling teachers in science, and the presence of and participation in professional learning communities in science. The variable evaluated the presence of a mandate to provide science instruction within the schools. Finally, the variable evaluated the presence of school-level instructional observation and feedback in science instruction, as well as the presence of a school-level understanding of reform-based science instruction.
Questions and composites aligned to this variable are available in the Instructional Leadership and Mandate section of the teacher and principal survey tools (see Appendix C and in Table A3).
- **Assessment and feedback.** The Assessment and Feedback variable analyzed the methods of assessment and feedback used, by teachers, to evaluate students in elementary science. The variable evaluated the types of assessments (formative, summative, diagnostic, and performance) that teachers’ use and how they change their individual student and whole-class instruction based on data. The variable also analyzed the use of school-wide monitoring of student progress in science. Questions and composites aligned to this variable are available in the Assessment and Feedback section of the teacher and principal survey tools (see Appendix C and in Table A4).
**Research Design**
The dependent variables used for the between-measures design were measured at the school and classroom level. The school level was assessed through the school principal’s perspective, using an adaptation of the *2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education: Science Program Questionnaire* (Horizon Research., 2012b). The classroom level was assessed through the teachers’ perspective, using an adaptation of the 2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education: Teacher Questionnaire (Horizon Research, 2012b). Each of the tools used in this study were aligned to the study questions and the key elements of elementary science reform: programs and practices, assessment and feedback, instructional leadership and mandate, and teacher background and development (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). The
measurable dependent variables include nominal, interval, and ratio survey and protocol responses, as well as short answer responses and observation responses that were analyzed using qualitative coding methods.
The principal survey was administered to principals from 35 schools in 17 school districts across the state of Idaho. The principal survey was completed by 24 principals and was followed up with a survey of approximately three teachers from each of these participating schools. The teacher surveys were administered to 80 elementary teachers in third through fifth grades. Both the principal survey and the teacher survey were aligned to the four key elements of elementary science reform (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). The data collected from this study provide holistic information about school-wide and classroom-wide influences on achievement in elementary science within the state of Idaho.
**Sampling Procedures**
Idaho covers 83,574 square miles, but has only has 1,293,953 residents, making it a predominantly rural state. There are 366 public elementary schools statewide. The samples collected and used in this study included low and high-SES, high science achieving Idaho elementary school principals and teachers. The sample included schools from urban, suburban, and rural districts from across the entire state of Idaho.
**Idaho Science Achievement Testing**
In Idaho, the science component of the *Idaho Standards of Achievement Test* (ISAT) is administered annually in the fifth, seventh, and tenth grades. Scores are available at the individual student level, classroom level, school level, district level, and state level. The science ISAT assessment measures understanding of the nature of
science; content knowledge; understanding of personal and social perspectives; and use of technology. Content knowledge is tested over life science, physical sciences, and earth/space systems. The science ISAT assessment is a computer-based assessment composed of multiple-choice items aligned to the Idaho content standards (ISDE, 2007a). Analysis of the fifth grade science ISAT test found 50% of the assessment questions are composed of recall questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 1), 29% are made up of basic application of skill/concept (Depth of Knowledge - Level 2), 21% are made up of strategic thinking questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 3), and 0% are extended thinking questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 4). The reviewers, composed of representatives from Idaho, national experts, and a national psychometrician, found the questions to be consistent with the Idaho content standards. Inter-rater reliability between the eight reviewers was found to be 0.80 (ISDE, 2011b, 2012b, 2013b; Wang et al., 2007). The science ISAT assessment has an emphasis on recall of facts, but also assesses elements of problem solving. The standard errors of the science ISAT are presented in Table 3 (ISDE, 2011b, 2012b, 2013b).
In addition to the annual ISAT test, many districts administer the mathematics and language component of the *National Assessment of Educational Progress* (NAEP) test annually, and a random selection of Idaho schools administer the science NAEP every four years in the fourth grade. The science NAEP is used in the United States as a national tool, aligned to the *National Science Education Standards* (NRC, 1998) and *Benchmarks for Scientific Literacy* (AAAS, 1993a) to measure science content knowledge and science practices. Content knowledge is measured in physical science, life science, and earth/space sciences. Science practices measure students’ ability to
identify science principles, use science principles, use scientific inquiry, and apply technological design. The NAEP science assessment makes use of paper-pencil items, hands-on performance tasks, and interactive computer tasks. The NAEP science test is given every four years in the fourth grade. The NAEP is more closely aligned to the how teachers are encouraged to teach science, however the NAEP scores are only available at the state and national level (NCES, 2012). The science ISAT is the only science assessment given statewide with scores that are available at the school level, as such this assessment was used to identify schools that are high-achieving. However, in order to be considered, schools must maintain this high-achievement standard with consistent scores across three years, which is suggestive of instruction that is occurring beyond the rote level, according to research conducted by Kane and Cantrell (2009).
**Idaho High Science Achievement Sample**
The populations I was interested in identifying included high and low-SES elementary schools showing consistent high performance on the fifth grade science ISAT for three consecutive years. The confounding variables: reading, language, and mathematics, were controlled for by comparing high and low-SES schools with comparable performance on the reading, language, and mathematics ISAT test. I used a non-random purposive sampling to generate my participant school sample. Purposive sampling selects sample participant schools by using strict criteria to eliminate non-participants (Johnson & Christensen, 2008; Teddlie & Yu, 2007; Tongco, 2007). The use of purposive sampling techniques was appropriate for this study because of its focus on evaluating deviant cases. The sample selected was representative of high and low-SES schools that are high achieving on the fifth grade science ISAT (Tongco, 2007),
providing high internal validity, but decreasing the study’s external validity. The external validity, however, could be increased by the development of a second study used to confirm the results within the context of another state (Tongco, 2007). School ISAT scores and demographics were accessed through Idaho State Department of Education’s data files, available to the public through state department’s website. The data used were the 2011, 2012, and 2013 *No Child Left Behind School Report of Scores and Demographics*. These data contain demographics and ISAT scale scores for reading, language, and mathematics at each grade level, and science ISAT scale scores for fifth, seventh, and tenth grades.
Schools were initially sorted using the 2012 *No Child Left Behind School Report of Scores and Demographics* file. The sort criteria order was: (1) grade: 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 3, 4; (2) subject: science, mathematics, reading, language; (3) science ISAT scale scores, highest to lowest; and (4) percentage of students scoring in the *Advanced* category within each school, highest to lowest. I then created a formula to calculate percent qualification for SES, based on the number of students who took the test and the number of students that qualified for FRL. By looking at the percent qualified for FRL, I color coded the data, based on schools meeting the following set criteria:
- High achievement, scale scores that fit into either *Advanced* (216+) or within the top third of *Proficient* (212-215). See Table 4 for fifth grade science ISAT scale score bands (ISDE, 2007b).
- A minimum of 30% of fifth grade students performing within the *Advanced* category on the science ISAT, to prevent a few super achievers from skewing the results.
• Fifth grade classes of 25% or less FRL qualification (high SES) and fifth grade classes of 40% or greater FRL qualification (low SES). These schools were also checked to ensure that the school-level FRL status met these criteria.
• Consistent scale scores over three consecutive years of science ISAT testing at the fifth grade level, looking at 2011, 2012, and 2013 science ISAT results.
• A minimum enrollment of 50 students at the fifth grade level, ensuring multiple teachers and reducing the statistical effects of small population sizes on percent FRL, and the effect of individual student scores on the average score.
Table 4. ISAT Science Scale Score Bands
| | Advanced | Proficient | Basic | Below Basic |
|----------------|------------|------------|----------|-------------|
| Science | 216 and up | 206-215 | 194-205 | 193-below |
The criteria I used to identify low and high-SES samples were based on Title One requirements. In the state of Idaho, to receive the Title One whole-school intervention, a school must maintain Free and Reduced Lunch qualification of 40% or higher at the school level. For this reason, I used 40% or greater FRL qualification as my identifier of low socioeconomic status schools. Title One targeted assistance in Idaho is FRL qualification at the school level of 30% or greater. For this reason, I chose 25% or less FRL qualification as my identifier of high socioeconomic status.
After identifying the high and low-SES schools that met the criteria for qualification in the study, I then used the school and district codes to identify the name of each school. This allowed me to look up the school-wide percent of FRL qualification
and ensure that it also met the set criteria. The 2011 school coding system was changed between 2011 and 2012, thus by having the school name, it allowed me to match up schools in the 2011 *No Child Left Behind School Report of Scores and Demographic* files. I compared the 2011, 2012, and 2013 fifth grade science ISAT scale scores of the identified schools, and eliminated any schools in which large fluctuations occurred in their scores within the three year span.
The original sample of 366 elementary schools, statewide, was narrowed to six high-SES schools and three low-SES schools within the *Advanced* RIT band (216 or higher) and 11 high-SES schools and 35 low-SES schools in the upper third of the *Proficient* RIT band (212-215), totaling 17 high-SES schools and 38 low-SES school (55 total schools). This number further decreased to 40 schools when I looked for schools with consistent scale scores on the fifth grade science ISAT over three years. These 40 schools are made up of: 14 high-SES schools with scale scores ranging between 223 and 212 on the 2013 science ISAT and 26 low-SES schools with scale scores ranging between 222 and 212 on the 2013 science ISAT. The strict criteria used for this study revealed a small sample size, precluding the use of randomized sampling, but allowed for the entire identified sample of 40 schools to be invited to participate in the study.
The participant schools are located in five out of six of Idaho’s regions (see Figure 1). These schools can be further defined as residing in rural or non-rural districts, as defined by the state of Idaho (ISDE, 2013d). The state of Idaho defines rural schools as having met at least one of the following criteria: fewer than 20 enrolled students per square mile within the school district boundaries or a county in which the school district is located in an area with fewer than 25,000 residents, based on the most recent United
States census. Charter schools are considered a rural public school if where they reside is considered rural. Virtual charter schools are considered rural if at least 50% of their enrolled students reside within school districts that meet the definition of a rural school district. In my sample, 11 rural school districts (11 schools) were invited to participate and 7 non-rural school districts (29 schools) were invited to participate (ISDE, 2013d).
**Figure 2. Schools Invited to Participate in the Study, Dispersal Map**
**Identifying Principal Participant Sample**
I invited forty schools to participate in the study. The procedure for invitation included first requesting permission to conduct the study within each of the 19 districts. I submitted a proposal to each of the 19 districts; 17 districts chose to participate. This process reduced the school sample down to 35 schools. I contacted each of the 35 school principals via telephone to introduce myself and the study (see Appendix B). I made verbal contact with 23 of the principals and I left messages for 14 principals prior to sending the principals the Internet-based survey invitation letter (see Appendix B). I followed the initial letter and survey link with a weekly reminder letter and survey link
(see Appendix B). The survey began on December 6, 2013 and concluded on January 6, 2014. Twenty-three of the invited school principals chose to participate (66%), which represents 56% of the total identified population.
**Identifying Teacher Participant Sample**
Schools in which the principal participated were invited to participate in the teacher survey phase of the study. I contacted the principals and asked them to provide me the names of up to six teachers in third through fifth grades, with preference given to fifth grade teachers (see Appendix B). Principals provided me with the names of one to ten names of teachers. Actual teacher responses from schools ranged from one to five completed surveys. Three schools opted out of this phase of the study. Principals provided me the names of 80 teachers in third through fifth grades. Once I received the names of teachers, I sent a letter and survey link inviting the teachers to participate in the study via e-mail (see Appendix B). I followed the initial letter and survey link with a weekly reminder letter and survey link. The survey began on March 13, 2014. I sent weekly e-mail reminders until May 6, 2014, when I sent the last reminder. I closed the teacher survey on May 9, 2014. Fifty-one teachers, out of the 80 invited, participated in the survey (64%). These teachers were composed of six third grade teachers, six fourth grade teachers, thirty-seven fifth grade teachers, and two multi-grade specialist teachers.
Measurement Instruments
The survey instruments used in this study were designed to evaluate elementary science based on the implementation of the key elements to elementary science reform (Inverness Research Associates, 2007). The measurement instruments used in this study were adapted from a robust set of national survey instruments created by Horizon Research (2012a, 2012b, 2012c). Adaptations of the original surveys were necessary in order to include assessment and instructional leadership. Other published surveys were used to influence question choices for the assessment and instructional leadership subsections (Lanier, 2008; Lanier, Gallard, & Southerland, 2009; Louis, Dretzke, & Wahlstrom, 2010; Pritz & Kelley, 2009) and for the background section (Horizon Research, 2012a). I asked several non-participant teachers and administrators to provide feedback on the instrument items. I revised the instruments based on the teacher and principal feedback to increase clarity and minimize ambiguity, while maintaining fidelity to the original constructs.
The School Level: Principal Survey
The *Science Program* survey tool for principals constructed by Horizon Research (2012b) explicitly targeted principals’ knowledge of and mandate for elementary science education. The principal survey (Appendix C) is composed of 25 questions on the following topics: School Programs and Practices, Teacher Background, Support and Development, Instructional Leadership, and Assessment and Feedback (see Figure 2). An additional five background questions and one open response conclusion question were included in the survey. The survey was composed of yes/no items, five point Likert
items, and fill-in items (see Appendix C). The principal survey took approximately 15 minutes to complete.
Figure 3. Focus of Principal Survey Items
- How science is taught within the school
- Pedagogical views
- Entities that have influence over instruction
- Resources and funding for science.
- Beliefs about teachers’ preparedness to teach science
- PD available to teachers
- Focus and content of PD
- STEM initiatives
- Teacher study groups
- Quantity and type of observation that occurs in science
- Instructional feedback
- Opportunities for teacher leadership
- Instructional coaching
- Principals beliefs about science instruction and science standards.
- Types of assessment used in science
- Changes to whole-class instruction based on data
- Changes to individual instruction based on data
The Horizon Research (2012b) *Science Program Survey* was primarily used to create the School Programs and Practices, and Professional Development components of the principal survey used in this study. Using factor analysis, Horizon Research combined questions within important constructs in science education and tested whether the items targeted the same underlying constructs, resulting in Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for these question composites (Banilower et al., 2013). Composite scores provide a way to report summative responses for large amounts of data and provide a greater reliability than that of individual survey item (Banilower et al., 2013). Horizon Research identified six composites in their *Science Program Survey*. Three of these composites are presented within the principal survey used in this study (Banilower et al., 2013). These constructs and their respective Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients are presented in Table 5. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients found on *Science Program Survey* (Horizon Research, 2012b) for each of these composites ranges from $0.65 – 0.78$, indicating a moderate to strong reliability for each composite (Banilower et al., 2013). I calculated Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for each of these same question composites for this study and found slightly better results, with alphas that ranged between $0.79 – 0.82$. I used these composites to make comparisons between Idaho’s high science achieving low and high-SES schools.
Table 5. Composite Questions Used on the Principal Survey Developed by Horizon Research (2012c)
| Variable | Question Composites | Alpha (Horizon Research, 2012c) | Alpha |
|---------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------|-------|
| Instructional Leadership & Mandate | Supportive Context for Science Instruction | 0.78 | 0.79 |
| Instructional Leadership & Mandate | Extent to Which a Lack of Material and Supplies is Problematic | 0.76 | 0.81 |
| Instructional Leadership & Mandate | Extent to Which a Lack of Time is Problematic | 0.65 | 0.82 |
To calculate the composite values, I used the method outlined by Banilower et al. (2013). This process required that I first recode the responses to set the Likert scales to zero. For example, a Likert scale of 1-4 was converted to 0-3 and a Likert scale of 1-5 was converted to 0-4. This recoding was completed to assure that 50 became the true mid-point of the data when placed on a 100-point scale. The composite data was placed on a 100-point scale by computing the maximum sum of responses for a series of items and dividing by 100; for example, a 5-item composite where each item was on a scale of 0-4 would have a denominator of 0.20. This number became the denominator in the composite calculation. I calculated the composite by calculating the sum of the actual responses to the items associated with that composite, and dividing by the prepared denominator. I completed this process for each respondent. Since my data was non-parametric, I reported the median scores for each composite.
I selected additional survey items from the following published surveys: 2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education: School Coordinator
Questionnaire (Horizon Research, 2012a); Instructional Leadership Action/Behavior Questionnaire (Lanier, 2008; Lanier et al., 2009); and Data-driven Decision Making Questionnaire (Pritz & Kelley, 2009). Horizon Research’s (2012a) 2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education: School Coordinator Questionnaire was administered as part of the 2012 National Survey of Science to collect initial background information from each of the participating schools. I used this survey to construct background questions in this study’s principal survey. Instructional Leadership Action/Behavior Questionnaire was a survey instrument developed for a dissertation aimed at identifying the role of instructional leadership in influencing elementary science programs and was later presented at the Annual Meeting of the National Association of Research in Science Teaching (Lanier, 2008; Lanier et al., 2009). The Instructional Leadership Action/Behavior Questionnaire was used to help develop the Instructional Leadership and Mandate section of the principal survey. The Data-driven Decision Making Questionnaire (Pritz & Kelley, 2009) was used to help develop the Assessment section of the Principal survey. The Data-driven Decision Making Questionnaire was developed to identify if teachers and principals understand how to use data effectively and was funded by the U.S. Department of Education. The questions developed from these surveys provide both descriptive and inferential statistics to compare Idaho’s high science achieving low and high-SES schools to one another.
The Classroom Level: Teacher Survey
At the classroom level, teachers were surveyed on items pertaining to each of the four key elements of elementary science reform: Program and Practice, Teacher Background and Development, Instructional Leadership and Mandate, and Assessment
and Feedback (see Figure 3). The teacher survey tool was created primarily from the *2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics - Science Teacher Questionnaire* (Horizon Research, 2012c). The Horizon Research (2012c) teacher questionnaire explicitly targets teachers’ knowledge of and control of elementary science education. This tool lends itself to easily be adapted as an Internet-based tool. The teacher survey (Appendix C) is composed of 11 background questions, and 57 questions on the key elements, and 2 conclusion questions. The survey has an additional five questions on background and an open-response conclusion question. The survey was composed of binary yes/no items, five-point Likert items, and fill-in items (see Appendix C). The teacher survey took approximately 30 minutes to complete, however many participants completed the survey over several sessions.
Figure 4. Focus of Teacher Survey Items
- How science is taught at the various grade levels
- Amount of teacher control over instruction
- Pedagogical views
- Influence over instruction practices
- Access to resources
- Types of resources available
- Educational background
- Professional development experience
- PD content and focus
- Feeling of preparedness
- Quality and type of observation that occurs in science
- Instructional feedback
- Opportunities for teacher leadership
- Instructional coaching
- Types of assessment used in science
- Changes to whole-class instruction based on data
- Changes to individual instruction based on data
- Types of assessment used during last unit of instruction in science
The Horizon Research (2012c) *Science Teacher Questionnaire* was used to develop the school Programs and Practices, Teacher Background and Development, and Assessment and Feedback sections of the teacher survey. Using factor analysis, Horizon Research combined questions within important constructs in science education and tested whether the items targeted the same underlying constructs, resulting in Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for these question composites (Banilower et al., 2013). Horizon Research (2012c) calculated Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for 21 composites on their *Science Teacher Questionnaire*. Presented in Table A5 are the composites I used in the teacher survey, their respective Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient reported for the *Science Teacher Questionnaire*, and the Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient calculated from this study (Banilower et al., 2013).
Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for the Horizon Research (2012c) *Science Teacher Questionnaire* range from 0.70 to 0.92 indicating moderate to strong reliability for each item on the survey (Banilower et al., 2013). Using the same composite, I calculated Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for this study that ranged from 0.50 – 0.98. I had two composites that fell into the poor reliability category; these included: Instructional Technology Composite (0.50) and Pedagogical Control (0.75).
The various composites were used to compare Idaho’s high science achieving low high-SES schools to one another. To calculate the composite values, I used the method outlined by Banilower et al. (2013), described in the “School Level: Principal Survey” section of this study. The remaining data acquired from the teacher survey provided both descriptive and inferential statistic analysis for the following key elements: Programs and Practices, Teacher Background and Development, and Assessment and Feedback.
The Instructional Leadership section of the teacher survey was influenced primarily by the *Principal Leadership Survey* created by Louis et al. (2010). Two of five constructs that are identified in the *Principal Leadership Survey* were used to develop the Instruction Leadership section of the teacher survey. Further information about the composites developed from these constructions are identified in Table 6 along with the Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients reported by Louis et al. (2010) and the Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients calculated for this study. These composite scores for each of these composites provided the opportunity to use inferential statistics to compare Idaho’s high science achieving low-SES and high-SES schools to one another.
**Table 6. Teacher Survey Composites for Instructional Leadership and Mandate**
| Variable | Question Composite | Alpha (Louis et al, 2010) | Alpha |
|---------------------------------|-----------------------------|----------------------------|-------|
| Instructional Leadership & Mandate | Shared Leadership | 0.78 | 0.88 |
| Instructional Leadership & Mandate | Instructional Leadership | 0.82 | 0.71 |
Other published surveys that influenced the development of the teacher survey include: *2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education: School Coordinator Questionnaire* (Horizon Research, 2012a); *Instructional Leadership Action/Behavior Questionnaire* (Lanier, 2008; Lanier et al., 2009); and *Data-driven Decision Making Questionnaire* (Pritz & Kelley, 2009). The questions developed from these surveys provide descriptive statistics to compare Idaho’s high science achieving low and high-SES schools to one another for the following key elements: Assessment and Feedback, and Leadership and Mandate.
Methodology
Participant schools for the study were identified using science ISAT data for the past three years (ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013c) to establish consistency in results. Criteria for participation in this study included the following:
- High achievement, scale scores that fit into either *Advanced* (216+) or within the top third of *Proficient* (212–215). See Table 4 for fifth grade science ISAT scale score bands (ISDE, 2007b).
- A minimum of 30% of fifth grade students performing within the *Advanced* category on the science ISAT, to prevent a few super achievers from skewing the results.
- Fifth grade classes of 25% or less FRL qualification (high SES) and fifth grade classes of 40% or greater FRL qualification (low SES). Schools were also checked to ensure that the school-level FRL status met these criteria.
- Consistent scale scores over three consecutive years of science ISAT testing at the fifth grade level, looking at 2011, 2012, and 2013 science ISAT results (ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a).
- A minimum enrollment of 50 students at the fifth grade level, ensuring multiple teachers and reducing the statistical effects of small population sizes on percent FRL, and the effect of individual student scale scores on the average scale score.
After I received Boise State University Institutional Review Board Human Subjects (IRB) approval on November 7, 2013, I submitted a proposal to conduct
research in each of the 19 Idaho school districts in which the identified schools reside. I received approval from 17 of these school districts. I began administering the principal surveys. The survey format that I chose was an electronic survey administered through Qualtrics. I chose an electronic survey format because they are low cost and provide a high level of fidelity to implementation.
The challenge electronic surveys created was in attaining high response rates. It is well documented that people who receive Internet-based surveys are more likely to complete them if they know the person they are receiving the survey from and they feel a connection to the purpose of the survey (Fowler, 2009; Perkins, 2011). For this reason, I made telephone contact with the each of the principals from the identified schools within each participant district. I followed a telephone script (see Appendix B) that included an introduction and a short explanation of the study. I answered questions and asked the principal to participate in the study. If the principal agreed to participate, I sent the principal an e-mail invitation to participate in the study by completing the principal survey.
The survey questions were designed to have the following qualities: use of short items, use of simple direct items, use of all single-faceted items, avoidance of biased wording, and use of meaningful, mutually exclusive descriptive scales (Anderson & Kanuka, 2003; Fowler, 2009). Another factor that I addressed in survey development was the use of follow-up reminders. Research by Klofstad, Boulianne, and Basson (2008), found that when participants are told that they will receive a reminder to complete the survey, it provides press, making them more likely to complete the survey early. Additional research by Joinson, Woodley, and Reips (2007) found that when survey
invitations were addressed to the participant and either provided a link to a secure survey site or provided a login and password to a secure survey site, they were more likely to take the survey and less likely to leave items blank. Reminders were sent to principals once per week.
I collected descriptive background data (ethnicity, gender, and age) from both the principals and the teachers. I used these data to ensure that the principal and teacher samples were representative Idaho samples. All collected data containing personal identifiers were stored on the Boise State University (BSU) database associated with Qualtrics or on a password protected thumb drive. During the analysis phase, data were stored in SPSS and Excel files on a password protected thumb drive.
Since my sample size was limited, indirectly, by the small size of Idaho, it was important to get a high response rate from both the principal and teacher surveys. For this reason, it was important to: develop trust, reduce the risk to participants, and ensure that the completion of the survey was not burdensome. Trust was developed initially with the districts and principals through introductory phone conversations and the connection to Boise State University. Going through both IRB and the districts’ research committees’ processes reduced the potential risk to participants. Development of both the principal and teacher surveys were accomplished by using already tested survey items and by trialing the surveys prior to their use (Perkins, 2011).
I implemented the principal and teacher surveys using similar processes. However, because of the larger number of teachers selected to take the survey, 80, I did not attempt to make personal contact with each teacher. Principals were asked to select and provide names of third, fourth, and fifth grade teachers that they would like to
participate in the teacher survey sample. Principals were also asked to talk to their selected teachers about the study, so that when they received an invitation to participate, they would already be familiar with the study. The rest of the procedures were the same as the principal survey.
Teachers and principals, both, received an e-mail invitation to participate in the survey (see Appendix B). I obtained informed consent from participants at the start of each survey. If participants choose to provide informed consent, they were directed to the survey. If the participants elected not to provide consent, they were redirected to the end of the survey and no data were collected. For principals who chose to participate in the survey, the survey took approximately 15 minutes to complete. I followed the initial letter and survey link with a weekly reminder letter and survey link (see Appendix B). The survey began on December 6, 2013 and concluded on January 6, 2014. For teachers that choose to participate in the survey, the survey took approximately 30 minutes to complete. I followed the initial letter and survey link with a weekly reminder letter and survey link. The survey began on March 13, 2014. I sent weekly e-mail reminders until May 6, 2014, when I sent the last reminder. I closed the teacher survey on May 9, 2014.
Analysis
Principal Survey and Teacher Survey
The principal and teacher surveys (Appendix C) contained binary response items, five-point Likert scale items, and open-response items. The quantitative data obtained from these surveys were analyzed using descriptive analysis and between-measures analysis. The between-measures analysis evaluated the differences in implementation level of the four key elements to elementary science reform between low and high-SES, high science achieving Idaho elementary schools. I used the Shapiro-Wilk Test of Normality to determine if my data were normally distributed, thus determining if a parametric or a non-parametric test should be used to analyze the data. The Shapiro-Wilk test can be used on small sample sizes (<50), but is also appropriate for samples up to 2000. The null hypothesis for the Shapiro-Wilk Test of Normality assumes normal distribution of data, so if the p-value is below the critical value of 0.05, then the null hypothesis is rejected and the population is found to have a non-normal distribution (Razali & Wah, 2011; Shapiro & Wilk, 1965). The results of the Shapiro-Wilk tests indicated that the majority of my data were non-parametric in nature, so I used medians as my measure of central tendency, and Pearson’s Chi-square tests and Mann-Whitney U tests to compare the low and high-SES schools’ principal/teacher survey results.
Between-Measures Analysis
I analyzed the binary response items using the Pearson’s Chi-square test to test for significant differences between the low and high-SES schools. The Pearson’s Chi-square test was chosen because it is a non-parametric test that tests for goodness of fit to theoretical distributions and as a test of independence to two variables (low and high
Although the Pearson’s Chi-square test is based on random sampling, Chi-square test has been identified for use with some non-random sample methods (Michael, 2001). According to Tongco (2007), who wrote exclusively on the purposive sampling methodology, Chi-square test is an accepted method of purposive sampling analysis.
Pearson’s Chi-square test requires the presence of independent observations. Independent observations are present when the response of one person has no influence on the response of another person’s response. Internet-based survey sampling lends itself to independent observations. Since the selected principal participants are from across the state of Idaho, it is unlikely that one participant had any influence on another participant’s response. Pearson’s Chi-square test works best with large samples and large expected frequencies (Michael, 2001). When samples are large and the expected frequencies are greater than five, the sampling distribution is closer to predicting Pearson’s Chi-square test distributions. When expected frequencies are too small, the sample size is probably too small, and the sampling distribution becomes too deviant from a Pearson’s Chi-square test distribution to be useful. Fisher developed a method for computing the exact probability of the Pearson’s Chi-square test statistic that is accurate when sample sizes are small. This method is called the Fisher’s exact test (Field, 2013; Fisher, 1922). I used and reported the Fisher’s exact test to verify reliable statistical conclusions. The final assumption of a Pearson’s Chi-square test is that the null hypothesis states that there is no relationship between classifications. The alternate hypothesis states that a relationship or dependency exists. In addition, frequency distribution graphs and cross-tabular data tables were used to analyze responses for each of the binary response questions. I used the Pearson’s Chi-Squared test to run initial
analyses. When a significant difference was found, I looked at Fisher’s exact test to verify significance.
The five-point Likert items can arguably be considered scaled ordinal data. However, because of the nature of the Likert scale, I analyzed these data as scaled numerical data using the Mann-Whitney U test. The progressive incremental scale ranges, for example: from (1) Unimportant to (5) Very Important. The data provided by the open-ended questions within the survey were also analyzed using the Mann-Whitney U test. The Mann-Whitney U test null hypothesis states that the two groups come from the same population. My study meets the following Mann-Whitney U test assumptions: independent observations, there is no relationship between the observations in each group or between the groups themselves; the dependent variable is measured at the ordinal, interval, or ratio level; and the independent variable consists of two categorical groups from one population (low and high SES). The data can have a non-normal distribution, but since the two groups come from one population, the Mann-Whitney U test assumes equal variances. To ensure equal variance, I ran a proxy homogeneity of variance test for equal variance. The test I chose was a non-parametric Levene’s test. The null hypothesis for the Leven’s test assumes the data had equal variance (Nordstokke, Zumbo, Cairns, & Saklofske, 2011).
The teacher and principal open-ended questions were analyzed to contribute further insight into survey questions. They were analyzed using qualitative methods. I coded the qualitative data initially using the four reform-based evidence categories, but as I found other commonalities in the data, I added these additional descriptors. The process of coding the data required several reads to accomplish. I looked for patterns in the data
to emerge as I read through the principal and teacher responses and thought about them in terms of low and high SES, as well as classroom view verses school-wide view (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007; Foss & Waters, 2007; Ryan & Bernard, 2003).
**Matching School Data**
Each participant was assigned a unique random number during the study; these numbers were linked to their schools in *Qualtrics*. This provided me the opportunity to match data from the principal survey and teacher survey (see Table A6). The purpose of this matching was to increase the validity of the data by providing a verification check of the self-report data.
**Threats to Validity**
Threats to validity in this study included the use of self-report survey data, which relies on the assumption that principals and teachers are providing true, accurate, and thoughtful answers to the self-report survey questions. To combat this, I performed a validity check by making comparisons between the teacher and principal survey data.
Instruments used to survey principals and teachers about science education, assessment, and leadership that were appropriate to this study were limited and some of them did not contain Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients associated with them. However, the composite of questions that I was able to use with Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients had strong to moderate reliability. I also trialed the surveys prior to using them with participants, and made adjustments based on feedback from professionals.
I made every effort to provide the largest sample sizes available, reaching 64% of my teacher sample and 66% of my principal sample. Despite strong efforts to achieve the
highest sample size, the limited sample size does pose a threat to my validity. Additional threats to validity came from using data analysis methods. I interpreted ordinal data as scale data, using the Mann-Whitney U test.
**Ethical Procedures**
Personal identifiers were collected in this study for the purpose of ensuring a representative sample. All data that were connected to personal identifiers were assigned a randomized code unique to each participant and was stored on the BSU database associated with Qualtrics or on a password-protected thumb drive. This included both survey data and observation protocol data. During the analysis phase, data were stored in SPSS and Excel files on a password-protected thumb drive. All participating individuals, schools, and districts participating in the study will have their identities masked in any published or unpublished report of findings from this study to ensure confidentiality of the participants. No data were collected from students or parents. This study only involved the collection of data from participant principals and teachers. This study received IRB approval, protocol number: 170-SB13-103 (Appendix D). Participating school districts will receive a copy of my findings in the form of the completed dissertation.
**Summary**
This study set out to examine the four key elements of elementary science education reform and their implementation level within high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho. This study uses the perspective of the school and classroom level to better understand the similarities and differences in the implementation level of
these elements in low and high-SES schools. This study has two phases. Phase one uses a survey to evaluate the school level through the perspective of principals. Phase two uses a survey to evaluate the school level through the perspective of teachers. The data collected across both phases were matched to identify common influences present in both the school and classroom.
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH FINDINGS
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to discover if the four key elements of elementary science education reform are present in high science achieving elementary schools within the state of Idaho. The four key elements to elementary science reform include: programs and practices, assessment and feedback, instructional leadership and mandate, and professional development (Inverness Research Associates, 2007).
This study sets out to answer the following questions:
*Question 1:* In Idaho, are all of the four key elements present in all of the high science achieving elementary schools?
*Hypothesis 1:* Based on three years of science ISAT results, the identified Idaho schools have consistently developed high achievers in science (ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a). As a state, Idaho has scored above the national average on the last National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test given in the elementary grades (NCES, 2011). The NAEP test is a rigorous test that tests beyond rote knowledge, making it reasonable to believe that evidence will be present in all of the highest science achieving schools in the state that indicates they are engaged in delivering all four key elements considered important to achieving success in elementary science.
*Question 2:* In Idaho, high science achievement can be found in both low and high socioeconomic status elementary schools. Does the evidence indicate a difference
between the low and high SES schools’ implementation of the key elements to elementary science reform in Idaho high science achieving schools?
*Hypothesis 2:* Based on the different pressures created by socioeconomic status in low and high-SES schools, the ability to implement each of the key elements will be different in the high science achieving, high and low-SES schools.
I attempted to answer these questions and test these hypotheses through both the perspective of the principal, giving insight into school-level factors that are contributing to the success of Idaho elementary schools in science, and through the teacher, providing insight into classroom level factors.
**Data Collection**
Forty elementary schools in the state of Idaho met the purposive sampling procedures described in Chapter Two. From this sample, 23 principals chose to participate in the study (58%). The participant principals provided the names of 80 teachers in third through fifth grades. Of these 80 teachers, 51 teachers chose to participate (64%).
The 23 participant schools have a three-year mean scale score on the science ISAT of 214, which would be considered a high *Proficient* rating (216 would receive an *Advanced* rating). As can be seen in Table 7, the three-year mean scores for both low and high-SES schools in mathematics and reading on the ISAT are at the *Advanced* rating level. The high-SES schools’ three-year mean for language was at the *Advanced* level, while the low-SES schools received a high *Proficient* rating, just missing the cut off for *Advanced*. These results provide further evidence that language, reading, and mathematics were not confounding variables in the study, as all the schools scored
similarly across all subject areas. A total of 34% of fifth grade students who qualified for FRL were represented in the total mean scale scores. This can be further broken down into 45% of the low-SES sample qualifying for FRL and 15% of the high-SES sample qualifying for FRL.
Table 7. Three Year Mean for Participant Schools’ Fifth Grade Science ISAT Scale Scores
| Fifth Grade ISAT | Total (N = 23) | Low-SES (n = 16) | High-SES (n = 7) |
|------------------|---------------|-----------------|-----------------|
| Science | 214 | 214 | 215 |
| Mathematics | 225 | 225 | 226 |
| Reading | 222 | 221 | 222 |
| Language | 221 | 221 | 222 |
The participating schools were composed of 16 traditional neighborhood schools, five district schools that have been identified as ‘schools of choice,’ ‘magnet,’ or ‘focus schools,’ and two charter schools. The structure of the schools varied, as seen in Table 8. The term ‘elementary school’ is used in this study to encompass all schools that include the primary target grade: fifth grade.
Table 8. Participant School Grade Structures by Percent
| Grade | Sample (N=23) | Low-SES (n=16) | High-SES (n=7) |
|------------------|---------------|----------------|----------------|
| PreK/K–5 or K–6 | 70% | 50% | 71% |
| K–8 | 4% | 0% | 14% |
| K–12 | 9% | 25% | 14% |
| Middle Grades | 17% | 25% | 0% |
| (3–5, 4–5, 4–6, or 5–6) | | | |
Schools were invited to participate in all six regions of Idaho. Participant schools are located in five out of six of Idaho’s regions (see Figure 4). Schools can be further
defined as rural or non-rural districts. The state of Idaho has defined rural districts as either having fewer than 20 enrolled students per square mile within the school district boundaries or as a county in which the school district is located in an area with fewer than 25,000 residents, based on the most recent United States census. The participant sample represented nine rural school districts encompassing 9 participant schools (39%) and 5 non-rural school districts encompassing 14 participant schools (61%) (ISDE, 2013d).
**Participant Description**
**Principal Participant Description**
The participant principals represent 15 low-SES schools and 8 high-SES schools. The low-SES schools range from 41 – 66% FRL school wide during the 2012-2013 school year. The high-SES schools range from 8% to 25% FRL school wide during the 2012-13 school year.
The demographics of the principal participant sample are as follows: 100% Caucasian; 48% Male and 52% Female; and mean age of 49. The principals who participated had a mean of 10 years experience as a principal, with a range of 0 to 20 years. Additionally, the principals had a mean of 4.5 years experience as principals in their current schools, with a range of 0-16 years. Principals’ median years of prior teaching experience were 12 years, with a range of 0 to 31 years. The majority of this teaching experience comes from work in grades K-8, with only 17% of the principals with teaching experience exclusively at grades 9-10. Five principals reported that their 6-10 years teaching experience was in a STEM field. Four of these five had science teaching experience. See Table A7 for a complete breakdown of principal demographics. Overall, the Idaho participant sample had similar demographics to what is seen statewide (see Table A7).
According to the data presented by Snyder and Dillow (2012) from the National Center for Education Statistics, the demographics found in these Idaho schools are similar to the national mean. The national mean age for principals is 50 years old, with less than 12% of new principals 40 years or younger. The percentage of female principals is currently 44% of the workforce. In the United States, only 18% of public school principals were considered racial/ethnic minorities. The state of Idaho has a lower percentage than the national average of racial/ethnic diversity, so it was not surprising that 100% of the principals were Caucasian. Nationally, 99% of new principals are former teachers, with a mean of 14 years of classroom experience. This was consistent with what I found in the Idaho participants, with a mean of 13 years of experience, and 95% of the principals having prior teaching experience. The one principal that did not fall
into this category had prior experience as a school counselor. The national trend also indicated more mobility, which was consistent with the principals’ mean time in their current position being 5 years.
**Teacher Participant Description**
The participant teachers were from 20 of the 23 participant schools, 13 low-SES schools and 7 high-SES schools. Fourteen of the participant teachers were from high-SES schools (27%), and 37 of the participant teachers were from low-SES schools (73%). Teacher participants have teaching assignments in Grade 3 – 5. The breakdown of grade-level teaching assignments by the schools’ SES status are presented in Table 9.
**Table 9. Percent of Participant Teachers Assigned to Various Grade Levels**
| Grade | Total (N = 51) | High-SES (n = 14) | Low-SES (n = 37) |
|------------------------------|----------------|-------------------|------------------|
| Multi-grade Science Specialist | 4% | 14% | 0% |
| Fifth Grade | 37% | 57% | 78% |
| Fourth Grade | 73% | 14% | 11% |
| Third Grade | 12% | 14% | 11% |
In Table 10, the teaching assignments are further broken down by their science teaching assignment. It is interesting to note that only 4% of the participant elementary schools had multi-grade science specialists, each of which were high-SES schools. Another interesting point was that 8% of the principal recommended, teacher participant sample reported that they did not teach science. Teachers reporting that they *did not teach science* were redirected to the end of the survey. Non-science teaching participants did not contribute data to the study following the basic demographic questions.
Table 10. Percent of Participant Teachers Assigned to Various Science Teaching Assignments
| Teachers | Total (N=51) | Low-SES (n=37) | High-SES (n=14) |
|-----------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|
| K-5 Multi-subject classroom teacher | 75% | 78% | 64% |
| Science teacher for grade-level team | 14% | 16% | 7% |
| Multi-subject classroom teacher that does not teach science | 8% | 5% | 14% |
| K-8 Multi-grade science specialist | 4% | 0% | 14% |
The general demographics for the teacher participant sample are as follows: 100% Caucasian; 18% Male and 82% Female; and mean age of 43. The teachers who participated had a mean of 13 years experience teaching, with a range of 1 to 34 years. Additionally, the teachers had a mean of 12 years experience as teachers within their current district, and 8 years within their current school. The teachers that indicated they teach science as part of the elementary curriculum had a mean of 9 years teaching science as part of the curriculum, and the teachers that indicated they were dedicated science teachers had a mean of 8 years teaching science. Table A8 provides a complete presentation of the teacher demographics.
Survey Implementation
The survey implementation went smoothly. Initial distribution of the survey identified an erratum in one of the question items on the principal survey. The first
principal participant to take the survey contacted me, and I was able to close the survey, fix the miscue, and resend the survey links within a 20-minute time frame. This issue did not seem to affect participation, as those that tried to enter the survey during this time period accessed and completed the survey later. Initial contact via the telephone seemed to increase response rates. Principals with whom I only left messages did not have as high a response rate as those that I was able to speak with and introduce the study and myself. Four of the 23 participants, or 17%, who completed the principal survey received only a voice message. The remaining 19, or 83%, received direct contact with me via the telephone. After the first weekly reminder, additional reminders increased the response rate minimally, resulting in one or two responses each week. Another factor that seemed to increase the response rate was district-level contact with the principals about the survey. It appeared that in districts where the principals already knew about the survey, prior to my contact, there was increased interest in completing the survey.
The teacher survey went smoothly, as well. The most challenging part of implementing the teacher survey was collecting the names of the teachers from the principals. As a result, I began the survey prior to having all of the participant names. Some teachers received more reminders to complete the survey than others, depending on when I received their name to participate. The participant teachers received a reminder to complete the survey once per week, and every teacher had, at minimum, five weeks to complete the survey.
**Results**
The results section has been organized by the four key elements: Programs and Practices, Teacher Background and Development, Instructional Leadership and Mandate,
and Assessment and Feedback. Data related to each of the two study questions from both the teacher and principal surveys were handled within each of these four major sections, first discussing the population as a whole, then discussing the sub-populations of low and high SES.
**Programs and Practices**
**Time for Science Instruction**
When asked to describe the frequency at which science was taught in their schools, the majority of teachers, 76%, indicated that science was taught every week (see Figure 5). However, when asked how many weeks per year were spent on mathematics, science, social studies, and reading/English language arts, teachers indicated that they did not teach science every week of the year.
Teachers were asked about how much time they devote to science teaching. The median time reported by the teachers that they spent on science added up to 4,320 minutes on science instruction (12% of instructional time), 16,200 minutes on reading/ELA instruction (44% of instructional time), 12,600 minutes on mathematics instruction (34% of instructional time), and 3,800 minutes on social studies instruction (12% of instructional time) per year (see Figure 6). In high science achieving elementary schools, teachers reported spending nearly four times longer on reading and ELA instruction than they spent on science per year (see Table A10). I found no significant differences in these trends between low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
**Figure 7. Teacher Reported Percent of Time Spent on Teaching Core Curriculum**
When the time spent on science was averaged over a 36-week school year, I found that the Idaho high science achieving schools spent a median of 2 hours per week, as reported by 43 teacher responses (see Figure 9).
When I considered the time spent on science in the low and high-SES schools, averaged over a 36 week school year (see Figure 8), I found that sixty-one percent of the low-SES teacher responses fell into 2 or more hours per week, while 40% of the high-SES teachers responses fell into the same category. The majority of high-SES teacher responses (53%) fell into the one hour 15 minutes to one hour 45 minutes category.
| Percent of Reporting Teachers | 1' or less Hours (') and minutes (") Spent on Science Instruction |
|------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------|
| | 1' or less | 1'15" - 1'45" | 2' - 2'45" | 3' or more |
| Percent of High SES Reporting Teachers | 7 | 53 | 27 | 13 |
| Percent of Low SES Reporting Teachers | 18 | 21 | 43 | 18 |
**Figure 8** Time Spent per Week on Science Instruction Low and High-SES Schools, as Reported by Teachers
When principals were asked about time spent on science, they indicated that insufficient time to teach science was an important factor that needed to be addressed. I found no significant difference in the responses of low and high-SES principals on this line of questioning ($p > 0.05$).
A composite score was calculated for the extent to which a lack of time is problematic, and these data are displayed in Table 11.
**Table 11. Median Composite Score for the Extent to Which a Lack of Time Is Problematic**
| Composite | Principals | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|----------------------------|---------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=23) | Low-SES (n=15) | High-SES (n=8) | |
| Lack of Time is Problematic| 67 (31, 83) | 63 (19, 96) | 67 (40, 77) | $U = 55, z = -0.07, p = 0.97$ |
**Promoting Effective Science Instruction**
Factors that teachers identified as important in promoting effective science instruction included: principal support; time for them to plan individually and with colleagues; time for professional development; student reading abilities; student motivation, interests, and effort in science; and the Idaho Content Standards. Factors such as: the Common Core State Standards; Next Generation Science Standards; district pacing guides; state science testing and accountability policies; textbook or module selection policies; community views on science; and parent expectations were seen as
moderately important in promoting effective science instruction. Interestingly, only 6% of participant principals reported being knowledgeable of the Next Generation Science Standards. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES schools on these factors ($p > 0.05$). Principals saw lack of opportunities for science teachers to share ideas as a moderately important factor that needed to be addressed. I found no significant difference in the responses of low and high-SES principals on this line of questioning ($p > 0.05$).
Low and high-SES schools did demonstrate a difference in the importance of the district science curriculum framework ($U = 101$, $z = -2.07$, $p = 0.045$). Teachers in high-SES schools indicated that the district curriculum framework was important, and teachers in the low-SES schools viewed the district science curriculum framework as moderately important.
Teachers indicated that although they have *moderate control* over course goals, they have *strong control* over selecting their teaching techniques and determining the amount of homework they assign. I found a significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers’ perceived control over textbook or module selection ($U = 281$, $z = 2.46$, $p = 0.02$), choosing criteria to grade student performance ($U = 290$, $z = 3.06$, $p = 0.01$), and section of content, topics, and skills to be taught ($U = 282$, $z = 2.42$, $p = 0.02$) (see Table 12).
Table 12. Median Ratings* for Teachers Perception of Control Over Pedagogy and Curriculum Content
| Teachers | Total (N=44) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=32) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|----------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|-------------------------------|------------------------------|
| Determining course goals | 3 (2, 5) | 3 (2, 5) | 3 (2, 5) | $U = 213$, $z = 0.55$, $p = 0.59$ |
| Selecting textbooks/modules | 2 (1, 3) | 3 (1, 3) | 1 (1, 2) | $U = 281$, $z = 2.46$, $p = 0.02$ |
| Selection content, topics, and skills to be taught | 3 (2, 5) | 4 (2, 5) | 2 (1, 4) | $U = 282$, $z = 2.42$, $p = 0.02$ |
| Selecting teaching techniques | 5 (5, 5) | 5 (5, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 218$, $z = 0.94$, $p = 0.51$ |
| Determining the amount of homework to be assigned | 5 (5,5) | 5 (5, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 236$, $z = 1.73$, $p = 0.26$ |
| Choosing criteria for grading student performance | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (5, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | $U = 290$, $z = 3.06$, $p = 0.01$ |
* (1) No control, (2) Little control, (3) Moderate control, (4) Considerable control, (5) Strong control.
Teacher control over curriculum and teaching pedagogy was further assessed using questions from the questions in Table 12 to create composites on curriculum control and pedagogical control. These composites revealed significant differences between the low and high-SES school teacher responses to these lines of questioning. High-SES teachers felt that they had less control over both curriculum and pedagogical control of their instruction than the low-SES teachers (see Table 13).
Table 13. Teacher Programs and Practices Median Composite Scores
| Composite | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|--------------------|-----------------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=44) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n = 32) Median (IQR)| High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) |
| Curriculum Control | 45 (17, 73) | 50 (33, 75) | 21 (8, 54) | $U = 267$, $z = 1.99$, $p = 0.049$ |
| Pedagogical Control| 100 (83, 100) | 100 (92, 100) | 79 (75, 98) | $U = 295$, $z = 3.02$, $p = 0.006$ |
**Science Teaching Practices**
The teachers reported that they completed the following activities *during all or almost all* of their science lessons: at the start of a lesson they provided students with the purpose of the lesson, engaged the whole class in discussions in all or most science classes, and they provided opportunities for students to share their thinking and reasoning. Science reform-based activities that occurred *often, or once or twice per week*, included: having students work in small groups; requiring students to supply evidence with their answers; and covering ideas in-depth, even if that meant covering fewer topics. Reform activities that teachers from both low and high-SES schools reported *sometimes* implementing included engaging the class in project-based learning (PBL) activities and having students represent or analyze data using tables, charts, or graphs (see Table A12). Reform-oriented practices that teachers from low and high-SES schools responded significantly different on included: doing hands-on/laboratory activities ($U = 105$, $z = -2.32$, $p = 0.03$) and having students write reflections ($U = 97$, $z = -2.31$, $p = 0.03$). Teachers from low-SES schools indicated that they only *sometimes* asked students to write reflections. Teachers from high-SES schools reported asking their students to write reflections *often*. Teachers from low-SES schools indicated that they only used hands-on
or laboratory activities with their students *sometimes, or once or twice a month*. Teachers from high-SES schools reported that they implemented hands-on or laboratory activities with their students *often*. When principals were asked about the importance of students engaging in hands-on activities, both low and high-SES principals reported a median ranking of *very important* (see Table A13).
Non-reform-based instructional practices that teachers reported they engaged in *often* included: focusing on reading literacy skills, having students read from science textbooks or other related material, and providing hands-on activities primarily to reinforce a science idea that the students have already learned. Additionally, teachers reported *sometimes* explaining an idea to students before having them consider evidence that relates to the idea and providing students with definitions for new science vocabulary at the beginning of instruction. I found no additional significant differences between low and high-SES schools on these factors ($p > 0.05$) (see Table A12).
When teachers were asked about the importance of various science teaching practices, I found no significant difference between low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$). Teachers rated the following practices as *very important in promoting effective instruction*: understanding science, learning about real-life application of science, increasing students’ interests in science, and preparing students for future study in science. Other items that they rated as *important in promoting effective instruction included*: learning science process skills and learning test taking skills and strategies. Memorizing science vocabulary or facts was seen as *moderately important in promoting effective instruction* (see Table 15).
Table 14. Teachers Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices Median Composite Scores
| Composite | Total (N=42) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n = 31) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=11) Median (IQR) | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|------------------------------------|---------------------------|-------------------------------|------------------------------|------------------------------|
| Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices | 67 (50, 79) | 63 (50, 75) | 79 (63, 88) | $U = 97$, $z = -2.11$, $p = 0.04$ |
I used questions focused on the frequency that teachers’ implemented reform-based science teaching practices, found in Table A12, to calculate composite scores on the use of reform-based teaching practices. I found a significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers for the reform-based teaching practices ($U = 97$, $z = -2.11$, $p = 0.04$). High-SES school teachers had a median composite score of 79 (63, 88) and the low-SES school teachers had a median composite score of 67 (50, 79) out of 100, indicating that high-SES school teachers reported that they conducted reform-based teaching in their classroom more frequently than low-SES school teachers.
Table 15. Median Teachers Ratings* of Importance for Various Reform and Non-reform Science Teaching Practices
| Teachers | Total (N=44) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=32) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Memorizing science vocabulary and/or facts | 3 (3,4) | 3 (3,4) | 3 (2.25, 3.75)) | $U = 228$, $z = 1.00$, $p = 0.354$ |
| Understanding science | 5 (4,5) | 5 (4,5) | 5 (5,5) | $U = 137.5$, $z = -1.66$, $p = 0.153$ |
| Learning science process skills (for example: observing, measuring) | 4 (4,5) | 4 (4,5) | 4.5 (4,5) | $U = 185.5$, $z = 33.55$, $p = 0.866$ |
| Learning about real-life applications of science | 5 (4,5) | 5 (4,5) | 5 (4,5) | $U = 173$, $z = -0.57$, $p = 0.630$ |
| Increasing students’ interests in science | 5 (4,5) | 5 (4,5) | 5 (4.25,5) | $U = 168$, $z = -0.77$, $p = 0.541$ |
| Preparing students for future study in science | 5 (4,5) | 5 (4,5) | 4 (4.25,5) | $U = 135$, $z = -1.67$, $p = 0.138$ |
| Learning test taking skills/strategies | 4 (3,4) | 4 (3,4) | 3.5 (2.25,4) | $U = 224$, $z = 0.89$, $p = 0.412$ |
* (1) Inhibits effective instruction, (2) Of little importance in promoting effective instruction, (3) Moderately important in promoting effective instruction, (5) Important in promoting effective instruction, (5) Very important in promoting effective instruction.
Teachers’ beliefs about the importance of implementing reform-oriented instructional objectives were further evaluated by calculating composite scores for reform-oriented questions found in Table 15; these scores are presented in Table 16.
Table 16. Teacher Beliefs about the Importance of Implementing Reform-Oriented Instruction Median Composite Scores
| Question Composite | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|--------------------|---------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=44) | Low-SES (n = 32) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | |
| Reform-Oriented | 90 (80, 95) | 90 (75, 95) | 95 (86, 100) | $U = 107$, $z = -1.86$, $p = 0.07$ |
| Instructional | | | | |
| Objectives | | | | |
Principals were asked about the importance of various science teaching practices. Principals rated reform-oriented instructional practices as either *very important* or *important*. These reform-oriented instructional practices included providing inquiry-oriented activities, encouraging students to provide evidence for their answers, having teachers use questioning strategies, having students participate in appropriate hands-on activities, and having students working in cooperative groups. I found no significant difference between the way the principals from low and high-SES schools responded to the instructional practice questions ($p > 0.05$) (see Table A13).
**Science Textbooks and Modules**
Teachers were asked if they were using commercially published textbooks or modules, or non-commercially published materials. Sixty-eight percent of teachers responded that they were using only commercially published textbook(s), 7% reported using only commercially published modules, 18% reported using both commercially published textbooks and modules, and 7% reported using only non-commercially published materials.
Textbooks and modules being used by teachers in at least two of the high science achieving schools can be found in Table 17. A large portion of the textbooks and modules reported as primary curriculum materials in the high-achieving schools (70%) were more than five years old. In addition, the other materials reported by schools were all more than five years old. A surprising finding was that 28% of the materials used to support science instruction in the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho were textbooks, rather than science kits or modules. Principals reported an inadequate supply of science textbooks or modules as a moderate concern to impeding science instruction.
Table 17. Number of Teachers Reporting Use of Various Science Textbooks/Modules
| Teachers | Publication Year | Publication Title | Publisher or Author |
|----------|------------------|------------------------------------|------------------------------|
| 4 | 2007 | Full Option Science Kits | Delta Education |
| 2 | Various | Delta Education Kits | Delta Education |
| 4 | 2000 | Discovery Works | Houghton Mifflin |
| 4 | 2006 | Science | Scott Foresman |
| 4 | 2007 | Science | Houghton Mifflin |
| 3 | 2011 | Science: A Closer Look | MacMillian |
| 3 | 2000-2005 | Harcourt Science | Harcourt |
| 3 | 2012 | Science Fusion | Houghton Mifflin |
| 2 | 2011 | National Geographic Science | National Geographic Learning |
Teachers from high science achieving schools believe that incorporating activities from other sources to supplement their textbook or module is very important to promoting effective instruction. They also believe that picking out what is important from the textbook or modules and skipping the rest is important, while they ranked using the textbook or module to guide the overall or the detailed structure and content emphasis of the unit as only moderately important. I found no significant difference in these teacher views between the low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
When teachers from high science achieving schools supplement their curriculum, it is primarily because they believe they have a different activity that works better to support the science concept being taught (82%), they need a supplemental activity to provide students with additional practice (83%), or because they need a supplemental activity for students with different ability levels (88%). I found no significant difference in these teacher views between the low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
Reasons that teachers from high science achieving schools choose to skip activities in their curriculum included: lack of materials needed to implement the activity (62%) and the ideas addressed in the activity are not covered in their pacing guide (54%). I found no significant difference in these teacher views between the low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
Teachers mentioned module management systems in passing in their open-response statements, saying things like, “I receive my science kit units as other teachers are done with them, and fill in other times with units not needing kits.” Both low and high-SES principals viewed their district’s method of managing instructional resources,
such as science modules, as *of little importance* in their ability to impede science instruction ($U = 45$, $z = -0.83$, $p = 0.44$).
**Instructional Resources**
The median ratings by the teachers for instructional resources and facilities were *somewhat adequate*, or the materials are available but quantities or the location of the items make coordinating the use of the items challenging. This rating was given to scientific equipment, instructional technology, consumable items, and facilities; see Table 18 for further details. I found no significant difference present between the teachers from low and high-SES schools on these items ($p > 0.05$).
**Table 18. Median Teacher Ratings* on the Adequacy of Availability of Science Instructional Resources**
| Teachers | Total (N=43) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=31) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|---------------------------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------|------------------------------|
| Equipment | 3(3, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | 5 (3, 5) | $U = 148$, $z = -1.06$, $p = 0.31$ |
| Instructional Technology | 3(2, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | 4 (2, 4) | $U = 184$, $z = -0.07$, $p = 0.95$ |
| Consumable Items | 3(2, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 125$, $z = -1.71$, $p = 0.10$ |
| Facilities | 3(1, 3) | 2 (1, 3) | 3 (1, 5) | $U = 133$, $z = -1.50$, $p = 0.15$ |
* (1) Not available, (2) Limited availability (Present but not available for use), (3) Somewhat Adequate (Available, but quantities or location makes coordinating use challenging), (4) Nearly Adequate (In classroom, but limited quantities), (5) Adequate (In classroom in recommended quantities).
I calculated a composite score for adequacy of resources for instruction in science based on teachers’ responses to items in Table 18. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers’ responses on this composite ($p > 0.05$) (see Table 19).
**Table 19. Median Composite Scores for Adequacy of Science Instructional Resources**
| Composite | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|------------------------------------------------|---------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=40) | Low-SES (n=28) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | |
| Adequacy of Resources for Instruction in Science | 50 (25, 63) | 44 (25, 63) | 44 (45, 72) | $U = 133$, $z = -1.44$, $p = 0.16$ |
Principals rated the lack of science facilities and inadequate materials for individualized instruction as being a moderate concern in their impact on science instruction. Principals also rated science instructional resource management as of little importance in its impact on science instruction. I saw these trends in the responses of principals from both low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$). I combined several questions from the principal survey to form a resource composite question looking at the extent to which a lack of materials and supplies are problematic. The data from this composite are displayed in Table 20.
**Table 20. Median Composite Scores for the Extent to Which a Lack of Materials and Supplies are Problematic**
| Composite | Principals | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=23) | Low-SES (n=15) | High-SES (n=8) | |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | |
| Lack of Resources is Problematic | 47 (37.5, 70) | 56 (37.5, 64) | 41 (28, 84) | $U = 58$, $z = 0.14$, $p = 0.920$ |
When teachers were asked more specifically about the availability of science equipment and technology, a better picture of resource availability was revealed. Teachers reported that Internet access was readily available in *all or almost all* science classes, and computers/laptops and calculators are *often available, once or twice a week*. Handheld computers or tablets were *sometimes available, once or twice per month*. Items that were *never available* include triple beam balances and digital probes for collecting data. Simple balances and measurement tools (graduated cylinders, beakers, etc.) are *sometimes available, once or twice per month*, and microscopes are *rarely available, a few times a year*. I found no significant difference in what I found between low and high-SES schools for each of these items ($p > 0.05$). Surprisingly, though, the presence of classroom response or ‘clicker’ systems were found significantly more available in low-SES schools ($U = 316, z = 3.39, p = 0.001$). Low-SES school teachers reported ‘clickers’ as available *sometimes*, whereas high-SES school teacher reported that they were *never* available. For further details regarding this line of questioning see Table 21.
Table 21. Median Teacher Ratings* on the Availability of Specific Science Instructional Resources
| Items | Teachers | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|------------------------------|---------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=40) Median (IQR)| Low-SES (n=29) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=11) Median (IQR) |
| Personal computers/laptops | 4 (3,5) | 4 (2,3) | 4.5 (3.25, 5) | $U = 137$, $z = -1.40$, $p = 0.18$ |
| Handheld Computers/Tablets | 3 (1, 4.75) | 2.5 (1, 4) | 3 (1.25, 5) | $U = 169$, $z = -0.64$, $p = 0.54$ |
| Internet Access | 5 (3,5) | 5 (3, 5) | 5 (4.25 – 5) | $U = 148$, $z = -1.21$, $p = 0.30$ |
| Digital Data Probes | 1 (1,2) | 1 (1,2 ) | 1 (1,2) | $U = 192$, $z = -0.02$, $p = 0.99$ |
| Microscopes | 2 (2, 3.75) | 2 (2, 3) | 2.5 (1.25, 5) | $U = 172$, $z = -0.56$, $p = 0.59$ |
| Classroom Response “Clickers”| 2 (1,4) | 2.5 (2, 5) | 1 (1,1) | $U = 316$, $z = 3.39$, $p = 0.001$ |
| Calculators | 4 (3,5) | 4 (3, 5) | 4.5 (2.25, 5) | $U = 176$, $z = -0.46$, $p = 0.67$ |
| Simple Balances | 3 (2,5) | 3 (2, 5) | 2 (2, 5) | $U = 174$, $z = -0.06$, $p = 0.97$ |
| Triple Beam Balances | 1 (1,2) | 1 (1, 1.75) | 1 (1, 2) | $U = 173$, $z = -0.64$, $p = 0.63$ |
| Liquid Measurement Tools | 3 (2,4) | 3 (2,4) | 3.5 (3.5, 5) | $U = 168$, $z = -0.51$, $p = 0.62$ |
* (1) Never, (2) Rarely (A few times per year), (3) Sometimes (Once or twice per month), (4) Often (Once or twice per week), (5) All or almost all science classes.
As a final analysis of science resources, I calculated a composite score for the use of technology, from items found in Table 21. Analysis of these composite scores revealed no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers’ responses to the frequency of use of science instructional technology (see Table 22).
**Table 22. Median Composite Scores for Use of Technology in Science Instruction**
| Question Composite | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|--------------------|---------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=42) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n = 30) Median (IQR)| High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) |
| Use of Technology | 53 (40, 75) | 50 (35, 75) | 60 (50, 76) |
| | | | |
| | | | |
**Funding for Science**
Funding for science comes from various sources. The most common sources of funding are from state/district funding sources, community donations, teacher donations, and PTO fundraisers. I found no significant difference in funding between low and high-SES in the category of parent donations. Eighty-eight percent of high-SES school principals reported receiving funding from parent donations, as compared to only 27% of principals from low-SES schools. Although not statistically significant, 27% of low-SES principals reported receiving and spending federal funds (Title I or Title II) on science, as opposed to 0% of high-SES schools. For further breakdown of funding sources, see Table 23.
Table 23. Principal Reported, Percent of Schools that Receive Science Funding from Various Sources
| Source | Total (N=23) | Low-SES (n=15) | High-SES (n=8) | Pearson’s Chi Square, p-value |
|-------------------------------|--------------|----------------|----------------|------------------------------|
| State/District Funding | 91% | 87% | 100% | $X^2(1) = 1.168$, $p = 0.28$ |
| Title I Funding | 14%* | 20%* | 0%* | $X^2(1) = 1.62$, $p = 0.20$ |
| Title II Funding | 5%* | 7%* | 0%* | $X^2(1) = 0.489$, $p = 0.48$ |
| Parent Donations | 48% | 27% | 88% | $X^2(1) = 7.74$, $p = 0.01**$|
| Community Donations | 88% | 40% | 57% | $X^2(1) = 4.79$, $p = 0.07**$|
| Teacher Donations | 74% | 80% | 63% | $X^2(1) = 0.829$, $p = 0.36$ |
| Grants Received by Teachers | 65% | 60% | 75% | $X^2(1) = 0.52$, $p = 0.47$ |
| Grants Received by the School | 48% | 40% | 48% | $X^2(1) = 1.059$, $p = 0.30$ |
| Grants Received by the District| 23%* | 13%* | 43%* | $X^2(1) = 2.2369$, $p = 0.12$|
| Fundraiser or PTO Funds | 74% | 67% | 88% | $X^2(1) = 1.17$, $p = 0.28$ |
* N = 22 (nLow= 15, nHIGH= 7), ** Fisher’s Exact Test (2-sided) reported for p-value use, to prevent type two error, because of small sample size.
The total median dollars spent on science, at the building level, was reported by the participant principals to be only $300 during the last completed budget year (2012-2013); see Table 24 for a complete breakdown of how this money was spent. Principals
from low and high-SES schools reported that inadequate funds for purchasing science equipment and supplies was an important concern ($U = 63$, $z = 0.46$, $p = 0.66$).
**Table 24. Principal Reported Median Spending on Science during the Most Recently Completed Budget Year**
| | Total (N=40) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=28) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|--------------------------------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Consumable Science Supplies | $300 (0,500)$ | $300 (0,535)$ | $250 (0,500)$ | $U = 56$, $z < 0.01$, $p = 1.0$ |
| Science Equipment (Not including computers) | $0 (0, 100)$ | $50 (0,213)$ | $0 (0,100)$ | $U = 52$, $z = -0.57$, $p = 0.64$ |
| Software for Science | $0 (0, 30)$ | $0 (0, 158)$ | $0 (0,0)$ | $U = 52$, $z = -0.67$, $p = 0.64$ |
| **Total** | **$300 (0, 700)$** | **$510 (0,600)$** | **$200 (0,900)$** | **$U = 63$, $z = 0.17$, $p = 0.88$** |
**Promoting a Culture of Science or Engineering**
When teachers and principals were asked what they do to promote the culture of science or engineering within their schools, no single activity was identified consistently across a large portion of the high science achieving schools; see Table 25 and Table 26. Approximately 20% of teachers indicated that they provided various after-school help clubs, support for fairs or competitions in science or engineering, or arranged guest speakers by individuals that worked in STEM careers. Teachers’ beliefs about their support for these activities were lower than the principal responses, which hovered between 25-30%, regarding these same items. Thirty-nine percent of principals reported
that their schools arranged opportunities for STEM mentors to participate in their schools, compared to 18% of teachers.
**Table 25.** Percent of Teachers who Reported that their Schools Provide Activities to Promote Science or Engineering
| Activity | Teachers | | | Pearson’s Chi square, p-value |
|-----------------------------------------------|----------|----------|----------|-------------------------------|
| | Total (N=44) | Low-SES (n=32) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| Family Science/Engineering Night | 39% | 28% | 6% | $X^2(1) = 5.47$, $p=0.04^*$ |
| After-school Help in Science/Engineering | 23% | 25% | 17% | $X^2(1) = 0.35$, $p=0.56$ |
| Science/Engineering Club(s) | 23% | 25% | 17% | $X^2(1) = 0.35$, $p=0.56$ |
| Science/Engineering Fairs | 16% | 19% | 8% | $X^2(1) = 0.71$, $p=0.40$ |
| Teams Participating in Science/Engineering Competition | 20% | 22% | 17% | $X^2(1) = 0.15$, $p=0.703$ |
| Encourage Science/Engineering Summer Programs | 43% | 34% | 67% | $X^2(1) = 3.71$, $p=0.9^*$ |
| Visit Science/Engineering Related Community Sites | 18% | 19% | 17% | $X^2(1) = 0.03$, $p=0.87$ |
| Adult Mentors From Science/Engineering Fields | 18% | 19% | 17% | $X^2(1) = 0.03$, $p=0.87$ |
* Fisher’s Exact Test (2-sided) reported for p-value use, to prevent type two error, because of small sample size.
Teachers and principals also had conflicting views of their schools’ support for after-school help in science or engineering. Twenty-three percent of teachers reported that they provide support in these areas, whereas only 13% of principals reported that their school provided support in these areas. The largest percentage of schools (43% of
teachers and 65% of principals) said that they encouraged students to participate in science or engineering summer programs or camps. I found a significant difference in the number of teachers reporting that their schools provided family science or engineering nights. I found only 28% of low-SES teachers reported that science or engineering nights were provided at their schools, compared to 67% of high-SES teachers. I found no additional significant differences in teacher views between the low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
**Table 26.** Percent of Principals who Reported that their Schools Provide Activities to Promote Science or Engineering
| Activity | Total (N=44) | Low-SES (n=32) | High-SES (n=12) | Pearson’s Chi square, p-value |
|-----------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|------------------------------|
| Family Science/Engineering Night | 32%* | 21%* | 5%* | $X^2(1) = 1.92$, $p= 0.17$ |
| After-school Help in Science/Engineering | 13% | 7% | 25% | $X^2(1) = 1.55$, $p= 0.21$ |
| Science/Engineering Club(s) | 26% | 20% | 38% | $X^2(1) = 0.83$, $p= 0.36$ |
| Science/Engineering Fairs | 26% | 27% | 25% | $X^2(1) = 0.008$, $p= 0.93$ |
| Teams Participating in Science/Engineering Competition | 26% | 27% | 25% | $X^2(1) = 0.008$, $p= 0.93$ |
| Encourage Science/Engineering Summer Programs | 65% | 53% | 88% | $X^2(1) = 2.69$, $p= 0.10$ |
| Visit Science/Engineering Related Community Sites | 26% | 20% | 38% | $X^2(1) = 0.83$, $p= 0.36$ |
| Adult Mentors From Science/Engineering Fields | 39% | 63% | 27% | $X^2(1) = 2.81$, $p= 0.09$ |
* N = 22 (nLow = 14, nHigh = 8)
Teacher Background and Professional Development
Teachers’ Educational Background
Participant teachers gained their teaching certification from the Idaho State Department of Education through various paths. The majority of the teachers obtained their teaching certification through an undergraduate teaching program (87%) and the minority of them obtained their teaching certification through a master’s program. A larger percentage (21%) of high-SES participant teachers obtained their certification through post-baccalaureate credit completion programs with no master’s degree awarded, such as through the American Board of Certification of Teacher Excellence (ABCTE) program. See Table 27 for further information regarding participant teacher paths to certification.
Table 27. Percent of Teachers Taking Various Paths to Certification
| Path to Certification | Sample (N=47) | Low-SES (n=33) | High-SES (n=14) |
|------------------------------------------------------------|---------------|----------------|-----------------|
| An undergraduate program leading to a bachelor’s degree and a teaching credential | 87% | 94% | 71% |
| A post-baccalaureate credit completion program (no master’s degree awarded) | 9% | 3% | 21% |
| A master’s program that also awarded a teaching certificate | 4% | 3% | 7% |
| No formal certificate program completed | 0% | 0% | 0% |
Five participant teachers held graduate degrees, either Masters or Doctorate degrees in an education related field. Eighty-three percent of the teachers indicated that they held a Bachelor’s degree in education. All but one of the teachers, 2%, held a
Bachelor’s in Secondary Education. Only one participant teacher held a degree in a natural science or engineering field, and that degree was in a Biology related field. See Table 28 for a further breakdown of teacher participant educational background.
Table 28. Number and Types of Degrees Earned by Participant Teachers
| Degree Type | Total (N=38) | Low-SES (n=26) | High-SES (n=12) |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|
| Degree in Education | | | |
| Elementary Education | 3 | 26 | 12 |
| Secondary Education | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Masters, Doctorate, or second Bachelors in Education | 8 | 5 | 3 |
| Degree in Natural Sciences or Engineering | | | |
| Biological Sciences | 1 | 0 | 1 |
The participant teachers reported that their science content knowledge came predominantly from introductory level biology (96% of the sample) and earth science (78% of the sample) coursework. Only 45% of the sample population had taken an introductory chemistry course and 38% had taken an introductory physics course. Six percent had taken an introductory Environmental Science course and 2% had taken an engineering course. This breakdown was similar for both low and high-SES school teachers; see Table 29 for a more complete breakdown.
Table 29. Percent of Teachers Reporting Completion of Introductory Coursework in Science and Engineering
| Subject | Total (N=47) | Low-SES (n=35) | High-SES (n=12) |
|----------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|
| Chemistry | 45% | 46% | 42% |
| Life Science | 96% | 100% | 83% |
| Physics | 38% | 34% | 50% |
| Earth/Space Science | 79% | 80% | 75% |
| Environmental Science | 38% | 34% | 50% |
| Engineering | 2% | 3% | 0% |
Thirty-four percent of the teacher sample had taken biology coursework beyond the introductory level, with the coursework coming predominately from courses on Anatomy and Physiology, Ecology, and Zoology. Only 2-8% of the teacher sample had taken courses beyond the introductory level in chemistry, physics, or earth science. One teacher, or 2% of the teacher sample, held a bachelor’s degree in a science-related area (see Table A9).
The National Science Teachers Association (NSTA) has established elementary science teacher course background standards recommending that all elementary teachers have at least one college-level course in life, Earth, and physical science. Forty-seven percent of the participant teachers met these standards (see Table 30).
Table 30. Percent of Teachers Meeting the NSTA Course-background Standards
| Courses in life, Earth, and physical science | Total (N=47) | Low-SES (n=35) | High-SES (n=12) |
|---------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|
| | 47% | 49% | 42% |
| Courses in two of the three areas | 36% | 34% | 42% |
| Courses in one of the three areas | 17% | 17% | 17% |
| No courses in any of the three areas | 0% | 0% | 0% |
The largest percentage of participant teachers (39%) last took a formal science course for college credit more than 10 years ago, with 15% of teachers reporting that they had never taken a formal science course for college credit. See Figure 10 for the remaining breakdown.
Similarly, the largest percentage of participant teachers last took a course in science pedagogy more than 10 years ago. A statistically significant difference arose between low and high-SES school teachers for this question ($p = 0.04$). Sixty-seven percent of high-SES school teachers reported having taken their last course in science pedagogy more than 10 years ago, whereas only 29% of low-SES school teachers reported having taken a course more than 10 years ago. A surprising 26% of participant teachers have never had a course in science pedagogy. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$); see Figure 11 for a more complete breakdown of the data.
Teachers’ Feelings of Preparedness
Teachers were asked about their feelings of preparedness to teach various subjects areas. As can be seen in Table 31, teachers indicated that they felt *very well prepared* to teach mathematics and English language arts, and *fairly well prepared* to teach the life sciences, earth sciences, and social studies. However, teachers felt a deficit in their preparation to teach the physical sciences and engineering. Teachers in Idaho also felt a deficit in their preparation to teach science to students with learning disabilities and English language learners (ELL) students; see Table 32. Participant teachers did report that they felt *very well prepared* to manage classroom discipline during science instruction. I saw these trends in teacher preparedness in both low and high-SES schools and no significant difference exists between these sub-populations ($p > 0.05$); see Table 31 and Table 32.
Table 31. Median Teacher Ratings* on Feelings of Preparedness for Teaching Various Subject Areas
| Subject Area | Total (N=34) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=33) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=11) Median (IQR) | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|--------------------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Mathematics | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 217$, $z = 0.95$, $p = 0.441$ |
| Reading/ELA | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 203$, $z = 0.52$, $p = 0.687$ |
| Social Studies | 3 (2.25, 4) | 3 (2.5, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 210$, $z = 0.81$, $p = 0.453$ |
| Life Science | 3 (2, 3.5) | 3 (2, 3.25) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 183$, $z = -0.12$, $p = 0.93$ |
| Earth Science | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2.75, 4) | 3 (2, 3) | $U = 242$, $z = 34.88$, $p = 0.152$ |
| Physical Sciences | 2 (2, 3) | 2.5 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | $U = 187$, $z < 0.01$, $p = 1.0$ |
| Engineering | 2 (1, 2) | 2 (1, 2) | 2 (1, 2) | $U = 202$, $z = 0.43$, $p = 0.71$ |
* (1) Not adequately prepared, (2) Somewhat prepared, (3) Fairly well prepared, (4) Very well prepared.
When principals were asked about teacher preparedness, they indicated that their teachers had been adequately prepared by teacher preparation programs to teach science, and that their teachers had adequate science knowledge and interest in science. I found no significant difference in the responses of low and high-SES principals on this line of questioning ($p > 0.05$).
Table 32. Median Teacher Ratings* on Feelings of Preparedness for Teaching Various Student Populations
| | Teachers | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|--------------------------|---------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=45) | Low-SES (n=33) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | |
| Learning Disabilities | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | $U = 207$, $z = 0.08$, $p = 0.94$ |
| Physical Disabilities | 2.5 (2, 3) | 2.5 (2, 3) | 2.5 (1.25, 3) | $U = 218$, $z = 0.37$, $p = 0.71$ |
| ELL | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (1.25, 3) | $U = 207$, $z = 0.08$, $p = 0.94$ |
| Gifted & Talented | 3 (2., 3) | 2.5 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3.75) | $U = 170$, $z = -0.91$, $p = 0.36$ |
| Females in STEM | 3 (2.75, 4) | 3 (2.75, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 219$, $z = 0.40$, $p = 0.69$ |
| Minorities in STEM | 3 (2.75, 4) | 3 (2.75, 4) | 3 (2.25, 4) | $U = 200$, $z = -0.11$, $p = 0.92$ |
| Low-SES in STEM | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (2.75, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 215$, $z = 0.28$, $p = 0.78$ |
* (1) Not adequately prepared, (2) Somewhat prepared, (3) Fairly well prepared, (4) Very well prepared.
As a final analysis of teachers’ perceptions of preparedness, I calculated composite scores from questions that addressed teachers’ perception of preparedness to teach diverse learners and perceptions of preparedness to encourage students. These composite scores are available in Table 33.
Table 33. Composite Scores for Teacher Perceptions of Preparedness Questions
| Question Composites | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|---------------------|----------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=40) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=28) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) | |
| Perception of Preparedness to Teach Diverse Learners | 47 (33, 67) | 47 (33, 62) | 50 (33, 67) | $U = 198$, $z = -0.16$, $p = 0.87$ |
| Perceptions of Preparedness to Encourage Students | 67 (50, 100) | 67 (50, 100) | 67 (46, 100) | $U = 206$, $z = 0.20$, $p = 0.85$ |
**Professional Development**
Twenty-nine percent of principals indicated that their school or district had offered professional development focused on science or science teaching in the last three years. Principals indicated that the most common methods of providing professional development time for teachers’ professional growth came from the use of: early dismissal or late start for students (67%); professional days or teacher workdays during the students’ school year (67%); and common planning time for teachers (67%). I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals ($p > 0.05$).
Fifty-six percent of participant teachers reported that they had participated in science or science teaching focused professional development in the last three years. Twenty-two percent of participant teachers have never participated in science or science teaching focused professional development. Only 8% of the teacher sample indicated that they had attended a national, regional, or state science association meeting. I did not find a significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers for this line of questioning ($p > 0.05$).
Of the teachers that indicated that they have participated in science or science teaching focused professional development: 96% of them had participated in science or science teaching focused workshops; 8% had attended a national, state, or regional science association meeting; and 50% have participated in professional learning community, lesson study, or teacher study groups focused on science or science teaching.
The hours spent by each of the teachers that reported they completed science or science teaching focused professional development are available in Figure 12. The largest percentage of teachers completed less than six hours (40%); the second largest percentage of teachers completed more than 35 hours (36%).
**Figure 12. Percentage of Teachers Participating in Professional Development**
Professional development experiences that teachers took part in provided the following opportunities to a *considerable extent*: opportunities to engage in science investigations; opportunities to try out what they learned in their classroom and then talk about this experience as part of the professional development; work closely with other
science teachers from their school; and work closely with science teachers from the same grade level or subject area.
Table 34. Teachers Beliefs about the Focus Placed on Various Instructional Components, During Professional Development, Over the Last Three Years
| Professional Development Focus of Importance | Limited Extent (2) | Moderate Extent (3) | Considerable Extent (5) |
|---------------------------------------------|-------------------|---------------------|-------------------------|
| Learning about the difficulties that students may have with particular science ideas and procedures | Planning instruction so students at different levels of achievement can increase their understanding of the ideas targeted in each activity | Deepening science content knowledge |
| Discovering what students think or already know about the key science ideas prior to instruction | Monitoring student understanding during science instruction |
| Implementing science textbook or module adopted by the district or school | Assessing student understanding at the conclusion of instruction on a topic |
| Providing enrichment experiences for gifted students | |
| Providing alternative science learning | |
| Teaching science to ELL students | |
Participant teachers reported that the professional development opportunities that they participated in over the last three years placed a range of importance on various issues facing science education. Table 34 presents issues facing science education and the level of importance that the professional development coordinators assigned to each of these issues, as perceived by the teacher participants, during various professional
development opportunities. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers on these items ($p > 0.05$).
When principals were asked about the same focus of science professional development in their schools and districts, over the last three years, their responses indicated a heavy emphasis on the Common Core State Standards and integrating science with other content areas. Every principal (100%) indicated that these two instructional components were the focus of science professional development in their districts over the last three years. Teachers reported that science content was focused on to a considerable extent in professional development, yet only 22% of principals believe that science content was a focus of professional development. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals ($p > 0.05$). Principals reported that insufficient time to teach science was an important concern, and they found inadequate science-related professional development opportunities to be a moderate concern.
I found a significant difference between teacher responses of low and high-SES school teachers when they were asked if their schools or districts had participated in any STEM initiatives over the last five years ($p = 0.01$). High-SES school teachers, with a smaller sample size of 12, reported that 83% of their schools or districts had participated in STEM initiatives. Only 37% of low-SES school teachers (sample of 35) reported that their schools or districts had participate in STEM initiatives. This is a surprising finding because I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals, when asked the same question ($p > 0.05$). Forty-three percent of principals reported that their schools or districts had participated in a STEM initiative within the last five years.
The high-SES sample size of principals was eight, and low-SES principal sample size was 15.
I calculated teacher composite scores for several areas of teacher professional development, including, quality of professional development and extent to which professional development (PD) and coursework focused on student-centered instruction. The composite scores for each of these categories are presented in Table 35.
Table 35. Composite Scores for Teacher Professional Development Questions
| Question Composites | Teachers | p-value |
|---------------------|----------|---------|
| | Total (N=40) | Low-SES (n=28) | High-SES (n=12) |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) |
| Quality of Professional Development | 37.5 (27, 50) | 37.5 (26, 55) | 29 (25, 46) | 0.458 |
| Extent to Which PD/Coursework Focused on Student-centered Instruction | 43.75 (25, 62.5) | 44 (31, 56) | 62.5 (20, 68.75) | 0.585 |
Instructional Leadership and Mandate
Teachers as Leaders
Over the last three years, only a small number of teachers have participated in various teacher leader roles. Some of these leadership roles included: teaching in-service workshop(s) on science or science teaching (5%); serving as a formally assigned mentor or coach for science teaching (5%); and supervising student teacher(s) (33%). I found no significant difference in these findings between teachers from low and high-SES schools.
Teachers reported that they rarely have influence on how money is spent and students rarely have direct influence on decisions. The participant teachers felt they
sometimes play a role in school-wide decision-making, input on plans for professional development and growth, and participation in decisions about school improvement (see Table 36). Questions regarding teachers’ roles in school decision-making were used to calculate a composite score on shared leadership (see Table 37). I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teacher responses for the individual questions on shared leadership or the shared leadership composite.
Table 36. Median Ratings* by Teachers on Shared Leadership within their School Buildings, During the 2013-2014 School Year
| Teachers | Total (N=43) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=30) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=13) Median (IQR) | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|-----------------------------------------------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Influence on Money Spending | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | $U = 178$, $z = -0.23$, $p = 0.84$ |
| Role in School-wide Decision Making | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | $U = 191$, $z = 0.13$, $p = 0.90$ |
| Significant Input into PD plans | 3 (2, 4) | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 180$, $z = -0.18$, $p = 0.86$ |
| Principal Ensures Wide Participation in School Improvement Decisions | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 164$, $z = -0.64$, $p = 0.547$ |
| Students have Direct Influence on School Decisions | 2 (1,3) | 2 (1,4) | 2 (1, 2) | $U = 222$, $z = 1.01$, $p = 0.34$ |
| School Teams have Influence on School Decisions | 3 (2,4) | 3 (2,4) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 187$, $z = 0.03$, $p = 1.00$ |
* (1) Never, (2) Rarely (A few times per year), (3) Sometimes (Once or twice per month), (4) Often (Once or twice per week), (5) All or almost all science classes.
Table 37. Composite Scores for Shared Leadership
| Question Composite | Teachers | High-SES (n=13) | p-value |
|--------------------|----------|-----------------|---------|
| | Total (n=43) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=30) Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) |
| Shared Leadership Composite | 42 (33, 58) | 42 (33, 58) | 40 (30, 55) | 0.841 |
**Principals as Instructional Leaders, Observation and Feedback**
A large number of principals reported (73%) that they did provide observation and feedback of science instruction during this school year. I found no significant difference between principals of low and high-SES schools ($\chi^2(1) = 0.87$, $p = 0.35$).
When teachers were asked how often they were formally observed during science instruction during this school year, a significant difference was found between the teachers in low and high-SES schools ($p < 0.05$). Thirteen percent of low-SES school teachers reported that they had been observed during formal observation this school year, whereas 77% of the high-SES school teachers reported that they had been formally observed during science instruction. Likewise, the median number of formal science observations in low-SES schools was 0 (0,0) and the median number of formal science observations of the high-SES school teachers was 1 (0.25, 2). This difference in observation times between low and high-SES school teachers is statistically significant ($U = 63$, $z = -4.23$, $p = 0.001$).
Table 38. Percent Teacher Reported Observational Occurrences, During the 2013-2014 School Year
| Science Observation or Feedback | Total (N=43) | Low-SES (n=30) | High-SES (n=13) | Pearson’s Chi-square, p-value |
|---------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|-------------------------------|
| Formal Observation | 33% | 13% | 77% | $X^2(1) = 13.66$, $p< 0.049*$ |
| Informal Observation/Walkthrough| 70% | 70% | 69% | $X^2(1) = 0.08$, $p= 0.783$ |
| Received Feedback on Science Instruction | 35% | 23% | 62% | $X^2(1) = 7.40$, $p= 0.01*$ |
| Received Specific Feedback on Reform-minded Science Practices | 16% | 13% | 23% | $X^2(1) = 0.93$, $p= 0.35$ |
* Fisher’s Exact Test (2-sided) reported for p-value use, to prevent type two error, because of small sample size.
When participant teachers were asked about informal observations of their science instruction, the findings between low and high-SES school teachers were not significantly different. The median times observed during informal or walk-through observations for the participant teachers was 1 (0, 2) occurrence during this school year. Seventy percent of participant teachers indicated that they had been observed during science instruction during an informal or walk through observation. For additional information, please see Table 38 and Table 39.
Table 39. Median Number of Teachers Reported Observational Occurrences, During the 2013-2014 School Year
| Science Observation | Observational Occurrences of Teachers | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|---------------------|--------------------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=43) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=30) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=13) Median (IQR) |
| Formal Observation | 0 (0, 1) | 0 (0, 0) | 1 (0.25, 2) | $U = 63$, $z = -4.23$, $p = 0.001$ |
| Informal Observation/Walkthrough | 1 (0, 2) | 1 (0, 2) | 0.5 (0, 2.75) | $U = 224$, $z = 0.80$, $p = 0.46$ |
When observing, 76% of principals indicated they look for reform-minded science practices, and 88% of them reported providing specific feedback on how teachers can improve science instruction. When teachers were asked about feedback that they receive on their science instruction, a significant difference was found between low and high-SES school teachers ($p=0.01$). Twenty-three percent of low-SES teachers received specific feedback on their science instruction, whereas 62% of high-SES teachers received specific feedback on their science instruction. A significant difference was not found, however, between low and high-SES school teachers when they were asked about feedback on reform-minded science practices. Only 16% of participant teachers received specific feedback that was reform-minded (inquiry, learning cycle, evidence based responses, etc.) (see Table 38).
**Support for Struggling Teachers in Science**
I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals in the support structure that they reported putting in place for struggling teachers in science. Table 40 provides an overview of the services provided.
Table 40. Percent of Principals Reportedly Using Interventions to Help Struggling Teachers in Science
| Intervention | Total (N=22) | Low-SES (n=14) | High-SES (n=8) | Pearson’s Chi-square, p-value |
|---------------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|----------------|------------------------------|
| Seminars, classes, or study groups | 14% | 7% | 25% | $X^2(1) = 1.38$, $p=0.24$ |
| Higher Level of Supervision than for Other Teachers | 41% | 36% | 50% | $X^2(1) = 0.43$, $p=0.51$ |
| Guidance from a Formally Designated Mentor or Coach | 41% | 43% | 38% | $X^2(1) = 0.06$, $p=0.81$ |
**Science Mentors and Coaches**
I found a significant difference in the number of teachers reporting that they had received feedback about their science teaching from a mentor or coach that was formally assigned by the school or district ($p = 0.01$). Only 16% of low-SES teachers received feedback from a formally assigned mentor or coach, while 58% of high-SES teachers received feedback from a formally assigned mentor or coach. When teachers were asked about mentorship and coaching, few respondents indicated that these roles exist in their schools or districts. A small percentage of teachers indicated that their principal (2%), district science supervisor or coordinator (7%), teachers who have no classroom teaching responsibilities in the district (5%), and teachers with full-time teaching responsibilities in the district (12%), filled coaching or mentoring roles in their district. These numbers were similar to what the principals reported, except that the principles reported that 23% saw themselves as filling this mentoring or coaching role in their school. I found no
additional significant difference in responses from teachers or principals, from low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
**Science Professional Learning Communities**
Twenty-six percent of participant principals reported that in the last 5 years their school offered teachers study groups where teachers meet on a regular basis to discuss teaching and learning of science. During these study groups, principals indicated that teachers primarily plan science lessons together, analyze students’ science assessment results, and analyze science instructional materials. Zero percent of the teacher sample reported that they had led a professional learning community, lesson study, or teacher study groups focused on science or science teaching. When teachers were asked about participation in professional learning communities, lesson study, or teacher study groups focused on science or science teaching, 50% reported that they had participated in one of these types of learning communities within the last three years. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals ($p > 0.05$).
**Instructional Leadership**
Teachers were asked about their principals’ instructional leadership skills; the median teacher response indicates that teachers felt as though their principals *sometimes* observed their science classroom instruction. Teachers reported that their principals *rarely* provided specific ideas to improve instruction and *rarely* attended teacher planning meetings. The teachers indicated that their principals *never* make suggestions on classroom management. I found one significant difference in the data between low and high-SES school teachers on instructional leadership ($p = 0.04$). The high-SES school teachers said that their principals *all or almost always* protect teachers from distractions
to their instruction, and the low-SES school teachers said that their principals only sometimes protect their instructional time (see Table 41).
Table 41. Median Ratings* by Teachers on their Principals’ Instructional Leadership
| Principal has discussed instructional issues with you | Total (N=43) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=30) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=13) Median (IQR) | Mann Whitney U-test, p-value |
|------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------|-----------------------------|-------------------------------|------------------------------|
| Principal observed your classroom instruction | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (1, 3) | $U = 228$, $z = 1.20$, $p = 0.27$ |
| Principal has made suggestions for improve classroom behavior or classroom management | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | $U = 181$, $z = -0.15$, $p = 0.90$ |
| Principal has attended teacher planning meetings | 1 (1, 2) | 1 (1, 2) | 1 (1, 3) | $U = 186$, $z = -0.02$, $p = 1.00$ |
| Principal provides you specific ideas for how to improve your instruction | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | $U = 185$, $z = -0.03$, $p = 1.00$ |
| Principal protects teachers from distractions to their instruction | 2 (1, 2) | 2 (1, 2) | 2 (1, 3) | $U = 139$, $z = -1.41$, $p = 0.20$ |
| Principal has clearly defined standards for instructional practices | 4 (2, 5) | 3 (1, 4) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 108$, $z = -2.17$, $p = 0.04$ |
| Principal has clearly defined standards for instructional practices | 3 (2, 5) | 3 (2, 5) | 4 (2, 5) | $U = 159$, $z = -0.75$, $p = 0.48$ |
* (1) Never, (2) Rarely (A few times per year), (3) Sometimes (Once or twice per month), (4) Often (Once or twice per week), (5) All or almost all science classes.
I calculated composite scores on instructional leadership from questions items found in Table 41. This composite score did not reveal a significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers responses on instructional leadership ($U = 143, z = -1.17, p = 0.68$) (see Table 42).
**Table 42. Composite scores for Instructional Leadership**
| Question Composites | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|---------------------|---------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (n=43) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=30) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=13) Median (IQR) | |
| Instructional | 46 (39.54) | 46 (39.57) | 45 (34.54) | $U = 143, z = -1.17, p = 0.68$ |
| Leadership | | | | |
| Composite | | | | |
**Assessment and Feedback**
**Types of Assessment**
Formative, summative, and performance assessments are all reportedly used by approximately 80% of sampled teachers (see Table 43). A similar percentage of principals reported that summative and performance assessments were used in their schools. However, only 68% of principals believed that formative assessment was used in their school to assess science. Eighty-three percent of teachers reported aligning their assessments to district or state standards, which is consistent with what principals reported. Diagnostic assessments to determine prior knowledge were used by only 63% of the sampled teachers; similarly, 50% of principals reported that diagnostic assessments were used in their schools. Student self-assessment was reportedly used by 46% of teachers; however, 55% of principals believed this method of assessment was used in
their school. I found no significant difference in these findings between the low and high-SES schools.
**Table 43. Percentage of Teachers Reporting the Use of Various Types of Science Assessment**
| Assessment Type | Total (N=42) | Low-SES (n=30) | High-SES (n=12) | Pearson Chi-square, p-value |
|------------------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|-----------------------------|
| Diagnostic Assessment | 63%* | 61%* | 67%* | $X^2(1) = 0.13$, $p= 0.72$ |
| Formative Assessment | 80%** | 76%** | 92%** | $X^2(1) = 1.35$, $p= 0.25$ |
| Summative Assessment | 79% | 77% | 83% | $X^2(1) = 0.23$, $p= 0.63$ |
| Performance Assessment | 88% | 87% | 92% | $X^2(1) = 0.20$, $p= 0.65$ |
| Science Notebooks | 76% | 77% | 75% | $X^2(1) = 0.01$, $p= 0.91$ |
| Student Self-Assessment | 46%** | 45%** | 50%** | $X^2(1) = 0.92$, $p= 0.34$ |
| Alignment of Assessment to State/District Standards | 83%** | 79%** | 92%** | $X^2(1) = 0.92$, $p= 0.34$ |
* N= 40 (nLOW= 28, nHIGH=12), ** N=41 (nLOW=29, nHIGH= 12)
Only 33% of teachers had their students use rubrics to assess other classmates’ work. Over 90% of teachers reported using various forms of informal assessments to evaluate their students’ understanding of the material. These informal assessments included: questioning, reviewing students’ work, and informal observations. The majority of teachers reported that they used science journals (76%). However, only 5% of principals reported the use of science journals in their schools. I found no significant difference in these findings between low and high-SES school teachers ($p < 0.05$).
Table 44. Percentage of Teachers Reporting Changes in Whole Class Science Instruction Based on Data
| Change | Teachers | Pearson’s Chi-square, p-value |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------|-------------------------------|
| | Total (N=41) | Low-SES (n=29) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| Change Lesson Plans to Emphasize Areas which the Class Scored Low | 85% | 83% | 92% | $X^2(1) = 0.54$, $p= 0.46$ |
| Add more Projects and Exercises in Areas that the Class Scored Low | 76% | 72% | 83% | $X^2(1) = 0.55$, $p= 0.46$ |
| Request Additional Supplies or Equipment | 44% | 38% | 58% | $X^2(1) = 1.44$, $p= 0.23$ |
| Re-evaluate Textbooks and Learning Materials | 63% ** | 75% ** | 33% ** | $X^2(1) = 6.22$, $p= 0.03*$ |
| Discuss Curriculum Relevance and Alignment to Standards with Peers | 71% | 76% | 58% | $X^2(1) = 1.26$, $p= 0.26$ |
| Ask for Additional Support and Ideas from Peers or Administrators | 83% | 86% | 75% | $X^2(1) = 0.75$, $p= 0.39$ |
* Fisher’s Exact Test (2-sided) reported for p-value use, to prevent type two error, because of small sample size; ** N= 40 (nLOW= 28, nHIGH=12)
I found a significant difference between low and high-SES school’s teacher response to whether or not they participated in re-evaluating textbooks and learning materials ($p = 0.03$). Teachers from low-SES schools were more likely to say that they re-evaluated curriculum materials based on assessment results than were high-SES teachers (see Table 44).
Table 45. Percentage of Principals Reporting Changes Teachers Make in Whole Class Science Instruction Based on Data
| Change | Principals | Pearson’s Chi-square, p-value |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------|-------------------------------|
| | Total (N=21) | Low-SES (n=13) | High-SES (n=8) | |
| Change Lesson Plans to Emphasize Areas Which The Class Scored Low | 65%* | 67%* | 63%* | $X^2(1) = 0.04$, $p= 0.85$ |
| Add more Projects and Exercises in Areas that the Class Scored Low | 62% | 62% | 63% | $X^2(1) = 0.002$, $p= 0.965$ |
| Request Additional Supplies or Equipment | 57% | 62% | 50% | $X^2(1) = 0.27$, $p= 0.60$ |
| Re-evaluate Textbooks and Learning Materials | 57% | 54% | 63% | $X^2(1) = 0.15$, $p= 0.70$ |
| Discuss Curriculum Relevance and Alignment to Standards with Peers | 88% | 69% | 76% | $X^2(1) = 0.91$, $p= 0.34$ |
| Ask for Additional Support and Ideas from Peers or Administrators | 86% | 85% | 88% | $X^2(1) = 0.36$, $p= 0.55$ |
* N = 20 (nLOW= 12, nHIGH= 8)
I found no significant difference between principals’ responses to this question. Fifty-seven percent of principals reported that their teachers re-evaluated textbooks and learning materials based on assessment (see Table 45). Surprisingly, only 44% of teachers reported that they request additional supplies or equipment. This finding was similar to what principals reported (57%). I found no significant difference in this finding between teachers or principals from low and high-SES schools. The majority of teachers
asked for additional support and ideas from other teachers or administrators (83%) and discussed curriculum relevance, alignment to standards, and assessment with their peers (71%). See Table 44 for further details; there was no statistical difference in these findings between low and high-SES school teachers.
**Struggling Students**
Although the sample teachers were likely to provide struggling students with additional assistance during class in areas they perform poorly (85%), they were more likely to provide these same poorly performing students with materials on test-taking skills and strategies (70%) than they were to provide them with assistance outside of class (48%). The teachers were also not likely to provide high-performing students with additional, more challenging projects or readings (54%) (see Table 46).
**Table 46. Percentage of Teachers Implementing Various Strategies for Helping Struggling Students in Science**
| Strategies | Teachers | Pearson’s Chi-square, p-value |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------|-------------------------------|
| | Total (N=40) | Low-SES (n=28) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| Provide Students Additional Assistance in Class in Areas they Performed Poorly | 85%** | 82% | 91%** | $X^2(1) = 0.47$, $p=0.50$ |
| Provide Students Additional Assistance Outside of Class in Areas they Performed Poorly | 48% | 50% | 42% | $X^2(1) = 0.23$, $p=0.63$ |
| Provide Poorly Performing Students Material on Test-taking Skills and Strategies | 70% | 82% | 42% | $X^2(1) = 6.55$, $p=0.02*$ |
| Provide High-performing Students with Additional, Challenging Projects or Readings | 54%*** | 56%*** | 50% | $X^2(1) = 0.10$, $p=0.75$ |
* Fisher’s Exact Test (2-sided) reported for p-value use, to prevent type two error, because of small sample size; ** N= 39 (nLOW= 28, nHIGH=11); ***N=39(nLOW= 27, nHIGH=12)
The results of the teacher survey are slightly different from the principals’ beliefs about their teachers (see Table 47). A high percentage of principals said that their teachers provide students additional assistance in class in areas in which the students are performing poorly (90%), and 52% of the principals believe that teachers provided support outside of class. Principals also believe that only 48% of their teachers are teaching struggling students test-taking strategies. See Table 46 and Table 47 for additional information about struggling students.
Table 47. Percentage of Principals Reporting their Teachers Implement Various Strategies for Helping Struggling Students in Science
| Strategies | Principals | Pearson’s Chi-square, p-value |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------|-------------------------------|
| | Total (N=21) | Low-SES (n=13) | High-SES (n=8) | |
| Provide Students Additional Assistance in Class in Areas they Performed Poorly | 90% | 92% | 88% | $X^2(1) = 0.13$, $p=0.72$ |
| Provide Students Additional Assistance Outside of Class in Areas they Performed Poorly | 52% | 62% | 38% | $X^2(1) = 1.15$, $p=0.28$ |
| Provide Poorly Performing Students Material on Test-taking Skills and Strategies | 48% | 46% | 50% | $X^2(1) = 0.03$, $p=0.86$ |
| Provide High-performing Students with Additional, Challenging Projects or Readings | 71% | 69% | 75% | $X^2(1) = 0.08$, $p=0.78$ |
Monitoring Student Progress and Achievement
Overall, the sampled teachers felt fairly well prepared to monitor students' progress and achievement during the last science unit they taught; see Table 48.
Table 48. Median Ratings* by Teachers on their Level of Preparedness to Monitor Student Progress and Achievement During the Last Science Unit They Taught
| Activity | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=40) Median (IQR) | Low-SES (n=28) Median (IQR) | High-SES (n=12) Median (IQR) | |
| Anticipate Student Difficulties with Particular Science Concepts | 3 (2.25, 3) | 3 (2, 3.75) | 3 (3, 3) | $U = 191$, $z = 0.75$, $p = 0.512$ |
| Identify Student Prior Knowledge Before Beginning Unit | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (2.25, 3.75) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 193$, $z = 0.59$, $p = 0.601$ |
| Implement Science Lessons from Textbook or Module | 3 (3,4) | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 164$, $z = -0.32$, $p = 0.788$ |
| Monitor Students Understanding During the Unit | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 171$, $z = -0.12$, $p = 0.921$ |
| Assess Student Understanding At the Conclusion of the Unit | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 157$, $z = -0.59$, $p = 0.621$ |
* (1) Not adequately prepared, (2) Somewhat prepared, (3) Fairly well prepared, (4) Very well prepared.
Sixty-four percent of principals reported that they did monitor student progress in science. I found no significant difference between principals from low and high-SES schools. Only 36% of teachers believed that their principals made an effort to monitor
student progress in science. I found no significant difference between teachers from low and high-SES schools. Evidence that teachers provided of their principals monitoring progress in science most commonly involved monitoring of ISAT results and student report cards. Their examples also included: monitoring of grade-level assessment content; support of science fairs; interactions with students during observations of science lessons; and monitoring of objectives during classroom visits.
Table 49. Principal Median Composite Score for the Supportive Context for Science Instruction
| Question Composite | Principals | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|--------------------|------------|-----------------------------|
| | Total (N=23) | Low-SES (n=15) | High-SES (n=8) |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) |
| Supportive Context for Science | 31.25 (22, 50) | 31.25 (18.75, 47) | 28 (20, 61) |
| | | | |
| | | | |
I calculated a composite score from principal responses on the supportive context for science instruction. These data are presented in Table 49. A composite score was also calculated using teacher responses for the extent to which policy environment promotes effective instruction; these data are presented in Table 50.
Table 50. Teacher Median Composites for Extent to which the Policy Environment Promotes Effective Instruction
| Question Composite | Teachers | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|--------------------|----------|------------------------------|
| | Total (N=40) | Low-SES (n=28) | High-SES (n=12) |
| | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) | Median (IQR) |
| Extent to which the Policy Environment Promotes Effective Instruction | 54 (37.5, 62.5) | 52 (37.5, 61) | 56 (42, 79) |
| | | | |
| | | | |
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Introduction
It has become a national goal to increase the number of students entering STEM careers. Elementary science education has been identified as important in laying the foundation for intellectual development, the foundation of scientific literacy, and an entry point into interests in STEM. If Idaho shares in the national goal of increasing STEM literacy, it will be necessary for Idaho schools to make elementary science a priority. With so many competing interests in education, it is important to know how to invest resources to get the greatest return. With this in mind, it is important to identify what factors at the school and classroom level are important in achieving success in elementary science.
The purpose of this study was to identify if the four key elements to elementary science reform are present within Idaho’s high science achieving elementary schools, and to identify if differences exist in the implementation of the key elements between low and high-SES schools. To better understand this purpose, I developed two focused research questions:
• **Question 1:** In Idaho, are all of the four key elements present in all of the high science achieving elementary schools? This question was further broken into four sub-questions:
Is there evidence of the element Programs and Practices found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
Is there evidence of the element Teacher Background and Development found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
Is there evidence of the element Instructional Leadership and Mandate found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
Is there evidence of the element Assessment and Feedback found within all of the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho?
- **Hypothesis 1**: Based on three years of science ISAT results, the identified Idaho schools have consistently developed high achievers in science (ISDE, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a). As a state, Idaho has scored above the national average on the last National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test given in the elementary grades (NCES, 2011). The NAEP test is a rigorous test that tests beyond rote knowledge, making it reasonable to believe that evidence will be present in all of the highest science achieving schools in the state that indicates they are engaged in delivering all four key elements considered important to achieving success in elementary science.
- **Question 2**: In Idaho, high science achievement can be found in both low and high socioeconomic status elementary schools. Does the evidence indicate a difference between the low and high-SES schools’ implementation of the key elements to
elementary science reform in Idaho high science achieving schools? This question was further broken into four sub-questions:
- Is there a difference in the implementation of Programs and Practices between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
- Is there a difference in the implementation of Teacher Background and Development between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
- Is there a difference in the implementation of Instructional Leadership and Mandate between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
- Is there a difference in the implementation of Assessment and Feedback between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?
- **Hypothesis 2**: Based on the different pressures created by socioeconomic status in low and high-SES schools, the ability to implement each of the key elements will be different in the high science achieving, high and low-SES schools.
**Discussion**
I have organized the discussion section by the four key elements, addressing each in the following order: (1) Programs and Practices, (2) Teacher Background and Development, (3) Instructional Leadership and Mandate, and (4) Assessment and Feedback. I have considered each research question within the context of each of the key
elements to elementary science reform, first by the total sample, then by the differences between the two sub-populations (low and high-SES schools).
I further synthesized the data within the summary sections for each of the key elements. To achieve this, I identified primary indicator items from the teacher survey, principal survey, and composite questions to identify the presence of each key element. The presence of the primary indicators then provided further insight into which schools were implementing each of the key elements. This process allowed me to quantify my first research question, “Is there evidence that all of the participant Idaho high science achieving schools are activating the key element Program and Practice?” A description of how the presence of each primary indicator item was determined is provided within each of the key element summary sections.
To maintain anonymity, I randomly assigned pseudonyms to each of the participant schools. Each school’s pseudonym is an element from the periodic table of elements. Once the names were randomly assigned, I then ordered the schools by their elemental periodic number.
**Programs and Practices**
Program and Practice encompasses both the quality and quantity of the adopted instructional program and instructional practice within a school. A quality program is identifiable by the adoption, implementation, and support of high-quality instructional materials and instructional practices that meet state and district standards, and are consistent with the higher-order vision of the National Science Standards or the Next Generation Science Standards. The quantity of a program is identifiable by the number of
hours dedicated to weekly instruction of science (Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b, 2007; St. John et al., 2007).
Using data from the teacher and principal surveys, I looked for evidence to support the presence of Programs and Practices in the entire sample (Question 1), and within the sub-populations (Question 2). The evidence I looked for focused on both the quality and quantity of the elementary science programs and practices reportedly implemented at the school and classroom level. For the quality of instruction, I was interested in identifying the mean hours per week that the schools reported implementing science instruction. I looked for evidence of how teachers were implementing their science instruction, and if their reported practices were consistent with the definition of high-quality science instruction, as outlined in Chapter One. I looked for evidence of a school culture that supported effective science instruction and helped all students to succeed in elementary science. Additionally, I looked at the resources and funding available to implement high-quality instruction.
To address question one, I will begin by considering the sub-question on Programs and Practices. I evaluated the total principal and teacher samples for evidence of the entire Idaho sample activating the Programs and Practices within each of the seven sub-categories: (1) time for science instruction; (2) promoting effective science instruction; (3) science teaching practices; (4) science textbooks/modules; (5) instructional resources; (6) funding for science; and (7) promoting a culture of science or engineering. I then followed each of these sub-categories with an evaluation of the evidence within the context of research question two.
Time for Science Instruction
When the third through fifth grade teachers at high science achieving elementary schools were asked about how much time they devoted to teaching the various core subject areas, I found that teachers spent significantly less time on science instruction compared to ELA (English Language Arts) and math instruction (see Figure 8 and Table A10). For the purpose of comparison, I broke these numbers down into per day means. As can be seen in Table 51, this trend is mirrored nationally in third through fifth grade classrooms (Trygstad, 2013). I found no significant difference in these trends between low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
Table 51. Minutes Per Day of Instruction in Third through Fifth Grade Classrooms Across Content Various Areas
| Content Area | 3rd–5th grade Idaho Participant Teacher Sample | 3rd–5th grade National Teacher Sample (Trygstad, 2013) |
|--------------------|-----------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------|
| English Language Arts (ELA) | 90 minutes per day | 84 minutes per day |
| Mathematics | 70 minutes per day | 60 minutes per day |
| Science | 27 minutes per day | 22 minutes per day |
| Social Studies | 26 minutes per day | 19 minutes per day |
The quantity of elementary science instruction occurring within high science achieving Idaho schools is consistent with the state mean. When Idaho teachers were asked how much time they committed to science instruction on the NAEP teacher survey, they reported a mean of two hours per week, ranking one of the lowest time commitments in the nation (Blank, 2012). The highest scoring states reported budgeting three to four hours per week for science instruction (Blank, 2012). Surprisingly, Idaho’s mean two-hour time commitment was similar to the median two hours per week reported by high science achieving school teachers. These results indicate that the median high science
achieving schools in the state of Idaho do not have an increased quantity of instruction present in their schools, as compared to other Idaho schools; in fact six teachers, from four different schools, reported providing an hour or less of science instruction per week. The science ISAT identified some schools as high achieving in science that are not budgeting the time necessary to implement high-quality science instruction.
I found no significant difference in the quantity of science instruction reported by teachers of low and high-SES students ($p>0.05$). However, when I calculated the hours per week of science instruction based on a 36-week school year, the trend showed that low-SES teachers were budgeting more time for science than the high-SES teachers. This is an interesting finding; however, it is not necessarily an indication of the quality of science instruction taking place.
**Science Teaching Practices**
Inverness Research Associates (2006b) and Heenan and Helms (2013) found that some districts had success in building capacity for science reform within their schools through the use of lead teachers, specialists, and science resource teachers. When I looked at science instruction at the school level, I found 39% of the high science achieving Idaho teachers reported that within their schools science instruction was taught by someone other than the elementary core teacher, such as a specialist or a teacher on their grade-level team (see Table 10). Nationally, 18% of teachers reported that someone provided science instruction other than the elementary core teacher, such as a specialist or a teacher on their grade-level team (Banilower et al., 2013). These Idaho schools reported taking advantage of a larger number of designated specialists or grade-level teachers acting as specialists than what Banilower et al. (2013) reported nationally. However, my
finding is consistent with what Inverness Research Associates observed in a large number of schools actively implementing science reform (Heenan & Helms, 2013; Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b; St. John et al., 2007, 2008). I found no significant difference between the way that low and high-SES schools organized and staffed their science teachers ($p > 0.05$).
When I analyzed the quality of science instruction in Idaho at the school level, I found Idaho high science achieving schools made a marked improvement from what was reported in the 2009 fourth grade science NAEP teacher survey results. In 2009, only 35% of the Idaho teachers surveyed by the NAEP reported providing hands-on/laboratory-based science instruction *daily, or once or twice weekly* (Blank, 2012). When Idaho teachers were asked about providing hands-on/laboratory-based science instruction for this study, 53% of teachers indicated that they conducted these activities *daily, or once or twice per week*.
When I considered the sub-populations, I found a statistical difference between the low and high-SES school teacher responses. The high-SES school teachers’ median responses indicated that they conducted hands-on activities *once or twice a week*, while the low-SES school teachers median response indicated that they conducted hands-on activities only *once or twice per month* ($U = 105$, $z = -2.32$, $p = 0.03$). When I looked at the teaching composite focused on identifying the importance placed, by teachers, on reform-oriented teaching practices, the composites revealed higher scores in the high science achieving Idaho schools than what Banilower et al. (2013) found in a national study of science education (see Table 52).
Table 52. Idaho Teacher Sample vs the National Teacher Sample Responses on Reform-Oriented Teaching Composites
| Composite | Median Idaho Teacher Sample | Mean National Teacher Sample (Banilower et al., 2013) |
|------------------------------------------------|-----------------------------|------------------------------------------------------|
| | Total | Low-SES | High-SES | |
| Reform-Oriented Instructional Objectives | 90 (80, 95) | * | * | 79 (0.7) |
| Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices | 67 (50, 79) | 63 (50, 75) | 79 (63, 88) | 60 (0.7) |
* Not significantly different
The median composite scores calculated for *Reform-Oriented Instructional Objectives* were not statistically significant between low and high-SES schools ($U = 107$, $z = -1.86$, $p = 0.07$), indicating both low and high-SES school teachers identify the importance of reform-oriented teaching to a higher level than what was found in the national sample (Banilower et al., 2013). A significant difference was found between the low and high-SES schools for the *Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices* composite. Although both low and high-SES schools implement reform practices, high-SES schools implement reform practices significantly more often ($U = 97$, $z = -2.11$, $p = 0.04$).
Despite the findings that the Idaho high science achieving schools are doing better at the classroom level on the quality of science instruction, Programs and Practice is not present in all of the schools identified by the science ISAT as high achieving. Eight out of 20 (40%) participant schools had teachers that reported engaging their students in multiple high-quality science practices *once or twice a week or all or most science lessons*. These practices included: engaging students in hands-on/laboratory-based instruction, asking students to represent and/or analyze data using tables, charts, and graphs; and requiring students to supply evidence in support of their claims (see Table 54).
Promoting Effective Science Instruction
At the school level, teachers identified various factors as *important* in promoting effective science instruction: principal support; time for them to plan individually and with colleagues; and time for professional development. Factors identified as being *moderately important* were: standards; pacing guides; state science testing; textbook or module selection policies. I found a difference between low and high-SES school teachers’ views on the importance of the district science curriculum framework ($U = 101$, $z = -2.07$, $p = 0.045$). Teachers in high-SES schools indicated that the district curriculum framework was *important*, and teachers in the low-SES schools saw the district science curriculum framework as *moderately important*. I found no additional significant difference between low and high-SES schools on these factors ($p > 0.05$).
At the school level, it was interesting to find that only 6% of participant principals reported being knowledgeable of the Next Generation Science Standards. Principals saw lack of opportunities for science teachers to share ideas as a *moderately important* factor that needed to be addressed. I did not find any significant difference in the responses of low and high-SES principals on this line of questioning ($p > 0.05$).
Science Textbooks or Modules
Research by Banilower et al. (2006) found the use of well-written curriculum and good instructional materials greatly improves the quality of science instruction. Their research indicated that when teachers implemented well-designed materials in the way they were originally intended, the lessons were more likely to be highly rated in providing significant and worthwhile content, providing developmentally appropriate content, and for portraying science as a dynamic body of knowledge. Unfortunately, they
also found that the vast majority of elementary classrooms in the United States do not have this level of support. They found that teachers are often forced to improvise lessons and gather their own materials. Their study went on to further show that only 11% of teacher improvised lessons received a rating of high-quality in providing significant and worthwhile content, developmentally appropriate content, and for portraying science as a dynamic body of knowledge (Baniolower et al., 2006).
When the Idaho teachers participating in this study were asked how they used their assigned textbook or module, they reported that picking out what is important from the textbook or module and skipping the rest was *important in promoting effective instruction*. They also believed that incorporating activities from other sources to supplement where the textbook or module was lacking was *very important in promoting effective instruction*. The largest number of teachers (82%) said the reason they skipped activities in their textbook or modules was because they had different activities for those science ideas that work better than the ones they skipped. Other common reasons for skipping the material included: the science ideas covered were not in their pacing guides (54%) and they didn’t have the materials to implement the activities (62%).
Nearly 40% of the commercially published textbooks or modules reportedly used in the high science achieving schools were published in 2006 or earlier. Some textbooks being used were as much as 14 years old. The American Association for the Advancement of Science (2002) has been critical of textbook quality, particularly at the elementary and middle school level in science. Not only are a large percent of textbooks outdated, very few of the textbooks or modules went through a rigorous development process. Historically, elementary science products created with funding from the National
Science Foundation are known to be well-vetted and of high quality. Only 14% of the commercially published textbooks or modules being used by the high science achieving schools in Idaho were developed with funding from the National Science Foundation. Based on the data collected from the teacher survey, it appears that not all of the schools have the level of support present in their assigned science curriculum consistent with a high-quality instructional program.
**Instructional Resources**
Lack of adequate resources for science instruction cannot only affect the quality of instruction, it can prevent instruction from occurring (Goldsmith & Pasquale, 2002). When instructional resources were evaluated at the school level, teachers in high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho gave the availability of instructional resources a median rating of *somewhat adequate*, meaning materials are available, but quantities or the location of the items makes coordinating the use of the items challenging. Teachers also reported that scientific equipment, instructional technology, consumable items, and facilities were only *somewhat adequate*. When I looked to identify how many schools reported access to scientific equipment and consumable items, I found that only 4 out of 20 schools (20%) had *nearly adequate* or *adequate* access to these items. I also found that only 8 out of 20 schools (40%) had *nearly adequate* or *adequate* access to science facilities. I found no significant difference between the teachers from low and high-SES schools on these items ($p > 0.05$).
Teachers reported that Internet access was *readily available*, in all or almost all science classes, and computers/laptops and calculators were *often available*, once or twice a week. Handheld computers or tablets were *sometimes available*, once or twice per
month. Teachers reported they never had access to digital probes for data collection. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES schools for each of these items ($p > 0.05$). Surprisingly, though, the presence of classroom response or ‘clicker’ systems were found significantly more ($U = 316$, $z = 3.39$, $p = 0.001$) in low-SES schools than in high-SES schools. The teachers from low-SES schools said they sometimes had access to ‘clickers,’ whereas the high-SES school teachers said they never had access to them.
At the school level, principals rated the lack of science facilities and inadequate materials for individualized instruction as a moderate concern in its impact on science instruction. Principals also rated science instructional resource management as of little importance in its impact on science instruction. This finding is surprising, since based on the teacher survey results it is apparent that the majority of schools are lacking in easy access to the materials they need to implement high-quality science instruction. Additionally, the research by Goldsmith and Pasquale (2002) indicates that a lack of adequate resources for science instruction is prohibitive, stopping instruction all together or reducing the quality of instruction.
The principals’ survey composite median score for lack of materials and supplies is problematic was 47 (37.5, 70) out of 100. The national survey reported a mean score of 42 (1.8), indicating that principals around the nation have similar concerns about inadequate materials and supplies for elementary science instruction (Banilower et al., 2013). These trends can be seen in the responses of principals from both low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
Similarly, the composite score for the *adequacy of resources for instruction in science* revealed a median score of 50 out of 100 points (25, 63). The same composite calculated from the national data had a mean score of 48 (1.4), indicating that Idaho high-SES schools reported a stronger adequacy of science resources than what was found nationally (Banilower et al., 2013). I found no significant difference between the low and high-SES schools for this composite score ($U = 133$, $z = -1.44$, $p = 0.16$).
It is evident that not all of the high science achieving schools have easy access on a weekly basis to the scientific resources needed to implement high-quality science instruction. It is also evident that at the school level not all the schools’ leadership has an understanding of how the lack of materials affects the quality of science instruction.
**Funding for Science**
Administrators control access to budgetary resources and often make judgments about instructional materials. When there is a lack of budgeting for materials and replacement costs, instruction is affected. Often this completely prevents high-quality instruction from getting off the ground (Goldsmith & Pasquale, 2002). The current economic climate in the United States has brought about deep cuts in education across the country. Idaho is no exception. The results of this study show that even high science achieving schools are not making science a priority in their budgets. The total median dollars budgeted for science by the high science achieving schools was only 300 dollars per school during the last completed budget year (2012–2013). I found no significant difference in spending behaviors in science between low and high-SES principals.
Dorph et al. (2011) found that teachers in schools serving higher percentages of students in poverty were more likely to report lack of facilities and resources as a major
challenge to providing science instruction than teachers from affluent schools. In Idaho, principals from both low and high-SES schools reported that inadequate funds for purchasing science equipment and supplies was an important concern ($U = 63$, $z = 0.46$, $p = 0.66$). Idaho schools’ funding for science comes from various sources. The most common sources of funding were from state/district funding sources, community donations, teacher donations, and PTO fundraisers. I found a significant difference in funding between low and high-SES in the category of parent donations. Eighty-eight percent of high SES school principals reported receiving funding from parent donations, as compared to only 27% of principals from low-SES schools. It was surprising to see that 74% of principals reported that teacher donations were a source of funding for science instruction.
When budgets are tight, it becomes even more crucial to seek external funding and resources to support science (Dorph et al., 2011; Spillane et al., 2001). However, Dorph and associates (2011) discovered that most schools do not seek out external funding. Principals from Idaho’s high science achieving elementary schools reported that they have received funding from a variety of sources (see Table 23), including teacher initiated grants. These data indicated that the high science achieving schools have sought out external funding. However, with budgetary medians of only 300 dollars a year per school, it is difficult to understand how they have received significant amounts of external funding. It is evident that not all of the high science achieving schools have developed budgetary support for their science programs.
Promoting a Culture of Science or Engineering
When teachers and principals were asked what they do to promote the culture of science or engineering within their schools, no single activity was identified consistently across a large portion of the high science achieving schools (see Table 25 and Table 26). Approximately 20% of teachers indicated that they provided various after-school help clubs, support for fairs or competitions in science or engineering, or arranged guest speakers representing STEM careers. Teachers’ beliefs about their support for these activities were lower than the principal responses, which hovered between 25 – 30%, regarding these same items. When these results were compared to the national data collected by Banilower et al. (2013), it appeared that the Idaho high science achieving sample provided more family science or engineering nights (39%) and more opportunities for students to participate in science or engineering clubs (23%) than what the national sample of teachers reported, 26% and 7%, respectively. However, the national sample of teachers reported greater opportunity for after-school help in science or engineering (31%) and greater opportunities to participate in local or regional science or engineering fairs (35%), as opposed to 23% and 16% of Idaho high achieving science school teachers, respectively. I found no significant differences between low and high-SES school teachers and principals on questioning related to promoting a culture of science or engineering.
Question 1: Sub-question on Program and Practice
Analysis at the school and classroom level, using the teachers’ and principals’ survey results, has provided insight into the key element Programs and Practices within high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho. The Question 1: Program and
Practice sub-question I asked was, “Is there evidence that all of the participant Idaho high science achieving schools are activating the key element Program and Practice?” The answer to this question is no; the evidence does not support that all the Idaho high science achieving schools activate the key element Program and Practice. To quantify the presence of the key element Program and Practice, I chose seven primary indicator items. These primary indicators were chosen from the teacher survey items and from one question composite. These primary indicator items and the methods used to indicate the presence of the primary indicators are presented in Table 53.
Table 53. Program and Practice Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence
| Question Number(s) | Primary Indicator | Criteria for Indicating Items Presence |
|--------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices Composite, Reform-Oriented Instructional Objectives Composite | Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices and Instructional Objectives | The majority of teachers at each school reported a score greater than the National Mean (60) on the Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices Composite and a score greater the National mean (79) on Reform-Oriented Instructional Objectives Composite. |
| Teacher Survey Q4.7_4 | Doing hands-on/laboratory activities | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Often or All or Most All Science Lessons were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q4.7_8 | Having students represent or analyze data using tables, charts, or graphs | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Often or All or Most All Science Lessons were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q4.7_9 | Requiring students to supply evidence in support of their claims | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Often or All or Most All Science Lessons were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q4.8_7, 4.8_8 | Visiting STEM sites or having guest speakers from STEM fields | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Yes to either question 4.8_7 or 4.8_8 were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q4.9_1, 4.9_3 | Access to Science Equipment and Consumable Items | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Nearly Adequate or Adequate to both 4.9_1 and 4.9_3 were counted. |
However, 18 of the 20 schools (90%) have some aspect of Programs and Practices present in their schools. Seven of the 20 participant high science achieving schools (35%) had teachers that reported strong support for elementary science in the area of Program and Practice on the questions from the teacher and principal surveys shown in Table A14. These seven schools represented three low and four high-SES schools. They are located within three different regions of Idaho and represent both rural and urban schools.
**Question 2: Sub-question on Program and Practice**
Question two focuses on the differences found between low and high-SES schools in the implementation of Programs and Practices. The Programs and Practices sub-question was, “Is there a difference in the implementation of Programs and Practices between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?” The evidence does support a significant difference between low and high-SES schools in Programs and Practices. Although both low and high-SES reported more reform-based instruction, as compared to Idaho in 2009 and the national data, low-SES school teachers reported significantly fewer reform-based teaching methods than high-SES schools ($p < 0.05$) (Banilower et al., 2013; Blank, 2012). Since both low and high-SES teachers reported similar amounts of time dedicated to the various instructional disciplines, and similar support from parents and community for science, I cannot conclude that there were any different social pressures between low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$). I can conclude that there were some differences in the pressures between low and high-SES schools within Program and Practice, since low-SES school principals reported significantly less funding for science, in the area of parent donations ($p = 0.01$), than high-SES principals.
The next key element that I will focus my discussion on is Teacher Background and Development.
**Teacher Background and Development**
Teacher background encompasses a teacher’s years experience as an educator, and their formal education in teaching pedagogy and science content. Teacher development comes from the access to professional development that focuses on both pedagogy and content. The highest quality PD comes from sustained professional development (50+ hours) that promotes collaborative approaches, builds strong relationships among teachers, connects to classroom practice, and focuses on teaching and learning specific academic content (Heenan & Helms, 2013).
Using data from the teacher and principal surveys, I looked for evidence to support the presence of Teacher Background and Development in the entire sample (Question 1), and within the sub-populations (Question 2). The evidence I looked for focused on teachers’ knowledge and background in science, feelings of preparedness to teach science, and opportunities for teachers to gain professional development in science content and pedagogy. I was interested in identifying how the teachers’ background in science, feelings of preparedness, and opportunities to gain professional development compared with what Banilower et al. (2013) saw in their national study on science education. I first evaluated the total principal and teacher samples looking for evidence of the entire Idaho sample meeting the Teacher Background and Development criteria. Then, I evaluated the low-SES schools and high-SES schools’ samples on the same Teacher Background and Development criteria to determine if both sub-populations met the criteria for Teacher Background and Development separately.
Teachers’ Educational Background
The Idaho teachers’ backgrounds in science is not vast, but it is beyond the national average for elementary teachers (Trygstad, 2013). Participant teachers gained their teaching certification from a variety of sources, with the majority of the teachers (87%) gaining their teaching certification through an undergraduate teaching program, as compared to only 52% of a national sample of third through fifth grade teachers (Trygstad, 2013). Eighty-three percent of the participant teachers held a bachelor’s degree in education. One participant teacher held a bachelor’s degree in the biological sciences. Five participant teachers obtained graduate Master’s or Doctorate degrees in an education related field. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$).
The participant teachers reported that their science content knowledge came predominantly from introductory level biology, followed by introductory Earth science (see Table 29). My findings are similar to what Trygstad (2013) found in the national third through fifth grade sample from the 2012 National Survey of Science and Mathematics Education study, see Table 54 (Trygstad, 2013). I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$).
Table 54. Percentage of Teachers Completed Introductory Science Courses, A Comparison between Idaho High Science Achieving School Teachers and the Nation
| | 3rd–5th grade Teachers |
|----------------------|------------------------|
| | Idaho High Science | National Sample (n=443)* |
| Life Science | 96% | 87% |
| Earth/Space Science | 79% | 65% |
| Chemistry | 45% | 47% |
| Physics | 38% | 34% |
| Engineering | 2% | 2% |
*(Trygstad, 2013)*
Thirty-four percent of the teachers sampled had taken biology coursework beyond the introductory level. However, only 2-8% of the teachers sampled had taken courses beyond the introductory level in chemistry, physics, or Earth science. This breakdown is reflective of teachers’ perceptions of preparedness to teach physical science and engineering. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$).
The course-background standards for elementary science teachers developed by the National Science Teachers Association (NSTA) recommends all elementary teachers have at least one college-level course in life, Earth, and physical science. Forty-seven percent of the participant teachers met these standards. This is higher than the national average of 36% of third through fifth grade teachers meeting NSTA’s course-background standards (Trygstad, 2013).
**Teachers’ Feelings of Preparedness**
At the classroom level, Idaho high science achieving teachers were asked about their feelings of preparedness to teach various subjects areas; the median sample felt *very well prepared* to teach mathematics and English language arts/reading, and *fairly well prepared* to teach the life sciences and earth sciences. The median teacher sample, however, felt a deficit in their preparation to teach the physical sciences and engineering. This trend mirrors what Trygstad (2013) found in third through fifth grade elementary teachers nationally.
Idaho teachers reported a deficit in their preparation to teach science to students with learning disabilities and English language learner (ELL) students. Nationally, 52%
(3.8) of third through fifth grade teachers felt better prepared to teach students with a learning disability and 48% (3.6) felt prepared to teach ELL students (Trygstad, 2013).
It is well known that managing an active inquiry-based science lab can be a challenge, yet participant teachers reported they felt very well prepared to manage classroom discipline during science instruction. I found these trends in teacher preparedness in both low-SES and high-SES schools, and no significant difference existing between these sub-populations. This trend was also mirrored in the national data, with 96% (2.1) of third through fifth grade teachers feeling prepared to manage classroom discipline during science instruction (Trygstad, 2013). It is unknown whether the teachers answered this question picturing “management of students during science instruction” as the management of an active environment in which students are engaged with groups of students investigating scientific phenomena, or if they viewed “management of science instruction” as student sitting at their desks engaged with a text or listening to instruction.
I calculated composite scores for teachers’ perception of preparedness to teach diverse learners and perceptions of preparedness to encourage students. I found no significant difference between low and high SES on these measures. I have provided a comparison of these composites for the Idaho high science achieving sample and the national sample in Table 55 (Banilower et al., 2013). The results of this comparison show that Idaho’s high science achieving school teachers felt less prepared to encourage students in science and teach diverse learners in science than the national sample of third through fifth grade teachers.
Table 55. Composite Scores for Teacher Background Perceptions of Preparedness Questions, Comparison between Idaho High Science Achieving Sample and the National Sample
| Composite | Teachers |
|------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------|
| | Idaho High Science Achieving (N=40) | National (n= 443)* Mean (SD) |
| Perception of Preparedness to Teach Diverse Learners | 35 (25, 50) | 53.5 (24.7) |
| Perceptions of Preparedness to Encourage Students | 50 (37.5, 75) | 65.9 (28.2) |
*(Trygstad, 2013)
At the school level, I found that the participant principals believed that teacher preparation programs had adequately prepared their teachers. I did not find significant differences in the responses of low and high-SES principals on this line of questioning ($p > 0.05$).
**Professional Development**
In an Idaho study on where teachers go for content and pedagogical support, Nadelson et al. (2013) found that teachers most often access people they know and are physically present. This study’s findings support the findings of Nadelson et al. (2013). Eighty-three percent of the high science achieving elementary school teachers in this study reported that they asked for additional support and ideas from other teachers or their school’s principals when making changes to whole-class instruction, based on data. Additionally, two teachers volunteered that they sought help in the form of information and resources from their spouses who were secondary-level science teachers. Teachers’ responses indicated they were much less likely to seek out formal assistance through
professional development and formal science courses. Only 56% of the teachers sampled reported having taken a science or science teaching focused professional development course in the last three years. Fifteen percent of teachers sampled had taken a formal science course in the last three years.
A recent survey of California educators, administrators, and districts conducted by Dorph et al. (2011) found that although almost 90% of elementary teachers felt prepared to teach English language arts, only one third of those surveyed felt prepared to teach science. Similarly, this study found that the median feeling of preparedness for teaching English language arts and mathematics was *very well prepared*, compared to the only *somewhat prepared* feelings of preparedness to teach physical science and engineering, and *fairly well prepared* to teach life and earth science.
Dorph et al. (2011) reported elementary science professional development scarce, with only 15% of the teachers surveyed having received science-related professional development in the last three years. This finding is not consistent with what the high science achieving Idaho school teachers reported, with 56% of the teachers having participated in professional development focused on science or science teaching in the last three years. Although Idaho teachers are less likely to seek out formal assistance from professional development, they are engaging in science related professional development more often than that found by Dorph et al. (2011). This is an important finding, because research indicates that in order to make science more accessible to the elementary school teachers, professional development is key to increasing content knowledge and pedagogical skills.
Schools overcame busy schedules and fit in teacher professional development through a variety of creative scheduling techniques. At the school level, principals reported the time for teacher professional growth came primarily from the use of early dismissal or late start for students (67%), professional days or teacher workdays during the students’ school year (67%), and common planning time for teachers (67%). I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals ($p > 0.05$).
**Question 1: Sub-question on Teacher Background and Development**
Analysis of the teacher and principal survey results has provided insight into the Teacher Background and Development key element within high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho. The Teacher Background and Development sub-question I asked was, “Is there evidence that all of the participant Idaho high science achieving schools are activating the key element Teacher Background and Development?” The answer to this question is no; the evidence does not support all of the Idaho high science achieving schools having teachers that feel *very* or *fairly well prepared* to teach the sciences, nor do all the teachers meet the NSTA’s core curriculum requirements. To quantify the presence of the key element Teacher Background and Development, I chose five primary indicator items. These primary indicators came from teacher survey items and from two question composites. These primary indicator items and the methods used to indicate the presence of the primary indicators are presented in Table 56.
Table 56. Teacher Background and Development Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence
| Question Number(s) | Primary Indicator | Criteria for Indicating Items Presence |
|--------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Teacher Survey Q3.25_1,2,3,4,5,6,10 | Access to Science-Focused Professional Development | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of *To a Considerable Extent or To a Great Extent* to three or more of these questions were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q2.23_1,2,3,4,5 | Access to High-Quality Science Professional Development | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of *To a Considerable Extent or To a Great Extent* to two or more of these questions were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q2.26_3 | Teacher(s) feel prepared to teach life, earth, and physical science content | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of *Very Well Prepared* in all three areas of sciences were counted. Also counted were *teacher* responses of *Very Well Prepared* in two areas and *Fairly Well Prepared* in the third area of science. |
| Perceptions of Preparedness to Teach Diverse Learners | Teachers feel prepared to teach diverse learners in science | When the majority of teachers at each school reported a composite score greater than the National Mean (53.5) they were counted. |
| Perceptions of Preparedness to Encourage Students | Teachers feel prepared to encourage students in science | When the majority of teachers at each school reported a composite score greater than the National Mean (65.9) they were counted. |
In regards to teacher development, only 25 teachers reported attending science-related professional development in the last three years. Of these 25 teachers that have attended professional development in science, only eight of them (from five schools) reported participating in at least two of the activities listed in Question 3.23 of the teacher survey. Six out of the 20 participant schools (20%) have teachers that feel *very well prepared* to teach all the sciences and have teachers that accessed high-quality
professional development. There are only two schools out of the 20 that are providing both high-quality science professional development or science-focused professional development and have teachers with strong backgrounds in science content, working with diverse learners, and feel prepared to encourage students in science (see Table 57). These two schools are both low-SES schools and are located within two separate regions of Idaho.
Table 57. Teacher Beliefs about Access to Professional Development in Science and Feelings of Preparedness, as Primary Indicators of teacher Background and Development
| School | Access to science-focused professional development | Access to high-quality science professional development | Teachers feel prepared to teach life, earth, and physical science content | Teachers feel prepared to teach diverse learners in science | Teachers feel prepared to encourage students in science |
|-----------------|---------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------|
| Hydrogen Elementary | Present | | | | |
| Helium Elementary | Present | | | Present | |
| Beryllium Elementary | | | | | Present |
| Boron Elementary | | | | Present | Present |
| Carbon Elementary | | | Present | | Present |
| Nitrogen Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present |
| Oxygen Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present |
| Fluorine Elementary | | | | | Present |
| Neon Elementary | | | Present | | Present |
| Sodium Elementary | Present | | | Present | Present |
| Magnesium | | | | | |
Question 2: Sub-question on Teacher Background and Development
Question 2 focused on the differences between low and high-SES schools. The sub-question for Teacher Background and Development asked, “Is there a difference in the implementation of Teacher Background and Development between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?” I found very little difference between the high and low-SES teachers. A larger number of high-SES teachers reported the presence of a STEM initiative within their school or district within the last five years than low-SES teachers ($p = 0.01$). This may indicate that high-SES teachers have easier access to professional development than the low-SES school teachers.
I will now turn my focus to a discussion of the teacher and principal survey results regarding the key element Instructional Leadership and Mandate.
Instructional Leadership and Mandate
Instructional leadership encompasses all actions performed or delegated by a leader for the purpose of supporting teachers’ development and promoting student growth in science. This instructional leadership in science should extend from positional leaders to shared leadership roles within the school (DeBevoise, 1984; Spillane et al., 2001; Inverness Research Associates, 2006b, 2007; Casey et al., 2012). Instructional mandate is the requirement of a school and its teachers to implement science instruction, encompassing the quality of instruction and the quantity of instruction (Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b, 2007; St. John et al., 2007)
Using data from the teacher and principal surveys, I looked for evidence to support the presence of Instructional Leadership and Mandate in the entire sample, and within the sub-populations. To analyze Instructional Leadership and Mandate, I looked for evidence of teachers taking on science-related leadership roles and evidence of strong instructional leadership by the building principals. As part of instructional leadership, I was interested in identifying the presence of a mandate for science instruction, support for science learning communities, presence of science instructional observation, and support for struggling science teachers. I evaluated the total principal and teacher samples, looking for evidence of the entire Idaho sample meeting the Instructional Leadership and Mandate criteria. I then evaluated the low-SES schools and high-SES schools’ samples on the same Instructional Leadership and Mandate criteria to determine if both sub-populations met the criteria for Instructional Leadership and Mandate separately.
Teachers as Leaders
Much research has found teachers often play an integral role in elementary science reform implementation through shared leadership roles (Heenan & Helms, 2013; Inverness Research Associates, 2006b; St. John et al., 2007; Spillane et al., 2001). These roles may include teacher leaders, content or kit specialists, and mentors or coaches. These roles may be officially contracted designations; they may have no official designations or receive monetary resources, release time, or reduction in teaching responsibilities. When I assessed the Idaho high science achieving schools for the presence of teacher leadership, the evidence was mixed. At the classroom level, teachers reported that they were only *sometimes* given the opportunity to: play a role in school-wide decision making; have significant input into plans for professional development; and influence school decisions as a team. Only 5% of teachers reported that they had provided mentoring to other teachers in science. Five percent of the teachers also reported that they had lead teacher in-service workshops on science or science teaching. When I matched teachers across items in Questions 5.4 and 5.2 on the teacher survey, I found only one participant teacher that participated in a leadership role at the school level and at the classroom level as a mentor or coach. At the school level, 65% of participant principals reported that their school received funding for science from teacher-initiated grants, indicating that teachers took on leadership roles in their schools. I did not find a significant difference in teacher leadership between the low and high-SES schools.
Mandate
I assessed the schools for the presence of a mandated science instruction within each of the participant schools. I found that seven of the 20 schools that participated in
both the principal and teacher surveys provided evidence of a scheduled, mandated, science instruction time present in their schools (see Table 55). Other participant schools might have had science instruction mandated in the form of the principals telling the teachers that they need to teach science. Principals in other schools may have even provided a suggested length of time per week to instruct students in science. However, only 30% of the schools reported lengths of instructional time and frequency of science instruction that matched when I compared the principal and teacher responses from the same schools.
Science is viewed as a core subject in the elementary school. However, it is not assessed to the degree that reading, language arts, and mathematics are assessed. In Idaho, the science ISAT is given in fifth, seventh, and tenth grades, meeting the standard set by No Child Left Behind (NCLB). There are some indications that this pattern of assessment causes science to continue to be one of the most disregarded subjects at the elementary level. Research has found that science is regarded as a fringe subject that is accessed when time allows, taught intermittently and unsystematically (Ediger, 1999; Greenleaf, 1982; Mechling & Oliver, 1982, 1983; Spillane et al., 2001; Vasquez, 2005). Of the Idaho high science achieving schools, teachers from 30% of the schools stated that their schools placed a priority on science in fourth and fifth grades because it was tested in the fifth grade. Teachers from 15% of the participant schools reported that prior to giving the fifth grade science ISAT, they participated in a considerable amount of drilling of the standards with their students. This haphazard treatment of elementary science instruction is counterproductive in developing a foundation for intellectual development, scientific literacy, and STEM career awareness. The fact that some schools that
participated in this type of haphazard treatment of science have been identified by the science ISAT as high achieving schools should bring question to the quality of the science ISAT as an indicator of high science achievement. The science ISAT may have indicated the schools that are able to prepare their students well to answer recall questions, but it is not able to distinguish quality of thought and depth of understanding. This is not surprising since the fifth grade ISAT is primarily composed of recall questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 1) and contains no extended thinking questions (Depth of Knowledge - Level 4) (NCES, 2011).
**Principals as Instructional Leaders, Observation and Feedback**
Teachers need principals’ support to remodel their instructional practices (Banilower et al., 2013; Johnson & The Project on The Next Generation of Teachers, 2007). Research indicates that principal support increases teachers’ efficacy, positively impacts instructional practices, increases implementation of reform-based instructional practices, and promotes student achievement (Pitner, 1988; Hallinger & Heck, 1998; Blasé & Blasé, 1999a, 1999b; Banilower et al., 2006).
At the classroom level, Idaho high science achieving school teachers indicated that principal support is important in promoting effective instruction. However, only 13% of the surveyed low-SES teachers reported that their principal had observed them teaching science during a formal observation. High-SES principals did significantly better. Seventy-seven percent of high-SES high science achieving school teachers indicated that their principals observed them during a formal observation teaching science. Similarly, only 23% of participant low-SES teachers received feedback from their principal on their science instruction, and even fewer, 13%, received specific
feedback on reform-minded science instruction from their principal. This was compared to 62% of high-SES teacher participants having received feedback on their science instruction, and 23% receiving feedback that was focused on reform-minded science practices.
A much larger percentage of teachers (70%) indicated that they had been observed during an informal observation or walk-through observation. This finding on informal observations was not significantly different between low and high-SES teacher participants. However, the median number of times that teachers had been observed was only 1 (0, 2) occurrence during an informal observation, as opposed to the median for formal observations, 0 (0, 1) occurrences for low-SES teachers and 1(0, 2) times for high-SES teachers. I matched data from the teacher survey and the principal survey and found that in three out of 20 participant schools (15%), principals are providing reform-oriented observation and feedback on science instruction. Teachers received observation and general instructional feedback on their science teaching, in an additional three out of the 20 schools. In total, science instructional observation and some kind of instructional feedback on that instruction is occurring in six out of the 20 participant schools (30%) (see Table 58).
These data indicated that even in high science achieving schools, there was not strong support for developing high-quality reform-minded science instruction. I found a significant difference between the low and high-SES schools in the percentage of teachers reporting they were observed teaching science during a formal observation (the percentage of teachers reporting feedback on science instruction) and the median amount of times that teachers were observed during formal science instruction. These differences
in principal observations were consistent with the research that has indicated principal support positively impacts instructional practices and increases implementation of reform-based instructional practices (Pitner, 1988; Hallinger & Heck, 1998; Blasé & Blasé, 1999a, 1999b; Banilower et al., 2006).
**Support for Struggling Teachers in Science**
When low and high-SES school principals were asked at the school level about the support structure they had in place for struggling teachers in science, the largest number of principals (41%) reported providing higher levels of supervision and guidance from a formally designated mentor or coach to teachers struggling in science. Only 14% of principals encouraged these teachers to attend seminars, classes, or study groups to improve their instruction. I found no significant difference between high and low-SES principals ($p>0.05$).
**Science Mentors and Coaches**
A mentor or coach who models high-quality science instruction provides mentees with a full understanding of how to teach science. There is a difference between modeling science instruction, and modeling high-quality science instruction. Hudson (2005) found that most teachers do not receive experienced mentors or coaches that model high-quality instruction in the field of elementary science education. However, the in-school context of receiving high-quality mentoring and coaching is pivotal in their development as teachers (Hudson, 2005). Since this study is based on self-report survey data, it is unknown the quality of coaching and mentorship that was provided within the various high science achieving schools.
What the data did indicate, however, was that there was a significant difference in the low and high-SES school teachers who reported having received feedback about their teaching from a mentor or coach formally assigned by their school or district ($\chi^2(1) = 7.66, p = 0.01$). Sixteen percent of the low-SES school teachers reported that they had received feedback from a formally assigned mentor or coach, in contrast 58% of high-SES teachers reported that they had received feedback from a formally assigned mentor or coach. When teachers were asked about mentorship and coaching, few respondents indicated that these roles existed in their schools or districts. A small percentage of teachers indicated that their principal (2%), district science supervisor or coordinator (7%), teachers who have no classroom teaching responsibilities in the district (5%), and teachers with full-time teaching responsibilities in the district (12%), filled coaching or mentoring roles in their district. These findings were similar to what the principals reported, except that the principals reported that 23% saw themselves as filling this mentoring or coaching role in their school. Five percent of the high science achieving school teachers reported that they had served as a formally-assigned mentor or coach for science teaching and 33% reported that they had supervised a student teacher in their classroom. I found no additional significant differences in responses from teachers or principals, from low and high-SES schools ($p > 0.05$).
**Science Professional Learning Communities**
St. John et al. (2007) and Heenan & Helms (2013) found that districts were able to build capacity for science reform through the use of lesson study. Twenty-six percent of participant principals reported that in the last 5 years, their school offered teachers study groups where teachers met on a regular basis to discuss teaching and learning of
science. During these study groups, principals indicated that teachers primarily planned science lessons together, analyzed students’ science assessment results, and analyzed science instructional materials. Zero percent of the teacher sample reported that they had led a professional learning community, lesson study, or teacher study group focused on science or science teaching. When teachers were asked about participation in professional learning communities, lesson study, or teacher study groups focused on science or science teaching, 50% reported that they had participated in one of these types of learning communities within the last three years. I found no significant difference between low and high-SES school principals ($p > 0.05$).
**Question 1: Sub-question on Instructional Leadership and Mandate**
Analysis of the teacher and principal survey results provided insight into the Instructional Leadership and Mandate key element within high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho. The Instructional Leadership and Mandate sub-question I asked was, “Is there evidence that all of the participant Idaho high science achieving schools are activating the key element Instructional Leadership and Mandate?” The answer to this question is no; the evidence does not support all of the Idaho high science achieving schools having strong instructional leadership support for science or a mandate for science instruction. To quantify the presence of the key element Instructional Leadership and Mandate, I chose five primary indicator items. These primary indicators came from teacher survey items, principal survey items, and one-question composites. These primary indicator items and the methods used to indicate the presence of the primary indicators are presented in Table 58.
Table 58. Instructional Leadership and Mandate Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence
| Question Number(s) | Primary Indicator | Criteria for Indicating Items Presence |
|--------------------|--------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Teacher Survey Q5.5_1,2 | Observation of Science Lessons | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Yes to either of the questions, 5.5_1 or 5.5_2 were counted. These responses were cross-referenced with the principal survey responses and were found to similar. |
| Teacher Survey Q5.5_3,4 | Instructional Feedback | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Yes to either of the questions, 5.5_3 or 5.5_4 were counted. |
| Extent to Which Policy Environment Promotes Effective Instruction | Policy Environment Promotes Science | When the majority of teachers at each school reported a composite score greater than the National Mean (65) they were counted. |
| Teacher Survey Q5.7_4,5,6 | Science Feedback from Instructional Coach | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of Yes to any of the question 5.7_4, 5, or 6 were counted. |
| Teachers Survey 2.7 and Principal survey 3.2 | Mandate for Science Instruction | Schools were counted as having mandate presents, when agreement existed between teacher and principal responses regarding the frequency of science instruction within their school. |
Thirteen out of 20 schools had some aspect of instructional leadership or mandate present in their schools. However, only three of the 20 participant schools had strong instructional leadership, providing evidence for the presence of four of the five primary areas of instructional leadership (see Table 59). Shared leadership is also present within the Idaho high science achieving schools, but to a very limited extent. The three schools
providing strong instructional leadership represent one low-SES school and two high-SES schools, and are located within two regions of Idaho.
Table 59. Principal and Teacher Agreement on the Presence of Observation, Feedback, and Mandate in their School, as Primary Indicators of Instructional Leadership and Mandate
| Schools | Observation of Science Lessons | Instructional Feedback | Science Feedback from Instructional Coach | Policy Environment Promotes Science | Mandate for Science Instruction |
|------------------|--------------------------------|------------------------|------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------|---------------------------------|
| Helium Elementary| Present | | | | Present |
| Lithium Elementary| | Present | | Present | |
| Beryllium Elementary| | Present | Present | Present | |
| Carbon Elementary| | | | Present | Present |
| Oxygen Elementary| Present | Present | | Present | Present |
| Neon Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present |
| Sodium Elementary| Present | | | Present | |
| Magnesium Elementary| | Present | | Present | |
| Aluminum Elementary| | Present | Present | Present | Present |
| Silicon Elementary| Present | Present | | | |
| Sulfur Elementary| | | | Present | Present |
| Chlorine Elementary| | Present | | Present | |
| Argon Elementary | | | | Present | Present |
Question 2: Sub-question on Instructional Leadership and Mandate
Question 2 focused on the difference between low and high-SES schools.
Question 2 sub-question on Instructional Leadership and Mandate asked, “Is there a difference in the implementation of Instructional Leadership and Mandate between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?” There appears to be a greater amount of instructional leadership in science within the high-SES schools, as reported by the teachers. There was more observation, more instructional feedback, and more coaching and mentoring occurring in the high-SES schools, within the context of science instruction. I found no evidence that these differences were due or not due to capital or social pressures. Research indicates that reform-based science instruction is more easily implemented within a school when there is strong instructional leadership that supports reform-based science instruction. It is interesting to note that more high-SES teachers reported instructional observation and feedback on their science instruction, and more high-SES teachers reported a greater frequency of using hands-on/laboratory activities.
I will now turn my focus to a discussion of the teacher and principal survey results regarding the Assessment and Feedback key element.
Assessment and Feedback
Assessments are a method of establishing evidence of students’ ability to use scientific practices, apply their understanding of crosscutting concepts, and draw on their understanding of specific disciplinary ideas, over time (Pellegrino et al., 2014). Student assessment should come from a variety of approaches, including: diagnostic, formative, summative, and performance. Data collected from these assessments provides continuous
feedback on teachers’ instructional effectiveness, their students’ learning, and should be used to make data driven decisions about refinement of curriculum and instructional practices (Inverness Research Associates, 2007; Pellegrino et al., 2014).
I looked for evidence to support the presence of Assessment and Feedback in the entire sample, and within the sub-population, by using data from the teacher and principal survey. To analyze Assessment and Feedback, I looked for evidence of the types of classroom assessment teachers implemented, how they assessed data to drive instructional practices, the methods teachers used to monitor student progress, and the support systems they used to help struggling students. I was also interested in identifying if science was monitored school wide. I first evaluated the total principal and teacher samples looking for evidence of the entire Idaho sample meeting the Assessment and Feedback criteria. I then evaluated the low-SES schools’ and high-SES schools’ samples on the Assessment and Feedback criteria to determine if both sub-populations met the criteria for Assessment and Feedback separately.
**Classroom Assessment**
Based on large body of research, Pellegrino et al. (2014) concluded that assessment, consistent with high-quality instruction in science, needs to balance three dimensions of learning. These three dimensions include: students’ ability to apply scientific practice, students’ understanding of crosscutting principles, and students’ understanding of specific disciplinary ideas (Black & Wiliam, 2009; Heritage, 2010; Perie et al., 2007; NRC, 1998, 2012; NGSS Lead States, 2013; Pellegrino et al., 2014). Pellegrino et al. (2014) also believed that scaffolding of the three dimensions needs to occur over time to take into account developmental appropriateness. There is no single
form of assessment that is capable of assessing all three dimensions of learning simultaneously (Pellegrino et al., 2014). For this reason, teachers need to implement a variety of assessment activities and approaches, including diagnostic, formative, summative, and performance. These assessment tasks must represent: what is valued; the curriculum objectives; the instructional methods; and the purpose for the assessment (Hanna & Dettmer, 2004).
Diagnostic assessments were reportedly used by 63% of the participant teacher sample. Fifty percent of principals reported that diagnostic assessments were used in their schools. When principal and teacher results were compared at the school level, diagnostic assessments were happening in six out of the 20 participant schools (30%). These schools represent three low-SES and three high-SES schools. I found no significant difference between the low and the high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$).
Formative assessment implemented both formally and informally for the purpose of learning to evaluate key points and check for student understanding before, during, and after instruction was reportedly used by 80% of the teacher sample. Principals’ reporting of teachers’ use of formative assessment was consistent with teachers’ self-reporting. When teachers were asked more specifically, about some forms of formative assessment, I found that 46% of the teachers reported using student self-assessments, compared to 55% of principals who believed that this method of assessment was used in their school. Thirty-three percent of teachers reported that they had their students use rubrics to assess other classmates’ work. Over 90% of teachers reported using various forms of informal assessments to evaluate if their students were understanding the material. These informal assessments included questioning, reviewing students’ work, and informal observations. I
found no significant difference in these findings between low and high-SES school teachers ($p < 0.05$).
Summative assessments used to evaluate students’ learning were reportedly used by 79% of the participant sample. Principals reporting of teachers’ use of summative assessment was consistent with teachers’ self-reporting. Additionally, 83% of the teachers reported that their assessments were aligned with the Idaho state standards. I found no significant difference between the low and the high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$).
Performance assessment, also known as authentic assessment or assessment tasks, were reportedly used by 88% of the teacher sample. I found no significant difference between the low and the high-SES school teachers ($p > 0.05$). I found that 76% of the teachers reported using science notebooks with their students, however only 5% of principals believed that their teachers used science notebooks as a form of assessment.
In order for teachers to assess students on all three dimensions of learning, they should use a variety of assessment activities, providing tasks with multiple components, focusing on connections among scientific concepts, and gathering information about how far students have progressed along a defined sequence of learning (Pellegrino et al., 2014). It is not possible to ascertain from the study to what degree each type of assessment was implemented, but what I was able to determine was that formative, summative, and performance assessments were reportedly used by approximately 80% of sampled teachers. When I compared the principal and teacher data, I found that seven of the 20 participant schools (35%) were implementing all three of these assessment types in science (see Table 57). I also found that 11 of the 20 participant schools (60%) were
implementing the use of science journals (see Table 57). Both of these findings were split evenly between low and high-SES school.
**Data Driven Instructional Practices**
The majority of teacher responses indicated that they do use assessments to remodel their instructional practices; see Table 43. This was found across low and high-SES schools, with the exception of participation in the re-evaluation of textbooks and learning materials as a result of student assessments. I found a significant difference between low and high-SES schools’ teacher response on this item ($p = 0.03$), with low-SES school teachers more likely to re-evaluate curriculum materials based on assessment results, than high-SES teachers. The majority of principals also indicated that their teachers implemented remodeling of their instruction due to assessment results. I found no significant differences between low and high-SES school principals.
**School-Wide Monitoring of Student Progress in Science**
At the school level, principals need to model use of both summative and formative assessment data to monitor progress and direct curriculum decisions within their schools (DuFour et al., 2006). Sixty-four percent of principals reported that they do monitor student progress in science. I found no significant difference between principals from low and high-SES schools.
When teachers were asked if their principals monitored student achievement in science at the school level, only 36% of teachers reported their principals made an effort to monitor student progress in science. I found no significant difference between teachers from low and high-SES schools. Evidence teachers provided of their principals monitoring progress in science most commonly included monitoring of ISAT results and
student report cards. Other examples that teachers provided included: monitoring of grade-level assessment content; support of science fairs; interactions with students during observations of science lessons; and monitoring of objectives during classroom visits.
**Question 1: Sub-question on Assessment and Feedback**
Analysis of the teacher and principal survey results provided insight into the Assessment and Feedback key element within high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho. The Assessment and Feedback sub-question I asked was, “Is there evidence that all of the participant Idaho high science achieving schools are activating the key element Assessment and Feedback?” The answer to this question is no; the evidence does not support all of the Idaho high science achieving schools providing a full scope of assessment to allow for a balance assessment of all three dimensions of learning. To quantify the presence of the key element Assessment and Feedback, I chose two primary indicator items. These primary indicators came from teacher survey items. These primary indicator items and the methods used to indicate the presence of the primary indicators are presented in Table 60.
**Table 60. Assessment and Feedback Primary Indicator Items and Criteria for Indicating their Presence**
| Question Number(s) | Primary Indicator | Criteria for Indicating Items Presence |
|--------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Teacher Survey Q6.2_1,2,3,4 | Use of Formative, Summative, and Performance Testing | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of *Yes* to all of the questions, 5.2_1, 2,3, and 4 were counted. These responses were cross-referenced with the Principal survey, but consistency was not observed. |
| Teacher Survey Q6.2_5 | Use of Notebooks | The mean teachers’ responses from a given school of *Yes* were counted. These responses were cross-referenced with the Principal survey, but consistency was not observed. |
Seven out of the 20 participant schools (40%) reported providing a comprehensive evaluation of science through the use of formative, summative, and performance evaluations and also employ the use of science notebooks (see Table 61). These schools represent five low-SES schools and one high-SES school. They are located within four separate regions of Idaho.
**Table 61. Presence of Formative, Summative, and Performance Testing in Science and use of Science Journals in Science, as Primary Indicators of Assessment and Feedback**
| Schools | Use of Formative, Summative, and Performance Testing | Use of Notebooks |
|-----------------------|-----------------------------------------------------|-----------------|
| Beryllium Elementary | Present | Present |
| Boron Elementary | Present | Present |
| Nitrogen Elementary | Present | Present |
| Oxygen Elementary | Present | Present |
| Neon Elementary | Present | Present |
| Sodium Elementary | Present | Present |
| Magnesium Elementary | Present | Present |
| Silicon Elementary | Present | Present |
| Phosphorous Elementary| Present | Present |
| Sulfur Elementary | Present | Present |
| Chlorine Elementary | Present | Present |
| Argon Elementary | Present | Present |
**Question 2: Sub-question on Assessment and Feedback**
Question 2 focused on the difference between low and high-SES schools. Question 2 sub-question on Assessment and Feedback asked, “Is there a difference in the implementation of Assessment and Feedback between Idaho low and high-SES, high science achieving elementary schools?” The only significant difference that I found in Assessment and Feedback between the low and high-SES teacher responses was on the re-evaluation of textbooks and learning materials based on whole-class assessments ($p = 0.03$). A larger percentage (75%) of low-SES school teachers said that they would reevaluate textbooks and learning materials based on whole-class assessments, compared to only 33% of high-SES teachers. I found little difference between the low and high-SES schools in the area of Assessment and Feedback.
**Summary**
Question 1 asked if any of the key elements to elementary science reform were present within all of Idaho high science achieving elementary schools. This question was further broken into four sub-questions, related to each of the key elements, which asked if all the schools were activating each of the key elements individually. Hypothesis 1 stated that evidence of each of the four elements would be found within all the high science achieving schools. The collected evidence indicated that all four elements were not present in all 20 participating schools. To quantify the presence of the key elements, I used primary indicator items. The criteria that I used to determine if enough primary indicators items were present for each of the key elements for that key element to be considered present can be found in Table 62.
**Table 62. Criteria for Determining the Presence of each of the Key Elements**
| Key Element | Criteria |
|--------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Program and Practice | At least five primary indicators must be rated present, with at least one in the area of curriculum and one in the area of equipment and facilities. |
| Teacher Background and Development | At least four of the primary indicators must be rated present. |
| Instructional Leadership and Mandate | At least four of the primary indicators must be present. |
| Assessment and Feedback | Both primary indicator items are present. |
Further analysis of the data, provided by the use of the primary indicator items, showed that fourteen of the 20 participating schools (70%) have evidence of at least one of the key elements. Of these fourteen, nine schools (45%) had evidence of two of the key elements and one had evidence of three elements (5%) (see Table 63). The mean science ISAT score for these fourteen schools on the 2013 science ISAT was 215, which is one point below *Advanced*. These schools are located within four separate regions of Idaho, representing eight low-SES schools and six high-SES schools.
**Table 63. Summary of Presence of the Key Elements found in Participating Schools**
| School | Program and Practice | Teacher Background and Development | Instructional Leadership | Assessment and Feedback |
|-------------------------|----------------------|------------------------------------|--------------------------|-------------------------|
| Beryllium Elementary | Present | | | Present |
| Boron Elementary | Present | | | Present |
| Carbon Elementary | Present | | | |
| Oxygen Elementary | Present | Present | Present | |
| Fluorine Elementary | Present | | | |
| Neon Elementary | Present | | Present | |
| Sodium Elementary | Present | | | Present |
| Magnesium Elementary | Present | | | |
| Aluminum Elementary | | Present | Present | |
| Silicon Elementary | | | | Present |
| Phosphorous Elementary | | | | Present |
| Chlorine Elementary | | | | Present |
| Argon Elementary | | Present | | Present |
| Potassium Elementary | | Present | | Present |
Question 2 asked if the implementation of key elements to elementary science reform differed between the low and high-SES high science achieving schools in Idaho. This question was further broken into four sub-questions, related to each of the key
elements. Hypothesis 2 stated that based on the different pressures present in low and high-SES schools, the implementation level for each of the key elements in high and low-SES schools relates to high achievement would differ.
I found that high-SES schools did have greater instructional leadership from their principals, through increased observation and feedback to their teachers. Similarly, high-SES teachers reported less control over the science curriculum than was reported by the low-SES school teachers. High-SES teachers reported a higher frequency of implementing reform-based science instructional practices, and specifically reported a higher frequency of hands-on/laboratory-based activities. High-SES schools also reported greater financial support from parents for science instruction. Even with these differences, surprisingly, little else was different between the low and high-SES schools. Both low and high-SES school teachers felt ill prepared to implement physical science or engineering instruction. Principals from both low and high-SES schools reported small science budgets, and teachers reported very little access to science-related instructional and resource supports. It is possible that the small differences that I saw reported between the low and high-SES schools were due to differences in pressures. For example, high-SES principals may have more time to budget towards focusing on the quality of science instruction occurring in their school, because they did not need to budget as much time towards factors facing principals in the low-SES schools. There was also evidence of budgetary pressures reported by the principals. Although minimal, there was evidence of differences in pressure present between the low and high-SES schools. For this reason my hypothesis was supported, differences did exist in the pressures present between high and low-SES schools.
Limitations
Limitations of this study include the lack of observational matched data to compare to the survey data. The results of this study are reliant on principals and teachers providing accurate self-report data. The study size was limited by the population of the state and the limited number of individuals that conformed to the sample demographics. However, these same limitations made this study something that could fit within the scope of a dissertation, where as in a more populated state I would have had to narrow the scope of the study considerably. Access to statewide assessment data was another limitation, since the only universally given science assessment in Idaho is the science ISAT, which is only given one time a year in the fifth grade. Each state has developed their state-level science assessment independently, limiting the generalizability of this study outside of the state of Idaho.
Conclusion
Elementary science education is important for building a foundation for intellectual development and scientific literacy, and providing an entry point into interest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) fields (Allen, 2006; AAAS, 1993b, 2009; Furtado, 2010; Keeves, 1995; Michaels et al., 2008; NRC, 2007). Nationally, a goal to increasing the number of students entering STEM careers exists. If Idaho shares in this goal, it is necessary for Idaho schools to make elementary science a greater priority. The results of this study indicate that Idaho may have advantages over other states in achieving this goal. Studies conducted in other states have indicated that SES is a barrier to science achievement. This study shows that SES may only be a minor hindrance to science achievement in Idaho. For this reason, it is a feasible goal to provide
all students with high-quality elementary science instruction. However, to reach this goal, it will be necessary for Idaho schools to make elementary science a greater priority.
Inverness Research Associates concluded, based on 25 years of experience researching and evaluating school systems going through elementary science reform, that four key elements are necessary to create and sustain an environment in which elementary science reform can take hold and become sustainable. This study builds on the understanding of these four key elements as important in developing high-quality science education programs. Where Inverness Research Associates have looked at programs that are purposefully targeting elementary science reform with large grants from the National Science Foundation, this research looked at existing programs across the state of Idaho in which the science ISAT results have identified them as high achieving in elementary science, scoring them as *Advanced* or within the top third of *Proficient*. The purpose of this research was to identify if all four of the key elements to elementary science reform were present in programs considered high-achieving programs within Idaho. In addition, this study also sought to identify if there were differences in the presence of the key elements within low and high-SES elementary schools in Idaho. One key assumption of this study was that the science ISAT is capable of detecting and identifying the presence of high-quality science instruction. The other assumption is that the key elements are indeed necessary in achieving high-quality science instruction.
I found the key elements present in the Idaho high science achieving schools. However, I did not find them to the same extent found in the schools where Inverness Research Associates conducted their research and evaluated NSF funded elementary science reform initiatives. The science ISAT identified schools who displayed up to three
of the key elements. However, the science ISAT also identified schools that were not activating any of the key elements and lacked the characteristics of schools engaged in high-quality science instruction.
Surprisingly, the high science achieving schools in Idaho did not spend more time on science instruction than what was found in 2009, when fourth grade teachers were surveyed by the NAEP. This is worth noting, for several reasons. It tells us that quality instruction may be more important than quantity of instruction. This is important for time strapped schools. This finding is also interesting when you consider that both the principal and teacher survey data revealed a distinct ‘ramp-up’ of science instruction, creating a distinctive increase in time spent on science during the fifth grade year, presumably in an effort to prepare students for the fifth grade ISAT. Since the majority of my sample was composed of fifth grade teachers, I expected to see more time dedicated to science instruction than what was found statewide, when fourth grade teachers were surveyed by the NAEP. Instead, I found that there was very little difference between the time spent on science reported by the NAEP and the time spent reported by teachers in this study. The two hours per week reported by both of these studies are one of the lowest reported times spent on science in the nation. The NAEP found that as schools spent more time on science, their students’ test scores rose, with the highest performing schools spending 3–4 hours per week on science. This is another reason I was surprised to find that the high-achieving elementary science schools in Idaho schools were not spending more time on science. This finding is not specific to either the low-SES or high-SES schools nor is the way that the low and high-SES schools budget their day to the various subject areas. This finding underscores the importance of quality instruction. If schools
are to raise the achievement bar on science, quality instruction cannot be overlooked. Since multiple key elements were found in several of the high science achieving elementary schools, indicating that high-quality instruction is likely taking place, it appears that these Idaho schools may be packaging high-quality science instruction into a more compact timeframe.
Idaho high science achieving teachers appear to have stronger content and pedagogical backgrounds in science education, as well as greater access to science professional development than what was found in the national data (Banilower et al., 2013). However, the support they receive for science instruction is not overwhelming. This increased background knowledge may be helping the high science achieving elementary schools to overcome their lack of support for science. This background, however, it is not enough to make teachers feel well prepared in the physical sciences or engineering, or in teaching diverse learners and encouraging their students in science. Teachers need more professional development on working with diverse learners in science and focused professional development on the physical sciences and engineering. Most importantly, though, teachers need the support of their principal.
School principals have the greatest influence within the context of the school because they have the authority to influence access to resources (Ediger, 1999; Greenleaf, 1982; Mechling & Oliver, 1982, 1983; Vasquez, 2005). The majority of principals were teachers first. Few of the sampled principals were secondary science teachers, which may indicate that many of them may feel similarly ill prepared to teach and coach teachers on high-quality science instruction. Additionally, few principals admitted observing or providing science reform-based feedback to their classroom teachers in science. As we
ask teachers to implement more high-quality reform-based science instruction, it is imperative that we build a system of support to encourage reform-based instruction. Many of the reform schools observed by Inverness Research Associates (Heenan & Helms, 2013; Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b; St. John et al., 2007, 2008), designated science specialists to provide coaching and mentoring in the elementary grades. This brings up an interesting point of discussion regarding elementary science specialist teachers. I found that the specialist teachers in Idaho had a deeper science-specific background and expressed greater feelings of preparedness in science, in addition they received regular feedback and observation of their instruction because science is all they teach. The schools where specialists were present also tended to have dedicated science facilities and resources for science.
Although both low and high-SES teachers report feeling ill prepared in the sciences, they felt comfortable making judgments regarding the quality of instructional materials they were using to implement their science instruction. Teachers reported supplementing their assigned science curriculum when: they had a different activity that they felt worked better to support the science concept being taught (82%); they needed a supplemental activity to provide students with additional practice (83%); or because they needed a supplemental activity for students with different ability levels (88%). Teachers reported skipping lessons in the assigned curriculum because: *they had a better lesson; they lacked materials needed to implement the activity* (62%); or *the ideas addressed in the activity were not covered in their assigned pacing guide* (54%). These teachers’ responses underscore the importance of providing teachers with a high-quality science curriculum and a deeper content knowledge in science and pedagogical understanding of
high-quality science instruction. It is important that teachers are provided both high-quality materials and support for implementing high-quality science instruction, as well as accountability for the implementation of high-quality science instruction.
Research has indicated that reform-based science instruction is more easily implemented within a school when there is strong instructional leadership that supports high-quality science instruction. The results of this study supported this finding. The sub-population (high-SES) with a higher amount of instructional leadership, evidenced by a greater frequency of observation of science instruction and less teacher control over the science curriculum, had a higher frequency of hands-on/laboratory-based activities. It is unknown, however, the type and quality of hands-on/laboratory-based activities being implemented within the classrooms of these Idaho schools. The survey tools that currently exist do not extract enough information to ascertain teachers’ levels of understanding or their perceptions regarding high-quality science instructional strategies, such as the types of questioning strategies they use and how they scaffold their hands-on instruction to develop crosscutting science concepts and skills in their students.
It is apparent that even in the high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho, high-quality science instruction is not valued. This undervaluing of science education is apparent in the budgets reported for science and the time budgeted for science. Budgets for science resources necessary for providing high-quality science instruction are nonexistent in many of the schools, and textbooks or science modules are outdated. Both low and high-SES schools need to be more realistic in the cost to implement high-quality science instruction. Teachers should not be relied on or expected to pay for materials to implement high-quality instruction. Budgetary support reflects what is valued. When the
support for implementing high-quality science instruction is lacking, it sends a strong message that high-quality science instruction is not important. Instructional time for science is a fraction of the time spent on ELA and mathematics, and observation and reform-based feedback of science instruction is rare.
As an assessment tool, the science ISAT should measure what we value. If we value high-quality science instruction, it is possible that the science ISAT is a poor proxy for measuring science achievement. Although the science ISAT identified schools that were using high-quality reform-based science instruction, it also identified schools that used a fair amount of non-reform-based science instruction. Other states, like Washington, have moved towards a more performance-based approach where students are provided prompts with data tables and diagrams in which students have to interpret data, calculate responses, and construct well-written evidence-based responses. On the Washington Assessment of Student Learning (WASL) science test, 64-71% of the fifth grade questions push students’ cognition skills into application, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation (Washington OSPI, 2004). Seventy percent of the WASL is composed of questions focusing on crosscutting concepts (systems, inquiry, and application) (Washington OSPI, 2013). This type of assessment is getting closer to what we value. The data that this study provides points us towards the conclusion that we are not measuring what we value with the science ISAT.
The results of this study provide good news for Idaho schools. Socioeconomic status is not a major hindrance to high achievement in science for Idaho elementary schools. If Idaho educators, administrators, and policy makers choose to make science a
priority at the elementary level, high science achievement in elementary science is within reach for all Idaho schools.
**Recommendations**
This study supports the need for the presence of the key elements to create a supportive environment in which elementary science reform can take hold. The many elementary schools identified by the science ISAT as high science achieving schools had the key elements present in them. The ones that did not have key elements present had supporting evidence from the statistical analysis of the survey data, as well as from open-response items on the surveys. The science ISAT did identify high-quality science programs. However, it also identified programs in which high-quality science instruction was not taking place. The big take away from this study is the start of a roadmap for ways in which Idaho can support its classrooms and schools in achieving the national goal of increasing the number of students entering STEM careers, by providing a solid foundation for scientific literacy and problem solving at the elementary level.
The key elements needing the most development are instructional leadership and mandate, followed by teacher background and development. To increase instructional leadership capacity in elementary science, at the school level, principals need access to professional development in monitoring and coaching high-quality science instruction. Adoption of observation models and protocols that are consistent with and support high-quality instruction are necessary. At the school level, principals need to mandate science instruction, setting aside time during the week at each grade level when science instruction must take place. When principals schedule in mandated time for science instruction, they protect teaching time for science instruction and send a message that
science instruction is important. When any district or state implements large-scale professional development in science, it needs to offer paired instructional development that guides principals in how to best support their teachers in implementing science reform models. At the school level, we learn a lot from the successful NSF projects evaluated by Inverness Research Associates (Heenan & Helms, 2013; Inverness Research Associates, 2006a, 2006b; St. John et al., 2007, 2008). Teachers need access to tiered professional development that first builds confidence through building content knowledge and pedagogy, then guides teachers in how to develop and expand lessons that are consistent with high-quality instruction. Teachers need access and support to take on leadership roles in elementary science. Development of lesson study groups that focus on science pedagogy are advantageous.
The key element that the largest number of schools activated was program and practice. However, only eleven of the 20 schools activated this element. There exists a tremendous amount of room for growth in this area among even the high science achieving elementary schools. Teachers need support in the form of time; providing a mandated schedule for when science should take place during the week is a step towards ensuring science teaching time for high-quality instruction is protected and valued. Budgetary investment to purchase consumables and replace equipment that becomes broken is vital to ensuring teachers have the materials they need to maintain a high-quality program. Goldsmith and Pasquale (2002) found that the lack of adequate resources for science instruction cannot only affect the quality of instruction, it can actually prevent instruction from occurring. Budgetary commitment to high-quality science instruction must come from the state, district, and building levels.
Although this study provides support for the key elements as indicators of high-quality elementary science programs and begins to pave a road to understanding science elementary education at the school and classroom level in Idaho, further research on elementary science education in Idaho needs to be conducted to validate this study’s conclusions. This future research should include multiple field observations within the science ISAT identified high science achieving elementary schools in Idaho. These observations would provide a rich understanding of what is occurring within the science, ISAT-identified, high-achieving elementary schools in Idaho.
Continued research and development should occur to develop survey tools that provide a richer understanding of high-quality science education. The current survey tools do not provide a clear rating of the quality of hands-on or laboratory-based activities implemented within classrooms. The current tools only indicate if hands-on or laboratory-based instruction is taking place. These tools do not extract enough information to ascertain a teacher’s level of understanding, or the teacher’s perceptions regarding high-quality science instructional strategies, such as the types of questioning strategies the teacher uses and how the teacher scaffolds their hands-on instruction to develop crosscutting science concepts and skills in their students. Further work needs to be conducted to develop more rigorous survey tools that will provide deeper insight into a teacher’s ability to support high-quality science instruction. Additionally, to provide additional validity to the current study, and provide a clearer picture of what is occurring within the classrooms, field observations need to be conducted within participant schools. These observations would provide a richer understanding of what is occurring within
high-achieving elementary schools in Idaho, as identified by the science ISAT, and provide greater insight into how teachers interpret their own teaching.
At the state level, Idaho educators and policy makers should insist on the development of a rigorous tool for identifying what is valued in science education. Idaho educators and policy makers should continue to monitor the effectiveness of the science ISAT as an accurate measurement of what we value in science education. The data that this study provides points us towards the conclusion that the science ISAT may not be measuring what we value. Although the science ISAT successfully identified some schools that model many of the key elements, it also identified schools that did not have any of the key elements present.
This study provides insight into future research in elementary science education, as well as provides the beginnings of a roadmap for educators, administrators, and policy makers for improving elementary science education in Idaho.
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APPENDIX A
Tables
| Question Composites | Survey Question | Tool | Answer Choices | Variable Level of Measurement |
|---------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Adequacy of Resources for Instruction Composite | Science courses may benefit from availability of particular kinds of items or facilities. What is the availability of the following items in your school?
- Equipment (microscopes, beakers, etc.)
- Instructional technology (calculators, computers, tablets, probeware, etc.)
- Consumable items (chemicals, living organisms, batteries, etc.)
- Facilities (lab tables, electrical outlets, faucets and sinks, etc.) | Teacher Survey | 5-point from Not available to Adequate | Ordered Scale/Ordinal |
| Curriculum Control Composite | Do you have control over each of the following aspects of science instruction in your class(es)?
- Determining course goals and objectives.
- Selection of textbooks/ modules.
- Selecting content, topics, and skills to be taught. | Teacher Survey | 5- point from No control to strong control | Ordered Scale/Ordinal |
| Pedagogical Control Composite | Do you have control over each of the following aspects of science instruction in your class(es)?
- Selecting teaching techniques.
- Determining the amount of homework to be assigned.
- Choosing criteria for grading student performance. | Teacher Survey | 5- point from No control to strong control | Ordered Scale/Ordinal |
| Reform-Oriented Instructional Objectives Composite | Think about your plans for your class for the entire year. By the end of the year, how much importance will you place on each of the following student objectives?
- Understanding science concepts.
- Learning science process skills.
- Learning about real-life applications of science.
- Increasing students’ interest in science.
- Preparing students for future study in science. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Inhibits effective instruction to Very important in promoting science instruction | Ordered Scale/Ordinal |
| Use of Instructional Technology Composite | Are the following items available for small group (4-5 students) work in your class?
- Personal computers, including laptops.
- Hand-held computers (tablets, PDAs, iPad Touch, iPad).
- Internet access.
- Probes for collecting data.
- Calculators. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Never to All or Almost all science classes | Ordered Scale/Ordinal |
| Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practices in Science Composite | Think about your science instruction; identify how often you used each of the following practices in your science instruction?
- Have students work in small groups.
- Do hands-on/laboratory activities.
- Engage the class in project-based learning (PBL) activities.
- Have students represent and/or analyze data using tables, charts, or graphs.
- Require students to supply evidence in support of their claims.
- Have students write their reflections in class or for homework. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Never to All or Almost all science classes. | Ordered Scale/Ordinal |
| Question Composites | Survey Question | Tool | Answer Choices | Variable Level of Measurement |
|---------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------|-----------------------------------------------------|------------------------------|
| Quality of Professional Development Composite | Think about all of your science related professional development in the last three years, which of the following statements describes your experience?
- You had opportunities to engage in science investigations.
- You had opportunities to examine classroom artifacts.
- You had opportunities to try out what you learned in your classroom and then talked about it as part of the professional development.
- You worked closely with other science teachers from your school.
- You worked closely with other science teachers who taught the same grade and/or subject whether or not they were from your school.
- The professional development was a waste of your time. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Not at All to To a great Extent | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Extent to which PDI Coursework Focused on Student-centered Instruction Composite | Consider all the opportunities to learn about science or the teaching of science in the last three years, how much importance was placed on each of the following?
- Finding out what students think or already know about the key science ideas prior to instruction on those ideas.
- Planning instruction so students at different levels of achievement can increase their understanding of the ideas taught in each activity.
- Monitoring student understanding during science instruction.
- Assessing student understanding at the conclusion of instruction on a topic. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Not at All to To a great Extent | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Perception of Preparedness to Teach Diverse Learners Composite | How well prepared do you feel to implement each of the following in your science instruction?
- Plan instruction so students at different levels of achievement can increase their understanding of the ideas presented in each activity.
- Teach science to students who have learning disabilities.
- Teach science to students who have physical disabilities.
- Teach science to English-language learners.
- Provide enrichment experiences for gifted students | Teacher Survey | 4-point Likert, Not Adequately Prepared to Very Well Prepared | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Perceptions of Preparedness to Encourage Students Composite | How well prepared do you feel to implement each of the following in your science instruction?
- Encourage students’ interests in science and/or engineering.
- Encourage participation of females in science and/or engineering.
- Encourage participation of racial or ethical minorities in science and/or engineering.
- Encourage participation of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds in science and/or engineering. | Teacher Survey | 4-point Likert, Not Adequately Prepared to Very Well Prepared | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Question Composite | Survey Question | Tool | Answer Choices | Variable Level of Measurement |
|--------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Extent to Which the Policy Environment Promotes Effective Instruction Composite | Please rate the following on their importance of influence on your science instruction.
- Idaho Content Standards in Science
- District Curriculum Frameworks
- School/ District Pacing Guides
- State science testing and accountability policies.
- District testing and accountability policies.
- Textbook/ module selection policies.
- Teacher evaluation polices. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Inhibits effective instruction to Very important in promoting science instruction | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Supportive Context for Science Instruction Composite | In your opinion, how great a problem is each of the following for science instruction in your school as a whole?
- Inadequate science-related professional development opportunities.
- Community attitudes towards science instruction.
- Conflict between efforts to improve science instruction and other school and/or district initiatives.
- How science instructional resources are managed. | Principal Survey | 5-point Likert, Unimportant to Very Important | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Extent to which a Lack of Materials and Supplies is Problematic Composite | In your opinion, how great a problem is each of the following for science instruction in your school as a whole?
- Lack of science facilities.
- Inadequate funds for purchasing science equipment and supplies.
- Inadequate supply of science textbooks/ modules.
- Inadequate materials for individualized science instruction. | Principal Survey | 5-point Likert, Unimportant to Very Important | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Extent to which a Lack of Time is Problematic Composite | In your opinion, how great a problem is each of the following for science instruction in your school as a whole?
- Insufficient time to teach science.
- Lack of opportunities for science teachers to share ideas.
- Inadequate science-related professional development opportunities. | Principal Survey | 5-point Likert, Unimportant to Very Important | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Question Composite | Survey Question | Tool | Answer Choices | Variable Level of Measurement |
|--------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------|-----------------------------------------------------|------------------------------|
| Assessment Composite (AKA: Perceptions of Preparedness to Implement Instruction in a Particular Unit Composite) | How well prepared did you feel to do each of the following as part of your instruction on this particular unit?
• Anticipate difficulties that students may have with particular science ideas and procedures in this unit.
• Find out what students thought or already knew about the key science ideas.
• Implement the science textbook/ modules to be used during this unit.
• Monitor student understanding during this unit.
• Assess student understanding at the conclusion of this unit. | Teacher Survey | 5-point Likert, Not Adequately Prepared to Very Well Prepared | Ordered Scale/ Ordinal |
| Variable | Question Composites | Alpha (Horizon Research, 2012c) | lpha |
|---------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------|------|
| Teacher Background & Development| Quality of Professional Development | 0.72 | .64 |
| | Extent to Which Professional Development/Coursework Focused on Student-Centered Instruction | 0.86 | .89 |
| | Perceptions of Preparedness to Teach Diverse Learners | 0.80 | .87 |
| | Perceptions of Preparedness to Encourage Students | 0.92 | .96 |
| Assessment & Feedback | Assessment Composite (AKA: Perceptions of Preparedness to Implement Instruction in Particular Unit) | 0.88 | .88 |
| Program & Practice | Adequacy of Resources | 0.84 | .76 |
| Programs & Practice | Curriculum Control | 0.80 | .81 |
| | Pedagogical Control | 0.73 | .57 |
| | Reform-Oriented Instructional Objectives | 0.72 | .86 |
| | Use of Reform-Oriented Teaching Practice: Science | 0.72 | .83 |
| | Use of Instructional Technology | 0.70 | .50 |
| Instructional Leadership & Mandate | Extent to Which the Policy Environment Promotes Effective Instruction | 0.88 | .79 |
| Principal Survey Question | Teacher Survey Question |
|---------------------------|-------------------------|
| Indicate whether each of the following programs and/or practices is currently being implemented in your school:
a) Students not in self-contained classes and receive science instruction from a science teacher.
b) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from a science specialist instead of their regular teacher.
c) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from a science specialist in addition to their regular teacher.
d) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from their regular classroom teacher only.
e) Students in self-contained classes pulled out for remedial instruction in science.
f) Students in self-contained classes pulled out for enrichment in science.
g) Students in self-contained classes pulled out from science instruction for additional instruction in other content areas. | Indicate whether each of the following programs and/or practices is currently being implemented in your school:
a) Students not in self-contained classes and receive science instruction from a science teacher.
b) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from a science specialist instead of their regular teacher.
c) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from a science specialist in addition to their regular teacher.
d) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from their regular classroom teacher only.
e) Students in self-contained classes pulled out for remedial instruction in science.
f) Students in self-contained classes pulled out for enrichment in science.
g) Students in self-contained classes pulled out from science instruction for additional instruction in other content areas. |
| Which best describes how science is most often taught in your school?
- Science is taught all of most days, every week of the year.
- Science is taught every week, but typically three or fewer days each week.
- Science is taught some weeks, but not every week. | Which best describes how science is most often taught in your school?
- Science is taught all of most days, every week of the year.
- Science is taught every week, but typically three or fewer days each week.
- Science is taught some weeks, but not every week. |
| In the last five years, has your school or district participated in any STEM initiatives at the elementary level? | In the last five years, has your school or district participated in any STEM initiatives at the elementary level? |
| Please describe the STEM initiative that your school or district participated in. | Please describe the STEM initiative that your school or district participated in. |
| What is the average length of a science class period, in minutes, for each grade level in science
a) Third grade
b) Fourth grade
c) Fifth grade | In a typical year, how much instruction time is spent on science?
- Average Number of Minutes per Day |
| Does your school provide the following to enhance students’ interest and or achievement in science and/or engineering?
a) Holds a family science and/or engineering night.
b) Offers after-school help in science and/or engineering (for example: tutoring)
c) Offers one or more science clubs
d) Offers one or more engineering clubs
e) Participates in local or regional science and/or engineering fair
f) Has one or more teams participating in science competitions (for example: Science Olympiad)
g) Has one or more teams participating in engineering competitions (for example: Robotics)
h) Encourages students to participate in science and/or engineering summer | Does your school provide the following to enhance students’ interest and or achievement in science and/or engineering?
k) Holds a family science and/or engineering night.
l) Offers after-school help in science and/or engineering (for example: tutoring)
m) Offers one or more science clubs
n) Offers one or more engineering clubs
o) Participates in local or regional science and/or engineering fair
p) Has one or more teams participating in science competitions (for example: Science Olympiad)
q) Has one or more teams participating in engineering competitions (for example: Robotics)
r) Encourages students to participate in science and/or engineering summer |
| Programs or camps offered by community colleges, universities, museums, or science centers | Programs or camps offered by community colleges, universities, museums, or science centers |
|---|---|
| i) Sponsors visits to business, industry, and/or research sites related to science and/or engineering | s) Sponsors visits to business, industry, and/or research sites related to science and/or engineering |
| j) Sponsors meetings with adult mentors who work in science and/or engineering fields | t) Sponsors meetings with adult mentors who work in science and/or engineering fields |
Please indicate which in-service workshops offered by your school and/or district in the last three years addresses deepening teacher understanding of each of the following.
- Science content
- How students think about various science ideas
- How to use particular science instructional materials (example: books or modules)
- How to monitor student understanding during science instruction
- How to adapt science instruction to address student misconceptions
- How to use technology in science instruction
- How to use investigation-oriented science teaching strategies
- How to teach science to students who are English language learners
- How to provide alternative science learning experiences for students with special needs
- How to integrate science with other content areas
Consider all the opportunities to learn about science or the teaching of science in the last three years; how much importance was placed on each of the following?
- Deepening your own science content knowledge.
- Learning about difficulties that students may have with particular science ideas and procedures.
- Finding out what students think or already know about the key science ideas prior to instruction on those ideas.
- Implementing the science textbook/ module to be used in your classroom.
- Planning instruction so students at different levels of achievement can increase their understanding of the ideas taught in each activity.
- Monitoring student understanding during science instruction.
- Providing enrichment experiences for gifted students.
- Providing alternative science learning experiences for students with special needs.
- Teaching science to English-language learners.
- Assessing student understanding at the conclusion of instruction on a topic.
Please rate each of the following in terms of its importance for effective science instruction.
- Provide concrete experience before abstract concepts
- Develop students’ conceptual understanding of the subject
- Take students’ prior understanding of a subject matter into account when planning curriculum and instruction
- Make connections to other disciplines
- Have students work in cooperative learning groups
- Have students participate in appropriate hands-on activities
- Have students work in mixed ability groups
- Engage students in inquiry-oriented activities
- Engage students in applications of subject matter in a variety of contexts
- Encourage students to provide evidence for their answers
- Use of teacher questioning strategies to elicit student thinking and understanding
Think about your science instruction; identify how often you used each of the following practices in your science instruction?
- Take students’ prior understanding of a subject matter into account when planning curriculum and instruction.
- Engage the whole class in discussions.
- Have students work in small groups.
- Do hands-on/laboratory activities.
- Engage the class in project-based learning (PBL) activities.
- Make connections to other disciplines.
- Have students read from a science textbook, module, or other science-related material in class rather than just to themselves.
- Have students represent and/or analyze data using tables, charts, or graphs.
- Require students to supply evidence in support of their claims.
- Have students make formal presentations to the rest of the class.
- Have students write their reflections in class or for homework.
- Give tests and/or quizzes that are predominately short-answer.
- Give tests and/or quizzes that include constructed-response/open ended items.
- Focus on reading literacy skills.
- Have students practice for standardized tests.
Have students attend presentation by guest speakers focused on science and/or engineering in the workplace.
| Question | Answer |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| In your school does observation and feedback of science instruction occur? | During this school year have you been observed and received feedback on science instruction?
- Observed during formal observation.
- Observed during an informal or walk-through observation. |
| When observing science instruction do you provide specific feedback on how to improve instruction? | During this school year have you been observed and received feedback on science instruction?
- Received specific feedback on your science instruction. |
| When observing science do you look for reform-minded science practices? (for example: inquire, the learning cycle, 3E, 5E) | During this school year have you been observed and received feedback on science instruction?
- Received specific feedback on reform-minded science practices. |
| Do any of the following individuals provide science-focused one-on-one coaching in your school? | Do any of the following individuals provide science-focused one-on-one coaching in your school?
- The principal of your school.
- An assistant principal at your school.
- District administrators including science supervisors/ coordinators.
- Teacher/coaches who do not have classroom teaching responsibilities.
- Researchers/ coaches who have part-time classroom teaching responsibilities.
- Teachers/ coaches who have full-time classroom teaching responsibilities. |
| As an instructional leader do you monitor student progress in science? | My school principal makes an effort to monitor student progress in science?
This is your opportunity to tell me about your school. Why do you believe that your elementary school has been so successful at consistently attaining high-achievement in elementary science education? |
Table A7. Characteristics by Percent of Participant Idaho Principals Leading Schools Achieving Highly in Science
| | Total Principals | Sample (N=23) | Idaho (N=305) | Sample Principals |
|------------------------|------------------|---------------|---------------|-------------------|
| | | | | Low-SES (n= 16) | High-SES (n= 7) |
| Gender | | | | | |
| Male | 48% | 49% | 47% | 50% |
| Female | 52% | 51% | 53% | 50% |
| Race | | | | | |
| Caucasian | 100% | 98% | 100% | 100% |
| Hispanic | 0% | 2% | 0% | 0% |
| Age | | | | | |
| ≤30 | 0% | 1% | 0% | 0% |
| 31-40 | 30% | 25% | 33% | 25% |
| 41-50 | 22% | 20% | 27% | 12.5% |
| 51-60 | 35% | 37% | 13% | 62.5% |
| 60+ | 13% | 9% | 27% | 0% |
| Experience as a K-12 Principal | | | | | |
| 0 years | 4% | 0% | 7% | 12.5% |
| 2-5 years | 17% | 1% | 20% | 0% |
| 6-10 years | 39% | 12% | 47% | 25% |
| 11-20 years | 35% | 38% | 20% | 62.5% |
| ≥ 21 years | 4% | 49% | 7% | 0% |
| Experience as a K-12 Principal at Current School | | | | | |
| 1-2 years | 39% | - | 33% | 50% |
| 3-5 years | 26% | - | 33% | 12.5% |
| 6-10 years | 30% | - | 27% | 37.5% |
| ≥ 10 years | 4% | - | 7% | 0% |
| Experience Teaching at the 6-12 Level | | | | | |
| 1-2 years | 4% | - | 7% | 0% |
| 3-5 years | 9% | - | 13% | 0% |
| 6-10 years | 39% | - | 27% | 62.5% |
| 11-20 years | 30% | - | 47% | 0% |
| ≥ 21 years | 17% | - | 7% | 37.5% |
| Experience Teaching Science at the 6-12 Level | | | | | |
| 1 – 21+ years | 22% | - | 27% | 12.5% |
Table A8. Characteristics by Percent of Participant Idaho Teachers in Schools Achieving Highly in Science
| | Total Teachers | Idaho | Sample Teachers |
|--------------------------|----------------|-------------|-----------------|
| | | (N= 8,808) | Low-SES | High-SES |
| | | | (n=14) | (n=37) |
| Gender | | | | |
| Male | 18% | 13% | 16% | 21% |
| Female | 82% | 87% | 84% | 79% |
| Race | | | | |
| Caucasian | 100% | 98% | 100% | 100% |
| American Indian or Native Alaskan | 0% | 5% | 0% | 0% |
| Hispanic | 0% | 1% | 0% | 0% |
| African American | 0% | 0.1% | 0% | 0% |
| Age | | | | |
| ≤30 | 8% | 17% | 9% | 7% |
| 31-40 | 33% | 23% | 35% | 29% |
| 41-50 | 25% | 25% | 23.5% | 29% |
| 51-60 | 23% | 30% | 23.5% | 21% |
| 60+ | 10% | 5% | 9% | 14% |
| Experience Teaching at the K-12 Level | | | | |
| 0 years | 0% | 11% | 6% | 17% |
| 2-5 years | 32% | 18% | 22% | 25% |
| 6-10 years | 11% | 18% | 13% | 8% |
| 11-20 years | 32% | 29% | 31% | 33% |
| ≥ 21 years | 25% | 24% | 28% | 17% |
| Experience Teaching Science at the K-12 Level | | | | |
| 0 years | 16% | - | 15.5% | 17% |
| 2-5 years | 23% | - | 25% | 17% |
| 6-10 years | 23% | - | 15.5% | 42% |
| 11-20 years | 18% | - | 19% | 17% |
| ≥ 21 years | 20% | - | 25% | 8% |
| Experience Teaching at the K-12 Level, in this school | | | | |
| 0-2 years | 23% | - | 13% | 50% |
| 3-5 years | 27% | - | 28% | 25% |
| 6-10 years | 25% | - | 28% | 17% |
| 11-20 years | 18% | - | 25% | 0% |
| ≥ 21 years | 7% | - | 6% | 8% |
| Experience Teaching at the K-12 Level, in this District | | | | |
| 0-2 years | 11% | - | 6% | 23% |
| 3-5 years | 23% | - | 26% | 15.5% |
| 6-10 years | 21% | - | 21% | 23% |
| 11-20 years | 28% | - | 29% | 23% |
| ≥ 21 years | 17% | - | 18% | 15.5% |
Table A9. Percentage of Teachers who have taken Science and Engineering Coursework beyond Introductory Level, and Number of Courses Taken
| Subject | Total (N=47) | Low-SES (n=35) | High-SES (n=12) |
|--------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|
| **Chemistry** | 2% | 0% | 8% |
| Number of Classes Taken: | | | |
| Organic chemistry | 3 | 0 | 3 |
| Inorganic chemistry | 1 | 0 | 1 |
| Biochemistry | 1 | 0 | 1 |
| Analytical chemistry | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Physical chemistry | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| **Life Science** | 34% | 29% | 50% |
| Number of Classes Taken:| | | |
| Anatomy/Physiology | 6 | 4 | 2 |
| Genetics | 3 | 2 | 1 |
| Ecology | 6 | 4 | 2 |
| Cell biology | 4 | 3 | 1 |
| Microbiology | 4 | 3 | 1 |
| Botany | 3 | 2 | 1 |
| Zoology | 7 | 5 | 2 |
| Evolution | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Other | 2 | 2 | 0 |
| **Physics** | 11% | 6% | 25% |
| Number of Classes Taken:| | | |
| Mechanics | 2 | 1 | 1 |
| Electrical and magnetism | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| Heat and thermodynamics | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| Modern or quantum physics| 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Optics | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| Nuclear physics | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Other | 2 | 1 | 1 |
| **Earth/Space Science** | 4% | 3% | 8% |
| Number of Classes Taken:| | | |
| Geology | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Astronomy | 2 | 1 | 1 |
| Physical geography | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| Meteorology | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Oceanography | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| **Environmental Science**| 6% | 6% | 8% |
| Number of Classes Taken:| | | |
| Ecology | 1 | 0 | 1 |
| Conservation biology | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| Hydrology | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Forestry | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Other | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| **Engineering** | 2% | 3% | 0% |
| Number of Classes Taken:| | | |
| Mechanical engineering | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| Chemical engineering | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Computer engineering | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Civil engineering | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Biomedical engineering | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Industrial/Manufacturing | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| engineering | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Aerospace engineering | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Table A10. Teacher Reported Median Time Spent on Instruction
| Teachers | Total (N=44) | Low-SES (n=32) | High-SES (n=12) | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|----------|-------------|----------------|-----------------|------------------------------|
| **Weeks Per Year** | | | | |
| Mathematics | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 37) | $U = 140, z = -0.18, p = 0.89$ |
| Science | 32 (20, 36) | 32 (20, 36) | 31 (26, 33) | $U = 187, z = 0.196, p = 0.86$ |
| Social Studies | 30 (18, 36)) | 30 (18, 36) | 31 (25, 35) | $U = 141, z = -0.15, p = 0.89$ |
| Reading/ Language Arts | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 37) | $U = 147, z = -0.12, p = 0.91$ |
| **Days Per Week** | | | | |
| Mathematics | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 37) | $U = 131, z = -0.91, p = 0.89$ |
| Science | 32 (20, 36) | 32 (20, 36) | 31 (26, 33) | $U = 239, z = 1.82, p = 0.08$ |
| Social Studies | 30 (18, 36)) | 30 (18, 36) | 31 (25, 35) | $U = 92, z = -1.79, p = 0.89$ |
| Reading/ Language Arts | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 36) | 36 (35, 37) | $U = 135, z = -0.93, p = 0.91$ |
| **Minutes Spent Per Day Taught** | | | | |
| Mathematics | 70 (60, 80) | 70 (60, 80) | 68 (60, 83) | $U = 144, z = -0.48, p = 0.65$ |
| Science | 45 (40, 60) | 45 (32.5, 60) | 48 (45, 60) | $U = 147, z = -1.23, p = 0.23$ |
| Social Studies | 43 (30, 60) | 40 (30, 50) | 45 (30, 60) | $U = 130, z = -0.92, p = 0.39$ |
| Reading/ Language Arts | 90 (88, 120) | 90 (79, 120) | 36 (35, 37) | $U = 180, z = 0.62, p = 0.57$ |
Table A11. Teachers’ Median Ratings* of Frequency that they Engage Students in Various Teaching Practices
| Teaching Practice | Median Ratings by Teachers (IQR) | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------|------------------------------|
| | All (N=44) | Low-SES (n=31) | High-SES (n=12) | |
| Placing students in similar abilities groups. | 1 (1, 3) | 1 (1, 3) | 1 (1, 3) | $U = 223, z = 0.88, p = 0.43$ |
| Focusing on ideas in-depth, even if that means covering fewer topics. | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | 4.5 (3, 5) | $U = 157, z = -0.98, p = 0.35$ |
| Providing students with the purpose for a lesson as it begins. | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 233, z = 1.23, p = 0.29$ |
| Providing students with definitions for new scientific vocabulary that will be used at the beginning of instruction. | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | 5 (3, 5) | $U = 168, z = -0.71, p = 0.52$ |
| Explaining an idea to students before having them consider evidence that relates to the idea. | 3 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | $U = 235, z = 1.20, p = 0.27$ |
| Reviewing previously covered ideas and skills during each class period. | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 222, z = 0.83, p = 0.44$ |
| Providing opportunities for students to share their thinking and reasoning each class period | 5 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | 5 (5, 5) | $U = 122, z = -2.03, p = 0.07$ |
| Providing hands-on/laboratory activities primarily to reinforce a science idea that the students have already learned. | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 5) | $U = 123, z = -1.95, p = 0.07$ |
| Assigning students homework most days. | 4 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | $U = 190, z = -0.06, p = 0.97$ |
| Providing concrete experiences before abstract experiences. | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 167, z = -0.57, p = 0.62$ |
| Developing students’ conceptual understanding of a subject. | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 175, z = -0.51, p = 0.65$ |
| Engaging students in application of subject matter in a variety of contexts. | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 4) | 4.5 (3, 5) | $U = 154, z = -1.09, p = 0.32$ |
* (1) Never, (2) Rarely (A few times per year), (3) Sometimes (Once or twice per month), (4) Often (Once or twice per week), (5) All or almost all science classes.
Table A12. Teachers’ Median Ratings* of Frequency that they Engage Students in Various Teaching Practices, Based on Real-life Constraints
| Practice | Total (N=13) | Low-SES (n=30) | High-SES (n=11) | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------|----------------|-----------------|------------------------------|
| Taking students’ prior understanding of a subject matter into account when planning curriculum and instruction | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 150, z = 1.18, p = 0.28$ |
| Engaging the whole class in discussions | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 204, z = 0.36, p = 0.77$ |
| Having students work in small groups | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 171, z = -0.61, p = 0.60$ |
| Doing hands-on/laboratory activities | 4 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 105, z = -2.32, p = 0.03$ |
| Engaging the class in project-based learning (PBL) activities | 3 (2, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 128, z = -1.75, p = 0.10$ |
| Making connections to other disciplines | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 5) | $U = 167, z = -0.75, p = 0.51$ |
| Having students read from a science textbook or other related materials in class, either aloud or to themselves | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 226, z = 0.93, p = 0.38$ |
| Having students represent and/or analyze using tables, charts, or graphs | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 180, z = -0.34, p = 0.76$ |
| Requiring students to supply evidence in support of their claims | 4 (2, 4) | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 163, z = -0.81, p = 0.46$ |
| Having students make formal presentations to the rest of the class | 3 (2, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 167, z = -0.54, p = 0.62$ |
| Having students write their reflections in class or for homework | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | 4 (3, 5) | $U = 97, z = -2.31, p = 0.03$ |
| Giving tests and/or quizzes that are predominantly short-answer | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 3) | 3 (2, 4) | $U = 197, z = 0.13, p = 0.91$ |
| Giving tests and/or quizzes that include constructed-response/open-ended items | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 4) | 3 (3, 3) | $U = 203, z = 0.32, p = 0.79$ |
| Focusing on literacy skills (for example: informational reading or writing skills) | 4 (3, 4) | 4 (2, 4) | 4 (3, 4) | $U = 183, z = 0.25, p = 0.83$ |
| Having students practice for standardized tests | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (2, 3) | 2 (1, 3) | $U = 249, z = 1.57, p = 0.14$ |
| Having students attend presentations by guest speakers focused on science and/or engineering in the workplace | 2 (1, 2) | 2 (1, 2) | 2 (2, 3) | $U = 126, z = -1.87, p = 0.08$ |
* (1) Never, (2) Rarely (A few times per year), (3) Sometimes (Once or twice per month), (4) Often (Once or twice per week), (5) All or almost all science classes.
Table A13. Principals’ Median Ratings* of Importance for Various Instructional Practices
| Principals | Total (N=43) | Low-SES (n=30) | High-SES (n=11) | Mann-Whitney U test, p-value |
|------------|-------------|----------------|-----------------|-----------------------------|
| Provide concrete experience before abstract concepts | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 58, z = -0.15, p = 0.93$ |
| Develop students’ conceptual understanding of the subject | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 4.5 (4, 5) | $U = 64, z = 0.25, p = 0.83$ |
| Take students’ prior understanding of a subject matter into account when planning curriculum and instruction | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 63, z = 0.22, p = 0.88$ |
| Make connections to other disciplines | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 60, z < 0.01, p = 1.00$ |
| Have students work in cooperative learning groups | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (2, 5) | $U = 75, z = 0.98, p = 0.36$ |
| Have students participate in appropriate hands-on activities | 5 (5, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (5, 5) | $U = 47, z = -0.89, p = 0.53$ |
| Have students work in mixed ability groups | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | 4 (2, 5) | $U = 69, z = 0.60, p = 0.59$ |
| Engage students in inquiry-oriented activities | 4 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 4 (3, 5) | $U = 72, z = 0.81, p = 0.47$ |
| Engage students in application of subject matter in a variety of contexts | 4 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 4 (4, 5) | $U = 68, z = 0.57, p = 0.64$ |
| Encouraging students to provide evidence for their answers | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 54, z = -0.48, p = 0.73$ |
| Use of Teacher questioning strategies to elicit student thinking and understanding | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | 5 (4, 5) | $U = 54, z = -0.48, p = 0.73$ |
*(1) Unimportant, (2) Of little importance, (3) Moderately important, (4) Important, (5) Very Important.*
| School | Use of reform-oriented teaching practices and instructional objectives | Doing hands-on or laboratory activities | Having students represent or analyze data using tables, charts, or graphs | Requiring students to supply evidence in support of their claims | Visiting STEM sites or having guest speakers from STEM fields | Access to Science Equipment and Consumable Items | Access to Science Facilities |
|-----------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Helium Elementary | Present | | | | | | |
| Beryllium Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present | | Present |
| Boron Elementary | Present | | Present | Present | | Present | Present |
| Carbon Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | | | |
| Oxygen Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | | Present | |
| Nitrogen Elementary | Present | | | | | Present | Present |
| Fluorine Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | | | Present |
| Neon Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | | Present | Present |
| Sodium Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present | | Present |
| Magnesium Elementary | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present | Present | |
| Aluminum Elementary | Present | Present | Present | | | Present | |
| Element | Present | Present | Present | Present |
|-------------|---------|---------|---------|---------|
| Silicon | | | | |
| Phosphorus | | | | |
| Sulfur | | | | |
| Chlorine | | | | |
| Argon | | | | |
| Potassium | | | | |
| Calcium | | | | |
APPENDIX B
Recruitment Materials
Phone Protocol
“Hello, my name is Jill Hettinger. I am a researcher at Boise State University. I am conducting a research study to identify factors influencing high science achievement in elementary schools within the state of Idaho. More specifically, this study is also interested in how these factors differ between low-SES and high-SES schools. You are being asked to complete this survey because your school has been identified as a high achieving elementary school in science, and your school fits within the low or high-SES demographic. I am calling you because I have identified your school as a school that has had consistent high achievement on the elementary science ISAT.
If you would be interested in participating in the study, I will be sending you a link to the internet-based survey. If you are interested in participating in the study I encourage you to complete the survey.
If you have questions, I can be reached at 208-871-7414 or email@example.com. Thank you for your help in helping us to learn more about elementary science education.
If not interested, investigator will end the call: “Thank you for your time.”
Superintendent Letter – Study Invite
[Date]
(Boise State Logo)
[Superintendents name], [professional title]
[District name]
Dear [Mr./Mrs./Dr.] [Superintendent last name]:
I am a doctoral student at Boise State University in Education, Curriculum and Instruction – STEM leadership involved in a research study evaluating effects of school-wide factors in high-achieving elementary science education programs. More specifically, I will be looking at what school-wide factors help low-SES schools achieve in elementary science education, as compared to school-wide factors identified in high-SES schools. For this reason, I am interested in high-achieving low-SES and high-SES schools.
I would like to invite [school(s) name] to participate in a principal survey because of [school(s) name] consistent high achievement on the fifth grade science ISAT.
[schools name] in [district] will be a part of a statewide sample of about 40 schools. I would like to begin contacting school principals in the coming weeks with their survey.
I want to assure you that no data will be collected from students, and there will be no intrusion on the instructional day. All information in the survey will be kept anonymous and confidential, including: the participating principal’s name, school name, and district name. In any articles written or presentation made, names or descriptive identifiers will not be given.
The survey consists of a few background questions, followed by questions on the following five categories: programs and practices, science budget, influences on science instruction, science professional development opportunities, and instructional leadership.
I am excited to begin this important statewide study and look forward to working with the sampled schools in [District name]. [District name]’s participation is voluntary, but very important and greatly appreciated If you have any questions about the study you can contact me at (208) 871-7414 or email (firstname.lastname@example.org).
Warm regards,
Jill K. Hettinger
Doctoral Candidate
Education, Curriculum and Instruction – STEM leadership
Boise State University
Dear [Mr./Ms./Dr.] [Principal last name]: (or current Principal)
I am a doctoral student at Boise State University in Education, Curriculum and Instruction – STEM leadership. I am involved in a research study evaluating school-wide factors in high-achievement in elementary science education. More specifically, I will be looking at what school-wide factors help low-SES schools achieve in elementary science education, as compared to school-wide factors identified in high-SES schools. For this reason I am interested in high-achieving low-SES and high-SES schools.
As the principal of [school name] I would like to invite you to participate in a principal survey because of [school(s) name] consistent high achievement on the fifth grade science ISAT. The survey consists of a few background questions, followed by questions on the following five categories: programs and practices, science budget, influences on science instruction, science professional development opportunities, and instructional leadership.
I have designed the study to strictly avoid intrusions on the instructional day and to place a minimal burden on principals and teachers. In addition, no data will be collected from students. All information in the survey will be kept anonymous and confidential; your name will not appear anywhere and no one will know about your specific answers except me and my dissertation committee chair, Dr. Ted Singletary. I will assign a number to your responses and I will have the key to indicate which number belongs to which participant. In any article written or presentation made, names or descriptive identifiers will not be given. The name of your school and district will also remain anonymous and confidential.
This study specifically will be looking at what school-wide factors help low-SES schools achieve in elementary science education. This study will also look at how these factors compare to factors identified in high-SES schools. For this reason I am interested in high-achieving low-SES and high-SES schools.
Your participation is voluntary, but very important and greatly appreciated. If you have any questions about the study, please contact me at (208) 871-7414 or email (email@example.com).
Warmest regards,
Jill K. Hettinger
Doctoral Candidate
Education, Curriculum and Instruction – STEM leadership
Boise State University
Dear (Teacher Participant’s Name),
My name is Jill Hettinger and I am a doctoral candidate at Boise State University in Education, Curriculum and Instruction – STEM leadership. I am conducting a research study titled: **Finding Success in Elementary Science across Socioeconomic Boundaries**. The purpose of this study is to identify factors influencing high science achievement in elementary schools, within the state of Idaho. I am also interested in how these factors differ between low-SES and high-SES schools.
As a teacher at [school name] I would like to invite you to participate in the teacher survey because [school’s name] consistent high achievement on the fifth grade science ISAT. The survey targets the following four areas: programs and practice, professional development, instructional leadership, and assessment.
The survey is administered through the internet, to provide minimal burden to you. In addition, no data will be collected from students. All of the information in the survey will be kept confidential. In any article written or presentations made, names and descriptive identifiers will not be given.
Your participation is voluntary, but very important and greatly appreciated. This study involves no foreseeable serious risks. We ask that you try to answer all questions; however, if there are any items that make you uncomfortable or that you would prefer to skip, please leave the answer blank. Your responses will be kept confidential.
If you are interested, please click on the link for the survey and additional information: www.linktosurvey.com.
Please note that in seven days a friendly reminder will be sent out if you have not responded.
If you have any questions or concerns feel free to contact me or my faculty advisor:
Jill Hettinger, Doctoral Candidate
Curriculum & Instruction
Boise State University
(208) 871-7414
firstname.lastname@example.org
Dr. Ted Singletery, Professor
Curriculum, Instruction, & Foundational Studies
Boise State University
(208) 426-3270
email@example.com
Thank you for your assistance,
Jill Hettinger
Doctoral Candidate Education – Curriculum & Instruction, Boise State University
APPENDIX C
Tools
Principal Survey Tool
Q1.1 Finding Success in Elementary Science across Socioeconomic Boundaries - Principal Survey
Q1.2 Informed Consent
Study Title: Finding Success in Elementary Science across Socioeconomic Boundaries
Principal Investigator: Jill Hettinger, Doctoral Candidate, Boise State University
Co-Investigator: Dr. Ted Singletary, Boise State University Approved
IRB Protocol Number: 170-SB13-103
Purpose: The purpose of this research study is to identify factors influencing high science achievement in elementary schools within the state of Idaho. More specifically, this study is also interested in how these factors differ between low and high socioeconomic schools. You are being asked to participate in this study because your school has consistently shown high achievement in elementary science on the science ISAT.
Procedures: If you agree, you will participate in the study through the completion on an Internet-based survey that will ask questions about the following four areas: Programs and Practice Instructional Leadership Teacher Background and Professional Development Assessment and Feedback. The survey will take approximately 15-20 minutes.
Risks: The survey will include a section requesting demographic information. Due to the make-up of Idaho’s population, the combined answers to these questions may make an individual person identifiable. We will make every effort to protect participants’ confidentiality. However, if you are uncomfortable answering any of these questions, you may leave them blank. In the unlikely event that some of the survey or interview questions make you uncomfortable or upset, you are always free to decline to answer or to stop your participation at any time.
Benefits: There will be no direct benefit to you from participating in this study. However, the information that you provide may help develop improved study habits for college students.
Extent of Confidentiality: Reasonable efforts will be made to keep the personal information in your research record private and confidential. Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as required by law. The members of the research team, and the Boise State University Office of Research Compliance (ORC) may access the data. The ORC monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research participants. Your name will not be used in any written reports or publications which result from this research. Data will be kept for three years (per federal regulations) after the study is complete and then destroyed.
Payment: You will not be paid for your participation in this study.
Participation is Voluntary: You do not have to be in this study if you do not want to. You may also refuse to answer any questions you do not want to answer. If you volunteer to be in this
study, you may withdraw from it at any time without consequences of any kind or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled.
Questions: If you have any questions or concerns about your participation in this study, you may contact the principal investigator, Jill Hettinger or her faculty advisor:
Jill Hettinger, Doctoral Candidate
Dr. Ted Singletary, Professor
Curriculum & Instruction
Curriculum & Instruction
Boise State University
Boise State University
(208) 871-7414
(208) 426-4006
firstname.lastname@example.org
email@example.com
If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, you may contact the Boise State University Institutional Review Board (IRB), which is concerned with the protection of volunteers in research projects. You may reach the board office between 8:00 AM and 5:00 PM, Monday through Friday, by calling (208) 426-5401 or by writing: Institutional Review Board, Office of Research Compliance, Boise State University, 1910 University Dr., Boise, ID 83725-1138.
Documentation of Consent:
☐ I have read this form and decided that I will participate in the project described above. Its general purpose, the particulars of involvement and possible risks have been explained to my satisfaction. I understand I can withdraw at any time.
☐ I have read this form and decided to NOT participate in the project as described above.
If I have read this form and decided to NOT participate in the project as described above. Is Selected, Then Skip To End of Survey
Q2.1 What is your ethnic origin?
☐ American Indian/ Alaskan Native
☐ Hispanic
☐ Asian/ Pacific Islander
☐ Caucasian
☐ African American
Q2.2 What is your gender?
☐ Male
☐ Female
Q2.3 What is your age?
Age
Q2.4 At the end of the last school year, how many years...
...had you been a principal?
...had you been the principal of this school?
...teaching experience did you have?
Q2.5 At what grade levels have you taught? If at the secondary level, what subjects?
☐ K-5
☐ 6-8 _________________
☐ 9-10 _________________
Q3.1 Indicate whether each of the following programs and/or practices are currently being implemented in your school:
| | Yes | No |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Students receive science instruction from a science specialist instead of their regular teacher. | | |
| b) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from a science specialist in addition to their regular teacher. | | |
| c) Students in self-contained classes are pulled out for remedial instruction in science. | | |
| d) Students in self-contained classes are pulled out for enrichment in science. | | |
| e) Students in self-contained classes are pulled out of science instruction for additional instruction in other content areas. | | |
| f) Students in self-contained classes receive science instruction from their regular classroom teacher only. | | |
Q38 How is science taught in your school?
| | K | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|--------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Science is taught all or most days, every week of the year. | | | | | | |
| Science is taught every week, but typically three or fewer days each week. | | | | | | |
| Science is taught some weeks, but typically not every week. | | | | | | |
Q3.3 What is the average length of a science class period, in minutes, for each grade level in science?
| Grade Level | Minutes per Science Class Period |
|-------------------|----------------------------------|
| Kindergarten | |
| First Grade | |
| Second Grade | |
| Third Grade | |
| Fourth Grade | |
| Fifth Grade | |
Q3.4 Does your school provide the following to enhance students’ interests and or achievement in science and/or engineering?
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Holds a family science and/or engineering night. | | |
| b) Offers after-school help in science and/or engineering (for example: tutoring) | | |
| c) Offers one or more science/engineering clubs | | |
| e) Participates in local or regional science and/or engineering fair | | |
| f) Has one or more teams participating in science/engineering competitions (for example: Science Olympiad, Robotics, Future City) | | |
| g) Encourages students to participate in science and/or engineering summer programs or camps offered by community colleges, universities, museums, or science centers | | |
| h) Sponsors visits to business, industry, and/or research sites related to science and/or engineering | | |
| i) Sponsors meetings with adult mentors who work in science and/or engineering | | |
Q3.5 Please provide your opinion about each of the following statements in regard to state standards for science.
| Statement | Yes | No |
|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) I am knowledgeable about the Idaho Content Standards in science | | |
| b) There is a school-wide effort to align science instruction with the state science standards | | |
| c) Most science teachers in this school teach to the state science standards | | |
| d) Your district organizes science professional development based on state standards | | |
| e) I am knowledgeable about the Common Core State Standards | | |
| f) I am knowledgeable about the Next Generation Science Standards | | |
Q3.6 For this school, how much money was spent on each of the following during the most recently completed budget year? (If you don’t know exact amounts, please provide your best estimate.) [Enter each response as a whole dollar amount (for example: 1500); do not include commas or dollar signs.]
______ a.) Consumable science supplies (For example: chemicals, living organisms, batteries)
______ b.) Science equipment (non-consumable, non-perishable items such as microscopes, scales, etc., but not computers)
______ c.) Software for science instruction
Q3.7 Are the following sources of funding used to support your schools science program?
| Source of Funding | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) State/district funding | | |
| b) Title I funding | | |
| c) Title II funding | | |
| d) Parent donations | | |
| e) Community donations | | |
| f) Teacher donations | | |
| g) Grants received by teachers | | |
| h) Grants received by the school | | |
| i) Grants received by the District | | |
| j) Fundraiser and/or PTO funds | | |
Q3.8 Please rate each of the following in terms of its importance for effective science instruction.
| | Unimportant | Of Little Importance | Moderately Important | Important | Very Important |
|--------------------------------------|-------------|----------------------|----------------------|-----------|----------------|
| a) Provide concrete experience before abstract concepts | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| b) Develop students’ conceptual understanding of the subject | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| c) Take students’ prior understanding of a subject matter into account when planning curriculum and instruction | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| d) Make connections to other disciplines | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| e) Have students work in cooperative learning groups | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| | | | | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| f) Have students participate in appropriate hands-on activities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| g.) Have students work in mixed ability groups | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| h) Engage students in inquiry-oriented activities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| i) Engage students in applications of subject matter in a variety of contexts | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| j) Encouraging students to provide evidence for their answers | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| k) Use of teacher questioning strategies to elicit student thinking and understanding | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q3.9 In your opinion, how great a problem is each of the following for science instruction in your school as a whole?
| | Unimportant | Of Little Importance | Moderately Important | Important | Very Important |
|--------------------------------|-------------|----------------------|----------------------|-----------|----------------|
| a) Lack of science facilities (for example: lab tables, electrical outlets, facets and sinks in classroom) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| b) Inadequate funds for purchasing science equipment and supplies | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| c) Inadequate supply of science textbooks/modules | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| d) Inadequate materials for individualizing science instruction | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| e) Low student interest in science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| f) Low student reading abilities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| g) Interruptions for announcements, assemblies, and other school activities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| | | | | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| h) Large class sizes | O | O | O | O | O |
| i) High student absenteeism | O | O | O | O | O |
| j) Inappropriate student behavior | O | O | O | O | O |
| k) Lack of parental support for science education | O | O | O | O | O |
| l) Community attitudes towards science instruction | O | O | O | O | O |
| m) Conflict between efforts to improve science instruction and other school and/or district initiatives | O | O | O | O | O |
| n) How science instructional resources are managed (for example distribution and refurbishment of materials) | O | O | O | O | O |
Q4.1 In the last five years has your school or district participated in any STEM initiatives?
- Yes
- No
Answer If *In the last five years has your school or district participated in any STEM initiatives?*
Yes Is Selected
Q4.2 Please describe the STEM initiatives that your school or district has participated in. What years? Who sponsored the initiative? Did the initiative have a name or can you describe the initiative?
Q4.6 In your opinion, how great a problem is each of the following for science instruction in your school as a whole?
| | Unimportant | Of Little Importance | Moderately Important | Important | Very Important |
|---|-------------|----------------------|----------------------|-----------|----------------|
| a) Lack of teacher interest in science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| b) Inadequate teacher preparation to teach science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| c) Lack of teachers' science knowledge | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| d) Insufficient time to teach science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| e) Lack of opportunities for science teachers to share ideas | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| f) Inadequate science-related professional development opportunities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q4.3 In the last three years, has your school and/or district offered in-service workshops specifically focused on science or science teaching?
- Yes
- No
If No Is Selected, Then Skip To *In the last three years, has your school offered teacher study groups where teachers meet on a regular basis to discuss teaching and learning of science (sometimes referred to as Professional Learning Communities, PLCs, or lesson study)?*
Q4.4 Please indicate if in-service workshops offered by your school and/or district in the last three years addresses deepening teacher understanding of each of the following:
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Science content | | |
| b) State science standards | | |
| c) Common Core State Standards | | |
| d) How to use particular science instructional materials (example: books or modules) | | |
| e) How students think about various science ideas | | |
| f) How to monitor student understanding during science instruction | | |
| g) How to adapt science instruction to address student misconceptions | | |
| h) How to use technology in science instruction | | |
| i) How to use investigation-oriented science teaching strategies | | |
| j) How to teach science to students who are English language learners | | |
| k) How to provide alternative science learning experiences for students with | | |
Q4.7 In the last three years, has your school offered teacher study groups where teachers meet on a regular basis to discuss teaching and learning of science (sometimes referred to as Professional Learning Communities, PLCs, or lesson study)?
- Yes
- No
If No Is Selected, Then Skip To Think about last school year, were the following used to provide teachers in this school with time for in-service workshops/teacher study groups that include a focus on science content and/or science instruction, regardless of whether they were offered by your school and/or district?
Q4.8 Are teachers of grades K-5 science classes required to participate in these science-focused teacher study groups?
- Yes
- No
Q4.9 Do these statements describe the typical science-focused teacher study groups in this school?
| Statement | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Teacher engage in science investigations | | |
| b) Teachers plan science lessons together | | |
| c) Teachers analyze student science assessment results | | |
| d) Teachers analyze classroom artifacts (for example: Student work samples) | | |
| e) Teachers analyze science instructional materials (for example: textbooks or modules) | | |
Answer If In the last three years, has your school offered teacher study groups where teachers meet on a regular basis to discuss teaching and learning of science (sometimes referred to as Professional Learning Communities, PLCs, or lesson study)? Yes Is Selected Or In the last three years, has your school and/or district offered in-service workshops specifically focused on science or science teaching? Yes Is Selected
Q4.5 Think about last school year, were the following used to provide teachers in this school with time for in-service workshops/teacher study groups that include a focus on science content and/or science instruction, regardless of whether they were offered by your school and/or district?
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Early dismissal and/or late start for students | | |
| b) Professional days/teacher work days during the students’ school year | | |
| c) Common planning time for teachers | | |
| d) Substitute teacher to cover teachers’ classes while they attend professional development | | |
Q5.1 In your school does observation and feedback of science instruction occur?
- [ ] Yes
- [ ] No
If No Is Selected, Then Skip Do any of the following individuals provide science-focused one-on-one coaching in your school?
Q5.2 How often during this school year have you observed in any one classroom during science instruction?
- [ ] a) During a formal observation
- [ ] b) During an informal or walk through observation
Q5.3 When observing science do you look for reform-minded science practices? (for example: inquire, the learning cycle, 3E, 5E)
- Yes
- No
Q5.4 When observing science instruction do you provide specific feedback on how to improve instruction?
- Yes
- No
Q5.5 Do any of the following individuals provide science-focused one-on-one coaching in your school?
| | Yes | No |
|----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) The principal of your school | | |
| b) An assistant principal at your school | | |
| c) District administrators including science supervisors/coordinators | | |
| d) Teachers/coaches who do not have classroom teaching responsibilities | | |
| e) Teachers/coaches who have part-time classroom teaching responsibilities | | |
| f) Teachers/coaches who have full-time classroom teaching responsibilities | | |
Q5.6 Teachers that you considered in need of special assistance in science teaching are provided:
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Seminars, classes, and/or study groups | ☐ | ☐ |
| b) A higher level of supervision than for other teachers | ☐ | ☐ |
| c) Guidance from a formally designated mentor or coach | ☐ | ☐ |
Q6.1 Teachers’ in my school use the following assessment strategies in science?
| Strategy | Yes | No |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Diagnostic assessments to determine prior knowledge and misconceptions | | |
| b) Formative or embedded assessment to make informed decisions about their teaching, to adjust the rate of instruction, assign remediation activities, and plan alternative experiences | | |
| c) Summative assessments, such as end of unit exams | | |
| d) Performance assessment that allow students to demonstrate their abilities | | |
| e) Use of science notebooks | | |
| f) Use of portfolios | | |
| g) Student self-assessment | | |
| h) Assessments aligned to district or state standards | | |
Q6.2 Teachers in my school make the following changes in whole class science instruction based on data:
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Change lesson plans to place more emphasis in areas in which the group | | |
| b) Add more projects and exercises in areas in which the class scored low | | |
| c) Request additional supplies or equipment | | |
| d) Re-evaluate textbooks and learning materials based on results of assessment | | |
| e) Discuss curriculum relevance and alignment with standards and assessment with peers | | |
| f) Ask for additional support and ideas from other teachers or administrators | | |
Q6.3 Teachers in my school make the following changes in individual student science instruction based on data:
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Provide students with additional assistance during class in areas in which they performed poorly | ☐ | ☐ |
| b) Provide students with additional assistance outside of class in areas in which they performed poorly | ☐ | ☐ |
| c) Provide poorly performing students with materials on test-taking skills and strategies | ☐ | ☐ |
| d) Provide high-performing students with additional, more challenging projects and/or readings | ☐ | ☐ |
Q6.4 As an instructional leader do you monitor student progress in science?
☐ Yes
☐ No
Q7.1 This is your opportunity to tell me about your school. Why do you believe that your elementary school has been so successful at consistently attaining high-achievement in elementary science education?
Teacher Survey Tool
Q1.1 Finding Success in Elementary Science across Socioeconomic Boundaries - Teacher Survey
Q1.2 Informed Consent
Study Title: Finding Success in Elementary Science across Socioeconomic Boundaries
Principal Investigator: Jill Hettinger, Doctoral Candidate, Boise State University
Co-Investigator: Dr. Ted Singletary, Boise State University
Approved IRB Protocol Number: 170-SB13-103
Purpose: The purpose of this research study is to identify factors influencing high science achievement in elementary schools within the state of Idaho. More specifically, this study is also interested in how these factors differ between low and high socioeconomic schools. You are being asked to participate in this study because your school has consistently shown high achievement in elementary science on the science ISAT.
Procedures: If you agree, you will participate in the study through the completion on an Internet-based survey that will ask questions about the following four areas: Programs and Practice, Instructional Leadership, Teacher Background, and Professional Development Assessment and Feedback. The survey will take approximately 20-30 minutes.
Risks: The survey will include a section requesting demographic information. Due to the make-up of Idaho’s population, the combined answers to these questions may make an individual person identifiable. We will make every effort to protect participants’ confidentiality. However, if you are uncomfortable answering any of these questions, you may leave them blank. In the unlikely event that some of the survey or interview questions make you uncomfortable or upset, you are always free to decline to answer or to stop your participation at any time.
Benefits: There will be no direct benefit to you from participating in this study. However, the information that you provide may help develop improved study habits for college students.
Extent of Confidentiality: Reasonable efforts will be made to keep the personal information in your research record private and confidential. Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as required by law. The members of the research team, the and the Boise State University Office of Research Compliance (ORC) may access the data. The ORC monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research participants. Your name will not be used in any written reports or publications which result from this research. Data will be kept for three years (per federal regulations) after the study is complete and then destroyed.
Payment: You will not be paid for your participation in this study.
Participation is Voluntary: You do not have to be in this study if you do not want to. You may also refuse to answer any questions you do not want to answer. If you volunteer to be in this study, you may withdraw from it at any time without consequences of any kind or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled.
Questions: If you have any questions or concerns about your participation in this study, you may contact the principal investigator, Jill Hettinger or her faculty advisor:
Jill Hettinger, Doctoral Candidate
Curriculum & Instruction
Boise State University
(208) 871-7414
firstname.lastname@example.org
Dr. Ted Singletary, Professor
Curriculum & Instruction
Boise State University
(208) 426-3270
email@example.com
If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, you may contact the Boise State University Institutional Review Board (IRB), which is concerned with the protection of volunteers in research projects. You may reach the board office between 8:00 AM and 5:00 PM, Monday through Friday, by calling (208) 426-5401 or by writing: Institutional Review Board, Office of Research Compliance, Boise State University, 1910 University Dr., Boise, ID 83725-1138.
Documentation of Consent:
☐ I have read this form and decided that I will participate in the project described above. Its general purpose, the particulars of involvement and possible risks have been explained to my satisfaction. I understand I can withdraw at any time.
☐ I have read this form and decided to not participate in the project as described above.
Q2.1 Background
Q2.2 What is your gender?
☐ Male
☐ Female
Q2.3 What is your ethnic origin?
☐ American Indian/ Alaskan Native
☐ Hispanic
☐ Asian/ Pacific Islander
☐ Caucasian
☐ African American
Q2.4 What is your age?
Age
Q2.5 Which of the following describes your position? [Select all that apply]
☐ Regular classroom teacher
☐ Multi-grade science specialist
☐ Science teacher for my grade level team
Q2.6 At the end of last school year, how many years had you taught. [response as a whole number].
| Years taught (1) |
|------------------|
| in this district, any subject? (5) |
| in this school, any subject? (6) |
| any subject at the K-12 level? (9) |
| as a dedicated science teacher at the K-12 level? (7) |
| science as a part of the grade-level curriculum at the K-12 level? (2) |
Q2.7 Which best describes how science is most often taught in your school?
- Science is taught all or most days, every week of the year.
- Science is taught every week, but typically three or fewer days each week.
- Science is taught some weeks, but typically not every week.
Q2.8 At what grade levels do you currently teach science? [Select all that apply.]
- K-5
- 6-8
- 9-12
- You do not currently teach science
If *You do not currently teach science.* Is Selected, Then Skip To End of Survey
Answer If Which of the following describes your position? [Select all that apply]-Multi-grade science specialist Is Not Selected
Q2.9 In a typical year, how much instructional time do you spend in each subject? [Enter each response as a whole number (for example: 36, 150).]
| Subject | Number of Weeks per Year | Number of Days per Week | Average Number of Minutes per Day |
|--------------------------|--------------------------|-------------------------|----------------------------------|
| Mathematics | | | |
| Science | | | |
| Social Studies | | | |
| Reading/Language Arts | | | |
Answer If Which of the following describe your position? [Select all that apply] Multigrade science specialist Is Selected
Q2.10 In a typical year, how much instructional time is spent in science at each grade level? [Enter each response as a whole number (for example: 36, 150).]
| | Number of Weeks per Year | Number of Days per Week | Average Number of Minutes per Day |
|---|--------------------------|-------------------------|----------------------------------|
| K | | | |
| 1 | | | |
| 2 | | | |
| 3 | | | |
| 4 | | | |
| 5 | | | |
Q3.1 Science Background and Professional Development
Q3.2 Have you been awarded one or more bachelor’s and/or graduate degrees in the following fields? (With regard to bachelor’s degrees, count only areas in which you majored.) [Select one on each row.]
| | Yes | No |
|---|-----|----|
| a) Education, including science education | ○ | ○ |
| b) Natural Sciences and/or Engineering | ○ | ○ |
| c) Other, please specify | ○ | ○ |
Answer If Have you been awarded one or more bachelor’s and/or graduate degrees in the following fields? (With regard to bachelor’s degrees, count only areas in which you majored.) a) Education, including science education - Yes Is Selected
Q3.3 What type of education degree do you have? (With regard to bachelor’s degrees, count only areas in which you majored.) [Select all that apply.]
- Elementary Education
- Mathematics Education
- Science Education
- Secondary Education
- Other Education, please specify. _________________
Answer If Have you been awarded one or more bachelor’s and/or graduate degrees in the following fields? (With regard to bachelor’s degrees, count only areas in which you majored.) b) Natural Sciences and/or Engineering - Yes Is Selected
Q3.4 What type of natural science and/or engineering degree do you have? (With regard to bachelor’s degrees, count only areas in which you majored.) [Select all that apply.]
- Biology/Life Science
- Chemistry
- Earth/Space Science
- Engineering
- Environmental Science/Ecology
- Physics
- Other natural science, please specify. _________________
Q3.5 Did you complete any of the following types of biology/life science courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? [Select one on each row.]
| Course Type | Yes | No |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| General/introductory biology/life science courses (for example: Biology I, Introductory to Biology) | | |
| Biology/life science courses beyond the general/introductory level | | |
| Biology/life science education courses | | |
Answer If *Did you complete any of the following types of biology/life science courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? Biology/life science courses beyond the general/introductory level* - Yes Is Selected
Q3.6 Please indicate which of the following biology/life science courses you completed (beyond a general/introductory course) at the undergraduate or graduate level. [Select all that apply.]
- [ ] Anatomy/Physiology
- [ ] Biochemistry
- [ ] Botany
- [ ] Cell Biology
- [ ] Ecology
- [ ] Evolution
- [ ] Genetics
- [ ] Microbiology
- [ ] Zoology
- [ ] Other biology/life science beyond the general/introductory level
Q3.7 Did you complete any of the following types of chemistry courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? [Select one on each row.]
| Course Type | Yes | No |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| General/introductory chemistry courses (for example: Chemistry I, Introduction to Chemistry) | | |
| Chemistry courses beyond the general/introductory level | | |
| Chemistry education courses | | |
Answer If *Did you complete any of the following types of chemistry courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? Chemistry courses beyond the general/introductory level* - Yes Is Selected
Q3.8 Please indicate which of the following chemistry courses you completed (beyond a general/introductory course) at the undergraduate or graduate level. [Select all that apply.]
- Analytical Chemistry
- Biochemistry
- Inorganic Chemistry
- Organic Chemistry
- Physical Chemistry
- Other chemistry beyond the general/introductory level
Q3.9 Did you complete any of the following types of physics courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? [Select one on each row.]
| Course Type | Yes | No |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| General/introductory physics courses (for example: Physics I, Introduction to Physics) | | |
| Physics courses beyond the general/introductory level | | |
| Physics education courses | | |
Answer If *Did you complete any of the following types of physics courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? Physics courses beyond the general/introductory level* - Yes Is Selected
Q3.10 Please indicate which of the following physics courses you completed (beyond a general/introductory course) at the undergraduate or graduate level. [Select all that apply.]
- Electricity and Magnetism
- Heat and Thermodynamics
- Mechanics
- Modern or Quantum Physics
- Nuclear Physics
- Optics
- Other physics beyond the general/introductory level
Q3.11 Did you complete any of the following types of Earth/space science courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? [Select one on each row.]
| Course Type | Yes | No |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| General/introductory Earth/space science courses (for example: Earth Science I, Introduction to Earth Science) | | |
| Earth/space science courses beyond the general/introductory level | | |
| Earth/space science education courses | | |
Answer If Did you complete any of the following types of Earth/space science courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? Earth/space science courses beyond the general/introductory level - Yes Is Selected
Q3.12 Please indicate which of the following Earth/space science courses you completed (beyond a general/introductory course) at the undergraduate or graduate level. [Select all that apply.]
- Astronomy
- Geology
- Meteorology
- Oceanography
- Physical Geography
- Other Earth/space science beyond the general/introductory level
Q3.13 Did you complete any of the following types of environmental science courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? [Select one on each row.]
| Course Type | Yes | No |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| General/introductory environmental science courses (for example: Environmental Science I, Introduction to Environmental Science) | | |
| Environmental science courses beyond the general/introductory level | | |
| Environmental science education courses | | |
Answer If Did you complete any of the following types of environmental science courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? Environmental science courses beyond the general/introductory level - Yes Is Selected
Q3.14 Please indicate which of the following environmental science courses you completed (beyond a general/introductory course) at the undergraduate or graduate level. [Select all that apply.]
- Conservation Biology
- Ecology
- Forestry
- Hydrology
- Oceanography
- Toxicology
- Other environmental science beyond the general/introductory level
Q3.15 Did you complete one or more engineering courses at the undergraduate or graduate level?
- Yes
- No
Answer If Did you complete one or more engineering courses at the undergraduate or graduate level? Yes Is Selected
Q3.16 Please indicate which of the following types of engineering courses you completed at the undergraduate or graduate level. [Select all that apply.]
- Aerospace Engineering
- Bioengineering/Biomedical Engineering
- Chemical Engineering
- Civil Engineering
- Computer Engineering
- Electrical Engineering
- Industrial/Manufacturing Engineering
- Mechanical Engineering
- Other types of engineering courses
Q3.17 Which of the following best describes your teacher certification program?
- An undergraduate program leading to a bachelor’s degree and a teaching credential
- A master’s program that also awarded a teaching credential
- A post-baccalaureate credentialing program (no master’s degree awarded). Please explain. _______________________
- You did not have any formal teacher preparation. Please explain. _______________________
Q3.18 In the last five years has your school or district participated in any STEM initiatives?
- Yes
- No
Answer If *In the last five years has your school or district participated in any STEM initiatives?* Yes Is Selected
Q3.19 Please describe the STEM initiatives that your school or district has participated in. What years? Who sponsored the initiative? Did the initiative have a name or can you describe the initiative?
Q3.20 When did you last participate in professional development (sometimes called inservice education) focused on science or science teaching? (Include attendance at professional meetings, workshops, and conferences, as well as professional learning communities/lesson studies/teacher study groups. Do not include formal courses for which you received college credit or time you spent providing professional development for other teachers.)
- In the last 3 years
- 4-6 years ago
- 7-10 years ago
- More than 10 years ago
- Never
Answer If When did you last participate in professional development (sometimes called in-service education) focused on science or science teaching? In the last 3 years Is Selected
Q3.21 In the last 3 years have you… [Select one on each row.]
| | Yes | No |
|----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| attended a workshop on science or science teaching? | | |
| attended a national, state, or regional science teacher | | |
| association meeting? | | |
| participated in a professional learning community/lesson | | |
| study/teacher study group focused on science or science | | |
| teaching? | | |
Answer If When did you last participate in professional development (sometimes called in-service education) focused on science or science teaching? In the last 3 years Is Selected
Q3.22 What is the total amount of time you have spent on professional development in science or science teaching in the last 3 years? (Include attendance at professional meetings, workshops, and conferences, as well as professional learning communities/lesson studies/teacher study groups. Do not include formal courses for which you received college credit or time you spent providing professional development for other teachers.)
- Less than 6 hours
- 6-15 hours
- 16-35 hours
- More than 35 hours
Q3.23 Thinking about all of your science-related professional development in the last 3 years, to what extent do each of the following statements describe your experiences? [Select one on each row.]
| | Not at all | To a limited Extent | To a Moderate Extent | To a Considerable Extent | To a Great Extent |
|----------------------------------------------------------------|------------|---------------------|----------------------|--------------------------|-------------------|
| You had opportunities to engage in science investigations. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| You had opportunities to examine classroom artifacts (for example: student work samples). | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| You had opportunities to try out what you learned in your classroom and then talk about it as part of the professional development. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| You worked closely with other science teachers. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Teachers from your school. | | | | | |
|---------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| You worked closely with other science teachers who taught the same grade and/or subject whether or not they were from your school. | O | O | O | O | O |
| The professional development was a waste of your time. | O | O | O | O | O |
Q3.24 When did you last take a formal course for college credit in each of the following areas? Do not count courses for which you received only Continuing Education Units. [Select one on each row.]
| | In the last 3 years | 4–6 years ago | 7-10 years ago | More than 10 years ago | Never |
|--------------------------------|---------------------|---------------|----------------|------------------------|-------|
| Science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| How to teach science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Student teaching in science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Student teaching in other subjects | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q3.25 Considering all the opportunities to learn about science or the teaching of science (professional development and coursework) in the last 3 years, to what extent do each of the following statements reflect the extent to which an importance was placed on each of the following? [Select one on each row.]
| Statement | Not at All | To a Limited Extent | To a Moderate Extent | To a Considerable Extent | To a Great Extent |
|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------|---------------------|----------------------|--------------------------|-------------------|
| Deepening your own science content knowledge | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Learning about difficulties that students may have with particular science ideas and procedures | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Finding out what students think or already know about the key science ideas prior to instruction on those ideas | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Implementing the science textbook/module to be used in your classroom | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Planning | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Instructional Strategies | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| Instruction so students at different levels of achievement can increase their understanding of the ideas targeted in each activity | | | | | |
| Monitoring student understanding during science instruction | O | O | O | O | O |
| Providing enrichment experiences for gifted students | O | O | O | O | O |
| Providing alternative science learning experiences for students with special needs | O | O | O | O | O |
| Teaching science to English-language learners | O | O | O | O | O |
| Assessing student understanding at the conclusion of instruction on | O | O | O | O | O |
Answer If At what grade levels do you currently teach science? K-5 Is Selected
Q3.26 Many teachers feel better prepared to teach some subject areas than others. How well prepared do you feel to teach each of the following subjects at the grade level(s) you teach, whether or not they are currently included in your teaching responsibilities? [Select one on each row.]
| Subject | Not Adequately Prepared | Somewhat Prepared | Fairly well Prepared | Very well Prepared |
|--------------------------|-------------------------|-------------------|----------------------|--------------------|
| Life Science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Earth Science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Physical Science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Engineering | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Mathematics | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Reading/Language Arts | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Social Studies | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q3.27 How prepared do you feel to implement each of the following in your science instruction? [Select one on each row.]
| | Not Adequately Prepared | Somewhat Prepared | Fairly Well Prepared | Very Well Prepared |
|----------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------|-------------------|----------------------|--------------------|
| Plan instruction so students at different levels of achievement can increase their understanding of the ideas targeted in each activity | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Teach science to students who have learning disabilities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Teach science to students who have physical disabilities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Teach science to English-language learners | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Provide enrichment experiences for gifted students | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Encourage students' interests in science and/or | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
|--------------------------------|---|---|---|---|
| Encourage participation of females in science and/or engineering | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Encourage participation of racial or ethical minorities in science and/or engineering | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Encourage participation of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds in science and/or engineering | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Manage classroom discipline | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q4.2 To the best of your ability, indicate which of the following programs and practices are currently being implemented in your school at each grade-level:
| | K | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|--------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Students in self-contained class receive science instruction from their regular classroom teacher. | □ | □ | □ | □ | □ | □ |
| Students in self-contained class receive science instruction from another teacher at the same grade-level. | □ | □ | □ | □ | □ | □ |
| Students in self-contained class receive science instruction from a science | □ | □ | □ | □ | □ | □ |
| Specialist instead of their regular teacher. | | | | | | |
|---------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Students in self-contained class receive science instruction from a science specialist in addition to their regular classroom teacher. | | | | | | |
| Students are not in self-contained classrooms, they have specialist teachers for each subject, including science. | | | | | | |
Q82 To the best of your ability, indicate which of the following programs and practices are currently being implemented in your school at each grade-level:
| | K | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|--------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Students in self-contained classes are pulled out for remediation in science. | | | | | | |
| Students in self-contained classes are pulled out for enrichment in science. | | | | | | |
| Students in self-contained classes are pulled out from science instruction for additional instruction in other content areas. | | | | | | |
Q4.3 Do you have control over each of the following aspects of science instruction in your class(es)?
| Aspect | No control | Little Control | Moderate Control | Considerable Control | Strong Control |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------|----------------|------------------|----------------------|---------------|
| Determining course goals and objectives | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Selection textbooks/modules | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Selecting content, topics, and skills to be taught | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Selecting teaching techniques | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Determining the amount of homework to be assigned | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Choosing criteria for grading student performance | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q4.4 Think about your plans for your class for the entire year. By the end of the year, how much importance will you place on each of the following student objectives? [Select one on each row]
| | Inhibits effective instruction | Of Little Importance in promoting effective instruction | Moderately Important in promoting effective instruction | Important in promoting effective instruction | Very Important in promoting science instruction |
|--------------------------------|--------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------|
| Memorizing science vocabulary and/or facts | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Understanding science concepts | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Learning science process skills (for example: observing, measuring) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Learning about real-life applications of science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Increasing students' interest in science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Preparing students for further study in science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Learning test taking skills/strategies | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q4.5 Please indicate how often you use the following practices during your science instruction. [Select one on each row.]
| Practice | Never | Rarely (A few times per year) | Sometimes (Once or twice per month) | Often (Once or twice a week) | All or Almost all science classes |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------|------------------------------|-------------------------------------|-----------------------------|----------------------------------|
| Placing students in classes with students of similar abilities. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Focusing on ideas in depth, even if that means covering fewer topics. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Providing students with the purpose for a lesson as it begins. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Providing students with definitions for new scientific vocabulary that will be used at the beginning of instruction. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Explaining an idea to students | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Before having them consider evidence that relates to the idea. | | | | | |
|---------------------------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| Reviewing previously covered ideas and skills during each class period. | O | O | O | O | O |
| Providing opportunities for students to share their thinking and reasoning each class period. | O | O | O | O | O |
| Providing hands-on/laboratory activities primarily to reinforce a science idea that the students have already learned. | O | O | O | O | O |
| Assigning students homework most days. | O | O | O | O | O |
| Providing | O | O | O | O | O |
| Concrete experiences before abstract experiences. | | | | | |
|--------------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| Developing students' conceptual understanding of a subject. | O | O | O | O | O |
| Engaging students in applications of subject matter in a variety of contexts. | O | O | O | O | O |
Q4.6 Please rate the following on their importance of influence on your science instruction. [Select one on each row].
| | Inhibits effective instruction | Of Little Importance in promoting effective instruction | Moderately Important in promoting effective instruction | Important in promoting effective instruction | Very important in promoting effective instruction |
|--------------------------------|--------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Idaho Content Standards in Science | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Common Core State Standards | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Next Generation Science Standards | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| District Curriculum Frameworks | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| District Pacing Guides | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| State science testing and accountability policies | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| District testing and accountability policies | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Textbook/module selection policies | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Students' motivation, | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|--------------------------|-----|-----|-----|-----|-----|
| Students' reading abilities | O | O | O | O | O |
| Community views on science instruction | O | O | O | O | O |
| Parent expectations and involvement | O | O | O | O | O |
| Principal support | O | O | O | O | O |
| Time for you to plan, individually and with colleagues | O | O | O | O | O |
| Time available for your professional development | O | O | O | O | O |
Q4.7 Think about your science instruction, identify the practices that you use in your science instruction (based on real-life constraints)? [Select one on each row].
| | Never | Rarely (Few times a Year) | Sometimes (One to two times a month) | Often (Once or twice a week) | All or Most all Science Lessons |
|--------------------------------------|-------|---------------------------|-------------------------------------|-------------------------------|---------------------------------|
| Taking students' prior understanding of a subject matter into account when planning curriculum and instruction | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Engaging the whole class in discussions | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Having students work in small groups | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Doing hands-on/laboratory activities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Engaging the class in project-based learning (PBL) activities | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Making connections to other disciplines | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Activity | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| Having students read from a science textbook, module, or other science-related material in class, either aloud or to themselves | | | | | |
| Having students represent and/or analyze data using tables, charts, or graphs | | | | | |
| Requiring students to supply evidence in support of their claims | | | | | |
| Having students make formal presentations to the rest of the class (for example: on individual or group projects) | | | | | |
| Having students write | | | | | |
| Activity | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| their reflections (for example: in their journals) in class or for homework | | | | | |
| Giving tests and/or quizzes that are predominantly short-answer (for example: multiple choice, true/false, fill in the blank) | O | O | O | O | O |
| Giving tests and/or quizzes that include constructed-response/open-ended items | O | O | O | O | O |
| Focusing on literacy skills (for example: informational reading or writing strategies) | O | O | O | O | O |
| Having students practice for standardized tests | O | O | O | O | O |
| Having students write about their learning experiences | O | O | O | O | O |
Q4.8 Does your school provide the following to enhance students’ interests or achievement in science or engineering?
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Holds a family science and/or engineering night | | |
| b) Offers after-school help in science and/or engineering (for example: tutoring) | | |
| c) Offers one or more science/engineering clubs | | |
| e) Participates in local or regional science and/or engineering fair | | |
| f) Has one or more teams participating in science/engineering competitions (for example: Science Olympiad, Robotics, Future City) | | |
| g) Encourages students to participate in science and/or engineering summer programs or camps offered by community colleges, universities, museums, or science centers | | |
| h) Sponsors visits to business, industry, and/or research sites related to science and/or engineering | | |
| i) Sponsors meetings with adult mentors who work in science and/or engineering | | |
Q4.9 Science courses may benefit from availability of particular kinds of items or facilities. What is the availability of the following items in your school? [Select one in each row]
| Item Description | Not available | Limited availability (Present but not available for use) | Somewhat Adequate (Available, but quantities or location makes coordinating use challenging) | Nearly Adequate (In classroom, but limited quantities) | Adequate (In classroom in recommended quantities) |
|--------------------------------------------------------|---------------|----------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Equipment (microscopes, beakers, etc.) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Instructional technology (calculators, computers, tablets, probeware, etc.) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Consumable items (chemicals, living organisms, batteries, etc.) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Facilities (lab tables, electrical outlets, facets and sinks, etc.) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q4.10 Indicate how often the following instructional items are available for use in your class? [Select one on each row]
| Item | Never | Rarely (A few times per year) | Sometimes (Once or twice a month) | Often (Once or twice a week) | All or Almost all Science Classes |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|-------|------------------------------|-----------------------------------|-----------------------------|----------------------------------|
| Personal computers, including laptops | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Hand-held computers (PDAs, tablets, iPod touches, iPads) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Internet access | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Probes for collecting data (example: motion sensors, temperature probes) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Microscopes | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Classroom response system or "clickers" (handheld devices used to respond electronically) | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q4.11 Which best describes the instructional materials students most frequently use in your class?
- Mainly one commercially-published textbook
- Multiple commercially-published textbooks
- Mainly commercially-published modules from one publisher
- Mainly commercially-published modules form multiple publishers
- A roughly equal mix of commercially-published textbooks and commercially-published modules
- Non-commercially-published materials
Q4.12 The next set of questions will ask you about the last science unit you taught:
Answer If Which best describes the instructional materials students most frequently use in your class? *Non-commercially-published materials most of the time* Is Not Selected
Q4.13 Please indicate the title, author, most recent copyright year, and ISBN code of the textbook/module used most often (or most recently) by the students in this class. • The 10- or 13-character ISBN code can be found on the copyright page and/or the back cover of
the textbook/module. • Do not include the dashes when entering the ISBN. • An example of the location of the ISBN is shown to the right.
Title:
First Author:
Year:
ISBN:
Answer If Which best describes the instructional materials students... Mainly multiple commercially-published textbooks Is Selected Or Which best describes the instructional materials students... Mainly commercially-published modules form multiple publishers Is Selected Or Which best describes the instructional materials students... A roughly equal mix of commercially-published textbooks and commercially-published modules most of the time Is Selected
Q4.14 Please indicate the title, author, most recent copyright year, and ISBN code of the second textbook/module used most often (or most recently) by the students in this class. • The 10- or 13-character ISBN code can be found on the copyright page and/or the back cover of the textbook/module. • Do not include the dashes when entering the ISBN. • An example of the location of the ISBN is shown to the right.
Title:
First Author:
Year:
ISBN:
Answer If Which best describes the instructional materials students most frequently use in your class? Non-commercially-published materials most of the time Is Not Selected
Q4.15 Think about the last science unit you taught. Indicate the importance of each of the following while teaching this unit. [Select one on each row.]
| | Inhibits effective instruction | Of Little Importance in promoting effective instruction | Moderately Important in promoting effective instruction | Important in promoting effective instruction | Very Important in promoting effective instruction |
|----------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Using the textbook/module to guide the overall structure and content emphasis of the unit. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Following the textbook/module to guide the detailed structure and content emphasis of the unit. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Picking out what is important from the textbook/module and skipped the rest. | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Incorporating activities (for example: problems, investigations, readings) from other sources to supplement | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
what the textbook/module was lacking.
Answer If Think about the last science unit you taught. Indicate ... Picking out what is important from the textbook/module and skipped the rest. - Of Little Importance Is Selected Or Think about the last science unit you taught. Indicate ... Picking out what is important from the textbook/module and skipped the rest. - Moderately Important Is Selected Or Think about the last science unit you taught. Indicate ... Picking out what is important from the textbook/module and skipped the rest. - Important Is Selected Or Think about the last science unit you taught. Indicate ... Picking out what is important from the textbook/module and skipped the rest. - Very Important Is Selected
Q4.16 During the last unit you taught, when you skipped activities (example: problems, investigations, readings) in your textbook/module, where any of the following factors in your decision? [Select one on each row]
| | Yes | No |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| The science ideas addressed in the activities you skipped are not included in your pacing guide and/or current state standards. | | |
| You did not have the materials needed to implement the activities you skipped. | | |
| The activities you skipped were too difficult for your students. | | |
| Your students already knew the science ideas or were able to learn them without the activities you skipped. | | |
| You have different activities for those science ideas that work better than the ones you skipped. | | |
Q4.17 During this unit, when you supplemented the textbook/module with additional activities, were any of the following factors in your decisions? [Select one on each row.]
| Factors | Yes | No |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| Pacing guide indicated you should use supplemental activities | | |
| Supplemental activities were needed to prepare students for standardized tests. | | |
| Supplemental activities were needed to provide students with additional practice. | | |
| Supplemental activities were needed so students at different levels of achievement could increase their understanding of the ideas targeted in each activity. | | |
Q5.1 Instructional Leadership
Q5.2 In the last 3 years have you… [Select one on each row.]
| | Yes | No |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| received feedback about your science teaching from a mentor/coach formally assigned by the school or district/diocese? | | |
| served as a formally-assigned mentor/coach for science teaching? (Please do not include supervision of student teachers.) | | |
| supervised a student teacher in your classroom? | | |
| taught in-service workshops on science or science teaching? | | |
| led a professional learning community/lesson study/teacher study group focused on science or science teaching? | | |
Q5.3 How often during this school year has each of the following occurred?
| | Never | Rarely (a few times per year) | Sometimes (Once or twice a month) | Often (Once or twice a week) | Always (100% of the occurrences, or more often than once or twice a week) |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|-------|------------------------------|-----------------------------------|-----------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Your school administrator discussed instructional issues with you? | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Your school administrator observe your classroom instruction? | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Your school administrator made suggestions to improve classroom behavior or classroom management? | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Your school administrator attended teacher planning meetings? | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Your school administrator | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| | | | | | |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|---|---|---|---|---|
| gave you specific ideas for how to improve your instruction? | | | | | |
| Your school administrator protected teachers from distractions to their instruction? | O | O | O | O | O |
| Your school administrator clearly defined standards for instructional practices. | O | O | O | O | O |
Q5.5 During this school year have you been observed and received feedback on science instruction?
| | Yes | No |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| Observed during formal observation | | |
| Observed during an informal or walk through observation | | |
| Received specific feedback on your science instruction. | | |
| Received specific feedback on reform-minded science practices (for example inquiry, the learning cycle, evidence based responses, etc.) | | |
Answer If During this school year have you been observed and receive... Observed during formal observation - Yes Is Selected Or During this school year have you been observed and receive... Observed during an informal or walk through observation - Yes Is Selected
Q5.6 How many times have you been observed during science instruction this school year?
______ a) During a formal observation
______ b) During an informal or walk through observation
Q5.7 Do any of the following individuals provide science-focused one-on-one coaching in your school?
| | Yes | No |
|---------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) The principal of your school | | |
| b) An assistant principal at your school | | |
| c) District administrators including science supervisors/coordinators | | |
| d) Teachers/coaches who do not have classroom teaching responsibilities | | |
| e) Teachers/coaches who have part-time classroom teaching responsibilities | | |
| f) Teachers/coaches who have full-time classroom teaching responsibilities | | |
Q5.8 My school’s principal makes an effort to monitor student progress in science? If yes, give an example.
☐ Yes _______________________
☐ No
Q6.1 Assessment
Q6.2 Do you use the following assessment strategies in science?
| Strategy | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Diagnostic assessments to determine prior knowledge and misconceptions.| ☐ | ☐ |
| b) Formative or embedded assessment to make informed decisions about their teaching, to adjust the rate of instruction, assign remediation activities, and plan alternative experiences. | ☐ | ☐ |
| c) Summative assessments, such as end of unit exams. | ☐ | ☐ |
| d) Performance assessment that allow students to demonstrate their abilities. | ☐ | ☐ |
| e) Use of science notebooks | ☐ | ☐ |
| g) Student self-assessment | ☐ | ☐ |
| h) Assessments aligned to district or state standards | ☐ | ☐ |
Q6.3 Do you make the following changes in whole class science instruction based on data:
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Change lesson plans to place more emphasis in areas in which the class scores low. | | |
| b) Add more projects and exercises in areas in which the class scored low. | | |
| c) Request additional supplies or equipment. | | |
| d) Re-evaluate textbooks and learning materials. | | |
| e) Discuss curriculum relevance and alignment with standards and assessment with peers. | | |
| f) Ask for additional support and ideas from other teachers or administrators | | |
Q6.4 Do you make the following changes in individual student science instruction based on data:
| | Yes | No |
|--------------------------------------|-----|----|
| a) Provide students with additional assistance during class in areas in which they performed poorly | | |
| b) Provide students with additional assistance outside of class in areas in which they performed poorly | | |
| c) Provide poorly performing students with materials on test-taking skills and strategies | | |
| d) Provide high-performing students with additional, more challenging projects and/or readings. | | |
Q6.5 The next set of questions will ask you about the last science unit you taught:
Q6.6 How well prepared did you feel to do each of the following as part of your instruction on this particular unit? [Select one on each row.]
| | Not adequately prepared | Somewhat prepared | Fairly well prepared | Very well prepared |
|----------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------|-------------------|----------------------|--------------------|
| Anticipate difficulties that students may have with particular science ideas and procedures in this unit | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Find out what students thought or already knew about the key science ideas | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Implement the science textbook/module to be used during this unit | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Monitor student understanding during this unit | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
| Assess student understanding at the conclusion of this unit | ○ | ○ | ○ | ○ |
Q6.7 Which of the following did you do during the unit?
| | Yes | No |
|-----------------------------------------------------------------|-----|----|
| Administered an assessment, task, or probe at the beginning of | | |
| the unit to find out what students thought or already knew | | |
| about the key science ideas | | |
| Questioned individual students during class activities to see | | |
| if they were “getting it” | | |
| Used information from informal assessments of the entire class | | |
| (for example: asking for a show of hands, thumbs up/thumbs | | |
| down, clickers, exit tickets) to see if students were “getting | | |
| it” | | |
| Reviewed student work (for example: homework, notebooks, | | |
| journals, portfolios, projects) to see if they were “getting | | |
| it” | | |
| Administered one or more quizzes and/or tests to see if | | |
| students were “getting it” | | |
| Had students use rubrics to examine their own or their | | |
| classmates’ work | | |
| Assigned grades to student work (for example: homework, | | |
| notebooks, | | |
Q7.1 Conclusion
Q79 Please describe how you implement elementary science into your curriculum:
Q7.2 This is your opportunity to tell me about your school. Why do you believe that your elementary school has been so successful at consistently attaining high-achievement in elementary science education?
APPENDIX D
IRB Approval
DATE: November 7, 2013
TO: Jill K. Hettinger (PI)
Ted Singletary (co-PI)
FROM: Office of Research Compliance
Institutional Review Board (IRB)
SUBJECT: IRB Notification of Approval
Project Title: Finding Success in Elementary Science Across Socioeconomic Boundaries
The Boise State University IRB has approved your protocol application. Your protocol is in compliance with this institution’s Federal Wide Assurance (#0000097) and the DHHS Regulations for the Protection of Human Subjects (45 CFR 46).
| Review Type: , Category#7 | Approval Number: 107-SB13-103 |
|---------------------------|-------------------------------|
| Date of Approval: November 7, 2013 | Expiration Date: November 6, 2014 |
Your approval is effective for 12 months. If your research is not finished within the allotted year, the protocol must be renewed before expiration date indicated above. The Office of Research Compliance will send a reminder notice approximately 30 days prior to the expiration date. The principal investigator has the primary responsibility to ensure a RENEWAL FORM is submitted in a timely manner. If the protocol is not renewed before the expiration date, a new protocol application must be submitted for IRB review and approval.
Under BSU regulations, each protocol has a three-year life cycle and is allowed two annual renewals. Please note that if your research is not complete by November 6, 2016, a new protocol application must be submitted, rather than a third annual renewal form.
All additions or changes to your approved protocol must also be brought to the attention of the IRB for review and approval before they occur. Complete and submit a MODIFICATION FORM indicating any changes to your project. When your research is complete or discontinued, please submit a FINAL REPORT FORM. An executive summary or other documents with the results of the research may be included.
All relevant forms are available online. If you have any questions or concerns, please contact the Office of Research Compliance, 208-426-5401 or firstname.lastname@example.org.
Thank you and good luck with your research.
Jaime Sand
Chairperson
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Reviewed by Nehad Ismail
A 22 year old American girl's memoirs from Ramallah 1938/1939
In the autumn of 1938 Nancy Parker an American Quaker young woman was sent by the American Friends Service Committee to teach at the "Friends Girls School" in Ramallah for one year. She had met Khalil Totah, headmaster of the Friends Schools in Ramallah, at a Friends World Committee for Consultation conference and she applied for a position at the school.
Her letters and journals were collated, collected and published in a delightful book "Notes from Ramallah 1939" in 2002*. Her regular letters to family and friends in Indiana reveal fascinating glimpses of life in Ramallah in 1938/39 during the British Mandate in Palestine.
Nancy wrote on October 8, 1938 "It is unlawful for an Arab to carry arms. When caught they are hanged".
In a report to Homewood Meeting, Baltimore October 9, 1938 she wrote:
"People of the East they have beautiful manners and in the class room, more enthusiasm than America youngsters".
In other letters to her parents Nancy wrote about the collective punishments, administrative detention and house demolitions carried out by the British army. You will be forgiven for thinking she might be writing this in 2011. Nothing has changed except the name of the occupier. For instance, she describes one hundred and seventy houses demolished in one village as reprisal for a British death.
In one letter she observed that "The temperament of both Jews and Arabs is such that they cannot settle their issue peaceably".
This was written 73 years ago; one is tempted to ask has anything changed?
More examples of her observations
"November 1938, Ramallah men can't go to work in their orchards and fields".
"The British are going to search Ramallah. The whole town was in a panic".
"The Arabs have a right to their own land which they have cultivated since human beings came into that region".
"March, 20th 1939 Labeeb Nassir knew we were in Jerusalem. He took us out to dinner and the cinema?" Can you imagine there was a cinema in Jerusalem in 1938, it wasn't all backward and
She wrote about the Arab men being too attentive to Nancy and Gertrude her colleague and compatriot "I don't know why these Arab men are so nice to us".
Back to politics and other matters
March 17th 1939
Regarding the British Government White Paper, Nancy observed "as a result of the White Paper the Arabs stopped attacking the British, and the Jews started". The White Paper promised Palestine independence after ten years. "Whoever heard of Great Britain's keeping a promise for ten years?" She wondered. An astute remark by a non-political girl, don't you think?
April 23rd 1939
Nancy and her fellow teacher Gertrude travelled east of the River Jordan. This quote sums up what Jordan was like over 70 years ago. "Transjordan is a country of Bedouins. People stared at us because women hardly ever go on the street. Women in this country are not supposed to be intelligent enough to join in men's conversation". I wonder how Nancy would react if she visits cosmopolitan Amman or the resort of Aqaba on the shores of the red sea now.
Nancy wrote fondly of Arab teachers in the Friends Girls School. One was Wadia Shatarra "the most beloved of all teachers at the Friends Girls School. They teach us songs and stories about Joha the wise fool of Arabic folklore". Not forgetting Miss Hannush who was wise, firm and gentle, mothers us all.
Then she describes the funeral of Abu Shahlah, a famous Ramallah resident; a larger than life character loved and respected by all.
"The women walk the ten or more miles to town, carrying baskets of fresh apricots or cucumbers on their heads. The men ride donkeys". Yet, another subtle observation about the inconsiderate male species.
Unrequited Romance
Ken a British soldier who got to know Nancy and Gertrude "Ken squeezed my hand tiresomely". "Englishmen are too obvious, Arabs too subtle and the Americans too clumsy. What is a poor girl to do?"
I found the 116 page book of letters more enjoyable and fun to read than any authoritative book of history about the conflict in Palestine.
Nehad Ismail is a writer/broadcaster based in London
*Notes from Ramallah 1939 by Nancy Parker McDowell
Friends United Press
Richmond, Indiana
Ramallah: A 22 year old American girl’s memoirs - Defence Viewpoints from UK Defence Forum
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Local native species list for landcare projects in the Mid Swan Coastal Plain.
This booklet was developed to be used as a guide in choosing local native species in Landcare projects for the mid Swan Coastal Plain (districts of Serpentine Jarrahdale [SJ] and North Murray). Landcare projects include activities such as wind breaks, restoration of remnant or riparian vegetation and aesthetic plantings. Extra information about each species is listed in the key on page six for fast referencing. Species information was taken from the Florabase website (http://florabase.dec.wa.gov.au) and Growing Locals by Robert Powell & Jane Emberson. Additional species information was provided by Dr. Penny Hollick (Shire of Serpentine Jarrahdale Botonist). Other information has been taken from references listed at the back of this booklet.
We recommend that you also read Landcare Landscapes, an extremely helpful publication found at The Landcare Centres in Mundijong and Waroona, which lists the tried and tested plant species for the major soil types, as well as a guide to successful revegetation.
**Brickwood Reserve**
Remnant vegetation provides us with examples of what existed prior to clearing. These pockets of native bushland can be found on private property as well as protected public land, and they vary greatly in size and condition. Some plant communities are better represented than others, which gives rise to the Threatened Ecological Community (TEC) status of some remnants. Brickwood Reserve in Byford is an example of one such piece of bushland. This unique and beautiful reserve is the most extensive example of open marri and Kingia woodland left in the metropolitan region of Perth. It is also home to rare wetland communities and stands of *Eucalyptus lane-poolei* (salmon white gum).
The reserve has sections of Foothills soils, Pinjarra plain and Bassendean sands, hence contributing to the diversity in vegetation complexes and creating valuable habitat for a wide range of fauna. The reserve boasts over 300 plants species, 28 bird species, 2 native mammal species, 12 reptile species and 5 amphibian species.
The importance of the vegetation of Brickwood Reserve to the national conservation estate has been recognised by both The Australian Heritage Commission and The National Trust of Australia. It is also a Bush Forever site.
Brickwood Reserve is a bushland jewel in our region and an inspiring view of how our landscape would have been. Let’s all enjoy it and help protect it as well as our other bushland reserves. Join the Friends of Brickwood Reserve or other landcare groups by contacting the Serpentine Jarrahdale Community Landcare Centre (see back cover for details).
Native? Indigenous? Local?
Native plants is a broad term used for plant species that naturally occur in the Australian landscape. There are also plants which are indigenous or local to a particular area. If for example a tree which is local to Queensland is planted in Perth it will not fit in the landscape and is considered a weed if placed into protected bushland. It is also less likely to survive in the different soils and climate.
The Swan Coastal Plain and Darling Scarp host a huge variety of indigenous species which make this area both botanically rich and historically unique. Over the years, much of the natural bushland has been cleared for farming, timber industry and housing development. It is important now to return some of these plants into the modified landscape through strategic revegetation. This booklet contains a list of the local plants which are commercially available from native plant specialists for you to use on your property.
Uses for local plants:
- Controlling micro-climate by providing wind breaks, stock shelter and creating cool air in summer;
- Halting or reversing land degradation;
- Controlling soil erosion and improving soil health;
- Restoring rivers;
- Managing water use and movement in the landscape;
- Controlling salinity;
- Conserving biodiversity;
- Producing timber;
- Aesthetics and landscaping; and
- Commercial production of cut flowers, oil and honey.
Local plants will:
- Provide good habitat for indigenous fauna;
- Do well in local conditions of rainfall and soil type;
- Re-instate the original look of the landscape; and
- Support your local nurseries and businesses.
The “gum tree” has become somewhat of an Australian icon with its distinctive eucalypt scent and green/grey elliptical leaves that hang down to avoid the hot sun. The word Eucalypt means ‘well covered’ referring to the cap that covers the flowers until they are ready to open. Eucalypts are very important trees for humans and animals and can be found across the continent.
Many of our iconic trees are suffering from decline, caused by many factors arising from their altered environment, including introduced pathogens (e.g. *Phytophthora* dieback), insect attack, soil compaction, lack of understorey species and reduced rainfall. More information about management of native tree decline on your property can be obtained from your nearest Landcare Centre (see back cover for contact details).
Here are descriptions and diagrams to help you identify the four most common eucalypts in the region.
**Jarrah**
*Eucalyptus marginata*
Marginatus, from the Latin, refers to the distinct marginal vein on the leaf.
The leaves are dark green and glossy above and paler underneath.
The cylindrical buds open to white flowers in the spring and summer months. The fruits are small and round to barrel-shaped. The bark is rough and grey over a reddish-brown fibrous bark.
Jarrah is famous for its hard wood qualities and was milled, as the name suggests, in Jarrahdale in the late 1800s. There are a few majestic specimens that are 500 years in age and rise to 50 metres in height that can be found in the south west corner of WA.
**Marri / Red Gum**
*Corymbia calophylla*
From Greek, calophylla means “beautiful leaf”.
The bark is tessellated and grey-brown in colour. The red ‘gum’ or kino which is produced can often be found on the trunk. It was used by indigenous people for healing wounds as it has antiseptic qualities and can even be diluted with water for use as a
The leaves are broad at the base and taper to a point, dark green on top and distinctly paler underneath. The small buds produce creamy white flowers from early summer to early winter. There is also a variety with a rose coloured flower called *Corymbia calophylla rosea*.
The marri is important for honey producers and habitat for a range of fauna. In particular, endemic cockatoos use the old hollows for nesting and the fruit for feeding.
The most distinctive feature of the marri, however, is the large ‘honky’ nuts that are produced. These large woody fruits were the inspiration for May Gibbs creating her Gumnut Babies stories.
These big trees can live as long as 250–300 years and reach up to 50 metres in height.
**Flooded Gum**
*Eucalyptus rudis*
Rudis is derived from Latin meaning 'rough' and refers to the poor timber. It is a medium sized tree and grows between 17–24 metres. The bark is rough at the base and the higher branches are smooth and grey/white. The bud is distinctly cone shaped and opens to white flowers from late autumn to spring.
As the name suggests, it grows by lakes, wetlands and along many of the rivers and creeks; throughout the South West of WA. The Flooded Gum is often used in waterway restoration projects as it provides good shade, an important function of healthy water. This many-branched Eucalypt is a very important tree for nectar-eating insects and birds. It also provides nesting sites for water birds with its horizontal branches and hollows low to the ground.
**Wandoo**
*Eucalyptus wandoo*
Wandoo is the Aboriginal name for this small to medium sized tree (8–21m). Wandoo woodlands are home to the fauna emblem of Western Australia, the numbat. Other mammals that use the Wandoo hollows include the brushtail possum, echidna, chuditch, mardo and bats. Due to clearing in the Wheatbelt where the Wandoo is most common, some of these animals are now endangered. Wandoo can be found in the Darling Scarp and on the coastal plain between Armadale and Mardella and halfway to Serpentine, usually associated with Forrestfield soils.
On mature trees the bark is smooth and grey to creamy-yellow in colour, thus suggesting its other common name, White Gum. There are also distinctive orange patches of bark. The buds are spindle shaped and the fruits become pear shaped. The white flowers appear in late spring through to autumn and are a major attractant for honey bees. This tree often grows alongside *Xanthorrhoea preissii* (Balga/Grass tree).
Visit your nearest Landcare Centre to view maps which help determine the soil type of your property.
The distinct feature of the north-south orientated Darling Range forms a clear delineation of soils and therefore plant communities. The districts of Serpentine-Jarrahdale and North Murray have the beauty of encompassing the hills as well as the plains features. The hills and associated soils occupy the eastern portion of the districts, and as you travel westward the gravelly soils of the ridge give way to the clays of the plain and the sands of the dunes.
Soil is the foundation of any plant community. It is important to choose species that will thrive in your soil type so that the original landscape is mimicked as much as possible and survival rates are maximised.
The major soil types associated with these landscape features are described in more detail below.
**Hills**
**Darling Scarp and Darling Plateau**
Hills soils consist of variations of clay–gravels and are usually compacted very hard in summer and moist in winter. This area receives the highest rainfall in the Perth metropolitan region and over time erosion on the slopes has exposed the granite and laterite. In the shallow soils, where rock is close to the surface, communities of shrubs and herbs exist. In the deeper soils are woodlands of mostly jarrah, marri, wandoo and flooded gum.
These gravel soils are a good growing medium as they hold moisture without being prone to water-logging, and are usually quite fertile. Though they are hard to work even with machinery, success can be achieved through planting seedlings or direct seeding. As the rainfall is higher in the hills than on the coastal plain, the planting and growing season is extended into late winter.
The hills soils also include the Darling Plateau, which can be further broken down into laterite, granite and valleys.
The scarp supports forest of jarrah and open woodlands of marri, wandoo and flooded gum. The western parts of the Serpentine National Park show examples.
The laterite consists of gravelly soils and supports woodland or forest of jarrah and marri, with banksia and snottygobble in the second storey. Examples occur in Jarrahdale.
The granite outcrops in the area support some woodland and shrubland where the soil is deeper and herbs in the shallow soil. See Monadnocks Conservation Park, Sullivan Rock.
The loams and clays of the valley soils support
forests of jarrah, marri and flooded gum as well as banksia and a large variety of shrubs. The valley of the Serpentine River is an example.
**Foothills**
**Forrestfield soils**
The narrow strip of foothills at the base of the Darling Scarp is known as the Ridge Hill Shelf and is made up of Forrestfield soils. This soil type consists of sand and gravel and therefore drains well. Sections along the South West Highway display this soil type.
Almost entirely cleared, this soil type supports woodland of jarrah and marri on gravelly soils. Low woodland of banksias, sheoak and woody pear also grow in the sand along the base of the scarp, perhaps representing an old beach at a time when the sea level was much higher than today. Cardup Reserve on Cardup Siding Road is a good example of a plant community still existing in this soil type.
**Pinjarra Plain**
**Beermullah, Guildford and Serpentine River soils**
The alluvial soils (carried down from the scarp by water) of the Pinjarra Plain are fertile clays and loams and hence were chosen for agriculture soon after European settlement. This complex soils group is made up of soils of different ages that have been deposited from both the scarp and east of it, by rivers and streams as fans of alluvium. Guildford soils consist of a duplex profile, usually sand/loam over clay. Beermullah soils are prone to becoming saline and waterlogged. Serpentine River soils can be found south of Cardup in flat, poorly drained plains.
The natural vegetation type of these soils is reflective of a wetland environment with sheoak and paperbark or marri and flooded gum woodlands. Poorly drained flats of both the Beermullah and Guildford complexes give rise to shrublands, herblands and sedgelands. Most of the vegetation on the Beermullah and Serpentine River soils have been cleared. Remnants of this vegetation type can be found along the eastern sections of the verge of Mundijong road.
Some examples of remnant vegetation in Guildford soils can be found in the western side of Cardup Reserve on Cardup Siding Road, with annual herbs such as sundews, trigger-plants, daisies and sedges.
**Bassendean Dunes**
**Bassendean sands, Southern River and Bassendean swamps**
Of the three north-south running dune systems on the Swan Coastal Plain, the Bassendean sands are the oldest and are located inland adjacent to the Darling Scarp. The nutrients have largely been removed by many years of water leaching through the profile, leaving pale grey/yellow sand. This infertile sand can also be acidic and lacks organic matter.
The natural vegetation of this soil type is open banksia woodland with a very diverse understorey, including woollybush (*Adenanthos cygnorum*), which is a good indicator of this soil type.
The Bassendean swamps in the low-lying areas of the dunes have a dampland environment which contains woodlands of paperbark and, in the higher areas, flooded gums, marri and...
The soil is black and peaty.
Southern River Soils are characterised by Aeolian (wind deposited) sand over alluvial (water deposited) clay and so in higher ground the Southern River soils are similar to Bassendean sands and along the drainage lines similar to Guildford soils.
**Spearwood Dunes**
*Karrakatta soils*
The Spearwood dune system lies between the Bassendean dunes to the east and Quindalup dunes to the west, with a few examples in North Murray at the far western boundary of the district. These are aeolian soils that have been deposited on the coast by the ocean and blown by the wind to form dunes. They consist of yellow sands that do not hold moisture well. The natural vegetation is open woodlands of marri and jarrah or tuart, banksia and sheoak.
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**The following pages list local native plant species grouped into these classifications:**
| Classification | Page |
|--------------------------------------|-------|
| Ground Covers, Herbs and Climbers | |
| Small Shrubs - Up to one metre | 13 |
| Medium Shrubs - One metre to three metres | 22 |
| Tall Shrubs - Three metres and above | 35 |
| Trees - Eight metres and above | 41 |
| Sedges & Rushes - River & wetland fringes | 46 |
| Grasses | 50 |
Make sure you order tubestock size seedlings early, ideally in December before the Autumn / Winter planting of the following year. For information regarding local nurseries contact the Serpentine Jarrahdale or Waroona Landcare Centre. (See back cover for contact details)
---
**Species characteristics**
- **Fence Screen, Windbreak** – homogenous form, where the porosity is evenly spread. That is, the leaves, branches, and air spaces are distributed evenly.
- **Low flammability** – The leaves of these plants have a higher water content and a lower oil content than other species; they drop fewer leaves and branches; and their leaves have a lower surface area (wide and flat instead of long and thin). They catch fire slowly, burn slow and cool, and produce low flames.
- **Timber production** – Local native tree species that are suitable, when managed, to provide a range of timber products; for example firewood, fence posts, and high quality saw logs.
- **Bird attractant** – Plants more likely to attract and provide habitat to native birds.
- **Dieback resistant** – known to be unaffected by the presence of Phytophthora dieback disease from testing or field observation.
**Species preferred soil type**
- Hills
- Foothills
- Pinjarra Plain
- Bassendean Sands
- Spearwood Sands
Legend
- Local Government Boundaries
- Major roads
- Coastal Plain Soils (Dept of Agriculture 2002)
- Quindalup
- Spearwood
- Vasse
- Bassendean
- Forrestfield
- Pinjarra
- Hills
Map: Julie Wood
**Agrostocrinum scabrum**
*Blue Grass Lily*
A rhizomatous, tufted perennial herb, growing to 1 m high, with 4 – 10 blue/white flowering stems. Found in clay and granite soils.
**Anigozanthos bicolor**
*Little Kangaroo Paw*
A rhizomatous, perennial herb growing to 0.05 – 0.6 m high with green/red flowers from Aug – Oct. Grows in various sands, clay loam, laterite, granite. Found around granite outcrops, wet areas, road verges.
**Anigozanthos humilis**
*Cat’s Paw*
Perennial herb which grows in sandy soils to about 40cm. Red/yellow tubular flowers in July – October.
**Anigozanthos manglesii**
*Mangle’s Kangaroo Paw*
Floral emblem of Western Australia, thrives in sandy soils in heath or woodland. Perennial herb with red and green flowers between Aug – Oct and grows to 1m tall. Prefers dry soils in the soil areas indicated above.
**Anigozanthos viridis**
*Green Kangaroo Paw*
A rhizomatous, perennial herb which grows to 0.05 – 0.85 m high, having green/yellow flowers from Aug – Oct. Will grow in winter-wet areas of sand, loam and clay.
**Banksia nivea**
*Honeypot Dryandra*
Low shrub of 0.15 – 1.5m. Flowers from Apr/Jul – Nov and are coloured with cream, yellow, orange, pink, red and brown. Will grow in wet lateritic and gravelly soils.
**Billardiera heterophylla**
*Australian Bluebell*
A sturdy shrubby twiner that can grow over 2m long. Grows in a variety of soil types in open woodlands and heath. Flowers all year round, but mostly in Nov – Feb.
**Brachyscome iberidifolia**
*Swan River Daisy*
An erect, branching annual herb growing to 0.05 – 0.45 m high. White/blue/purple flowers appearing from Jul – Nov. Found in sandy, clay or saline soils along watercourses, on sandhills, in depressions over granite.
**Burchardia congesta**
*Milkmaids*
An open, erect, tuberous perennial herb, growing 0.8 m high with cream to white flowers from Aug – Nov. Grows in a variety of soils and found on sand dunes, plains, uplands, valley slopes, ridges, hillsides, tracks.
**Chamaescilla corymbosa**
*Blue Squill*
A tuberous, rosetted perennial herb which grows 0.05 – 0.2 m high. Flowers are blue appearing from Jul – Dec. Grows in sand, gravel, clay, lateritic soils, granite. Often found in wet areas.
**Clematis pubescens**
*Common Clematis*
A strong, dioecious, woody shrub or climber growing up to 5 m high. White/cream flowers from May – Nov. Likes a variety of soils and is found on coastal cliffs, coastal dunes, hills, valleys, river banks.
**Conostylis aculeata**
*Prickly Conostylis*
Perennial tufted herb only reaching 50cm in height. Yellow bunched flowers appear Aug-Nov and attract butterflies. Will grow in all soil types.
**Conostylis candicans**
*Grey Cottonheads*
Tufting perennial up to 25cm, the long leaves have dense grey hairs. Grows yellow flowers in Jul – Nov which attract butterflies. Prefers sandy soil over limestone in woodland or coastal heath.
**Dampiera linearis**
*Common Dampiera*
An erect perennial herb growing to 0.15 – 0.6 m high. Blue flowers from Jul - Dec. Prefers sandy or clayey soils, laterite. Found on plains, stony ridges and seasonally wet flats.
**Dampiera teres**
*Terete-leaved Dampiera*
An erect, much-branched shrub which grows to 0.15 – 0.6 m high, with thick, narrow, often terete leaves. Flowers are blue/purple and appear from Aug – Nov. Grows in sandy & clayey soils. Found on sandplains, winter-wet depressions, slopes.
**Dampiera trigona**
*Angled-stem Dampiera*
A slender growing perennial herb reaching to 0.05 – 0.5 m high. Blue/white flowers appear between Aug - Jan. Found on winter-wet flats and along roadsides with sandy & clayey soils.
**Dasypogon bromeliifolius**
*Pineapple Bush*
A rhizomatous, perennial herb or tree-like monocot growing up to 0.5 – 1.5m high. White/black flowers from Aug – Jan. Found in wet grey or black sand, sandy gravel and sandy clay soils.
**Dianella revoluta**
*Blueberry Lily*
With strap-like leaves, this perennial herb can grow to 1.5m. The flowers are blue/purple/violet and appear Aug-Jan/April. Grows in a variety of soils.
**Hardenbergia comptoniana**
*Native Wisteria*
A climber that is well known and cultivated widely. Found in Jarrah forest and prefers sandy soils. The purple flowers are abundant in Jul – Oct. A good screening plant in gardens.
**Hybanthus calycinus**
*Wild Violet*
A straggly perennial herb growing to 0.1 – 0.6m high. Flowers are blue/purple appearing from Jul – Oct. Found in Jarrah forest and in the sandy soils of the Swan Coastal Plain.
**Kennedia coccinea**
*Coral Vine*
Climber with stunning red/pink/orange flowers in Sept-Nov. Found in forest and woodland throughout the region in sandy soils.
**Kennedia prostrata**
*Running Postman*
Has red flowers in Aug-Nov and distinctive crinkly leaves. The fruit are hairy and green, which turn red then brown. Prefers to run along the ground, usually in sandy gravelly soils.
**Lobelia anceps**
*Angled Lobelia*
A prostrate to ascending perennial herb, growing to 1.2m high. Flowers are blue/purple/white from Sep – May. Grows in a variety of soils on flat to sloping landscapes, hillsides, near wetlands, watercourses and along river banks.
**Marianthus bicolor**
*Painted Marianthus*
A low, erect, spreading climber, 0.45–3m high, to 2.0m wide. Flowers are white/cream appearing Dec – May. Grows in sand, clay, loam, gravel, sandstone, laterite and granite.
Orthrosanthus laxus
Morning Iris
A rhizomatous, tufted perennial herb which can grow to 0.3 – 0.6 m high. Has blue flowers appearing from Sep – Dec. Prefers sand and sandy loam soils.
Patersonia occidentalis
Purple Flag
A rhizomatous, tufted perennial herb growing to 1.5m high. Purple flowers appear from Aug – Jan. Likes a variety of soils found in winter-wet areas, dunes, and granite outcrops.
Phlebocarya ciliata
A shortly rhizomatous, clumped perennial grass-like herb, growing to 0.2 – 0.6m high. White flowers appear from Sep – Nov. Prefers white or grey sand. Found in seasonally-wet areas.
Scaevola calliptera
Royal Robe
A prostrate to ascending perennial herb that can grow to 0.1 – 0.4m high, having pretty blue/purple flowers from Sep – Jan. Prefers sand, often with lateritic gravel. Found in lateritic ridges and sandplains.
Scaevola lanceolata
Long-leaved Scaevola
An erect or decumbent perennial herb. Growing to 0.1 – 0.5 m high with white/blue flowers from Aug – Dec. Happiest in sandy soils and winter-wet depressions & swamps.
Sowerbaea laxiflora
Purple Tassels
An attractive tufted perennial herb growing to 0.15 – 0.6m high. Flowers are purple appearing between Aug – Nov. Found growing on grey or orange-brown sand, loam.
**Thysanotus dichotomus**
*Branching Fringed Lily*
A rhizomatous, leafless, branched perennial herb growing to 0.25 – 1.5m high. Purple flowers appear from Sep – Jan. Grows well in white, grey or yellow sand, granite, laterite, gravel.
**Thysanotus multiflorus**
*Many Flowered Fringed Lily*
A caespitose perennial herb growing to 0.1 – 0.8m high with purple flowers appearing from Aug – Jan. Found in sand, laterite and granite soils over much of the South West.
**Acacia appianata**
*Grass Wattle*
An erect or sometimes sprawling plant which looks grass-like. Yellow flowers appear Jun – Oct. Occurs in mostly sandy soils, loam or laterite.
**Acacia drummondii**
*Drummond’s Wattle*
Grows to 1m with small bipinnate leaves and flowers & spikes up to 5cm in Jul-Oct. Prefers almost swampy conditions and is nitrogen fixing.
**Acacia huegelii**
Straggling spiny shrub from 0.2–1m high. Flowers are white/cream and appear Oct-Feb. Found in sands and lateritic gravels.
**Acacia nervosa**
*Rib Wattle*
A spreading shrub with large leaves. Grows to 0.5m. Golden yellow flowers in Jun – Oct. Can survive dry soils of the hills.
**Acacia sessilis**
A straggling pungent shrub growing to 1m high with yellow flowers in Jul – Oct. Grows in sands or gravelly clay.
**Acacia stenoptera**
*Narrow Winged Wattle*
Scrambling spiny shrub 0.7m high. Flowers can be yellow or cream in Mar - Dec. Grows in sandy or lateritic soils in a variety of habitats.
**Acacia willdenowiana**
*Grass/Two Winged Wattle*
This slender erect or scrambling shrub grows to 0.3 – 0.6(–1) m high. The white/cream/yellow flowers appear from May – Oct. Found in sand, loam & lateritic soils, often in winter-wet depressions.
**Adenanthos barbiger**
*Hairy Jug-flower*
A lignotuberous (woody tubers underground) shrub growing to 1m. Can flower from Feb/Jul-Dec with red petals. Found in Jarrah forests in lateritic gravel or sandy clay.
**Astroloma pallidum**
*Kick Bush*
Prostrate plant growing to 30-40cm and can grow in most soil types. Sharp leaves and white tubular flowers mostly in spring and autumn. Prefers wet soils in the soil areas indicated above.
**Banksia bipinnatifida**
A prostrate lignotuberous (woody tubers underground) plant. Grows from 10-30cm in height with flowers that are cream, yellow and brown in Oct-Nov. Grows in sandy, gravelly soils of the Jarrah forests.
**Bossiaea eriocarpa**
*Common Brown Pea*
Erect or straggly and spreading shrub of 0.2–1m. Flowers are yellow, red and brown and appear Jul-Nov. Prefers wet conditions of all soils.
**Bossiaea ornata**
*Broad Leaved Brown Pea*
An erect spreading shrub growing on sandy and lateritic soils in the Jarrah forest. Flowers between Sept-Nov. Of the peas, its yellow/brown flowers are among the largest.
**Calytrix angulata**
*Yellow Starflower*
The species of the Calytrix genus are known for their masses of flowers and they tend to grow in sandy heath, or in dry soils. Flowers in Sept-Dec.
**Calytrix flavescens**
*Summer Star Flower*
A small shrub growing to 0.3 – 0.8 m high. Yellow flowers from Jun – Dec. Found in white, grey or yellow sand, often over laterite, granite or sandstone, sometimes in swampy areas.
**Calytrix fraseri**
*Pink Summer Calytrix*
Small shrub to 1m with pink/purple flowers in Nov-Aug which attract butterflies. Grows in sandy soils, coastal dunes and granite rocky outcrops.
**Chorizema dicksonii**
*Yellow Eyed Flame Pea*
Erect or spreading shrub growing to 1m tall. Red/orange flowers appear Aug – Dec. Grows in a variety of soil types including sandy gravels, clay, loam on ridges and undulating places.
**Chorizema rhombeum**
A prostrate or twining shrub growing to 0.1–0.5m high. Orange/pink/red/yellow flowers from Aug-Dec. Likes grey or white sand, sandy clay, sandy loam, gravel, laterite.
**Conospermum huegelii**
*Slender Smokebush*
A clumped, non-lignotuberous shrub growing to 0.2–1m high, having blue/cream flowers appearing from Jul–Oct. Likes sandy gravelly soils, found in swampy areas, granite outcrops.
**Cristonia biloba**
The yellow/orange/brown pea flowers appear Jul-Sept. Grows in Jarrah and Wandoor woodlands. Grows in clay, gravel and laterite on outcrops, valleys and lower slopes.
**Daviesia decurrens**
*Prickly Bitter Pea*
An erect, small-branched shrub growing to 1m high. Orange/red flowers appear from Jun-Sep. Grows well in red-brown loam over clay, gravel, laterite. Found on well-drained slopes, adjacent to rivers.
**Daviesia triflora**
This many-stemmed leafless shrub will grow to 0.25–0.6m high, with small yellow/orange/red/black flowers that appear from May–Sep. Found in white or grey sand and laterite on sandplains and flats.
**Gastrolobium capitatum**
*Bacon and Eggs*
Grows to 1m with pea flowers of orange and yellow which appear Jun-Sep. Grows in sandy loamy soils, laterite, rocky outcrops, swamps and plains.
Gompholobium capitatum
**Yellow Pea**
Slender and erect shrub growing to 1m with yellow flowers in Sep-Jan. Prefers sandy or laterite soils in swampy areas or along river banks.
Gompholobium knightianum
Slender and erect shrub growing to 0.5m with pink/purple flowers in Jul-Dec. Often found in lateritic soils.
Gompholobium marginatum
This prostrate or low spreading shrub which grows to 0.05–0.4m has yellow flowers appearing from Aug–Nov. Commonly found in lateritic gravelly and granitic soils.
Gompholobium preissii
An erect and bushy shrub of 0.4m tall. Yellow/orange/red/brown flowers appear Aug-Dec. Grows in lateritic gravelly soils.
Gompholobium tomentosum
**Hairy Yellow Pea**
Erect shrub grows from 30cm – 1m in sandy soils. Yellow pea flowers between Jul – Jan.
Grevillea bipinnatifida
**Fuchsia Grevillea**
A spreading, lignotuberous shrub growing to 0.2 – 1m high. Flowers are orange/red, Mar–Jan. Grows in granitic soils, sand, loamy clay and lateritic soils. Found in granite outcrops, hills, sometimes winter-wet flats.
**Grevillea pilulifera**
*Woolly-flowered Grevillea*
Many-branched erect or spreading shrub to 1m with hairy white flowers in Apr-Dec. Grows in lateritic or granitic gravels along ridges.
**Grevillea quercifolia**
*Oak-leaf Grevillea*
A straggly to sprawling, lignotuberous prickly shrub. Grows to 0.3 – 0.7m high. Flowers are Pink/red/purple appearing from Jul–Dec. Found in sand, loam, often with gravel, laterite.
**Grevillea synapheae**
*Catkin Grevillea*
Can be prostrate or erect growing to 1m. White/creamy/yellow flowers appear Jul – Oct and grows in sand, gravel, loam, laterite or granite in low heathland or along rises.
**Grevillea wilsonii**
*Native Fuchsia*
Erect and spreading shrub that grows to 1m. Prefers sandy loam or gravel and produces red flowers from Jan-Nov.
**Hakea stenocarpa**
*Narrow-fruited Hakea*
This rounded lignotuberous shrub which grows to 0.3 – 2m high has delicate white flowers from Sep – Oct. Often found in gravelly sand or clay over laterite.
**Hemianandra pungens**
*Snake Bush*
Prostrate bush that can grow 0.5–1m with pungent, pointed leaves. Flowers range from white to pink to violet in spring. Will grow in a variety of soil types.
**Hibbertia huegelii**
Grows erect, open and spreads only reaching 60cm in height. The bright yellow flowers appear in Jul-Dec. Prefers sandy and gravelly soils.
**Hibbertia hypericoides**
*Yellow Buttercups*
A small twiggy spreading shrub 0.2–1m with yellow flowers from Apr-Dec. Will grow in a variety of habitats.
**Hibbertia racemosa**
*Stalked Guinea Flower*
Has larger leaves than the other Hibbertias and can survive sandy soils towards the coast. Spreading shrub that grows to 75cm. Yellow flowers appear from Jul-Dec.
**Hibbertia vaginata**
An erect spreading shrub which will grow to 0.2 – 1m high. The yellow flowers appear from Jul-Oct. Found in white/grey sand over laterite, gravelly soils, grey sand.
**Hovea trisperma**
*Common Hovea*
Straggling plant not often taller than 50cm found in Jarrah forest or heathland. Purple/blue flowers appear May-Nov. Sandy soils, laterite, gravel, clay loam.
**Hypocalymma robustum**
*Swan River Myrtle*
A more open spreading shrub than the White Myrtle with larger and deeper pink flowers. Common in sand or gravel woodlands. Flowers in Spring from Sept-Nov and has aromatic foliage.
**Isotropis cuneifolia**
*Granny Bonnets*
A low prostrate to ascending, spreading perennial, herb or shrub up to 0.05 – 0.3m high. Yellow/orange/red flowers from Jul – Nov. Found in sand, clay loam, laterite, granite and winter-wet flats.
**Jacksonia sericea**
*Waldjumi*
This low spreading shrub which will grow to 0.6m high, has orange flowers that appear from Dec–Feb. Grows mainly in calcareous & sandy soils.
**Lechenaultia biloba**
*Blue Leschenaultia*
Small diffuse shrub to 1m with blue flowers in Jul-Dec. Grows in lateritic or granitic soils on hills and outcrops.
**Lechenaultia floribunda**
*Free-flowering Leschenaultia*
Blue flowers appear Aug-Oct. Grows 0.15 – 1m high. Grows in a variety of woodlands (Jarrah, Marri, Banksia and Wandoo) throughout the South West region.
**Leucopogon capitellatus**
*Beard-heath*
A small erect shrub growing up to 0.2 – 1.0m high. Delicate white flowers appear from May – Nov. Found often on lateritic gravelly or granitic soils in a variety of habitats.
**Melaleuca trichophylla**
*Pretty Honey Myrtle*
This straggly or rounded shrub which can grow to 0.15 – 1m high has pretty pink/purple flowers from Aug – Dec. Found in white/grey/orange sand, gravel, laterite across sandplains and hillsides.
**Petrophile linearis**
*Pixie Mops*
An erect growing shrub up to 0.2 – 1m high. Flowers are pink/grey/white and appear from Aug – Dec. Grows in white, grey or yellow sand, often over laterite, mainly on sandplains.
**Pimelea rosea**
*Rose Banjine*
A small erect shrub growing to 0.3 – 1m high. Masses of pink/red/purple flowers appear from Jul – Dec. Found in sand, sandy clay and gravel on coastal sand dunes & plains, limestone or granitic rises.
**Verticordia lindleyi**
This erect shrub can grow to 0.2 – 0.7m high. Flowers are pink/purple. Found in sandy soils and gravel across sandplains, winter-wet depressions and seasonal swamps.
**Verticordia pennigera**
*Native Tea*
An erect or prostrate shrub growing to 0.15–0.6 m high. Delicate pink flowers appear from Jan–Apr/Jul–Dec. Likes sandy or clay, often gravelly soils and is often associated with granitic rocks.
**Acacia alata**
*Winged Wattle*
Grows to 2m in a variety of soils – near water, breakaways, salt pans and has white/cream/yellow flowers from Apr-Dec.
**Acacia celastrifolia**
*Glowing Wattle*
A bushy shrub or tree that grows to 3m. Pale yellow flowers occur Apr-Aug. Prefers lateritic soils and grows in Wandoo woodland.
**Acacia dentifera**
*Toothed Wattle*
An erect, loose shrub growing to 3m tall. Yellow flowers occur Aug-Nov. Prefers laterite or granite gravelly soils.
**Acacia extensa**
*Wiry Wattle*
An erect slender shrub that can grow to 3m. Prefers sandy or lateritic soils that remain damp. The yellow flowers appear from Aug – Oct.
**Acacia lasiocarpa**
*Dune Moses/Panjang*
A compact shrub which grows to 1.5m in a variety of soil types, from swamps to coastal dunes. Yellow flowers appear in May-Oct.
**Acacia lateriticola**
*Dwellingup Wattle*
Small bushy shrub grows to 1.5m and flowers in Jul-Aug. Can be found in Jarrah forests. Prefers lateritic soils.
(no photo available)
**Acacia oncinophylla**
A medium shrub which can grow from 0.5 – 3m high with ‘nunu-ritchi’ bark. Flowers are yellow appearing from Aug – Dec. Found mainly in granite soils, occasionally on laterite.
**Acacia pulchella**
*Prickly Moses*
Small shrub to 3m with dense yellow flowers appearing in Jun-Oct. Occurring in Jarrah or coastal woodlands and does well as a revegetation species. Prefers sands, soils, clay loam over lateritic.
**Acacia urophylla**
*Veined Wattle*
An erect slender shrub growing from 1.0 – 3.0m tall in lateritic soils along waterways and in damp places. Flowers range from yellow to cream to white and appear May–Oct.
**Adenanthos meisneri**
*Prostrate Woollybush*
Erect or semi-prostrate plant 0.2–1.5m. Flowers can be red, pink, purple or cream and occur in Jul–Apr. Occurring in dry areas of soils indicated above.
**Adenanthos obovatus**
*Basket Flower*
Erect shrub growing to 2.0m with red/orange flowers occurring in May–Dec. Grows in sandy gravel/loam soils in swamps, winter-wet depressions and hillsides.
**Allocasuarina humilis**
*Dwarf Sheoak*
An erect or spreading shrub growing to 2m. Brown/red/orange flowers in May–Nov. Wide distribution in sandy clays, gravel or sand.
**Aotus gracillima**
Erect slender shrub growing to 2m. The yellow/brown/red flowers occur Aug-Dec. Grows in peaty sand, swamps and winter-wet depressions.
**Astartea fascicularis**
*False Baeckea*
This erect shrub growing to 0.3 – 6m high has white/pink flowers appearing from Jan – Jul/Oct – Dec. Found in sandy & lateritic soils along watercourses, winter-wet depressions and granite outcrops.
**Astartea scoparia**
*Dainty Astartea*
A medium shrub which can grow up to 1.8m high. Having white flowers and preferring loam, sandy areas.
**Babingtonia camphorosmae**
*Camphor Myrtle*
Multistemmed small shrub growing from 0.5– 1m. The pink flowers appear May–Feb. Grows in a variety of soils and landscapes from white & yellow sand to valleys and laterite and gravel hilltops.
**Banksia dallanneyi**
*Couch Honeypot*
A medium shrub, to 3m high. Flowers are cream/yellow/brown/pink/green appearing from May – Oct. Found in sand or sandy loam, laterite, granite, limestone, quartzite.
**Banksia undata**
*Urchin Dryandra*
An erect medium shrub growing from 0.9 – 3m high. Yellow flowers appear from Jul – Oct. Occurs in sand, clay, loam, gravel, laterite in a relatively small area surrounding Perth.
Beaufortia purpurea
Purple Beaufortia
Beaufortias are only found in Western Australia. Found in dry hills country. The red/purple flowers occur late summer and spring. Occurring in dry soils of areas indicated above.
Beaufortia squarrosa
Sand Plain Bottlebrush
From 0.5m-2m. Prefers sandy soils and winter-wet depressions. Flowers are red/orange/yellow and occur Jan-May/Aug-Dec. Can be used as a low windbreak.
Calothamnus hirsutus
Low Woollybush
Often a spreading shrub growing from 0.3–1.5m with hairy leaves. Red flowers appear in Septe-Dec. Occurs in yellow/grey sand, clay, sandy clay, loam, gravel, weathering sandstone and granite.
Calothamnus lateralis
Erect and slender shrub growing to 1.5m with red flowers in Jan/May-Dec. Prefers peaty sand and winter wet areas.
Calothamnus quadrifidus
One Sided Bottlebrush
This compact or spreading shrub 1–3m can be found in a variety of habitats. The flowers are usually red and sometimes with white/yellow and appear from Jun-Dec. Prefers swampy conditions.
Calothamnus sanguineus
Silky-leaved Blood Flower
An erect or open spreading shrub growing to 2m. The red flowers appear Mar - Nov. Prefers sandy lateritic soils found on sandplains, limestone ridges and rocky outcrops.
**Chorizema cordatum**
*Heart-leaf Flame Pea*
An erect, straggling or climbing shrub growing 0.3 – 1.5m high. Yellow/orange/red/pink flowers from Jul – Dec. Grows in a variety of soils near rock outcrops, on hills, along watercourses and winter-wet flats.
**Conospermum stoechadis**
*Smokebush*
This erect multi-stemmed lignotuberous shrub growing from 0.5 – 2m high has white/grey flowers which appear from Jul – Dec. Prefers sand and laterite areas of soil.
**Darwinia citriodora**
*Lemon Scented Darwinia*
Usually an erect shrub to 1.5m but can also be prostrate. Found commonly on granite outcrops. Yellow, green and red bell flowers appear in Aug-Oct. Excellent species for revegetation.
**Daviesia cordata**
*Bookleaf*
This erect slender shrub can grow from 0.5 – 2m high. Flowers are yellow/orange/red/brown appearing from Jul – Jan. Found growing in lateritic or granitic soils on undulating plains, hills and ridges.
**Daviesia incassata**
*Bitter Pea*
Erect shrub that grows to 1.2m with abundant flowers in Jun – Nov. Flowers are orange and yellow and it can survive a variety of soil types such as clay, sandplains and hillsides.
**Grevillea endlicheriana**
*Spindly Grevillea*
Shrub that can grow to 3m with pink/white/red flowers in Jul-Nov. Grows in sand over granite or gravelly loam over laterite.
Grevillea obtusifolia
**Obtuse-leaved Grevillea**
Wide spreading shrub to 2m with red/pink flowers in Apr/Aug-Nov. Prefers damp sand or sandy clay along rivers.
Grevillea vestita
This erect spreading prickly shrub grows to 0.5 - 4.5m high, up to 3.5m wide. White/cream/pink flowers appear from Jan – Nov. Found on red or yellow sand, granite, limestone and sandplains.
Hakea amplexicaulis
**Prickly Hakea**
This erect slender lignotuberous shrub will grow 1 – 3m high. Flowers are white/cream/pink appearing from Aug – Oct. Found growing in clay, loam, gravel and laterite soils.
Hakea ceratophylla
**Horned Leaf Hakea**
Erect and spreading shrub grows to 2m. The red/brown flowers appear Sep - Dec and it prefers rich soils, wet plains or rocky outcrops.
Hakea cristata
**Snail Hakea**
An erect multi-stemmed lignotuberous medium shrub growing from 1 – 3.5m high. Delicate white/cream flowers appear from Jun – Aug. Found growing in granitic or lateritic soils.
Hakea erinacea
**Hedge-hog Hakea**
A prickly medium shrub which grows 0.2 – 1.6m high. Flowers are white/cream/yellow/pink/purple appearing from May – Nov. Found in grey/brown or red sand, loam and laterite or granite outcrops.
**Hakea incrassata**
*Marble Hakea*
A medium spreading shrub growing to 0.35 – 1.5m high. Flowers are white/cream/pink appearing from Jun – Nov. Found in grey or yellow sand, often over laterite, gravel or granitic soils.
**Hakea lissocarpa**
*Honeybush*
Erect and sprawling shrub to 1.5m with pungent flowers appearing in May – Sept. Flowers usually cream or yellow, but can also be white or pink. Prefers sandy loam or laterite soils.
**Hakea prostrata**
*Harsh Hakea*
This spreading shrub can grow from 1–3m and produces cream/white flowers from Jul-Oct. It can be found in a variety of habitats such as granite outcrops to coastal dunes, but prefers sand over loam or gravel.
**Hakea ruscifolia**
*Candle Hakea*
This medium shrub which grows to 0.5 – 3m high has beautiful white flowers appearing from Dec – Jun. Found in white, grey or red/brown sand and gravelly clay or laterite.
**Hakea sulcata**
*Furrowed Hakea*
Erect, non-lignotuberous shrub, 0.4 – 2m high. Flowers white, cream, Aug – Nov. Sandy soils over laterite, clay.
**Hakea trifurcata**
*Two-leaved Hakea*
A rounded or open shrub growing to 1.5 – 3m high, to 3.5m wide. Flowers are white/cream/pink and appear from Apr – Oct. Found in white, grey/brown sand over limestone or laterite, loam and gravel.
**Hakea undulata**
*Wavy-leaved Hakea*
Erect and straggly shrub that can reach 2m. The white flowers appear Jul-Oct. Grows in gravel, clay or sand.
**Hibbertia stellaris**
*Orange Stars*
Erect or prostrate, slender or bushy to 1.5m in height. Orange flowers appear Aug-Dec. Prefers wet soils.
**Hibbertia subvaginata**
*Grey-leaved Coastal Guinea Flower*
An erect, occasionally prostrate, spreading or straggling shrub up to 0.15 – 1.2m high. Yellow flowers from Jul - Dec. Found in a variety of soils over sandplains, sand dunes, floodplains and rocky outcrops.
**Hovea pungens**
*Devil's Pins*
The Hoveas are purple peas, that are also nitrogen fixing. The common name is derived from the sharp pointed leaves. An erect open shrub that grows in many soil types and flowers from Jun-Sept.
**Hypocalymma angustifolium**
*White Myrtle*
Prefers wet soil conditions in clay, sand or gravel. White or pink flowers appear from Jul-Oct. An erect compact shrub with aromatic foliage.
**Isopogon dubius**
*Pincushion Coneflower*
This compact bushy shrub grows to 0.3 – 1.5m high. Flowers are pink/red and appear from Jul - Oct. Found in sand, sandy loam, clayey soils and lateritic sandy gravel.
**Isopogon sphaerocephalus**
*Drumstick Isopogon*
An erect spreading lignotuberous shrub which grows to 0.5 – 2m high. Cream/yellow flowers appear from Jul – Jan. Found growing in laterite, sandy and often gravelly soils.
**Kunzea micrantha**
*Mountain Kunzea*
Erect shrub that can reach 1.5m. Pink/purple flowers from Sep-Dec. Prefers wet soils and can tolerate clay, peat and marshland.
**Kunzea recurva**
*Swamp Kunzea*
Similar to the Mountain Kunzea, but can grow to 2m. Pink/purple flowers from Aug – Dec and will grow in a variety of wet soils and rocky slopes.
**Leptospermum erubescens**
*Roadside Teatree*
Shrub growing to 3m with white/pink flowers in Jul-Nov. Grows in sandy soils, often with gravel. Not to be confused with the weed species Victorian Teatree (*Leptospermum laevigatum*).
**Leucopogon propinquus**
This erect rigid shrub will grow to 0.3 – 2m high. Tiny white flowers appear between Jan – Jul. Found in sandy & gravelly soils.
**Macrozamia riedlei**
*Zamia Palm*
Though not related to the palms, the zamia appears similar with its 2m fronds and cones. There are male (pollen making) and female plants (seed producing). Difficult to find in nurseries. Found in jarrah forests.
Melaleuca lateritia
Robin Red Breast
An erect compact shrub up to 2.5m high. Flowers are red/orange appearing from Sep – Apr. Likes black, grey or brown clay, dark brown sandy loam, yellow brown sandy clay, granite in swampy areas.
Melaleuca pauciflora
A dense rounded shrub growing up to 1.5m high. White/cream flowers appear from Dec–Mar. Found in sand and winter-wet flats around estuaries and swamps.
Melaleuca radula
Graceful Honey Myrtle
Open woody, erect shrub 1–3m high. Fluffy pink, violet or white flowers appear Jul – Nov. Prefers gravelly soils over laterite and is often associated with granite rock or watercourses.
Melaleuca scabra
Rough Honey Myrtle
Can reach 2m in height and grows in sandy, clay or lateritic soils. Flowers are pink with some red and purple and appear in Jan/Apr/Aug – Dec.
Melaleuca systena
Coastal Honey Myrtle
An erect to spreading shrub reaching up to 2.0m high. Yellow/cream flowers appear Feb – Mar/Aug – Dec. Found in sandy soils over coastal stabilised dunes & rocky limestone.
Melaleuca thymoides
Can grow from 45cm to 2m. The yellow/cream flowers appear Sep – Jan. Prefers sand over laterite.
**Mirbelia dilatata**
*Holly-leaved Mirbelia*
This erect or semi-weeping prickly shrub grows to 0.5 – 3m high. Flowers are pink/violet/purple and appear Sep – Jan. Found in gravelly soils, laterite and sandy soils.
**Pericalymma ellipticum**
*Swamp Teatree*
An erect shrub up to 3m high. White/pink flowers appear Oct – Jan. Found in leached sand with some clayey sands or lateritic soils in elevated areas on seasonally swampy platforms.
**Petrophile biloba**
*Granite Petrophile*
An erect open shrub growing 0.5 – 2m high. Beautiful pink/grey/white flowers appear Jun – Oct. Found in loam, sand, laterite and shallow granitic soils on hillsides and granite outcrops.
**Petrophile seminuda**
Bushy shrub 0.5 – 2m high. The yellow/cream flowers appear from Aug – Nov. Prefers sandy or loam soils, sometimes found in gravel.
**Philothea spicata**
*Pepper and Salt*
Slender and erect shrub growing to 1.2m. Flowers are pink/purple/white and appear Jun – Nov. Grows in a variety of soils.
**Phyllanthus calycinus**
*False Boronia*
Often found in sandy soils, this erect shrub grows from 0.2 – 1.2m. Cream/white/pink flowers appear Jun – Jan.
**Regelia ciliata**
*Mousy Bush*
An erect shrub growing 0.5 – 2m in wet sandy soils. Flowers are pink/purple and are present most of the year.
**Regelia inops**
Very similar to the *Regelia ciliata* in growing conditions, flowering and form.
**Scholtzia involucrata**
*Spiked Scholtzia*
Erect or spreading shrub with white and pink flowers between Jun – May/Aug - Dec. Can reach 1.5m high. Found in white/grey, yellow or red sands.
**Stirlingia latifolia**
*Blueboy*
This erect medium shrub reaching 0.2 – 1.5m high has yellow/brown/red flowers appearing Aug – Oct. Found in white, grey, yellow/brown or black sand, sometimes with lateritic gravel.
**Synaphea spinulosa**
An erect to spreading shrub growing 0.2 – 1.2m high. Flowers are yellow appearing Jun – Dec. Found in white, grey or yellow sand, clay, gravel, laterite along sandplains & dunes.
**Verticordia acerosa**
This open shrub grows from 0.2 – 1.5m. The yellow feather flowers change from yellow/orange to red/brown once pollinated in Aug – Nov. Will grow in many soil types.
Verticordia densiflora
Compact Featherflower
Erect or spreading shrub with dense clusters of flowers in pink/purple/white/cream/yellow between Sep – Feb. Will grow in a variety of soils and winter-wet depressions.
Verticordia huegelii
Variegated Featherflower
Shrub reaching 1.4m which grows in a variety of soil types including sand, clay and gravel. Flowers are cream, white, green, yellow or red in Sep-Nov.
Verticordia plumosa
Plumed Featherflower
Shrub growing from 0.2–1.5m. Found in sand, clay or gravel, seasonally wet places and even roadsides. The pink/purple (sometimes red/white) flowers appear between Jul-Feb.
Xanthorrhoea gracilis
Graceful Grass Tree
A tufted perennial tree-like monocot, to 2m high, no trunk, scape length 1.5m, spike length 0.11m. Flowers white/cream, appearing Oct – Jan. Found in lateritic loam, gravel, sand.
**Acacia ephedroides**
This weeping shrub or tree growing 1 – 4m high has ‘mummi-ritchi’ peeling bark. Flowers are yellow appearing Aug – Oct. Found in loam, clayey loam, sand and granite outcrops.
**Acacia microbotrya**
*Manna Wattle*
Bushy tall shrub that grows to 7m. Yellow flowers occur Mar – Aug and can be found in sandy loam or clay loam soils, granite outcrops, road verges and watercourses.
**Acacia rostellifera**
*Summer-scented Wattle*
Found mostly on consolidated dunes, this dense shrub can grow to 6m and is good for erosion control. The yellow flowers appear from Jul – Dec.
**Acacia saligna**
*Golden Wreath/Orange Wattle*
A dense, often weeping shrub or tree growing to 1.5 – 9m high. Flowers are yellow appearing from Jul – Nov. Found growing in a variety of habitats.
**Actinostrobus pyramidalis**
*Swamp Cypress*
A conifer growing 1 – 4m. The cones are produced all year round and the seeds are winged for good dispersal. Prefers sandy, loam soil and moist low lying land. Many can be seen growing along Mundijong Road.
**Adenanthos cygnorum**
*Woolly Bush*
An erect diffuse, non-lignotuberous shrub, grows 0.8 – 4m high. Flowers are white/cream/green/pink appearing from Jul – Dec. Likes sand, clay, gravel and laterite soils.
**Banksia sessilis**
*Parrot Bush*
A prickly shrub or tree growing 0.5 – 8m high. Cream/yellow flowers from Apr – Nov. White, grey or yellow sand, limestone, laterite, granite. Very bird attracting.
**Banksia sphaerocarpa**
*Round-fruit Banksia*
A tall shrub to 0.4 – 4m high. Yellow/orange/red/brown/purple flowers appearing Jan – Jul/Oct. Found in sand, sandy loam and gravel laterite soils.
**Bossiaea aquifolium**
*Water Bush*
A tall shrub or tree growing 0.6 – 8 m high. Flowers are orange/yellow/red/brown appearing Jul – Nov. Found in clay loam, laterite and granite soils.
**Callistemon phoeniceus**
*Lesser Bottlebrush*
Tall shrub growing 1 – 6m high. Flowers are red appearing Sep – Jan. Found in sandy soils over laterite. Often along watercourses.
**Callistachys lanceolata**
*Wonnich/Native Willow*
An erect shrub or tree growing 1.5 – 7m high. Flowering orange/yellow during Sep – Jan. Found in damp sandy soils along watercourses and swamps.
**Calothamnus rupestris**
*Mouse Ears*
This erect compact or spreading shrub or tree grows to 4m high and has pink/red flowers between Jul – Dec. Found in gravelly skeletal soils and granite outcrops.
Eremaea pauciflora
Orange Flowered Eremaea
Usually a small shrub, but has been known to reach 4m. The bright orange flowers occur Jul – Jan. Tolerant plant that can survive conditions such as road verges and salt marsh fringes.
Gastrolobium ebracteolatum
A slender erect shrub, to 4m high. Flowering yellow/purple/red from Oct – Dec. Found in loam or sandy loam in riverine areas and swampy woodlands.
Gastrolobium spinosum
Prickly Poison
A low and bushy to erect and open, prickly shrub, to 3.5m high. Flowers are yellow/orange/red appearing May/Aug – Jan. Found in sandy & clay soils, gravel laterite & granite.
Grevillea diversifolia
Variable-leaved Grevillea
An erect to spreading shrub, 1 – 6m high. Flowering yellow/green/cream/white/red between Apr – Jan. Often found along watercourses & low-lying, seasonally wet flats.
Grevillea manglesii
Smooth Grevillea
Spreading shrub 5m tall and 3m wide. Flowers mostly white/cream with some red/brown/yellow in Jan – Nov. Found in gravelly loam, sandy loam, clay and granite such as outcrops and roadsides.
Hakea marginata
An erect to spreading shrub growing 1 – 5m high. White flowers appear Aug – Oct. Likes sandy or gravelly loam, sandy clay, laterite, granite, wet depressions, flats and swampy areas.
**Hakea petiolaris**
*Sea Urchin Hakea*
This erect shrub or tree to 9m high has pink/cream flowers appearing from Mar - Jul. Found in loam, granite soils and rocky outcrops.
**Hakea varia**
*Variable-leaved Hakea*
An erect or spreading shrub growing 1 – 4m high, to 3m wide. Flowering white/cream/yellow from Jul – Nov. White, grey or red loamy sand, clay loam, laterite. Seasonally-wet flats.
**Jacksonia furcellata**
*Grey Stinkwood*
A prostrate to weeping erect shrub growing to 4m high. Flowers yellow/orange/red from Oct - Mar. Likes sandy soils, sandplains, rises, swampy depressions and river banks.
**Jacksonia sternbergiana**
*Stinkwood*
This erect weeping shrub or tree growing 1.5 – 5m high has yellow/orange flowers appearing from Jan - Dec. Likes sandy soils along rivers & creeks, near swamps, flats and dunes.
**Kunzea ericifolia**
*Spearwood*
An erect shrub to 1 – 4m high. Yellow/cream/white flowers appearing Jul - Dec. Good colonising species, often found in sandy soils.
**Leucopogon verticillatus**
*Tassel Flower*
An erect bamboo-like shrub growing 0.8 – 4m high. Flowering pink/red from Aug – Nov. Found frequently on gravelly lateritic or granitic soils, often in wet situations.
Melaleuca hamulosa
A tall shrub or tree to 1 – 6m high. Flowers white/pink appearing Sep – Jan. Found in sandy soils, winter-wet flats, saline depressions, swamps and granite outcrops.
Melaleuca incana
Grey Honeymyrtle
A tall shrub or tree to 0.4 – 5m high. Flowers white/creamy/yellow appearing May – Nov. Red-grey-brown sand, sandy clay over ironstone in seasonally wet flats, depressions and swamps.
Melaleuca lateriflora
Gorada
This tall shrub or tree growing 1 – 8m high has white/cream flowers from Sep – Feb. Found in sandy or clayey soils in winter-wet flats, floodplains, creeklines, swampy and saline flats.
Melaleuca teretifolia
Banbar
A tall shrub or tree to 1 – 5m high. Flowering white/cream/pink during Oct – Mar. Found in sandy soils and clay in winter-wet depressions and swamps.
Melaleuca uncinata
Broom Bush
This tall shrub or tree 0.5 – 5m high flowers white/cream/yellow throughout Feb – Mar/Jul-Dec. Found in sandy or clayey soils, laterite, sandplains, winter-wet depressions and saline flats.
Melaleuca viminea
Mohan
Growing 0.6 – 5m high this tall shrub or tree flowers white/cream during Jul – Nov. Found near creeks or wet depressions, along watercourses, rocky coastal areas, flats.
**Taxandria linearifolia**
A small tree or shrub to 5m high. Flowers white between Mar – May/Sep – Dec. Found in loam, clay, sand, gravel, quartzite or laterite bordering swamps and watercourses.
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**Viminaria juncea**
*Swish Bush*
An erect, often weeping shrub, 1 – 4m high. Flowers are yellow appearing Oct – Jan. Likes sandy & clayey soils near lakes and swamps, river banks and winter-wet depressions.
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**Xanthorrhoea preissii**
*Grasstree*
Very slow growing, stunning WA native that can be transplanted if rescued from urban development. The grass tree is a perennial tree-like monocot that can grow to 5m. The flower spikes can reach 2.5m and have small cream/white flowers in Jun – Dec. Prefers grey/black sands, loam or gravelly clay.
Trees are a wonderful addition to any garden or Landcare project for a variety of reasons including attracting wildlife, providing windbreaks and shade for crops, pasture and livestock. Some of the species are also a valuable timber crop. Products include posts, poles, sawlogs and firewood.
**Agonis flexuosa**
**WA Peppermint**
This thick trunked tree grows to 10m and has weeping branches. The leaves when torn smell strongly of peppermint and the small white flowers appear Jul - Dec. Often home to the ringtail possum. Found in coastal habitats, in sandy/limestone soils.
**Allocasuarina fraseriana**
**Common Sheoak**
Reaching 15m in height, with fibrous bark, the Sheoak will grow in a variety of habitats from lateritic soils in Jarrah forest to sandy dunes. The brown flowers appear from May – Oct.
**Allocasuarina huegeliana**
**Rock Sheoak**
Grows 4 – 10m with red/brown flowers from May-Jan. Often associated with granite soils and mostly confined to the Darling Scarp in the Metropolitan area. When the wind blows through the leaves it creates a ‘sighing’ sound.
**Banksia attenuata**
**Candle Banksia/Biara**
Commonly found on the coastal plain and grows to 10m. The bright yellow flower spikes are produced in Oct - Feb. Found growing in sandy soils or sand over laterite. The bark is fire resistant, so they resprout well after a bushfire.
**Banksia grandis**
*Bull Banksia*
This tree grows to 10m and can be found in sandy soils on the coast, but prefers wooded habitats near the scarp. The pale yellow and green flower spikes appear from Sep-Jan. They can live as long as 150 years.
**Banksia ilicifolia**
*Holly-leaved Banksia*
Can grow to 12m in sandy loam, limestone or granite habitats. Will grow in dunes or in low-lying flats. The flowers differ to other Banksia in that they do not form a cylindrical spike, but are smaller and rounder. Flowers are red/orange/yellow/cream and appear all year round.
**Banksia littoralis**
*Swamp Banksia*
A stout or spreading tree to 12m high. Found commonly in swampy areas and along waterways in peaty sandy soil. The bright orange/yellow flower spikes appear from Mar-Aug.
**Banksia menziesii**
*Firewood Banksia*
One of the smaller Banksia growing to 7m and found in sandy soils. The stout flower spikes begin as silver/pink, then change to red/pink/orange as they open, giving them an ‘acorn’ appearance.
**Casuarina obesa**
*Swamp Sheoak*
Grows to 10m and can flower all year round. This dioecious tree (male & female individuals) can survive brackish conditions and sandy clay soil.
**Corymbia calophylla**
*Marri/Red Gum*
Tall tree reaching 40-60m. Grows in a variety of habitats and all soil types. Distinguishable by the large “honky nut” seed pods. White flowers appear Dec-May. *Corymbia calophylla rosea* is a variety with pink flowers. Used by Black Cockatoos for feeding and nesting.
Corymbia haematoxylon
**Mountain Marri**
Found growing along the Darling Scarp in sandy soils over rock. Grows to 15m. The white flowers appear Oct-Mar.
Eucalyptus gomphocephala
**Tuart**
This is the largest tree found on the Swan Coastal Plain and can reach 40m. It is also an important tree for habitat for a range of birds, insects and marsupials. It has pale, rough bark and the white flowers appear Jan-Apr. The Tuart prefers sand over limestone.
Eucalyptus laeliae
**Butter Gum/Darling Range Ghost Gum**
Grows to 20m with smooth white powdery bark. Its name is derived from Laelia, one of the vestal virgins. When white bark is shed it is cream underneath (hence the name Butter Gum). The white flowers appear Dec-Feb. Can be found in sandy clay or loam soils on hills and granite outcrops.
Eucalyptus lane-poolei
**Salmon Barked White Gum**
Grows to about 12m with mostly smooth bark. The white/cream flowers appear Jan-Sep. Prefers soils that are sandy, loamy or gravel on laterite. Often found along creek banks.
Eucalyptus marginata
**Jarrah**
This tree is the South West’s most famous Eucalyptus because of its fine timber. The Jarrah grows to 30m and has rough bark. The white/cream/pink flowers appear from Jun-Jan. Will grow in a variety of soils including sand, clay or gravel, usually on hills or rises.
Eucalyptus megacarpa
**Bullrich**
A mallee (multi stemmed) or tree with smooth bark which can reach 35m in height. The white flowers occur in Apr-Nov. Grows in sand, sandy loam and limestone. Found in hills and near swamps and streams.
**Eucalyptus patens**
**Swan River Blackbutt**
Grows to 25m with rough bark and white/cream flowers that appear Jul-Aug/Nov-Feb. Grows well in gravel, sandy clay, loam and in depressions and valleys.
**Eucalyptus rudies**
**Flooded Gum**
As the name suggests it prefers wetlands & stream banks and sandy or loam soils. The white flowers appear Jul-Sep and the bark is rough. This tree is salt tolerant.
**Eucalyptus todtiana**
**Prickly Bark/Coastal Blackbutt**
This tree has mallee (multi stemmed) form and grows to about 10m and has rough bark. The white/cream flowers appear from Jan-Apr. Prefers sandy soils, often over laterite and found along the coastal plain.
**Eucalyptus wandoo**
**Wandoo**
Grows to 25m with smooth bark. The white/cream flowers appear Dec-May and will grow in most soil types and on rocky uneven terrain, making it useful for erosion control. Attracts butterflies.
**Melaleuca cuticularis**
**Saltwater Paperbark**
Gnarly tree or shrub growing to 7m. The white/cream flowers appear Aug-Nov. Will grow in salt conditions such as salt lakes and along the coast. Prefers alluvial, sandy or clay soils that are moist.
**Melaleuca preissiana**
**Moonah/Stout Paperbark**
A shrub/tree growing to 9m in sandy, swampy conditions. The white/cream/yellow flowers appear Nov-Feb.
Melaleuca rhaphiophylla
Swamp/Freshwater Paperbark
A tree or shrub growing to 10m and the white/cream flowers appear Jul-Jan. Grows in swamps and salt marshes in sand, clay or limestone.
Nuytsia floribunda
Christmas Tree
This tree/shrub is a root parasite that grows to 10m. The bright yellow/orange flowers appear over the Christmas period hence its name (Oct-Jan). Will grow in a variety of well drained soil conditions with a nearby host, including grasses.
Paraserianthes lophantha
Albizia
A shrub/tree growing to 10m in height. The yellow/green flowers appear Apr-Oct. Grows in sandy or granite soils in wet conditions such as swamps.
Xylocelmum occidentale
Woody Pear
Small tree or shrub growing to 8m with cream/white flowers in Dec-Feb. Found growing in white/grey sand, often amongst Marri.
Sedges and rushes – their role
Sedges and rushes are part of the fringe vegetation of rivers and wetlands. They are grass-like plants which play an important role in the health and biodiversity of the water system. Sedges and rushes that line wetland or river banks do the following important jobs:
- Increase bank stability;
- Filter sediments, pollutants and nutrients;
- Slow the water flow to allow for sedimentation;
- Provide protection for a wide range of organisms; and
- Provide a food source for organisms.
We refer to these macrophytes (aquatic plants) as sedges and rushes because they include species from the families Cyperaceae (sedges), Juncaceae (rushes), Restionaceae (southern rushes) and Typhaceae (bulrushes).
The only bulrush native to the South West is *Typha domingensis* which can be differentiated from the weed species *T. orientalis* by its slimmer and paler brown flower stalk. However we do not encourage the planting of native bulrush as it can hybridize quite readily with the weed species and become an invasive species.
**Baumea articulata**
**Jointed Rush**
Can grow to 2.5m in height with pendulous flowers that are red/brown and appear Jan – Dec. Found in swamps and around lakes in wet black sand. Can withstand prolonged periods of inundation up to 1m.
**Baumea juncea**
**Bare Twig-rush**
A rhizomatous (has runners) and colonising sedge which can grow between 0.2 – 1.2m tall and flowers between Oct – Mar with grey/brown flowers. Usually found in dark grey soils. Can withstand inundation up to 30cm.
**Baumea preissii**
Robust sedge growing to 2m tall. Flowers are purple/brown/grey and appear Jul – Dec. Grows in silty sand, waterlogged soils and in swamps. Can withstand inundation up to 30cm.
**Baumea vaginalis**
*Sheath Twig-rush*
A robust tufted sedge which can grow to 1.5m tall and 1.5m wide. Brown flowers appear Oct – Nov. Grows in dark brown soils along water courses and in winter wet depressions. Can withstand inundation up to 30cm.
**Bolboschoenus caldwellii**
*Marsh Club-rush*
Tufted perennial which grows to 1.2m and yellow/brown flowers appear Aug – Mar. It can withstand saline silt and therefore can be found along brackish river edges and salt marshes. Also found in sandy clay soils in swamps. Can withstand inundation up to 20cm.
**Carex fascicularis**
*Tassel Sedge*
Grows to 1.5m tall with green flowers between Sep – Nov. Grows in black peaty sand along watercourses and swamps. Can withstand inundation up to 20cm.
**Ficinia nodosa**
*Knotted Club-rush*
An erect sedge growing to 1m tall with brown/cream flowers in Oct – Jan. Found in coastal dunes, salt lakes and seasonal swamplands with sandy clay soils. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Gahnia trifida**
*Coast Saw-sedge*
A tussocky perennial growing to 1.5m high and 1m wide. The yellow/brown flowers appear Aug – Oct. Grows in grey/white sand, clay and sometimes saline swamps and creeks. Can withstand inundation up to 1m.
**Isolepis cernua**
*Nodding Club-rush*
An erect, rhizomatous, annual or perennial sedge growing to 0.3m high. Green and brown flowers from Jun – Feb. Found in peaty or clay loam, sandy clay, silt, saline soils, granite, surrounding swamps, pools, estuary margins. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Juncus kraussii**
*Sea Rush*
Rhizomatous (has runners) sedge growing to 1.2m tall. Brown flowers appear Oct – Jan. Found in white/grey sands, clay and alluvial soils in swamps, brackish estuaries and saline flats. Waterlogging and salt tolerant.
**Juncus pallidus**
*Pale Rush*
A rhizomatous (has runners) robust sedge growing to 2m in height. The green flowers occur Oct – Dec. Found in clay soils along watercourses and swamps. Can withstand inundation up to 1m.
**Juncus pauciflorus**
*Loose Flower Rush*
A colonising perennial found in clay swamps growing to 1m tall. The flowers appear Sep – Oct. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Lepidosperma effusum**
*Spreading Sword Sedge*
A rhizomatous, tufted robust perennial sedge growing to 2.5m high, clumps to 2m wide. Brown, dull grey flowers from Apr – Jun/Sep – Nov. Found in white sand, brown loam areas along creek and river edges and swamps. Can withstand inundation up to 1m.
**Lepidosperma longitudinale**
*Pithy Sword Sedge*
Tufted sedge growing to 2m tall with brown flowers which appear May – Oct. Found growing in black/white/grey peaty sand in seasonal swamps. Can withstand inundation up to 30cm.
**Lepidosperma tetraquetrum**
A rhizomatous, robust, tufted perennial sedge, growing to 2 – 3m high, clumps to 2.5 m wide. Brown flowers from Nov – Mar. Found in black peaty sand along gullies, swamps, streams. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Loxocarya cinerea**
A dioecious rhizomatous, perennial, herb 0.1 – 1m high. Brown and red flowers from Aug – Nov. Likes sandy clay, lateritic loam, sand or lateritic sand, gravelly clay. Found in plains & flats, ironstone ridges, swampy areas. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Meeboldina cana**
**Hoary Twine Rush**
A rhizomatous, tufted perennial, herb (rush-like), Growing to 0.35 – 1.2m high. Has brown and grey flowers from Jul – Oct. Found in grey sand, sandy clay, clay around swamps and winter-wet depressions. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Meeboldina scariosa**
**Velvet Rush**
A rhizomatous, perennial herb (rush-like), growing to 0.6 – 1.5m high. Red and brown flowers. Found in grey or black peaty sand, sandy clay around winter-wet swamps, creek beds, seasonally wet depressions. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Tetraria capillaris**
**Hair Sedge**
*(no photo available)*
A rhizomatous, tufted perennial sedge growing 0.15 – 0.7m high in clumps to 1m. Brown flowers appear from Jan – Dec. Found in grey or brown sand, lateritic loam, mud, sandy clay in swamps to uplands. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Triglochin linearis**
*(no photo available)*
A rhizomatous and tuberous, aquatic perennial herb growing to 0.2 – 0.4m high. Green and yellow flowers from Jun - Nov. Found in peaty sand, mud and clay along rivers, creeks, swamps. Waterlogging tolerant.
**Schoenoplectus validus**
**Lake Club-rush**
Robust sedge growing to 2m with brown flowers in Oct – Feb. Grows in silt and sand in fresh and brackish water in swamps and estuaries. Can withstand inundation up to 1m.
GRASSES – the natives
When we think of grasses we imagine the high maintenance green lawns of landscape gardening. There are, however, an abundance of native species of grasses which play an important role in the bushland ecosystem, and therefore revegetation projects. In our region alone, there are over 30 species of native grasses, ranging from tufting perennials to matted grasses with runners. Grasses can be used for soil stabilisation, grazing, understorey habitat (for example for bandicoots and reptiles) and the rehabilitation of verges, basins and creeks.
Please pay special attention to the grasses you may be spraying in your garden or in bushland reserves – it could be a local!
Grasses are extremely difficult to produce commercially, but the following four species are the most likely to be available from native plant specialists. Availability will vary on a yearly basis.
**Amphipogon turbinatus**
*Top Greybeard Grass*
A rhizomatous, tufted perennial, grass-like or herb which grows to 0.2 - 0.8m high. Purple, green, grey flowers from Jul - Dec. Found in white, grey, lateritic or granitic sand and brown loam in winter-wet flats.
**Austrostipa elegantissima**
*Feather Speargrass*
The *Austrostipa* genus are called spear grasses because of the sharp point at the base of each seed husk. This ornamental grass is good for landscaping and can reach 3m tall if supported by surrounding shrubs. It flowers from Aug - Jan and prefers well drained soils.
**Cymbopogon obtectus**
*Silky Heads*
The *Cymbopogon* genus is characterised by the soft paired seed heads along the stalk. The leaves have a lemon scent when crushed. It can grow to 1m and flowers in Nov - Jan. Usually found growing in rocky areas and can be used in landscape gardening.
**Microlaena stipoides**
*Weeping Grass*
A perennial that grows from a rhizome (runner) with drooping stems that can reach 60cm. Flowers from Sep - Nov. Grows in damp shady areas. Once the seed has been shed, the yellow stem usually curves and bends making this plant quite distinctive.
| Species | Page |
|--------------------------|------|
| **Acacia** | |
| alata | 22 |
| applanata | 13 |
| celastriifolia | 22 |
| dentifera | 22 |
| drummondii | 13 |
| ephedroides | 35 |
| extensa | 22 |
| huegelii | 13 |
| lasiocarpa | 22 |
| lateritiola | 22 |
| microbotrya | 35 |
| nervosa | 13 |
| oncinophylla | 23 |
| pulchella | 23 |
| rostellifera | 35 |
| saligna | 35 |
| sessilis | 14 |
| stenoptera | 14 |
| urophylla | 23 |
| wilddenowiana | 14 |
| **Actinostrobus** | |
| pyramidalis | 35 |
| **Adenanthos** | |
| barbiger | 14 |
| cygnorum | 35 |
| meissneri | 23 |
| obovatus | 23 |
| **Agonis** | |
| flexuosa | 41 |
| **Agrostocrinum** | |
| scabrum | 8 |
| **Allocasuarina** | |
| fraseriana | 41 |
| huegeliana | 41 |
| humilis | 23 |
| **Amphipogon** | |
| turbinatus | 50 |
| **Anigozanthos** | |
| bicolor | 8 |
| humilis | 8 |
| manglesii | 8 |
| vindis | 8 |
| **Aotus** | |
| gracillima | 24 |
| **Astartea** | |
| fascicularis | 24 |
| scoparia | 24 |
| **Astroloma** | |
| pallidum | 14 |
| **Austrostipa** | |
| elegantissima | 50 |
| **Babingtonia** | |
| camphorosmae | 24 |
| **Banksia** | |
| attenuata | 41 |
| bipinnatifida | 14 |
| dallanneyi | 24 |
| grandis | 42 |
| ilicifolia | 42 |
| littoralis | 42 |
| menziesii | 42 |
| nivea | 8 |
| sessilis | 36 |
| sphaerocarpa | 36 |
| undata | 24 |
| **Baumea** | |
| articulata | 46 |
| juncea | 46 |
| preissii | 47 |
| vaginalis | 47 |
| **Beaufortia** | |
| purpurea | 25 |
| squarrosa | 25 |
| **Billardiera** | |
| heterophylla | 9 |
| **Bolboschoenus** | |
| caldwelli | 47 |
| **Bossiaea** | |
| aquifolium | 36 |
| eriocarpa | 15 |
| ornata | 15 |
| **Brachyscome** | |
| iberitalifolia | 9 |
| **Burchardia** | |
| congesta | 9 |
| **Callistachys** | |
| lanceolata | 36 |
| **Callistemon** | |
| phoeniceus | 36 |
| **Calothamnus** | |
| hirsutus | 25 |
| lateralis | 25 |
| quadrijfidus | 25 |
| rupestris | 36 |
| sanguineus | 25 |
| Scientific Name | Page |
|-------------------------|------|
| Calytrix angulata | 15 |
| flavescens | 15 |
| fraseri | 15 |
| Carex fascicularis | 47 |
| Casuarina obesa | 42 |
| Chamaescilla corymbosa | 9 |
| Chorizema cordatum | 26 |
| dicksonii | 15 |
| rhombicum | 16 |
| Clematis pubescens | 9 |
| Conospermum huigelii | 16 |
| stoechadis | 26 |
| Conostylis aculeata | 9 |
| candidans | 10 |
| Corymbia calophylla | 42 |
| haematocytylon | 43 |
| Cristonia biloba | 16 |
| Cymbopogon obtectus | 50 |
| Damperia linearis | 10 |
| teres | 10 |
| trigona | 10 |
| Darwinia atriodora | 26 |
| Dasypogon bromeliifolius| 10 |
| Daviesia cordata | 26 |
| decurrens | 16 |
| incassata | 26 |
| triflora | 16 |
| Dianella revoluta | 10 |
| Eremaea pauciflora | 37 |
| Eucalyptus gomphocephala| 43 |
| laelae | 43 |
| lane-poolei | 43 |
| marginata | 43 |
| megacarpa | 43 |
| patens | 44 |
| rudis | 44 |
| todiana | 44 |
| wandoo | 44 |
| Ficinia nodosa | 47 |
| Gahnia trifida | 47 |
| Gastrolobium capitatum | 16 |
| ebracteolatum | 37 |
| spinosum | 37 |
| Gompholobium capitatum | 17 |
| knightianum | 17 |
| marginatum | 17 |
| preissii | 17 |
| tomentosum | 17 |
| Grevillea bipinnatifida | 17 |
| diversifolia | 37 |
| endlicheriana | 26 |
| manglesii | 37 |
| obtusifolia | 27 |
| pillifera | 18 |
| quercifolia | 18 |
| synapheae | 18 |
| vestita | 27 |
| wilsonii | 18 |
| Hakea amplexicaulis | 27 |
| ceratophylla | 27 |
| cristata | 27 |
| erinacea | 27 |
| incrassata | 28 |
| lissocarpa | 28 |
| marginata | 37 |
| petiolaris | 38 |
| prostrata | 28 |
| ruscifolia | 28 |
| stenocarpa | 18 |
| Species | Page |
|-------------------------|------|
| **Hakea** | |
| sulcata | 28 |
| trifurcata | 28 |
| undulata | 29 |
| varia | 38 |
| **Hardenbergia** | |
| comptomiana | 11 |
| **Hemianandra** | |
| pungens | 18 |
| **Hibbertia** | |
| huegelii | 19 |
| hypericoides | 19 |
| racemosa | 19 |
| stellaris | 29 |
| subvaginata | 29 |
| vaginata | 19 |
| **Hovea** | |
| pungens | 29 |
| trisperma | 19 |
| **Hybanthus** | |
| calycinus | 11 |
| **Hypocalymma** | |
| angustifolium | 29 |
| robustum | 19 |
| **Isolepis** | |
| cernua | 48 |
| **Isopogon** | |
| dubius | 29 |
| sphaerocephalus | 30 |
| **Isotropis** | |
| cuneifolia | 20 |
| **Jacksonia** | |
| funicellata | 38 |
| sericea | 20 |
| sternbergiana | 38 |
| **Juncus** | |
| kraussii | 48 |
| pallidus | 48 |
| pauciflorus | 48 |
| **Kemedia** | |
| cocinea | 11 |
| prostrata | 11 |
| **Kunzea** | |
| ericifolia | 38 |
| micrantha | 30 |
| recurva | 30 |
| **Lechenaultia** | |
| biloba | 20 |
| floribunda | 20 |
| **Lepidosperma** | |
| effusum | 48 |
| longitudinale | 48 |
| tetraquetrum | 49 |
| erubescens | 30 |
| **Leucopogon** | |
| capitellatus | 20 |
| propinquus | 30 |
| verticillatus | 38 |
| **Lobelia** | |
| anceps | 11 |
| **Loxocarya** | |
| cinerea | 49 |
| **Macrozamia** | |
| riedlei | 30 |
| **Marianthus** | |
| bicolor | 11 |
| **Meeboldina** | |
| cana | 49 |
| scariosa | 49 |
| **Melaleuca** | |
| cuticularis | 44 |
| hamulosa | 39 |
| incana | 39 |
| lateriflora | 39 |
| lateritia | 31 |
| pauciflora | 31 |
| pressiana | 44 |
| radula | 31 |
| rhaphiophylla | 45 |
| scabra | 31 |
| systema | 31 |
| teretifolia | 39 |
| thymoides | 31 |
| trichophylla | 20 |
| uncinata | 39 |
| viminalis | 39 |
| **Microlaena** | |
| stipoides | 50 |
| **Mirbelia** | |
| dilatata | 32 |
| **Nuytsia** | |
| floribunda | 45 |
| **Orthrosanthus** | |
| laxus | 12 |
| Scientific Name | Page |
|-------------------------|------|
| Paraserianthes lophantha | 45 |
| Patersonia occidentalis | 12 |
| Pericalymma ellipticum | 32 |
| Petrophile biloba | 32 |
| | |
| | 21 |
| | 32 |
| Philotheca spicata | 32 |
| Phlebocarya ciliata | 12 |
| Phyllanthus calycinus | 32 |
| Pimelea rosea | 21 |
| Regelia ciliata | 33 |
| | 33 |
| Scaevola callipetera | 12 |
| | 12 |
| Schoenoplectus validus | 49 |
| Scholtzia involucrata | 33 |
| Sowerbaea laxiflora | 12 |
| Stirlingia latifolia | 33 |
| Synaphea spinulosa | 33 |
| Taxandria linearifolia | 40 |
| Tetraria capillaris | 49 |
| Thysanotus dichotomus | 13 |
| | 13 |
| Triglochin linearis | 49 |
| Verticordia acerosa | 33 |
| | 34 |
| | 34 |
| | 21 |
| | 21 |
| | 34 |
| Viminaria juncea | 40 |
| Xanthorrhoea gracilis | 34 |
| | 40 |
| Xylomelum occidentale | 45 |
| Common Name | Page |
|-----------------------------------|------|
| Marsh Club-rush | 47 |
| Milkmaids | 9 |
| Mohan | 39 |
| Moonah/Stout Paperbark | 44 |
| Morning Iris | 12 |
| Mountain Kunzea | 30 |
| Mountain Marri | 43 |
| Mouse Ears | 36 |
| Mousy Bush | 33 |
| Narrow-fruited Hakea | 18 |
| Narrow Winged Wattle | 14 |
| Native Fuchsia | 18 |
| Native Tea | 21 |
| Native Wisteria | 11 |
| Nodding Club-rush | 48 |
| Oak-leaf Grevillea | 18 |
| Obtuse-leaved Grevillea | 27 |
| One-sided Bottlebrush | 25 |
| Orange Flowered Eremaea | 37 |
| Orange Stars | 29 |
| Painted Marianthus | 11 |
| Pale Rush | 48 |
| Parrot Bush | 36 |
| Pepper and Salt | 32 |
| Pincushion Coneflower | 29 |
| Pineapple Bush | 10 |
| Pink Summer Calytrix | 15 |
| Pithy Sword Sedge | 48 |
| Pixie Mops | 21 |
| Plumed Featherflower | 34 |
| Pretty Honey Myrtle | 20 |
| Prickly Bitter Pea | 16 |
| Prickly Conostylis | 9 |
| Prickly Hakea | 27 |
| Prickly Moses | 23 |
| Prickly Poison | 37 |
| Prickly Bark/Coastal Blackbutt | 44 |
| Prostrate Woolly Bush | 23 |
| Purple Beaufortia | 25 |
| Purple Flag | 12 |
| Purple Tassels | 12 |
| Rib Wattle | 13 |
| Roadside Teatree | 30 |
| Robin Red Breast | 31 |
| Rock Sheoak | 41 |
| Rose Banjine | 21 |
| Rough Honey Myrtle | 31 |
| Round-fruit Banksia | 36 |
| Royal Robe | 12 |
| Running Postman | 11 |
| Salmon Barked White Gum | 43 |
| Saltwater Paperbark | 44 |
| Sand Plain Bottlebrush | 25 |
| Sea Rush | 48 |
| Sea Urchin Hakea | 38 |
| Sheath Twig-rush | 47 |
| Silky-leaved Blood Flower | 25 |
| Silky Heads | 50 |
| Slender Smokebush | 16 |
| Smokebush | 26 |
| Smooth Grevillea | 37 |
| Snail Hakea | 27 |
| Snake Bush | 18 |
| Spearwood | 38 |
| Spiked Scholtzia | 33 |
| Spindly Grevillea | 26 |
| Spreading Sword Sedge | 48 |
| Stalked Guinea Flower | 19 |
| Stinkwood | 38 |
| Summer Star Flower | 15 |
| Summer-scented Wattle | 35 |
| Swamp Banksia | 42 |
| Swamp Cypress | 35 |
| Swamp/Freshwater Paperbark | 45 |
| Swamp Kunzea | 30 |
| Swamp Sheoak | 42 |
| Swamp Teatree | 32 |
| Swan River Blackbutt | 44 |
| Swan River Daisy | 9 |
| Swan River Myrtle | 19 |
| Swishbush | 40 |
| Tassel Flower | 38 |
| Tassel Sedge | 47 |
| Terete-leaved Dampiera | 10 |
| Toothed Wattle | 22 |
| Top Greybeard Grass | 50 |
| Tuart | 43 |
| Two-leaved Hakea | 28 |
| Urchin Dryandra | 24 |
| Variable-leaved Grevillea | 37 |
| Variable-leaved Hakea | 38 |
| Variegated Featherflower | 34 |
| Veined Wattle | 23 |
| Velvet Rush | 49 |
| WA Peppermint | 41 |
| Waldjumi | 20 |
| Plant Name | Page |
|----------------------------|------|
| Wandoo | 44 |
| Water Bush | 36 |
| Wavy-leaved Hakea | 29 |
| Weeping Grass | 50 |
| White Myrtle | 29 |
| Wild Violet | 11 |
| Winged Wattle | 22 |
| Wiry Wattle | 22 |
| Wonnich/Native Willow | 36 |
| Woody Pear | 45 |
| Woolly Bush | 35 |
| Woolly-flowered Grevillea | 18 |
| Yellow Buttercups | 19 |
| Yellow Eyed Flame Pea | 15 |
| Yellow Pea | 17 |
| Yellow Starflower | 15 |
| Zamia Palm | 30 |
**PHOTOGRAPHY**
J. Abbiss
F. Littleton
J. Garvey
C. Rankin
Dr. P. Hollick
V. Slater
S. Hunn
A. von Puttkammer
Photographic images from the Florabase website, used with the permission of the Western Australian Herbarium, Department of Environment and Conservation (http://florabase.dec.wa.gov.au).
L. Anderson
P.G. Armstrong
B. Ball
R. Barrett
D&B. Bellairs
A. Blundell
H. Bowler
M. Brundrett
N.D. Burrows
C.P. Campbell
R. Cranfield
R. Davis
I.R. Dixon
A. Elliott
B.A. Fuhrer
M. Hancock
M. Hislop
E.P. Hodgkin
S.D. Hopper
C. Hortin
J. Hort
A. Ireland
A. Johnson
M. Kealley
J. Koch
K.A. Meney
D. McKenzie
S.J. Patrick
M. Pieroni
E. Pin Tay
P. Poschlod
J.M. Richardson
K.C. Richardson
M. Seale
J.F. Smith
T. Tapper
K.R. Thiele
E. Wajon
R.T. Wills
A Field Guide to Melaleucas
Ivan Holliday
Published by Hamlyn Australia 1989
A Guide to Native Grasses in the Perth Hills
Una Bell
Published by Una Bell 1999
Colour Guide to Spring Wildflowers of Western Australia
Part 2 Perth and the Southwest
Eddy Wajon
Wajon Publishing Company 2000
Western Australian Herbarium (1998). Florabase
The Western Australian Flora Department of Environment and Conservation.
http://florabase.dec.wa.gov.au
Field Guide to the Wildflowers of Australia’s South West
Jane Scott & Patricia Negus
Cape to Cape Publishing 2002
Growing Locals
Robert Powell & Jane Emberson
Published by the WA Naturalists Club 1996
Guide to the Wildflowers of South Western Australia
Simon Nevill & Nathan McQuoid
Simon Nevill Publications 1998
Leaf & Branch
Trees and Tall Shrubs of Perth
Robert Powell
Published by the Department of CALM 1990
Perth Plants
Russell Barrett & Eng Pin Tay
Published by Botanic Gardens and Park Authority 2005
The Soil Types & Plant Communities of the Perth Metropolitan Region
Robert Powell & Bronwyn Keighery
Published by the Department of Conservation and Land Management (CALM) | a150b2f5-2b16-45a3-b364-df73d97a1932 | CC-MAIN-2020-40 | https://www.sjshire.wa.gov.au/Profiles/sj/Assets/ClientData/Documents/Page-Centre/Community/Landcare-SJ-Keeping-it-Local-Plants-Guide-July-2017-Edition.pdf | 2020-09-28T22:50:15+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-40/segments/1600401614309.85/warc/CC-MAIN-20200928202758-20200928232758-00023.warc.gz | 990,969,867 | 23,601 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.950811 | eng_Latn | 0.993026 | [
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Konpal celebrated World Health Day
To commemorate World Health Day KONPAL in collaboration with Dow University of Health Sciences (DUHS) organized a Health Walk followed by Spring Celebration at Sea View, Karachi on 8th April 2012. The aim of the walk was to promote healthy lifestyle and to highlight the importance of recreational activities and healthy food in maintaining proper physical and mental health.
The walk was led by Vice Chancellor, DUHS Prof. Masood Hameed Khan. It was participated by a large number of students, teachers, senior professors, para medical staff, NGO representatives, families, youth and children. Participants of the Walk were carrying placards and banners inscribed with slogans to promote healthy lifestyle.
Prof. Masood Hameed Khan in his address stressed the need of recreational activities and taking healthy food in maintaining healthy and productive life. He said that good health is an area that concerns all of us. Health is by far the most important thing to everyone. It does not matter whether rich or poor, good health is vital to make one’s life happy. Adopting simple preventive measures and healthy life style changes such as walking, physical activities, good balanced diet and refraining from risky habits...
including smoking and other tobacco substances can save hundreds of lives, prevent disability and improve quality of life. While introducing this year theme and slogan, he informed that World Health Day is celebrated on April 7 to commemorate the establishment of World Health Organization.
Prof. Dr. Ayesha Mehnaz, HOD of Paediatric Deptt, Civil Hospital and Chairperson Konpal said that globally World Health Day is celebrated to promote healthy lifestyle in general public. Nowadays, children are becoming fat and obese and are considered overweight due to their improper eating habit. This can be reduced by involving children in different recreational and outdoor activities. Proper information regarding balanced diet, health education and involvement in healthy activities like walk, exercise and outdoor games will help in adopting a healthy and productive life. Such activities also help in promotion of social interaction among people belonging to various walks of life and thus improve the bonding and communication which will help in maintaining an active lifestyle. She further said that our children and especially youth (which comprises of more than 60% of our population) have adopted a sedentary life style and they are spending more time in front of computer, television and using cellphone. This is affecting their physical, mental and social well being and if they do not break this habit not only their health will be affected but also the health of the entire nation as they are the future of this country.
Earlier, the walk was preceded by various recreational activities for families, youth and children including Face Painting, Kite Flying, Outdoor Games, Music, Free Health Consultancy and Tips, Exchange of Health Messages, Nutrition counseling etc.
KONPAL CELEBRATED EID WITH SPECIAL CHILDREN
On the occasion of Eid, Konpal child abuse prevention society, Department of Paediatrics, Civil Hospital Karachi, in collaboration with Dow University of Health Sciences has organized an Eid mela with Special children on 8th September 2012 at Dow Medical College Karachi.
The event took place at Arag auditorium of DMC. Over 200 special, children, teachers, students of DMC professors, doctors and psychologists participated in this event. The participants expressed great interest and enthusiasm in this colorful event. The event started with fun filled activities organized at the garden outside Arag auditorium. Different stalls of face painting, mehndi, games and many others were set to make the event colorful and pleasant. This was followed by stage performances at Arag auditorium by special children. Doctors, students of DMC & Konpal volunteers actively participated in various programs. Special children from Institute of Physical medicine and Rehabilitation (IPMR), U1 Umeed, Al Imran Rehabilitation Centre and children admitted at the Department of Paediatrics, CHK and student of DMC participated in the various activities and presented songs and tablous which were highly appreciated and enjoyed by all present.
Konpal organized this event to spread the awareness regarding rights of special children which are being violated in our society. Chief guest Prof. Umar Farooq, pro-Vice chancellor DUHS said that no society could progress without giving the right to its special children. He highly appreciated the efforts of Konpal child abuse prevention society and the schools who are taking revolutionary steps for the rights and welfare of these special children. Prof. Aisha Mehnaz, Head of Department Paediatrics and Chairperson Konpal has her welcome address highlighted the importance of recreation as the right of every child. She further stated that being a signatory to CRC we should make every effort to give the children of this country their due rights & bring happiness to every child. Prof Saleem Ilyas, director Professional developmental centre stressed the importance of working and highlighting the issue of special children and informed that soon a school of Developmental Paediatric will be established at DUHS. Dr Nusrat Shah, Prof Fehmina Arif, Prof Razaur Rahman, Dr Ayesha Sarwat and doctors from Paediatrics and Psychiatry and large number of students enthusiastically participated. In the end vote of thanks was presented by Dr Ashtaq Mala, General Secretary KONPAL.
UNIVERSAL CHILDREN DAY CELEBRATION AT SOS/YOUTH HOME VILLAGE
An Sports Day & Cricket Match was held on 2nd December, 2012 at Youth Home SOS Village to mark the universal children day. A cricket match between youth home team & Konpal team was played of 10 over each, at the youth home ground. The winner youth home was given the trophy by Konpal Chairperson. Other sports event including Race, Sack Race, Spoon Race etc. were held for small children. BMI was also done. Face painting and many other activities were also held. A sumptuous lunch was offered at the end. All children of the village were given gifts and souvenirs. The events was organised in collaboration with Omair Sana foundation.
WALK ORGANISED BY KONPAL ON UNIVERSAL CHILDREN DAY AT KARACHI EXPO CENTRE
On the occasion of Universal children day, a silent demonstration cum symbolic walk was organized by Konpal Child Abuse Prevention Society at Karachi Expo Centre on 14th Dec 2012.
The theme of the walk was “Ban corporal punishment” Konpal has always been very proactive in raising voice for the rights of children and against all kinds of injustices towards children.
The walk is particularly organized to raise concern about the corporal punishment to the children and to impose “Ban on Corporal punishment”. The doctors, psychologist and members of Civil society organization present in the walk stated that strict laws against corporal punishment need to be enacted and the pending bill against corporal punishment should be made Law without further delay.
The chief guests on the occasion Minister of human development Jahan Ara Bhutto and Minister of women development Tauqer Fatima Bhutto lead the symbolic walk and highly appreciated the efforts of konpal and other organizations that are raising the voice for the rights of children.
A number of local and international NGOs have joined hands with Konpal Child Abuse Prevention Society the chief organizer of the walk to demonstrate their concern and draw the attention of the authorities towards the child abuse and child protection. The organizations that collaborated with Konpal were PPA child rights group, PPA Karachi and Sindh, Omair Sana foundation, Genix, Pharmevo etc. Beside these organization there were participation from number of other NGOs, civil society organizations and children from number of schools.
HEALTH WALK AT ALI MURAD GOTH, BADIN
Konpal in collaboration with NGO Waris organised walk and a number of awareness raising activities at Badin. On this occasion a seminar for women was also organized. The members of KONPAL team gave simple messages on cleanliness & hygiene, health related tips and Child protection messages to children and mothers through multi media and discussion.
On 24th March a Health Walk was organized at Badin over 500 children villagers walked around the Goth starting from the Government school.
A cricket match between the KONPAL team & the youth of the village was also held on the occasion.
The following activities were carried out by KONPAL from January, 2012 to December 2012.
**Awareness Raising Seminar on Child Abuse and Neglect at Karachi Grammar School, Clifton**
The year 2012 started with a lecture on CAN by Dr. Aisha Mehnaz at Karachi Grammar School (primary section) on 21st Jan. 2012, which was attended by about 50 parents & teachers. It was very well appreciated & parents and teachers find it very informative. They express their commitment to share the information gained with others.
**One Day Orientation Workshop on Child Abuse and Neglect at the First Conference of Indus Hospital**
Dr. Aisha, Dr Ashfaq, Ayesha Umer, Umair and Waqas facilitated and participated from KONPAL.
**Workshop for Mother’s on Child Care and Protection**
Seven two day training workshops on “Enhancement of mother’s (parents) skill in care & protection of their children” were organized. More than 150 mothers were trained in these workshops. These were held in the month of January, March, April, May, June, August and November, 2012.
These workshops were facilitated by Dr. Ashfaq Mala, Ms. Ayesha Umer (Psychologist), Mr. Tahir, Mrs. Jannat, Dr. Saba, Ms. Naila, Dr. Krishan, Dr Rakesh Dr. Shahid, Dr. Sadaf and others.
**One Day Orientation Workshop on Child Abuse and Neglect for the Community Health Workers of HELP (NGO) at Neelum Colony**
Organized on 3rd March, facilitated by Dr. Aisha Mehnaz, Dr. Ashfaq, Ms. Ayesha Umer. More than 25 CHW trained.
**Celebration of Pakistan Day (23rd March, 2012) and Health Walk (24th March, 2012) at Ali Murad Chandio Goath, Badin**
This event was organized in collaboration with WARIS an NGO working in Badin. On this occasion a seminar for women was also organized. The members of KONPAL team gave simple messages of cleanliness & hygiene health related tips and Child protection messages to children and mothers through multi media and discussion. Dr. Aisha, Ashfaq, Ms. Ayesha Umer, Dr. Saba facilitated the highly interactive session. The male members were given similar messages at the AUTAQ (the villagers male assembly).
On 24th March a Health Walk was organized at Badin over 500 children, KONPAL and Waris members, Volunteers and villagers walked around the Goth starting from the Government School. It was ended with the speech of M. Ali Muhammad of Waris & Dr. Aisha Mehnaz Chairperson KONPAL.
This was followed by national anthem. A cricket match between the KONPAL team & the youth of the village was also held on the occasion.
**Health Walk at Sea View:**
On the occasion of Health Day (8th April), KONPAL in collaboration with Dow University of Health Sciences (DUHS) organized a health walk and Health Mela at Sea side. The walk was led by Prof Masood Hameed, the Vice Chancellor DUHS. Walk started from Floating Ship restaurant and ended at McDonald Restaurant. Walk was followed by fun Health Mela where stuff for face painting, BMI measurement, kite flying etc were held. It was participated by over 500 people.
**Awareness Raising Cum Training Workshop for the Women Inmates of Karachi Central Prison:**
A one day seminar was held on 6th June at Karachi Women Prison. More than 75 mothers were given training on healthy life, cleanliness nutritional value of food & how to take care of their children’s health; management skills of family and protection of their children.
On the same day International Children Day was celebrated with the children of women prisoners. These children were involved in playing, drawing, painting etc gifts were distributed among the children. At the end lunch were given to the female prisoners.
Dr. Wahid Pirzada, Dr. Aisha Mehnaz, Dr. Ashfaq Mala Miss Shahraz Yasin, Miss. Ayesha Umer, Mrs. Tanzeer Naila, & Adil participated in the various program.
**Workshop on CAN at Marriott Hotel Karachi:**
On 24th June on the occasion of Prof. Mussarat Hussain memorial conference, an Orientation workshop on child protection & case management of child Abuse & Neglect was held. It was facilitated and participated by Dr. Ashfaq Mala, Mrs. Mala, Mr. Waqas, Umair, Ayesha Umer & Dr. Ayesha Sarwat.
Meeting of Hospital Child Protection Committee (HCPC) was regularly held every month. More than 500 cases of CAN was managed by KONPAL and HCPC, CHK team.
CHILDREN RECREATION PROG ORGANIZED BY KONPAL
10. Children recreation Prog organized by KONPAL on 7th April with collaboration of students of Psychology Department, Karachi University at Peals ward with children.
EYES WERE CHECKED AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSES WAS DONE BY AYESHA UMER AND MRS. JANNAT. GIFTS WERE DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE CHILDREN, DONATED BY THE VOLUNTEERS DR. ASHFAQ, DR. RAKESH, DR. AMANULLAH, DR. SHAHIID, DR. SAMINA, DR. SADAF, DR. SHABNAM, DR. SARMAID, DR. KAVITA, DR. AISHA & MR. TAHIR, ADIL & MS. SHAHZAD PARTICIPATED AND CONDUCTED THE VARIOUS ACTIVITIES.
EID MELA & RECREATION ACTIVITIES FOR SPECIAL CHILDREN
On 8th September, 2012 an Eid Mela & recreation activities for special children were held at Arag Auditorium at Dow Medical College/Civil Hospital Karachi.
The special children were from: Al-Umeed rehabilitation centre, Imran Rehabilitation Center, Institute of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation Centre and children admitted in the Department of Paediatrics, CHK.
In all 200 special children participated and demonstrated their skill through table and skits.
INTERNATIONAL HAND WASHING DAY
International Hand Washing Day was observed by Konpal at Department of Paediatrics unit one at DUHS, with the mothers and children admitted in ward on 15th October, 2012. It was facilitated by Dr. Shahid Jibran, Dr. Sadaf, Dr. Shabnam, Dr. Samina, Mr. Imran and Mrs. Jannat.
TWO DAY MOTHERS TRAINING WORKSHOP
On 13th & 14th November, Two day mothers training workshop was organized by Konpal on Enhancement of Parents Skill in child care & protection in accordance with children’s week activity, which was facilitated by Dr. Shahid, Dr. Sadaf, Dr. Amanullah, Ms. Naila, Mrs. Jannat and Dr. Aisha.
UNIVERSAL CHILDREN DAYS
Universal Children Days was celebrated at paeds unit one of DUHS celebrated it with the mothers with children.
SEMINAR ON VIOLENCE & ITS PREVENTION AT AKU
On 20th November, 2012 a talk was given by Dr. Aisha Mehnaz in a seminar on violence & its Prevention at AKU.
SPORTS DAY & CRICKET MATCH
Sports Day & Cricket Match was held on 2nd December, 2012 at Youth Home / SOS Village was held to mark the universal children day. A cricket match between youth home team & Konpal team was played of 10 over each, at the youth home ground. The winner youth home was given the trophy by Konpal Chairperson. Other sports event including Race, Sack Race, Spoon Race were held for small children. BMI was also done. Face painting and many other activities were also held.
MONTHLY CLINICAL MEETING
20. Monthly Clinical meeting of KONPAL was held regulary every month.
MEETINGS, SEMINARS, WORKSHOPS, CONFERENCES ATTENDED BY KONPAL MEMBERS:
- Meeting of Developmental Paediatrics at DOW ON 18th Jan attended by Konpal members Dr. Aisha, Dr. Ashfaq, Dr. Raza, Dr. Ayesha Sarwat, Ayesha Umer, Tahir, Jannat and Umair.
- Workshop on social media networking at DUHAs on 18th Jan was attended by Umair, Ashfaq, and Ayesha Umer.
- On 3rd Feb an Interactive dialogue on Child marriage with parliamentarians & policy makers organized by RAHNUMA FAMILY PLANNING ASSOCIATION of Pakistan. Dr. Nusrat Shah and Shahraz Yasin attended the seminar.
- 23rd February consultative workshop by THAR DEEP RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT to review the state of children right in Pakistan was attended by Ayesha Umer, Tahir and Jannat.
- Seminar on THE HAGUE CONVENTION (25th Oct 1980) organized by SACH, NGO was attended by Dr. Aisha and Shahraz on 16th March.
- 21st April Madadgar (LHRLA) inaugurated its nation wide help line service at Marriott hotel Dr. Ferminida Mirza (national assembly speaker) was the chief guest where Dr. Aisha Mehnaz was awarded a SHIELD of appreciation by the organization on recognition of her services for Children Rights by Mr. Zia Awan.
- 24th —26th April A three day workshop on how to talk about sexuality organized by Group Development was attended by Dr. Aisha Sarwat & Miss Ayesha Umer.
- 23rd June: Dr. Fehmina Arif attended an awareness raising seminar on CAN and gave talk on Child Abuse and Child Protection at Karachi Arts Council. Seminar was organized by Dr. Khalid Zuberi, Chairperson PPA Karachi Chapter.
- 26th June Dr. Aisha & Shahraz attended seminar by Sind Education Foundation on “Treasuring Childhood” A dialogue on addressing child labour.
- On 28th June Dr. Aisha Mehnaz attended a consultative meeting on “Child Right Movement” and formation of Sind Chapter”. KONPAL is selected as an executive member of CRM Sindh.
- On 29th June a meeting was held with Partner Aid International at KONPAL office. They requested KONPAL to organise training on CAN for their members.
- On the occasion of Anti Malarial Day, Polio Day, Children day, Dr. Aisha Mehnaz appeared on Health TV and talk on these topics.
- Seminar on adolescent and reproductive health on 18th and 19th July organized by Ahung, attended by Aisha Umer and Waqas and Raheel.
- Seminar on role of probation in criminal justice system held on 19th July organized by SPARc attended by Dr. Amanullah, Ms Jannat, Mr. Asghar and Mr. Saeed.
- Consultative meeting on Child Rights Movement held on 26th July attended by Dr. Aisha Mehnaz and Mr. Shahmawaz Quraishi. Konpal is selected a member CRM. | fe0888ec-638c-4007-b3b6-9999cd39553f | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | https://www.konpal.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/Konpal-Bulletin-2013.pdf | 2023-03-28T18:40:59+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296948868.90/warc/CC-MAIN-20230328170730-20230328200730-00627.warc.gz | 947,809,861 | 4,052 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.992842 | eng_Latn | 0.993425 | [
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## GREAT POETRY RUBRIC
**Directions:** Circle the rating for each aspect of the poem.
| Extent to which poetry reflects personal voice | Exceeding Expectation | Meeting Expectation | Approaching Expectation |
|-----------------------------------------------|-----------------------|---------------------|-------------------------|
| Personal voice is clear; poem is understandable and flows, making for enjoyable reading | Personal voice is choppy but clear; poem flows well and is understandable, but needs some editing | Personal voice is unclear; poem doesn’t flow and needs editing |
| Extent to which poetry reflects understanding of the poem | Exceeding Expectation | Meeting Expectation | Approaching Expectation |
|----------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------|---------------------|-------------------------|
| Student’s individual interpretation reflects full understanding of the poem | Student’s individual interpretation reflects some understanding of the poem | Student’s individual interpretation reflects no understanding of the poem; the student’s poem is unclear and difficult to understand |
| Extent to which poetry reflects connection to and understanding of class writing prompt | Exceeding Expectation | Meeting Expectation | Approaching Expectation |
|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------|---------------------|-------------------------|
| Student creates a poem which connects deeply to the writing prompt | Student creates a poem which has some connection to the writing prompt | Student uses very little of the writing prompt to create a poem |
| Extent to which poetry reflects a unique voice, tone, or style | Exceeding Expectation | Meeting Expectation | Approaching Expectation |
|---------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------|---------------------|-------------------------|
| Poem reflects a tone, voice, and style unique to the writer | Poem reflects some voice, tone, and style unique to the writer, but continues to need development | Poem reflects no voice, style, or tone unique to the writer |
| Extent to which poetry reflects a sense of mood and tone as assigned | Exceeding Expectation | Meeting Expectation | Approaching Expectation |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------|-----------------------|---------------------|-------------------------|
| Poem reflects a full sense of mood and tone as assigned | Poem reflects a partial sense of mood and tone as assigned | Poem reflects no sense of mood and tone as assigned |
**Hand in drafts for feedback?**
*Had to clean up several times for drafts (and has deleted many)*
*Had to edit again for the two poems as due tomorrow*
*Originally not graded as incomplete*
POEM ON ROY DISNEY
Roy, Brother.
From the start
Till the end
Helped me through my clumsy habits
even through death,
you carry on.
Without you
I would not be who I am now.
Honor my name
Thank you
Someone that the person disliked
Charles Mintz
You took all my characters,
You took all my money
taking everything that I have
now its time that I end it with a mouse
better than a bunny
He went all over Broadway
not like that bunny
Now you cannot take my mouse away.
Something that the person loved
Mickey Mouse
When I was down,
You were there
When I was up,
You were there
Wherever I was,
you were there.
You came to me when I was in rage
and you suddenly became,
A legend to me.
A legend,
that would last
forever
Someone that the person disliked
Charles Mintz
You took all my characters,
You took all my money
taking everything that I have
now its time that I end it with a mouse
better than a bunny
He went all over Broadway
not like that bunny
Now you cannot take my mouse away.
Where is all the drafts? Other poems?
I won't grade this until I have it.
The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper:
- **Demographic Data**: Information about the age, gender, race, ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and other demographic characteristics of individuals or groups.
- **Behavioral Data**: Information about the behaviors and actions of individuals or groups, such as their online activities, purchasing habits, and social interactions.
- **Geospatial Data**: Information about the location and movement of individuals or groups, such as their travel patterns, residential addresses, and business locations.
- **Health Data**: Information about the health and well-being of individuals or groups, such as their medical records, health outcomes, and disease prevalence.
- **Financial Data**: Information about the financial transactions and assets of individuals or groups, such as their bank accounts, investments, and credit scores.
- **Environmental Data**: Information about the natural environment and its impact on individuals or groups, such as air quality, water quality, and climate change.
- **Educational Data**: Information about the educational experiences and achievements of individuals or groups, such as their academic records, test scores, and graduation rates.
- **Legal Data**: Information about the legal status and history of individuals or groups, such as their criminal records, court cases, and legal proceedings.
- **Political Data**: Information about the political affiliations and activities of individuals or groups, such as their voting records, campaign contributions, and political activism.
- **Social Media Data**: Information about the online activities and interactions of individuals or groups, such as their social media profiles, posts, and comments.
- **Sports Data**: Information about the performance and achievements of individuals or groups in sports, such as their game statistics, team rankings, and tournament results.
- **Technology Data**: Information about the use and development of technology by individuals or groups, such as their smartphone usage, app downloads, and software development.
- **Transportation Data**: Information about the transportation systems and infrastructure used by individuals or groups, such as their commute times, travel routes, and public transit usage.
- **Weather Data**: Information about the weather conditions and forecasts for individuals or groups, such as their temperature, humidity, precipitation, and wind speed.
- **Workplace Data**: Information about the work environments and practices of individuals or groups, such as their job titles, salary ranges, and benefits packages.
Minkym Park - Walt Disney
Jan 22nd, 2015
- Wife
- Mickey mouse
- President Johnson
- Roy Disney
- Ubbe Iwerks
- Kansas City Star
List
- He offered Walter a place in Hollywood
- Founded Disney Bros
- Without him homeless hobo hobbling down the Disney world
Roy Disney
You
Yes you | <urn:uuid:beb198f5-69db-42e8-bd05-ac69cd8ddcfe> | CC-MAIN-2023-06 | https://blog.hkis.edu.hk/wp/190378/files/2014/09/Poem.pdf | 2023-02-02T15:19:02+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764500028.12/warc/CC-MAIN-20230202133541-20230202163541-00007.warc.gz | 151,962,511 | 1,353 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.971316 | eng_Latn | 0.995626 | [
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Within the first 2 months of life, infants will be able to hold their heads up briefly when they are supported in a sitting position. Soon after this, they will be able to prop themselves on their hands in sitting with some assistance from an adult. Between 4 and 6 months, babies begin to hold themselves upright in a sitting position with some support at the hips, gradually becoming more independent and stable.
Eventually, around 6 months, they will be able to turn their heads and upper bodies and reach outside their base of support without falling over. Finally, around 8 to 10 months, babies will learn to transition from sitting to all fours and back to sitting again.
Why is sitting important for development?
- In sitting, babies are able to explore toys using both hands, which is significant for fine motor development and for developing bilateral skills.
- Sitting helps babies learn to balance and perform small weight shifts to stay in an upright position.
- Sitting in an upright position allows babies to see their surroundings and their hands easily, which promotes visual tracking and visual motor integration.
- Sitting promotes core muscle strength, which is the foundation for the development of other motor skills. In sitting, babies are experiencing the activation and contraction of many muscles at once, which creates postural control.
How to encourage sitting:
It’s best to allow babies plenty of exposure to tummy time, rolling, and exploration of other positions before assisting and supporting them in a sitting position. Babies need lots of time on the floor to achieve these milestones on their own. When your baby appears ready to sit and can hold herself in this position independently, you can try:
- Carrying your baby as often as possible in an upright position to encourage head control.
- Sit your baby on your knees, supporting her at her hips. Bounce both of your knees at once or try lifting one of your heels at a time so baby bounces gently from side to side.
- With your baby sitting on the floor, offer toys to him so he has to reach for them outside of his base of support.
- Sing songs and fingerplays with your baby while she sits (e.g. The Itsy Bitsy Spider, 5 Little Monkeys).
- Babies love this cause and effect Bean Bag Balance game! With the baby positioned in sitting on the floor, place a bean bag or other soft toy on his head and wait for him to lean his head forward to dump the toy off into his lap. Repeat!
- Limit the amount of time your baby spends in a car seat, carrier, stroller, swing, or other supportive sitting device. | <urn:uuid:5957b157-fd2a-4ce2-a823-7c3bd9fb4fda> | CC-MAIN-2024-10 | https://ctc-ck.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/3-Sitting.pdf | 2024-03-04T06:08:05+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-10/segments/1707947476413.82/warc/CC-MAIN-20240304033910-20240304063910-00009.warc.gz | 186,895,884 | 526 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998102 | eng_Latn | 0.998102 | [
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Book of Mormon Gems of Truth: Lesson 11
Author(s): Leone O. Jacobs
Source: *Relief Society Magazine*, Vol. 39, No. 9 (September 1952), pp. 627-628
Published by: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
**Abstract:** Monthly Book of Mormon lessons for adult women (Relief Society). Each month a verse of Book of Mormon scripture is presented with accompanying quotes from General Authorities and writers of the Church.
And now I, Moroni, bid farewell unto the Gentiles, yea, and also unto my brethren whom I love, until we shall meet before the judgment seat of Christ, where all men shall know that my garments are not spotted with your blood. And then shall ye know that I have seen Jesus, and that he hath talked with me face to face (Ether 12:38-39).
Writing directly to the Lamanites of the last days, Moroni closes the record exhorting them to read the record with a sincere heart and with faith in Christ, and promising that God would manifest the truth of it unto them by the power of the Holy Ghost (Moroni 10).
Suggestion to Class Leaders
Writing the selections of Old and Middle English (as given in the lesson) on the blackboard, will be helpful in showing how a language can change.
Questions on the Lesson
1. Why were the Nephites commanded to keep records?
2. How were the plates of brass valuable to the Nephites?
3. Of what value are Book of Mormon records to the Gentiles of our day? To the Lamanites?
4. What is the chief mission of The Book of Mormon?
5. How are Church records being kept today?
Visiting Teacher Messages
Book of Mormon Gems of Truth
Lesson 11—"I Work Not Among the Children of Men Save It Be According to Their Faith" (2 Nephi 27:23).
Leone O. Jacobs
For Tuesday, December 2, 1952
Objective: To show that faith is necessary in order to receive blessings from God.
The scriptures are filled with instances in which faith has wrought mighty miracles. When Jesus turned and saw the woman who had touched the hem of his garment, he said, "Daughter, be of good comfort; thy faith hath made thee whole. And the woman was made whole from that hour."
On another occasion, two blind men followed the Savior, crying: "Thou Son of David, have mercy on us . . . and Jesus saith unto them, Believe ye that I am able to do this? They said unto him, Yea, Lord. Then touched he their eyes, saying, According to your faith be it unto you. And their eyes were opened" (Matt. 9:27-30).
To the brother of Jared Jesus said, "... Because of thy faith thou hast seen that I shall take upon me flesh and blood; and never has man come before me with such exceeding faith as thou hast; for were it not so ye could not have seen my finger" (Ether 3:9).
The scriptures relate many instances in which lack of faith was responsible for failure to receive desired blessings. When Peter was walking on the water toward the
Master, the wind became boisterous and he was afraid and straightway began to sink, "And immediately Jesus stretched forth his hand; and caught him, and said unto him, O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt?" (Matt. 14:31).
We read in Matthew 13:58 that when Jesus came into his own country, "And he did not many mighty works there because of their unbelief." Even the Christ did not perform great works if the people did not manifest faith in him. The apostle Paul states:
... For he that cometh to God must believe that he is and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him (Hebrews 11:6).
The unwavering faith of the boy Joseph Smith brought the vision of the Father and the Son and their message to him. He believed implicitly the words of James, as he read:
If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of God, that giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not; and it shall be given him. But let him ask in faith, nothing wavering. For he that wavereth is like a wave of the sea driven with the wind and tossed" (James 1:5-6).
We read in the Doctrine and Covenants:
There is a law, irrevocably decreed in heaven before the foundations of this world, upon which all blessings are predicated—And when we obtain any blessing from God, it is by obedience to that law upon which it is predicated (D. & C. 130:20-21).
This startling question then comes to our minds: May we not be denying ourselves blessings from our Heavenly Father because our faith is too weak to work righteousness, to obey the laws upon which blessings are predicated? Perhaps unclaimed blessings might have been ours had we possessed the faith to earn them. Might it be that we are so absorbed in material matters that we neglect the development of this vital quality, this great moving power of faith?
The attainment of great faith, like other accomplishments, entails constant exercise and cultivation. We must live the laws of the gospel, which beget faith, purifying ourselves of the weaknesses of the flesh, in order that the channel may be kept open between ourselves and the power from on high. "As fast as we open our hearts to the influences of righteousness, the faith that leads to life eternal will be given us of our Father" (Articles of Faith, Talmage, page 107).
Precaution
Pansye H. Powell
When hourly the wild goose trumpet calls
And sheep press close in fold,
The mountains put on their Paisley shawls
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OVERVIEW
2022 tied for the cleanest year on record for ozone pollution across the state of Maryland. Improvements in air quality continue to be seen as the number of ozone exceedance days across the state decrease (Figure 1). Surface ozone is a secondary pollutant formed when nitrogen oxides (NO\textsubscript{x}) and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) react in the presence of sunlight. The ozone season typically runs April through September when more direct sunlight provides an environment favorable for ozone formation. Unlike upper atmospheric ozone, which protects us from harmful UV radiation emitted by the Sun, surface ozone can be detrimental to the human health. It can cause lung irritation, coughing, and shortness of breath. In addition, long-term exposure to high levels of ozone can also lead to decreased lung function and chronic respiratory problems. It is important to measure ground-level ozone concentrations in order to monitor air quality and take steps to reduce pollution. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) sets the National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) for six criteria pollutants, including ozone. When the maximum daily 8-hour average ozone concentration exceeds 70 parts per billion (ppb), or 100 on the Air Quality Index (AQI) (see bottom of page), it is deemed unhealthy for sensitive groups (USG). Days that fit this criteria are deemed “exceedance days” and can be an important indicator of an ozone season’s severity. The 2022 ozone season saw just three exceedance days (see Figure 1), tied for the fewest total in Maryland’s recorded history.
SEASONAL HIGHLIGHTS & STATISTICS
Meteorological conditions were favorable for frequent high ozone formation across the state during the 2022 season. Maximum temperatures across Maryland between April and September of 2022 ranked in the top 80\textsuperscript{th} percentile of recorded history (106\textsuperscript{th} out of 128 years) (see Figure 2). The number of days reaching or exceeding 90°F was also well above normal as well with BWI airport recording 48 days during the 2022 season. The average number of days reaching this threshold being just 33.
Precipitation was average across the Mid-Atlantic region during the 2022 ozone season (Figure 2). Given a near average precipitation distribution across the entire ozone season, it did not put any hindrance on ozone formation over the course of the year. Despite all this, the number of ozone exceedance days was tied for the lowest on record with just 3 days (June 21, June 30 and July 23). In fact, two of the three ozone exceedance days for Maryland in 2022 were triggered by just one monitor squeaking over the standard (see Table 1).
In years past, particularly in the early 2000s and years prior, there was a close relationship between the number of days reaching or exceeding 90°F and the number of ozone exceedances. As a rule of thumb forecasting ozone 20 years ago, if the maximum temperature in Maryland was expected to reach 90°F, there was a good chance that there was to be an ozone exceedance somewhere in the state. In the present day, the disparity between the number of 90° days and the number of ozone exceedances continues to grow. With 2022 seeing only 3 ozone exceedance days and 48 days at or above 90°, a 6.25% ratio (3/48) marks the smallest ratio between these two values in Maryland’s recorded history.
| Date | Day | No. of Monitors | Highest AQI Monitor | 8-Hr Average Ozone AQI |
|------------|-----|-----------------|---------------------|------------------------|
| 21 June | Tue | 1 | Fair Hill | 101 |
| 30 June | Thu | 7 | Padonia | 122 |
| 23 July | Sat | 1 | Lake Montebello | 108 |
Table 1: Maryland 2022 ozone exceedance days. Day of week is noted along with highest reading monitor and its color coded 8-hr AQI value.
Figure 1: Total number of Maryland ozone exceedance days using the EPA 2015 70 ppb standard, 2000 – 2022. Black trend line is included.
Figure 2: April – September 2022 statewide temperature ranks (left) and precipitation ranks (right). Numerical values represent the ranking warmest (left) or wettest (right) over the past 128 years of record. Source: NOAA/NCDC Climate Division.
SEASONAL HIGHLIGHTS & STATISTICS (cont.)
history. The ratio surpasses the 2020 ozone season which was an extreme outlier due to reduced emissions during the COVID-19 lockdown. Both 2020 and 2022 saw only 3 ozone exceedance days with 2022 having just a couple more 90’ days (46 in 2020 vs 48 in 2022). This brings up the all-important question as to why has there been such a drastic improvement in ozone pollution across Maryland over the past decade?
NO\textsubscript{x} REDUCTIONS OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS
Interannual variability of sunlight due to storm systems and cloud coverage exists but cannot explain the drastic drop in the number of ozone exceedance days in Maryland in recent years. The reason lies with one of the other two pieces of the ozone formation puzzle, VOCs and NO\textsubscript{x}. As previously noted, ground level ozone is created through the interaction nitrogen oxides (NO\textsubscript{x}) and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) in the presence of sunlight. With zero or very little VOCs and or NO\textsubscript{x} in the atmosphere, the ingredients to make ozone are not sufficient despite favorable meteorology.
Over the past 10+ years, there have been drastic reductions in the amount of NO\textsubscript{x} from several different source sectors. One large contributor to NO\textsubscript{x} in our atmosphere is passenger vehicles, with the transportation sector making up 55% of the total NO\textsubscript{x} emissions in the US in 2022 according to the EPA. As vehicle technologies continue to advance, the amount of NO\textsubscript{x} emitted by the vehicle tailpipe continues to decline. Maryland and the entire US saw a huge step forward in the reduction of vehicle emissions in 2017 when the EPA implemented the Tier 3 Motor Vehicle Emission and Fuel Standards program. The Tier 3 Program is a set of regulations implemented by the EPA to reduce emissions from passenger cars and light-duty trucks. The program requires automakers to meet stricter emissions standards for NO\textsubscript{x}, particulate matter (PM), and other harmful pollutants. It also sets new limits on the amount of sulfur in gasoline, which is known to interfere with the effectiveness of vehicle emission control systems.
In addition to cleaner vehicle emissions, the entire vehicle fleet has seen a steady turnover to more hybrid and fully electric. According to the US Energy Information Administration, in 2021, the percentage electric and hybrid vehicles sold in the US surpassed 10% of the total market. This is a drastic increase from just 5 years ago where the total number of sales in this sector was only around 3%.
Another large source sector for NO\textsubscript{x} in the US is electricity generation units (EGUs). Over the past 10 years there has been drastic reductions in the amount of NO\textsubscript{x} emitted by these point sources in large part due to controls and regulations set in place by the EPA. Figure 3 shows the percent reduction in NO\textsubscript{x} from EGUs between 2013 and 2022 across Maryland as well as several other upwind states during the ozone season (April – September). These 6 states (and DC) have seen an average decrease of around 73% with Maryland recording a decrease of 78%. In the last year alone, these states have seen a reduction in EGU NO\textsubscript{x} of over 20%. With less and less NO\textsubscript{x} in the atmosphere, it becomes increasingly difficult for ozone to reach exceedance level thresholds across the state of Maryland despite warmer than normal conditions.
MARYLAND DESIGN VALUES
Another way of measuring the severity of ozone levels for a given location is by determining a monitoring site’s design value. An ozone design value is a metric used by the EPA to indicate the severity of ozone pollution in a particular location over a given period. The design value is calculated as the three-year average of the annual fourth-highest daily maximum eight-hour average ozone concentration.
Design values are typically used to designate and classify nonattainment areas, as well as to assess progress towards meeting the NAAQS. Monitoring sites which have an ozone design value greater than 70 ppb are in violation of the NAAQS. When this happens, the EPA may require measures to reduce ozone pollution, such as implementing stricter emissions controls. 2022 marks the first year in Maryland’s history where all ozone monitors across the state are below the 70 ppb design value attainment threshold. This is clear evidence of the tremendous strides that Maryland and surrounding states have made towards improving air quality across the region.
Figure 4 (Left): Color contoured map of ozone design values across Maryland for 2022. The colors correspond to scale below. Stars indicate the locations of ozone monitors. Values of 0 ppb or less is attainment.
2022 Ozone Design Values
| AQI | 0-50 Good | 51-100 Moderate | 101-150 USG* | 151-300 Unhealthy | 201-300 Very Unhealthy | 301-500 Hazardous |
|-----|-----------|----------------|--------------|--------------------|------------------------|-------------------|
| | | | | | | |
*Unhealthy for Sensitive Groups based on 2015 8-hr ozone NAAQS denotes the USG*
MARYLAND DEPARTMENT OF THE ENVIRONMENT
1800 Washington Boulevard | Baltimore, MD 21230
410-537-3000 | 1-800-633-6101
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1. Talking Cat Island
Your plane lands on-time at Talking Cat Island International Airport. Her Excellency the Prime Minister Mittens greets you with a warm muzzle, as is the custom here. Getting straight to business, she presents you with data regarding the milk supply crisis on Talking Cat Island. Experts estimate the current milk supply (in thousands of gallons) to be given by $f(t) = 350 \cdot .75^t$, where $t$ denotes the number of years from today.
a. How many gallons of milk are currently possessed by the residents of Talking Cat Island?
b. How many gallons will remain at this time next year?
c. How many years will it take before the milk levels drop to less than 10,000 gallons? (Trying values until you get it right will not earn you credit. You must use a more sophisticated method.)
2. Logarithmic and Trigonometric Identities
a. Contract as much as possible.
$$\frac{\frac{1}{2} \log w + \log x}{3 \log(y+1) - \log y}$$
b. Show that the following equation is an identity.
$$\frac{\sin^4 x + \sin^2 x \cos^2 x}{\cos^2 x} = \tan^2 x$$
c. Show that the following equation is an identity.
$$\frac{\cos(-x)}{1 - \sin x} = \frac{1 - \sin(-x)}{\cos x}$$
3. Graphs of Trigonometric Functions
a. Sketch one cycle of the graph of $-2\sin \left( x + \frac{\pi}{2} \right)$. Give the coordinates of one hill, one valley, and one x-intercept.
b. Sketch one cycle of the graph of $\tan(2x) + 1$. Give the equations of the two asymptotes closest to your cycle and give the coordinates of the y-intercept.
c. Give the equation of a cosine wave with period $\frac{\pi}{4}$, phase shift $\frac{\pi}{12}$, and range $[2, 12]$.
4. Logarithmic and Trigonometric Equations
a. Solve for $x$. Your answer should be exact.
\[
\log(10x + 9) - \log x = 2
\]
b. Solve for $x$. You may give either an exact or an approximate answer.
\[
5^{x+1} = 3^x
\]
c. Find $\sin(2\alpha)$ given that $\sin(x) = \frac{2}{5}$ and $\alpha$ is in quadrant II. Give an exact answer in radians.
d. Find all values of $x$ that satisfy. Give an exact answer in radians.
\[
\sin^2(3x) = \sin(3x)
\]
Extra Credit
There are seven ways to arrange four labeled balls in two unlabeled buckets so that neither bucket is empty. Show all seven of these arrangements.
Answer Sheet
Use the axes provided to graph your solution to problems 2a and 2b.
3a.
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El alfabeto/The Alphabet
Learn the sounds of the Spanish alphabet.
| La letra | Una palabra | El sonido de la letra |
|----------|-------------------|-----------------------|
| Aa | agua | a (hot) |
| Bb | bebé | be (boat) |
| Cc * | cepillo or coco | ce (silly) or (cola) |
| CHch ** | chocolate | che (chocolate) |
| Dd | dedo | de (day) |
| Ee | elefante | e (rake) |
| Ff | fuego | efe (fire) |
| Gg * | gato or gigante | ge (goat) or (hill) |
| Hh | hoja | hache (hour) |
| Ii | isla | i (meat) |
| Jj | jirafa | jota (him) |
| Kk | koala | ka (cat) |
| LI | limón | ele (lemon) |
| LLII ** | llanta | elle (yellow) |
| Mm | manzana | eme (map) |
| Nn | número | ene (nap) |
| Ññ | ñu | eñe (canyon) |
| Oo | ocho | oh (joke) |
| Pp | papalote | pe (pillow) |
| Qq | queso | cu (can) |
| Rr | rama | ere (rose) |
| rr *** | perro | erre (rolled r sound) |
| Ss | siete | ese (silly) |
| Tt | tigre | te (tiptoe) |
| Uu | uvas | u (balloon) |
| Vv | violin | ve (baby) |
| Ww | waffle (no native Spanish words) | doble ve (worm) |
| Xx | xilófono | equis (xylophone) |
| Yy | yate | i griega (yawn) |
| Zz | zorro | zeta (set) |
* The letters c and g are pronounced differently, depending on the vowel that follows. A c followed by a, o, or u would be pronounced “k.” A c followed by an i or e is pronounced like “s.” Similarly, a g followed by an a, o, or u would be pronounced like the g in “goat.” A g followed by an i or e is pronounced like the h in “hill.”
** The letter combinations ch and ll are traditionally considered unique letters in the Spanish alphabet.
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Anne Frank Questions
1. Why is Mr. Frank planning to leave Amsterdam? How does he describe himself?
2. What questions does Mr. Frank’s dialogue raise for the audience?
3. How does Mr. Frank feel toward Miep? Do you know why?
4. Why might Mr. Frank tell Miep to burn the papers she found?
5. Note the date of Anne’s diary entry in relationship to the time in which this scene is set. What might Anne’s diary explain?
6. Why do you think Miep and Mr. Kraler are helping the Frank’s and the Van Daan’s? What risks are they taking?
7. The hiding place has very limited space. Think about a time you might have spent in a crowded living arrangement. Do you think inviting the Van Daans was an easy decision for Mr. Frank to make?
8. Do you think Mr. Frank should have invited the Van Daan’s?
9. How does Anne’s life change after 1940? Why won’t her father tell her where the family is going?
10. Why does Anne have to wear as many clothes as possible?
11. What is the reason Mr. Frank invites the Van Daans? What does this decision reveal about his character?
12. What would be the first thing you would do in Anne’s situation?
13. In what ways are Peter and Anne the same or different?
14. Based on what you learn about the two characters, what do you think each will find most difficult about their living situation?
Anne Frank Questions Cont...
15. What does the choice of gift show about Mr. Frank’s relationship with Anne?
16. As Anne reads her diary entry aloud, what does she reveal about how the Nazi occupation affects her, Miep, and Mr. Kraler?
17. Imagine that they are staying with Anne and the others in the Annex. What they need will be brought in, but they can never go out the door. How would you feel?
18. How does Anne view Miep and Mr. Kraler? How do you think they influence her attitude?
19. What feelings do you think Peter is experiencing when his mother calls Anne his “little girl friend?” How would you feel?
20. In what way would you describe Mrs. Van Daan, based on her comments?
21. What feelings do you think Mrs. Frank has about the direction of the conversation? Why?
22. Why does Mr. Frank say “there’s nothing the matter with our Anne that a ride on her bike, or a visit with her friend…wouldn’t cure”?
23. If you were hiding, would you rather live with the Franks or the Van Daans?
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Four Mentone residents recall WWI
(Editor's note: The Milburn Historical Society is compiling a history book of Mentone for the upcoming Centennial. The following article was contributed by the chairman of that group, Mrs. Eula Smith. Different articles will be appearing periodically in the NEWS regarding this historical endeavor.)
by Eula Romayne Smith
It was sixty years ago on November 11, 1918, that bells ring out loudly in Mentone to celebrate the end of the war to end all wars, and at least four veterans of World War I still live in this community.
Roy Rush was a member of the 16th Engineering Regiment, whose job in France was to build railroads and bridges. Roy worked in the office paying the troops.
The United States government took over the railroads during World War I, and at first Ralph Arnsberger served his country as a fireman on the New York Central from Cleveland to Buffalo. A fireman's job was to scoop the coal that kept the steam engine running properly. Later he entered the service and was stationed at Camp Beauregard, Louisiana.
Earl Shinn was one that was not stricken when the influenza epidemic reached his unit. After he returned to Mentone, he went out with the doctor to help with flu cases here.
W. E. Fowler, a Mentone resident for twenty years, was born in Noble Township, Wabash County. He kept a diary during his service in World War I which began when he enlisted at Indianapolis on December, 1917, and was assigned to the Aviation Section of the Signal Corps.
He spent a few weeks at Fort Thomas, Kentucky; Kelly Field, San Antonio, Texas; and Camp McArthur, Waco, Texas. In March of 1918 he left Newport News, Virginia to go overseas.
For awhile he was in the 648th Aero Squadron, where the company was split into three sections. In France he was in the Headquarters Company of the First Pursuit Group, and later in the 94th Aero Squadron which was commanded for a time by Captain Eddie Rickenbacker. "He was a splendid fellow!" Mr. Fowler said.
He also remembers Capt. Cook from Anderson - Wier Cook Airport in Indianapolis was named for him - and Lt. Quentin Roosevelt, a member of the 95th who was killed. The First Pursuit Group was made up of the 27th, 94th, 95th, and 147th Aero Squadrons.
After the Armistice was signed, the 94th made their way, step by step, to Fort Alexander at Coblenz, Germany. The progress was slow because of the destroyed roads and bridges. They moved by truck, train, or convoy.
On the 12th of December, Fowler had a 24-hour pass and went to Paris with a truck driver to get supplies. He particularly remembers the two huge captured German guns, Big Berthas, that were on display near the Eiffel Tower. "It seems like they were one-half block long, although actually they weren't," he stated.
When queried about Paris night life, he replied that he didn't know, because this trip was made in daytime to pick up food.
At that time he was a cook and thinks they had proper food, so they "fared very well."
Christmas of 1918 was spent moving. That night they stayed in a private home in Luxembourg.
One day a boy he went to school with dropped in to visit. This young man, Albert Mattern, was a motor cycle dispatch rider. After delivering messages in the vicinity, he located Fowler, who, until that time, had no idea where Mattern was.
They were deloused at Coblenz to get ready to go home. Shortly before Memorial Day, 1919, the 94th Aero Squadron, under the command of Major Reed Chambers, left Brest, France and in about two weeks arrived in Long Island, New York. After a three-week delay, due to measles quarantine, they were divided into groups and sent to the camp nearest home to be discharged. W. E. Fowler was discharged from Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio with two other Wabash men and one from Indianapolis, On June 27, 1919.
World War I brought back memories to Mrs. Fowler, too. Three of her brothers were in the service. The oldest, a lieutenant, was in Argonne Forest, ready to go over the top when word came about the Armistice. He came home in March, but the next Armistice Day was killed, falling from a frosty roof that he was repairing.
The government sent a message to her family that her second brother was lost and presumed dead. Later they received a letter from him telling that he had become lost, and lived three days on raw red beets before he got back to the company in the 5th Division. He was gassed three times, which left him an invalid and later caused his death.
The third brother was injured when his truck hit a mine.
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Let’s Talk About Race with Nikesh Shukla
Get pupils talking about race and diversity in literature
This resource is great for:
Kick starting classroom discussions about race.
Summary:
Watch a filmed interview with author Nikesh Shukla and hear about his anthology, *The Good Immigrant*. Then use the discussion points to explore themes of race in publication and literature, as well as in society as a whole.
Introduction
Nikesh Shukla is an author and youth worker who also edits magazines and books. He is the editor of *The Good Immigrant*, an anthology bringing together the stories of 21 emerging British BAME (Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic) authors. During the 2017 Edinburgh International Book Festival, our young reporters Beth and Sheena
got the chance to speak to Nikesh. Watch the interview at the link below – then read on for our activities inspired by Nikesh’s book and thoughts: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sN1dj6aXmGg&t=14s
Activity – Discussion Points
Part One
Nikesh talks about the lack of diversity in British publishing:
*When people are just used to a single story they lack empathy, they lack the ability to see women and people of colour and people with disabilities and people who are trans and people who are working class. They only see themselves as the main character in any story, and that can’t be the case.*
List the books you’ve read in the last few months – you could expand this to articles, short stories etc. How many of those books are by BAME authors? What issues do you think there are if few BAME authors are being published? How many are by authors from other minority groups such as the LGBT community or people with disabilities?
What do you think are the problems with this ‘single story’ being told (especially if these stories are being told by heterosexual white men)? Do you think there might be a societal impact if the work of these communities is not being published?
Nikesh brings up the issue of empathy. Books are an important way that we can put ourselves in someone else’s shoes, to see from their point of view. Thinking about this, what issues might then arise from a lack of diversity in publishing?
Part Two
Nikesh quotes the Pulitzer Prize-winning author Junot Díaz:
*You guys know about vampires? ... You know, vampires have no reflections in a mirror? There’s this idea that monsters don’t have reflections in a mirror. And what I’ve always thought isn’t that monsters don’t have reflections in a mirror. It’s that if you want to make a human being into a monster, deny them, at the cultural level, any reflection of themselves. And growing up, I felt like a monster in some ways. I didn’t see myself reflected at all. I was like, “Yo, is something wrong with me? That the whole...*
society seems to think that people like me don’t exist?” And part of what inspired me, was this deep desire that before I died, I would make a couple of mirrors. That I would make some mirrors so that kids like me might see themselves reflected back and might not feel so monstrous for it.
How do you think you would feel if there were no characters who reflected you in the books you read? Or, potentially, if you only saw negative representations of your race or culture?
Talk about if and why you think it’s important that we hear more diverse voices in literature (and perhaps in other areas – film, art, television etc).
Part Three
We need your stories.
Have Nikesh’s words inspired you to tell your own story? Remember that your point of view is completely individual – only you can tell it! Why not write your own piece of writing about your family, your background or your life? It doesn’t need to be complicated or long – just use your own voice, it’s the only one you have.
Further information:
Nikesh mentions Rife Magazine, the magazine by and for young people which he edits. Take a look at some of the content on their website. Why not pitch something to them? www.rifemagazine.co.uk/about-rife-magazine/
Young reporters Beth and Sheena are part of What’s Your Story?, Scottish Book Trust’s development programme for teenage writers and illustrators. Find out more at www.thestoryis.co.uk | <urn:uuid:a24bab8a-e78b-47fc-95e1-eb80adf07299> | CC-MAIN-2024-22 | https://learning.edbookfest.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Lets-Talk-About-Race-with-Nikesh-Shukla-PDF.pdf | 2024-05-26T18:36:54+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-22/segments/1715971058972.57/warc/CC-MAIN-20240526170211-20240526200211-00610.warc.gz | 294,959,707 | 902 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.99858 | eng_Latn | 0.999021 | [
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SAFE DRINKING WATER: CHALLENGE OF THE 80s
(Text of a speech before the Association of Metropolitan Water Agencies on March 29, 1984 by Senator Dave Durenberger (R-MN), Co-Chairman, National Water Alliance.)
My work on groundwater problems over the past year convinces me that preventing pollution is the best way to ensure the quality of your drinking water. The people of this nation have come to have an impossible task in making quality water unless each aspect of the nation becomes convinced that it has to keep the resource clean than it tries to pollute a polluted resource before it becomes a problem.
Congress passed the Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) in 1974 during a period of widespread national concern over the quality of the water we drink. We were finding a growing number of contaminants in drinking water which posed immediate and long-term health hazards to our population. The SDWA was a major step forward in the effort necessary to protect public health.
The SDWA was one of the last environmental programs to go on the books in an environmental decade. Like the bills to prevent air and water pollution, regulate the disposal of hazardous waste, to protect endangered species and preserve wilderness areas, the Safe Drinking Water Act is an ambitious law with a noble purpose. It has earned my respect, disapproving. We have today, nearly ten years after enactment, essentially the same handful of drinking water standards established by the Public Health Service in the 1960's. The fact that the EPA has not been able to set new standards indicates that the nation's attention on drinking water in the early 70s.
More than any other water supply businesses work hard to earn the public confidence. I am sure you share my feelings about the importance of the SDWA. With its broad comprehensive set of drinking water standards based on sound health science, it appears that we have made progress toward the goal of safe drinking water for all of us by nearly date. And we need to remove the clutter of public notification requirements, so that when the public is alerted to a health problem, they will be motivated to provide the budget and technical resources to correct the problem.
I will be offering three basic sets of amendments to the SDWA: one on storage tanks, one on groundwater protection, and a basic set of changes in the enforcement activities. Let me start with storage tanks. The EPA invented the acronym LUST for leaking underground storage tanks, they weren't getting much attention. All of the nation's concern was focused on the hazardous waste disposal sites that were contaminating groundwater. But LUST is, if anything, a bigger problem. GAO estimates that as of January 1983, there were 500,000 underground storage tanks containing hazardous chemicals. That means that 85% of the contamination incidents came from tanks. Only 13% were attributed to landfills and hazardous waste dumps. Dumps we regulate fairly to the letter of the law.
Experts have estimated that there are between 75,000 and 100,000 leaking tanks in the country. A leak of only 1 gallon a day from a single service station is enough to pollute the water of a small community.
A second set of amendments will deal with the groundwater protection on a more general basis. As the number of sources of contamination increases and the contaminated resource, pollution is increasing, especially in urban areas. What we hope to get through a groundwater protection program is an ounce of prevention, rather than pouring your industry with lead paint.
We need to encourage the states to develop a coherent strategy to protect their groundwater resources, identify and characterize, and control the current and potential use of these resources as well as natural and agricultural sources. We need a thorough understanding of the flow and recharge characteristics of the aquifers containing quality water. We need to consider surface water and sensitive recharge areas and how those activities may potentially contaminate the groundwater.
The amendments will be modeled on a similar planning and identification process that the committee developed for non-point sources of surface water pollution last year. The Federal government should provide financial assistance to the states, which then develop plans and programs to protect groundwater. At this time we see no direct federal regulatory role.
The third set of amendments will begin with a review of goals and objectives for the Act. The principal goal is that public water supply systems provide drinking water free of any contaminants that might have any adverse effect on public health. This has been a controversial issue in the past. That controversy is why the SDWA was passed. I state out intention to protect underground sources of drinking water from contamination. Congress expressed this goal for surface waters in the Clean Water Act. We will do the same for groundwater in the drinking water act and begin to make it the generic statute for this resource.
Most of the groundwater protection programs under water programs, large systems, large and small, should be checked for the whole list of contaminants at least once. The national and state governments will need to provide financial assistance to make sure that gets done. In addition to this initial check, we can require notification of the few contaminants which are or most likely to be a problem for each system. The notification requirements should be tied to the frequency and severity of violations and their potential for adverse health effects.
I hope that the collective result of these amendments is to provide you with the tools you need to protect and treat the essential commodity that you provide for the American people - clean, safe water.
Thank you for being here today and for your continuing commitment to the health of our nation.
What is the National Water Alliance?
ORGANIZATION
The NATIONAL WATER ALLIANCE was organized by eight Members of Congress who have recognized the need to develop a national water policy through a bipartisan coalition of leaders in the public, private, and academic communities. The ALLIANCE is a forum for debate and discussion on water problems and provides a clearinghouse for the dissemination of studies, research programs and conference proceedings.
The founding members comprise the Executive Committee of the Board of Directors: Senator Daniel DiNapoli (D-AZ), Chairman; Representative Robert Roe (D-NJ); Co-Chairman; Senator Dave Durenberger (R-MN), Co-Chairman; Senator Robert Dole (R-KS); Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY); Representative Thomas S. Foley (D-WA); Representative John Paul Hammerschmidt (R-AK); Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY).
EXECUTIVE ADVISORY COMMITTEE
Assisting in the founding of the ALLIANCE and serving on its members of the Executive Advisory Committee are Senator James Abdnor (R-SD); Representative Silvio O. Conte (R-MA); Senator Peter V. Domenici (R-NM); Senator John Heinz (R-PA); Senator J. Bennett Johnston (D-LA); Representative Walter B. Jones (R-NC); Representative Arlan I. Stangeland (R-MN); Representative Morris K. Udall (D-AZ); Representative Jamie L. Whitten (D-MS); and Representative James C. Wright Jr. (D-TX).
ORGANIZATION DETAILS
The NATIONAL WATER ALLIANCE is incorporated in the District of Columbia as a nonprofit 501(c)(3) educational organization and has been granted a tax-exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service under Section 501(c)(3). The Board of Directors will contain up to 30 members from the eight founding board members and all Members of the Congress—comprise the Executive Committee. Directors have been selected from the medical and science communities, leaders of commerce and industry, environmental regulators, the legal profession, the public sector and government. An Executive Advisory Committee of Members of Congress (listed above) is also active. Advisory groups in project areas such as Water Management, Public Health Affairs, Environmental Impacts, Associations Research and Water Studies have been established. The Board of Directors and Executive Committee members.
More than half of the board will come from the private sector, and a nationwide drive has started to enlist corporate membership, as well as membership by academic and science institutions, labor unions, professional and trade associations, water-conscious organizations and public interest groups.
MEMBERSHIP
Individual Membership: Annual dues $10 to $200
Academic & Nonprofit Group: Annual dues $200 or more.
Trade & Business Association: Annual dues $400 or more.
Corporate Membership: Annual dues $1,000 or more.
Sustaining Membership: Annual dues $2,000 or more.
Major Donor: Annual dues $10,000 or more.
Founding Donor: Annual dues $15,000 or more.
PROGRAM GOALS
The Executive Committee has identified five distinct roles for the NATIONAL WATER ALLIANCE:
• Develop a practical, purposeful framework for national water policy;
• Establish a clearinghouse to provide all public with useful and authoritative water information and data;
• Establish the framework for a multi-disciplinary water research program;
• Organize and carry forward water symposiums and conferences;
• Become a third party convener in regional or national water disputes to resolve such problems through voluntary negotiations and agreements; seek mediation—not litigation.
• Create a National Water Issues Program of public awareness and education, and use all media and press, publications, films, seminars, speakers bureaus and other communications to the public and the diverse groups impacted by water.
FUTURE PROGRAMS
A national series of water symposiums started in Philadelphia on September 30, 1983, with the American Water Works Association co-hosting the two-day meeting with the National Water Alliance. The first symposium, providing public input to the design of a National Water Research Center and Informational Resource, was held on March 23-24, 1984 in La Jolla, California. Other symposia include May 16-19, 1984 in St. Paul, Minnesota; September 11-12, 1984 in Washington, D.C.; and October 10-13, 1984 in New Orleans, Louisiana.
STAFF MEMBERS
Executive Director:
James J. Mignar
Special Counsel:
Joan M. Kovacic
Communications Director:
Margo Warren
Director of Development:
J.J. Wuerthner Jr.
Board of Directors:
Ms. Barbara J. Barron
Women's National Bar Association
Mr. John B. Bogle
Investment Company Institute
Bernstein Corporation
Mr. C. Robert Burns
Water Resources Council
Mr. William A. Hackett
Nat'l Cattlemen's Assn.
Mr. John T. Lawson
The Coca-Cola Company
Mr. James E. McLaughlin
President
S-I-F Corporation
Mr. William E. Eagle
Nat'l Cattlemen's Assn.
Mr. Geraldine Hanlon
The Women's Society
of St. Vincent de Paul
Researcher/Consultant
Dr. Louis A. Melkonian
Asst. Prof. of Political Science
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Spring has sprung! Shorts, sunscreen and sandal weather hit us a little early this year. If you haven’t already, please bring in a sun hat for your child. We want to make sure everyone is protected! 😊
Last month was all about transportation and “Stop and Go” was our theme. During music time we danced to a fun song called, “Hurry, hurry drive the fire truck.” Garrett and Mason would pretend to climb the ladder and squirt the water to put out the pretend fire. We also sang, “The wheels on the bus”…this is a favorite! Scarlet liked singing about the babies. She would say, “The babies go waaaa, all through the town!” During art time we made muddy trucks. Noah and Hayden enjoyed getting their hands dirty with paint and mud! Speaking of trucks, Zaccai and Ida had a blast riding on the big trucks outside in the grass. Ida said, “Beep, beep!”
With all the sunshine and warm temperatures, we were able to play in the water table for a few days. Serena loved to splish and splash! She was soaked from head to toe! Zoe liked playing with the boats and fish. She would smile and giggle as she pushed them around.
This month our theme is “Fruits and Veggies.” During music time we will dance to the song, “Fruit salad.” Art time will include apple stamping, corn on the cob rolling and painting orange carrots. Circle time books are, “The big hungry bear”, “Lunch” and “The very hungry Caterpillar.” Songs are, “I like to eat apples and bananas”, “10 Little Carrots” and “Fruits and Vegetables are good for me.”
Thank you for coming to conferences. We enjoyed getting to sit down with you and talk about your amazing children! Thanks again!
Have a wonderful month of May!
Ms. Kelcy and Ms. Kristine
## Fruits & Veggies!
### PM Activities
| Monday | Tuesday | Wednesday | Thursday | Friday |
|--------------|-------------|------------|------------|-------------|
| **2** | **3** | **4** | **5** | **6** |
| Red Apples | Color a Carrot | Paper plate Watermelons | Pineapple | Apple Stamping |
| **9** | **10** | **11** | **12** | **13** |
| Bunch of Grapes | Lemon Press | Mother's Day Surprise | Big Oranges | Tissue paper Lettuce |
| **16** | **17** | **18** | **19** | **20** |
| Yellow Bananas | Corn on the Cob Rolling | Sweet Cherries | Pepper Stamping | Little Peas |
| **23** | **24** | **25** | **26** | **27** |
| Carrot Stamping | Blueberry smash | Green Beans | Raspberry Fingerprints | Lemon Trees |
| **30** | **31** | | | |
| Tangy Orange | Cucumber Painting | | | |
### This Month’s Books:
- Colorful Garden
- The Big, Hungry Bear
- The Very Hungry Caterpillar
### This Month’s Songs:
- Fruits & Vegetables are good for me
- I like to eat apples & bananas
- 10 Little Carrots
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Bed Bugs 101 - I Have Bed Bugs, Now What?
Bed Bugs are increasingly becoming a problem within residences of all kinds, including homes, apartments, dormitories, cruise ships and shelters. "Bed Bugs 101" is written by Richard Cooper, entomologist and Vice President of BedBug Central, and is designed to help educate the public on this rapidly growing pest problem.
KEY POINTS:
- Bed bugs are best handled by a professional
- Physical methods such as vacuuming or hot laundering can be helpful
- Vacuums that are used to remove bed bugs can become infested
- Beds do not have to be thrown out, they can be saved by using an appropriate mattress & box spring encasement
- Sleeping in a different room or vacating the structure is not a solution and can make the problem more difficult to eliminate
1. **Contact a professional:**
The complete elimination of bed bugs requires highly trained and licensed individuals knowledgeable in bed bug biology, behavior, and the proper use of pesticides. There is little chance that you will be able to eliminate the problem on your own. Most commercially available pesticides are not designed for bed bugs and the use of these products (while they may kill some bed bugs) may only spread the bed bugs to remote areas and make the problem much more difficult to solve. While chemical remedies should only be handled by professionals, there are many non-chemical measures you can take to help eliminate the problem and speed up the results of your bed bug program. These techniques are discussed below.
2. **Remove bed bugs**
Just because you have bed bugs does not mean that you have to wait for a professional to kill them. You can simply crush them with a rag (although this may stain surfaces) or remove them with a vacuum. **Regularly inspecting and vacuuming your mattress and box spring is a very effective way to reduce large numbers of bed bugs quickly.** However, it is important to note that bed bugs can readily infest vacuums. To reduce the likelihood of the vacuum becoming infested you should choose a vacuum that empties into a vacuum bag instead of a filter. A vacuum bag can be easily disposed of while a filter is difficult to completely empty and eggs can easily lodge in places that you cannot see. **Also, avoid using vacuum attachments that have brushes or bristles.** Instead use the open end of the hose. Vacuuming up a little bit of talcum/baby powder before you start vacuuming and just after you finish may also help reduce the survival rate of some of the bugs that are vacuumed up. As soon as you are done vacuuming, the vacuum bag should be tied shut in a trash bag and discarded outside of the home. You should also inspect the housing of the vacuum where the bag attaches to the hose as some bugs may escape the vacuum bag. If you have a bagless vacuum, the contents of the canister should be emptied into a trash bag and tied shut. The canister should then be washed to remove any...
remaining bed bugs or eggs. If you are concerned about the vacuum becoming infested then you should not follow this recommendation.
3. **Eliminate clutter**
Clutter is a bed bug’s best friend and a pest management professional's worst enemy. Clutter provides an infinite number of areas for bed bugs to hide and creates areas that cannot be effectively treated by your pest management professional. These areas are a safe haven for bed bugs. Cluttered areas can cause the complete failure of a bed bug control program. *If cluttered conditions persist, your pest management professional may only be able to reduce the number of bed bugs and never completely eliminate the problem.* Do your best to eliminate clutter.
4. **Do not store items under bed**
Related to #3, items stored under the bed give bed bugs additional undisturbed areas to hide protected from any chemical treatments.
5. **Launder items regularly**
Heat is deadly to bed bug. All stages of bed bugs including the eggs can be killed by exposing them to temperatures in excess of 120°F for at least twenty minutes. Hot laundering can be a highly effective method for dealing with any item that can be safely placed in a clothes dryer on high heat. Research has also indicated that if your dryer has standard temperature settings, even a low dry cycle will achieve temperatures high enough to kill bed bugs and their eggs. Linens should be laundered regularly (preferably weekly) in hot water and dried in the hot cycle of your dryer to kill any bed bugs or eggs on the items. Even of you do not see any bed bugs on the items, female bed bugs drop eggs randomly as they roam. These eggs are very tiny and will not be noticed on your linens. *Washing the linens will remove and kill these eggs.* Likewise, if your couch is infested, you can also remove the cushion covers (if possible) and launder them as well. Please be aware that bed bugs were demonstrated to be able to survive a cold wash cycle even with detergent present.
6. **Install mattress and box spring encasements**
There are many mattress and box spring encasements available to the consumer; however most of these encasements have not been designed specifically for use with bed bugs. Instead, most encasements available to the consumer are designed to either protect the bed from becoming stained or provide relief for people with allergies to dust mites. This does not mean that they will be effective for bed bugs. It is very important to be sure that the encasement that you purchase has been specifically designed for bed bugs and has scientific data to support the effectiveness of the product.
Once beds are encased, any bugs that may be trapped within the encasement will be unable to escape or feed and will eventually die. In addition, once the beds are protected, other bed bugs cannot penetrate the encasement and thus cannot infest the mattress or box spring. Instead, bed bugs are restricted to the surface of the encasement where they are easy to spot and remove. In addition to playing an important role in managing a bed bug infestation, encasements can also be a very useful pro-active tool to help aid in the early detection of bed bugs should they be introduced into a dwelling that was not previously infested. Finally, it is important that the encasements are kept in good condition. Any rips in the encasements will allow bed bugs to enter and exit the encasement.
7. **Do not change where you sleep**
Some people believe that they can avoid bed bugs by sleeping in a different area of their home. Once people identify that their bed is infested, they will often begin sleeping in a different bedroom or on the sofa. Bed bugs have evolved over millions of years to be very adept at locating potential hosts to feed on. If you move to a different area of the home to sleep, the bed bugs will find you. Changing where you sleep is likely to promote the movement of bugs throughout the structure and make it more difficult to eliminate the infestation. **Even if you move out of your home, you risk bringing bed bugs with you to your temporary residence and infesting that area as well.** Not only can you spread the bed bugs, but when you return home, the bugs will be waiting to greet you. Remember, bed bugs can survive many months, and in some cases up to a year or more without feeding. Although it sounds like a grim choice, it is best to continue sleeping in the infested area until the bed bugs are eliminated.
8. **Do not immediately throw items away**
For many people, the immediate reaction to a bed bug infestation is to throw the infested items away. This is unnecessary and could possibly make the problem worse. As items are carried through the home to be discarded, bed bugs can fall off of the item and be spread throughout the home to uninfested areas. Also, you are eliminating the harborages for these bed bugs and disturbing them. This may cause the bed bugs to move to find other places to live and spread the problem. In addition, discarded items are often picked up by other people (maybe even your neighbor), spreading the problem to new areas. In some circumstances when the item is in poor condition or is highly infested, discarding the item is the best option. However, this is best left to a professional so that the item can be discarded properly without spreading the problem.
**Infested beds are often discarded without destroying them or sealing them in a plastic or other protective encasing.** The end result is that bugs and eggs may be distributed along the path out of the dwelling as they are removed. Infested beds left outside in hallways, by dumpsters or curbside may be picked up by an unsuspecting party spreading the problem to a new location.
Article printed from [http://www.bedbugcentral.com](http://www.bedbugcentral.com). Richard Cooper has more articles on bed bugs and their habits on the website.
| Biology, Behavior, & Characteristics | What This Means To You |
|-------------------------------------|------------------------|
| Bedbugs Are Nocturnal & Exhibit A “Shy” Behavior During Daytime | They Easily Avoid Detection Causing Populations To Grow |
| Bedbugs Are Thigmotactic (Prefers Tight Spaces) | They Will Hide In Every Crack & Crevice Available Within A Room Or Wall Void |
| Egg To Adult Development Ranges From 5-8 Weeks To Eight Months | Bedbugs Can Live Beyond Traditional Service Programs |
| Lifespan = Six Months To 1.5 Years | They Can Go Into A Dormant Stage & Reappear Several Months Later |
| Females Lay Eggs In Batches In 10-50 & Can Produce 200-500 During Lifespan | Uncontrolled Populations Can Grow Very Rapidly |
| Cements Eggs In Cracks, Crevices, & Wall Voids | Enhances Survival Rate Of Eggs By Avoiding Commonly Treated Areas |
| Can Go Without Feeding For 80-140 Days (One Study Showed 550 Days!) | False Sense Of Security (Control) Due To Lack Of Bites |
| Bedbugs Travel Very Well Within Wall Voids | Room-To-Room Movement Is Very Likely. Hiding In Wall Voids Makes Control Very Difficult |
| Rodents, Bats, Birds (Pests) + Pets (Dogs & Cats) Can Act As Hosts | These Hosts Can Move An Infestation Around A Structure | | <urn:uuid:744fe824-213d-4d9e-9011-0ad9025e42c1> | CC-MAIN-2021-43 | http://clintoncountyhealth.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/bedbugs.pdf | 2021-10-20T00:18:51+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-43/segments/1634323585290.83/warc/CC-MAIN-20211019233130-20211020023130-00029.warc.gz | 17,198,394 | 2,216 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.999156 | eng_Latn | 0.999299 | [
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¡El mejor chocolate caliente!
lesson plans, games, stories, and more!
Book 2
Chapter 3
Copyright ©2020
spanishschoolforkids.com
Please remember that this should be adjusted based on your kids. If they need to do less in a day or want to do more, please do not feel you need to follow this exactly. Go at the pace that works for you and your kids.
If your kids can’t read yet, read the stories to them for more great listening practice.
I have planned about 5 days for this chapter. Here is an approximate schedule:
Always begin each day with greetings (Buenos días o buenas tardes, ¿Cómo estás?) and calendar time.
**Day 1**
1. Follow the instructions and script for Total Physical Response (TPR).
2. Show this [video](#) for listening practice with the pictures.
3. Start PQA with one verb (corre, camina, or pone).
**Day 2**
1. Review vocabulary with TPR by saying the words (in a random order) and going through the list at least once.
2. Complete PQA. Can watch this [video](#) with some of the questions and the mini-situation.
Tip: PQA is an area that may need to be broken up over 2 or 3 days depending on your kids’ interest level and age. If you want to break it up, do PQA with one verb at a time. For instance, ask the questions for “camina” one day and then “pone” the next.
Day 3
1. Review vocabulary with TPR by saying the words (in a random order) and going through the list at least once OR have kids read the mini-story from the previous lesson. You can also check my website for a story that my kids and I have created.
2. Complete the Movie Talk if you have it.
3. Complete the listening activity and the first version of the story *Andrés y sus perros*. I recorded the story on this video. You can have kids listen to the beginning of the [video](#) and draw what they hear.
Day 4
1. Review the vocabulary that is most challenging to your kids with TPR saying the words a few times in random order OR play *Memoria* (Memory) or *Peces* (Go Fish).
2. Complete the second version of the story *Andrés y sus perros*.
3. Play the game.
Day 5
1. Review the vocabulary with TPR if needed OR play one of the games mentioned in #1 of Day 4.
2. If you have the workbook, read chapter 3 and complete any corresponding activities.
3. Complete the *Sobre de mí* activity.
TIPS:
Try to read for a few minutes each day. Reading is very important for language acquisition!
If you don’t have the workbook, definitely write the mini-story you and your kids create from the story outline in the PQA script for additional reading practice. The Mini-Story activity in this post is an example.
| Learning Targets | Activities | Assessment | Materials |
|------------------|-----------|------------|-----------|
| corre | 1. TPR | 1. Say word in Spanish, kids show actions without help | Copies of activities Vocabulary List |
| camina | 2. PQA | 2., 3., 4. Quick checks – have kids translate what you just said, check for logical answers to questions; have kids do gestures or act out what you're saying | Optional Movie Talk Workbook |
| pone | 3. Video with pictures for listening practice | 5. Kids should correctly translate the sentences | |
| rápido – fast | 4. Movie Talk, optional | 6., 7. Kids should answer questions logically and translate correctly | |
| despacio – slowly | 5. Game – Las carreras | 8. Kids should translate 1st section correctly, answer questions logically in 2nd section, and write logical, correct sentences. More assessment ideas offered with activities | |
| la mochila – the backpack | 6. Story – Andrés y sus perros | | |
| la mermelada – the jam | 7. Chapter 3 – optional, if you have workbook once it's available | | |
| el pan tostado – the toast | 8. Sobre de mí – reading and writing activity | | |
Vocabulary List
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Annual conference is March 31-April 2
This year’s conference offers up-to-date information from lake experts on a variety of lakes’ topics that are relevant for students, lake residents, lake educators and lake professionals. The Bellingham conference runs from March 31 for those in the Hydrolab workshop, or April 1 for those attending the WALPA sessions, to April 2.
Session topics are: lake phosphorus retention and management; Lake Whatcom restoration and management; volunteer monitoring programs; fish and water quality; control of milfoil and invasive weeds in lakes; fish, lakes and stream restoration; lake organizations and regulations; nuisance waterfowl control and management; innovative technologies for lake restoration; and research on lake ecology and management.
On April 2, an aquatic plant workshop will be offered by Kathy Hamel and Jenifer Parsons of Ecology. They encourage participants to bring aquatic plants for identification.
Everyone is welcome to enter their lake-related photo to WALPA’s third annual photo contest. For details on the contest, see the brochure or contact Ryan Langan, 360-754-3355 or firstname.lastname@example.org.
Questions about the conference may be directed to WALPA President Lee Mellish, 1-509-922-9016 or WALPA Past-President Rob Zisette, 1-206-441-9080. Thanks to WALPA President-Elect Barry Moore for organizing the conference.
Hydrolab workshop on Wed.
T.J. Sisson will lead a free workshop on Hydrolab maintenance and calibration on Wed., March 31 from 9 am to 4 pm. Participants should bring their own Hydrolab equipment. A free lunch will be provided during the session.
To register for the workshop contact T.J. Sisson at 1-208-543-6697 or email@example.com. Registration for this workshop is separate from the WALPA conference registration.
About the Lakeway Inn
The conference will be held at the Best Western Lakeway Inn in Bellingham. There is a 24-hour business center with a fax machine, large copier, and computers with Internet access, plus a Fitness Center.
A special rate offered for the WALPA conference is $84 for two double beds or a king-size bed. Call 888-671-1011 to make a reservation. Mention the WALPA conference to receive these special rates.
To see the hotel or for more information, visit www.bellingham-hotel.com or call 888-671-1011.
Conference brochures were mailed in mid-February. The brochure is available in a PDF format at www.nalms.org/walpa.
House/Senate Bills address tax on LMDs
By Paula R. Lowe, editor
There were two bills before the legislature, HB 2432 and SB 6145, this session addressing “exempting lake management districts from business and occupation tax.” The House Bill sponsors were Representatives Alexander, Romero, Bush and Hunt, while the Senate Bill sponsors were Senators Swecker, Fraser, Winsley and Haugen.
“The Department of Revenue was contemplating requiring Lake Management Districts to pay a Business and Occupation tax — the proceeds from their dues,” explains Representative Gary Alexander. “After we filed the bills, they had a change of heart and are not going to access a B & O tax. Therefore we don’t need the bills. But if they ever change their mind and attempt to get greedy, I will reintroduce the bill, HB 2432, to exempt Lake Management Districts from B & O taxes.”
For information on the bills, visit www.leg.wa.gov/wsl.adm/bills.cfm. To contact Representative Alexander, firstname.lastname@example.org.
WALPA bylaws amended
By Isabel Ragland, WALPA board member
At the January 12 board meeting, the WALPA board voted to amend the bylaws, Article IV, Section D. This section of the bylaws which stated that the membership year ends on December 31 was amended to read that the membership year of the Association shall end on March 31 or at the time of the annual conference, whichever occurs later in the year. This change aligns the membership year with the time of the conference and allows payment of dues to be combined with the registration for the annual conference.
This issue of the Waterline was mailed to past members and lakes associations to inform lake residents and others about the many benefits of being a member of the Washington State Lake Protection Association (WALPA).
Lake associations are especially encouraged to join WALPA, a chapter of the North American Lake Management Society (NALMS).
All members receive the quarterly newsletter, the Waterline, and a brochure about the annual conference.
As a member of WALPA, associations may request the organization’s lake experts to make educational presentations at meetings.
The upcoming annual conference is a great time to learn more about lakes, current issues and regulations.
Conference participants receive a year-long individual membership to WALPA when they attend.
To renew your membership in the organization, complete the form below and mail it to WALPA. We are looking forward to seeing you soon!
Attention lake associations
We are updating our mailing list and would like to have the names and addresses of your current officers. Remember to include your lake association name. Send your address corrections and updates to WALPA, P.O. Box 4245, Seattle, WA 98104 or to email@example.com.
For further information about WALPA, visit our Web site, www.nalms.org/walpa/.
JOIN WALPA TODAY!
Name ____________________________________________________________
Affiliation _________________________________________________________
Address __________________________________________________________
City ___________________________ State _____ Zip _________________
Phone (____) __________________ E-mail ____________________________
Annual membership dues
$15 students, $20 individuals, $30 professionals, $40 organizations
Send this completed form with your membership dues to:
WALPA
P.O. Box 4245
Seattle, WA 98104
WALPA is a nonprofit organization. WALPA accepts donations of any amount throughout the year. Dues are renewable at the annual spring conference, but if you attend the conference, you will automatically receive one-year membership to WALPA.
New permits available by request
By Tricia Shoblom, Lakes Specialist, Washington State Department of Ecology Northwest Regional Office
Washington State Department of Ecology (Ecology) in past years has provided oversight of pesticide applications to waters of the state with Administrative Orders (seasonal permits that preceded NPDES Permits). On March 12, 2001, The Ninth Circuit District Court ruled in the Talent Irrigation District v. Headwaters Inc. case. The ruling affects nine western states and requires that herbicide applications to waters of the United States be covered under an NPDES Permit. Since that time Ecology has developed NPDES Permits for Mosquito Larval Control, Fish Management, Irrigation Systems, Oyster Growers, Noxious Weed Control, and Nuisance Plant and Algae Control.
The Aquatic Nuisance Plant and Algae Control NPDES Permit went into effect on July 5, 2002. The permit covers aquatic nuisance plant and algae control activities that discharge herbicides or algaecides into surface waters in the state of Washington. Permittees are generally lake associations seeking to control native plants that are viewed as hindering beneficial uses such as swimming or boating. Between the north and southwest regional offices of Ecology, there are approximately 30 lakes that receive seasonal coverage under the permit.
The process for obtaining coverage under the Nuisance and Algae NPDES Permit can be accomplished by completing a few simple steps. First, contact the Natural Heritage Program to determine if the proposed waterbody has the presence of threatened, rare, or sensitive plants. Second, submit a completed application for coverage from 38 days prior to the treatment, along with a copy of a published public notice, and the expected date of the second publication. Publishing the second notice (at least one week after the first notice) is the start of the 30-day public comment period. Permit coverage will be effective 38 days after Ecology’s acceptance of an application, or publication of the second published notice, whichever occurs later.
The Aquatic Nuisance Plant and Algae Permit also requires that an Integrated Aquatic Vegetation Management Plan (IAVMP) to be developed when more than two coverages per permit cycle (5 years) are desired. Appendix A of the permit details what is required for an IAVMP to be approvable. Describing past management efforts, setting reasonable goals, detailing lake-specific waterbody characteristics, researching alternative plant control alternatives, and developing a detailed action strategy are some of the areas that must be included in a plan. The Aquatic Nuisance Plant and Algae Permit can be viewed at: www.ecy.wa.gov/programs/wq/pesticides/final_pesticide_permits/nuisance/nuisance_index.html.
To view an example of an approved Nuisance IAVMP, go to: www.ecy.wa.gov/programs/wq/pesticides/index.html
For information, contact Tricia Shoblom 425-649-7288, or firstname.lastname@example.org or Margaret Hill at 360-407-0246 or email@example.com
Ecology welcomes comments on state’s Water Quality Assessment
The Department of Ecology (Ecology) has prepared a preliminary assessment of water quality in Washington. Assessed waters include all the rivers, lakes and marine waters in the state where data were available. The assessed waters are listed in five categories that describe the status of water quality. Category 5, the polluted waters category, is also known as the “303(d) list.” Comments are welcome on Washington’s Water Quality Assessment through March 15.
Information, including comprehensive listings and an interactive map that shows all waters in the state for which data exist, is available at www.ecy.wa.gov/programs/wq/303d/2002/2002-index.html.
Ecology is asking people to review waters with which you are familiar and provide comments where you see problems or disagree with the assessment results. If you disagree with the assessment results, explain why and submit additional data, if available.
During this review, Ecology will also accept new data that were not submitted during the 2002 call for data. This information will be reviewed and incorporated into the final assessment as appropriate. See the Web page for details on how to submit data.
Since this is a large database with over 40,000 records, it is available on Ecology’s Web site. For an alternate format, contact Ken Koch at 360-407-6782, firstname.lastname@example.org or by mail, Ken Koch, Department of Ecology, P.O. Box 47600, Olympia, WA 98504-7600.
WALPA produces fact sheets
By Isabel Ragland, WALPA board member
The WALPA lake user survey showed five areas of concern. They are: impact of new development on shorelines and wetlands; responsible pesticide and fertilizer use on lake shores and watersheds; bacterial and fecal contamination; invasive aquatic plants; and nuisance waterfowl.
Each of these topics will be addressed in fact sheets presented as two-page pull-out sections inserted in the Waterline beginning in June and for the following four issues.
Lakeside landscaping: Go native
Living near a lake offers residents beautiful surroundings and recreational opportunities. It also comes with the shared responsibility to keep the waters clean and healthy. One easy and inexpensive way to achieve this is to add a mix of native plants near the water’s edge or along unstable slopes.
Rewards of going native
In the past, clearing vegetation near the shoreline and filling in low areas with sand or creating bulkheads was the standard practice. While this brought homeowners more traditional beach areas, water quality was detrimentally affected. Runoff from adjacent fertilized lawns and oils and other pollutants from nearby roads easily moved into lake water. Moreover, this type of landscape proved to attract nuisance waterfowl such as Canada geese, which can further degrade water quality.
Today we know that restoring native vegetation as a buffer along the edge of streams, lakes, and wetlands helps to maintain and improve the quality of our water. It also helps to prevent erosion, especially on steeper properties.
Plants can play a role in cleaning stormwater runoff by filtering out sediments, pollution, and bacteria. Homeowners are further rewarded with less erosion, minimal landscaping hassles, and far fewer geese calling their yards home.
Getting started
Planting a native plant buffer is not much different from planting a garden. A variety of beautiful trees, shrubs, perennials, and ground covers are available that are suitable for all tastes and budgets. Many local nurseries now offer native Northwest plants and advice on how to plant and maintain them. Additionally, a wealth of information is available online. A good place to start is with the King County’s Web site http://dnr.metrokc.gov/wlr/PI/npresrcs.htm. The site offers links to books and publications on native plants and a list of nurseries specializing in Northwest native plants. Another good Web site for information is Washington’s Native Plant Society at www.wnps.org/index.html
Right plant, right place
Take a moment to assess what you already have and then work to augment existing plantings. Each native plant performs a role. Some are excellent at reducing erosion, others are beneficial for birds and other wildlife. For example, to attract hummingbirds, plant red flowering currant and orange honeysuckle.
Placement is important too. Sedges, rushes, and reeds grow best at the edges of water in sun or partial shade. Vine maples and dogwoods are good under-story trees, preferring light shade.
Slope-side planting
Some native plants have extensive root systems and excellent soil holding abilities. These plants can be used on steep slopes or on eroding water edges. For dry slopes plant big leaf maple, black hawthorn, kinnikinnick, Nootka roses, thimbleberry or sword fern. To control erosion near the water’s edge, red osier dogwoods, willows, Oregon ash, and vine maples are good choices.
Make a positive change along the shore of your lake – GO NATIVE!
Pooping pets pose pollution predicament
From Washington State Department of Ecology
When Daisy and Digger dally on their daily doggie walks, they produce a surprising amount of bacteria-filled waste, adding up to as much as 150 tons a day in Washington alone.
According to the state Department of Ecology, all this pet waste can cause serious environmental harm unless it is properly controlled.
“In an area of 100,000 people, about the size of Everett or Yakima, dogs generate about two and a half tons of feces per day,” said Ralph Svajcek, a water clean-up specialist for Ecology. “That’s almost two million pounds a year. That’s a lot of bacteria.”
Studies show about half of all dog owners walk their dogs in public places, and up to 40 percent of them don’t pick up after their pets.
Dog and cat waste left on the ground can be washed into storm sewers, most of which drain directly into natural water bodies. There the waste contributes to all sorts of problems - from sick kids to mucky algae that suffocates fish and is sometimes poisonous to humans.
“It seems like such a small amount when it’s just your dog, but it really does add up,” Svajcek said. “Many people don’t realize how important it is to take care of their pet waste so it stays out of our lakes, rivers and streams.”
The same bacteria that make pet waste dangerous to people in parks can make water unsafe for swimming or drinking. Children and others can get sick if they dunk their heads or accidentally get a mouthful of polluted water. And when waste gets into shellfish beds, it can make clams and oysters unsafe to eat.
Children and others who play in yards or in parks where pets do their business can pick up illnesses from disease-causing bacteria and parasites. These include diarrhea, fever, muscle aches, headaches, vomiting, roundworms and toxoplasmosis (a parasite continued on page 5.
carried by cats that can cause birth defects if a woman becomes infected during pregnancy). Other pets can get sick too.
So, what should a responsible pet owner do?
“Don’t just throw your dog’s business over the fence,” Svrjcek warned. “Yes, it will biodegrade eventually, but meanwhile it can cause problems for the rest of us.”
Cleaning up after pets can be as simple as taking along a plastic bag on your next walk. The “used” bag can be disposed safely by securing the plastic bag and putting it in a nearby trash can. At home, larger volumes of pet waste should be double-bagged to ensure it can be safely handled by local sanitation workers.
Many wastewater treatment plants allow pet waste to be flushed down the toilet (just the waste, not the litter). Check with the treatment plant first, though.
Homeowners who use septic systems should use another disposal method for pet waste. For example, pet waste can be buried in the yard, at least six inches deep, away from vegetable gardens, lakes, streams, ditches or wells.
“Even in rural areas, if you leave your pet’s waste to decay in your yard, try to make sure it doesn’t cause a water pollution problem,” Svrjcek said.
Clean up near wells, storm drains, ditches and waterways, and always remove waste from areas where children play.
For information, contact Leslie Thorpe, public information manager, 360-407-6848 or www.ecy.wa.gov.
Diseases that can be passed from pet waste to humans:
Campylobacteriosis - a bacterial infection carried by dogs and cats that frequently causes diarrhea in humans.
Salmonellosis - the most common bacterial infection transmitted to humans by other animals. Symptoms include fever, muscle aches, headache, vomiting and diarrhea.
Toxocariasis - roundworms usually transmitted from dogs to humans, often without noticeable symptoms, but may cause vision loss, a rash, fever or cough.
Toxoplasmosis - a parasite carried by cats that can cause birth defects if a woman becomes infected during pregnancy. Can
Lake Focus on Lake Whatcom
By Heidi Wachter, Taylor Associates
Located in southwestern Whatcom County, Lake Whatcom provides an important and essential resource to the people and environment within its watershed. In addition to supporting the lake’s biota and ecological processes, this multipurpose lake provides drinking water for more than half the population of Whatcom County. Other human uses include education, fishing, swimming and boating. To ensure protection and preservation of the lake as a drinking water source, Whatcom County, Water District #10, and the city of Bellingham have jointly adopted a set of goals, which are the foundation for the Lake Whatcom Management Program.
Physical characteristics
As the largest lake within the county, Lake Whatcom has a surface area of 5,000 acres with 26.5 miles of shoreline. This large (770,000 acre-feet), deep natural lake extends to a maximum depth of 330 feet, with a mean lake depth of 154 feet. Lake Whatcom’s surface elevation is at 315 feet beneath its 56 square mile watershed. The western end of the lake extends into the city of Bellingham where its waters flow into Whatcom Creek and eventually into Bellingham Bay.
Fish use
Lake Whatcom is inhabited by a variety of fish, including kokanee, brown bullhead, pumpkinseed, cutthroat trout, smallmouth bass and yellow perch. It is important to note that in 2001 a fish advisory for mercury in Lake Whatcom smallmouth bass and yellow perch was posted by Whatcom County Health and Human Services and the Washington State Department of Health. For more information on this advisory, contact these two agencies.
Water quality
Lake water quality has been affected by land uses in the watershed, which include forestry and urbanization. In 2000, Lake Whatcom was targeted for a five-year water cleanup program with implementation for 2000 through 2005. An Ecology Focus Paper (2002) noted pollutants in the lake to include depleted oxygen levels, high phosphorus levels, bacteria and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs). A recent Western Washington University monitoring report (2001/2002) found relatively low soluble phosphorous levels at five monitoring sites and during the summer high total phosphorous levels at two of the five sites. Total bacteria counts were low for all sites with the exception of one site during September, October and December 2001. In response to community concerns for mercury contamination, mercury has been measured in the water column and at several lake inlets. Mercury levels were found to be below reporting limits and drinking water standards. Community concern for potential mercury contamination has prompted a United States Geological Services (USGS) study of mercury sources and movement within the watershed with results estimated for 2004. (See source list for details on water quality.)
Bathymetric map of Lake Whatcom. Figure provided by WashingtonLakes.com, with thanks to Washington State Department of Fish & Wildlife.
Additional studies on Lake Whatcom and the Lake Whatcom watershed include: an evaluation of the effectiveness of stormwater treatment in the watershed; a variety of undergraduate and graduate research projects; and development of a hydrologic model of the lake.
Note: WALPA makes no guarantee to the accuracy of this information.
Sources for this article:
- Robin Matthews, W.W.U., Institute for Watershed Studies
- Lake Whatcom Monitoring Project 2001/2002 Final Report, R. A. Matthews et al.
- Ecology. Lake Whatcom Cleaning up Water Pollution, Focus Paper Dec. 2002. Publication # 02-10-070.
- W.W.U., Institute for Watershed Studies – www.ac.wwu.edu/~iws
- Whatcom County, Public Works – www.co.whatcom.wa.us/publicworks/water
- Lake Whatcom Management Program – www.lakewhatcom.wsu.edu
- WashingtonLakes.com
Want to recommend a lake for the next Lake Focus? Send to Heidi Wachter at email@example.com.
See television special about watersheds
EPA’s Acting Assistant Administrator for Water Benjamin Grumbles announces the airing of an upcoming television special about watersheds co-produced by the Environmental Protection Agency and The Weather Channel. *After the Storm* premiered on The Weather Channel in early February, but additional showings are set for Sun., May 9 at 8:30 and 11:30 pm EST and Sat., June 26 at 8:30 and 11:30 pm EST. Check local listings for local times.
“I encourage everyone to tune in to learn more about the threats facing our nation’s waters from polluted runoff,” said Grumbles. *After the Storm* shows the connection between weather and watersheds and the importance of watershed protection. We all live in a watershed and we all have an impact on our environment.”
The program reminds viewers that a finite amount of fresh water exists on the planet, and that everyone needs to take actions to protect water resources. “Over the last 30 years, the nation has done a tremendous job in tackling pollution from large factories and sewage treatment plants,” said Grumbles. “Remaining threats are much more difficult to regulate. When it rains or when snow melts, pollutants from city streets, suburban lawns, and farms may run off into our nation’s streams, lakes, wetlands and coastal waters.”
The show highlights three case studies — Santa Monica Bay, the Mississippi River Basin/Gulf of Mexico, and New York City — where polluted runoff threatens watersheds highly valued for recreation, commercial fisheries and navigation, and drinking water. Key scientists, water quality experts, and citizens involved in local and national watershed protection efforts provide insight into the problems as well as solutions to today’s water quality crisis.
Grumbles added, “EPA was pleased to team up with The Weather Channel on this educational special. Broadcast meteorologists are considered trusted and effective spokespersons for conveying complex environmental and scientific information to the American public, and millions of viewers tune into The Weather Channel daily for the latest weather updates. Weather events — like droughts, floods, and rain — directly impact the quality of our water resources. They offer a perfect opportunity for meteorologist to discuss connections between weather and watersheds.” http://watershed.interactive-environment.com/main/
In addition to illustrating the environmental implications of weather events, the special provides useful tips on how people can help make a difference. *After the Storm* explains simple things people can do to protect their local watershed — such as picking up after one’s dog and recycling household hazardous wastes. It also shows how some communities and private companies are getting involved through low impact development – utilizing rain gardens and green roofs to minimize stormwater runoff.
Viewers are encouraged to visit the EPA Web site, www.epa.gov/weatherchannel for more information about what they can do, including a free brochure about stormwater pollution.
After six months, EPA owns the rights to the special. The agency intends to make *After the Storm* available to other television stations and educational organizations interested in broadcasting the show.
Thanks to WALPA President Lee Mellish for submitting this article.
Waterline accepts ads
The *Waterline* accepts advertising for environmentally-friendly, lake-related products or services.
For advertising information and rates, contact Paula R. Lowe, 360-491-0109, firstname.lastname@example.org.
Volunteer natural resources projects in Thurston and King Counties
**Stream Team of Thurston County** offers a Tour of Salmon Recovery Projects on Sat., March 6 from 9 am to 3 pm at the Thurston County Courthouse.
Learn about the most recent salmon recovery projects and learn how to help select future projects.
To register, call Susie Vanderburg, 360-357-2491.
**King County Water and Land Resources** offers a Native Plant Salvage on Sat., March 6 from 9 am to 4 pm near Redmond. Spend a day outdoors salvaging native plants from a future development site. Plants rescued will be repotted and used for future salmon habitat restoration projects along King County Streams. To volunteer, contact Greg Rabourn, 206-296-1923 or email@example.com.
Graphic credit - Laurel Preston, King County Department of Natural Resources and Parks.
WASHINGTON STATE LAKE PROTECTION ASSOCIATION
P.O. BOX 4245
SEATTLE, WA 98104
WALPA Board for 2003-2004
Board of Directors
President Lee Mellish firstname.lastname@example.org
President-elect Barry Moore email@example.com
Past President Rob Zisette firstname.lastname@example.org
Secretary Moya Joubert email@example.com
Treasurer Kathleen Emmett firstname.lastname@example.org
Directors
Sally Abella email@example.com
Leo Bodensteiner firstname.lastname@example.org
Anthony Gabriel email@example.com
Ryan Langan firstname.lastname@example.org
Dave Vandermeulen email@example.com
Isabel Ragland firstname.lastname@example.org
Jim Karlson email@example.com
Michael Murphy firstname.lastname@example.org
Shannon Nobel email@example.com
Anthony Whiley firstname.lastname@example.org
Waterline newsletter published quarterly
| Deadline | Issue date |
|----------|------------|
| May 1 | June 1 |
| Aug. 1 | Sept. 1 |
| Nov. 1 | Dec. 1 |
| Feb. 1 | March 1 |
Send your ideas for articles to Waterline Editor Paula Lowe, email@example.com or call 360-491-0109.
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1. Name the following
(a) The process in plants that links light energy with chemical energy
(b) Organisms that can prepare their own food
(c) The cell organelle where photosynthesis occurs
(d) Cells that surround a stomatal pore
(e) Organisms that cannot prepare their own food
(f) An enzyme secreted from gastric glands in stomach that acts on proteins.
2. “All plants give out oxygen during day and carbon dioxide during night”. Do you agree with this statement? Give reason.
3. How do the guard cells regulate opening and closing of stomatal pores?
4. Two green plants are kept separately in oxygen free containers, one in the dark and the other in continuous light. Which one will live longer? Give reasons.
5. If a plant is releasing carbon dioxide and taking in oxygen during the day, does it mean that there is no photosynthesis occurring? Justify your answer.
6. Why do fishes die when taken out of water?
7. Differentiate between an autotroph and a heterotroph.
8. Is ‘nutrition’ a necessity for an organism? Discuss.
9. What would happen if green plants disappear from earth?
10. Leaves of a healthy potted plant were coated with vaseline. Will this plant remain healthy for long? Give reasons for your answer.
11. How does aerobic respiration differ from anaerobic respiration?
12. Match the words of Column (A) with that of Column (B)
13. Differentiate between an artery and a vein.
14. What are the adaptations of leaf for photosynthesis?
15. Why is small intestine in herbivores longer than in carnivores?
16. What will happen if mucus is not secreted by the gastric glands?
17. What is the significance of emulsification of fats?
18. What causes movement of food inside the alimentary canal?
19. Why does absorption of digested food occur mainly in the small intestine?
20. Match Group (A) with Group (B)
| Group (A) | Group (B) |
|----------------------------|--------------------|
| (a) Autotrophic nutrition | (I) Leech |
| (b) Heterotrophic nutrition| (II) Paramecium |
| (c) Parasitic nutrition | (III) Deer |
| (d) Digestion in food vacuoles | (IV) Green plant |
21. Why is the rate of breathing in aquatic organisms much faster than in terrestrial organisms?
22. Why is blood circulation in human heart called double circulation?
23. What is the advantage of having four chambered heart?
24. Mention the major events during photosynthesis
25. In each of the following situations what happens to the rate of photosynthesis?
- (a) Cloudy days
- (b) No rainfall in the area
- (c) Good manuring in the area
26. Name the energy currency in the living organisms. When and where is it produced?
27. What is common for cuscuta, ticks and leeches?
28. Explain the role of mouth in digestion of food.
29. What are the functions of gastric glands present in the wall of the stomach?
30. Match the terms in Column (A) with those in Column (B)
| Column (A) | Group (B) |
|------------|-----------|
| (a) Trypsin | (I) Pancreas |
| (b) Amylase | (II) Liver |
| (c) Bile | (III) Gastric glands |
| (d) Pepsin | (IV) Saliva |
31. Name the correct substrates for the following enzymes
- (a) Trypsin
- (b) Amylase
- (c) Pepsin
- (d) Lipase
32. Why do veins have thin walls as compared to arteries?
33. What will happen if platelets were absent in the blood?
34. Plants have low energy needs as compared to animals. Explain.
35. Why and how does water enter continuously into the root xylem?
36. Why is transpiration important for plants?
37. How do leaves of plants help in excretion?
**Long Answer Type Questions**
1. Explain the process of nutrition in Amoeba.
2. Describe the alimentary canal of man.
3. Explain the process of breathing in man.
4. Explain the importance of soil for plant growth.
5. Draw the diagram of alimentary canal of man and label the following parts:
Mouth, Oesophagus, Stomach, Intestine
6. How do carbohydrates, proteins and fats get digested in human beings?
7. Explain the mechanism of photosynthesis.
8. Explain the three pathways of breakdown in living organisms.
9. Describe the flow of blood through the heart of human beings.
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Weather Lab #2 Rate at Which Surface Layers Heat or Freeze
Date: Sept 14 Name & Partners: whole class
Purpose: To test how different ground or water layers respond to temperature changes of heating or cooling.
Hypothesis: I predict that Sand’s temperature will take the longest to heat or cool and Water’s temperature will take the shortest amount of time to heat or cool.
Materials:
- thermometers
- pencil crayons
- samples: soil, water, gravel, and sand
- lab report
- plastic cups
- pencil
Procedure:
1. Gather samples in a plastic cup: soil, sand, water and gravel
2. Place a thermometer in each sample and record the temperature at room temperature
3. Record outside present temperature
4. Place samples outside in direct sunlight (ideally) for 10-60 minutes.
5. Observe the temperature of each sample and record and illustrate thermometers
6. Write observations and explain results
7. Refer to your original hypothesis, confirm or refute whether correct or not and why in your conclusion
Observations:
Document data on the table of each sample in degrees:
| Samples/Material | Degrees at room temperature | Degrees in direct sunlight or being outside |
|------------------|-----------------------------|--------------------------------------------|
| water | 21°C | 22°C Went up 1°C |
| sand | 21°C | 21°C No change |
| soil | 21°C | 22.5°C Went up 1.5°C |
| gravel | 21°C | 22°C Went up 1°C |
23°C day/4 hours
After 240 minutes of being exposed to the sun's rays or outside, this is the temperature of each sample:
| sand | soil | water | gravel |
|------|------|-------|--------|
| 100°C | 212°F | 100°C | 212°F |
| 90°C | 192°F | 90°C | 192°F |
| 80°C | 172°F | 80°C | 172°F |
| 70°C | 152°F | 70°C | 152°F |
| 60°C | 132°F | 60°C | 132°F |
| 50°C | 112°F | 50°C | 112°F |
| 40°C | 92°F | 40°C | 92°F |
| 30°C | 72°F | 30°C | 72°F |
| 20°C | 52°F | 20°C | 52°F |
| 10°C | 32°F | 10°C | 32°F |
| 0°C | 0°C | 0°C | 0°C |
- Sand: 21°C (69.8°F)
- Soil: 22.5°C (72.5°F)
- Water: 22°C (71.6°F)
- Gravel: 22°C (71.6°F)
Explain observations and results:
- **Sand**: Sand is really thick and the layers take longer to heat.
- **Soil**: Soil is a dark and loose. Top layers absorb heat because of colour.
- **Water**: Because it is clear, light can pass through and heat the surface, but if deep, the layers will take longer.
- **Gravel**: Because the rock sizes are larger, there was a lot more air and space to heat the surface.
Conclusion:
My prediction was partly correct. I predicted that water would heat the fastest, which was wrong. Soil heated up the fastest. I was correct about sand taking the longest to heat up. | <urn:uuid:3d9dcb28-7c12-4f34-b606-a4ac5ffb0835> | CC-MAIN-2021-43 | http://www.cuming-klassenclassroom.com/uploads/4/9/0/1/49017391/weather_lab_2_rate_surfaces_heat.pdf | 2021-10-19T23:44:34+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-43/segments/1634323585290.83/warc/CC-MAIN-20211019233130-20211020023130-00030.warc.gz | 100,723,921 | 789 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.994103 | eng_Latn | 0.996136 | [
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The body’s stress response handles physical (e.g., sprained ankle) or mental (e.g., worry) stressors. Chronic stress is a term that describes prolonged periods of mental stress which can have lasting effects on the entire body. People who report higher levels of chronic stress are more likely to develop heart disease, depression, diabetes, dementia, cancer, digestive symptoms, and more.
**Brain & Nervous System:**
- Activates “fight or flight” response
- Damages areas of brain responsible for memory and learning
- ↑Risk of Alzheimer’s and dementia
**Heart & Blood Vessels:**
- ↑Heart rate, blood pressure
- ↑Risk of persistent high BP, heart disease and stroke
**Respiratory System:**
- Cause shortness of breath and worsen asthma or COPD
- Can cause shallow breathing which over time may ↓ oxygen to vital organs
**Digestion:**
- Less blood flow to digestive organs due to “fight or flight” response
- Can trigger digestive pain, gas, bloating, nausea and loss of appetite
- Can trigger IBS/IBD flares
**Adrenal Glands:**
- Release cortisol (a stress hormone)
- Long-term elevations of cortisol can ↑ risk of other health conditions
**Musculoskeletal:**
- Causes muscle tension
- ↑Tension in neck
- ↑Headaches/migraines
**Reproduction:**
- ↓Libido and fertility
- Can cause menstrual irregularities
- ↑Severity of PMS
BP - blood pressure, IBS - irritable bowel syndrome, IBD - Irritable bowel disease, PMS - pre-menstrual syndrome, COPD - chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
Created with BioRender.com
Effects of Chronic Stress
Common Chronic Stressors Include:
- Information overload from social media and news
- Relationship conflicts
- Expectations to multitask at work and at home
- Social isolation
- Finances
- Managing chronic illness
- Traumatic events (e.g., death of a loved one, COVID-19)
Tips for Reducing Chronic Stress:
Day-to-day stress is unavoidable, but it does not have to turn into chronic stress that negatively impacts your health. There are many ways to manage stress – from daily activities like deep breathing to longer-term strategies like counseling. Finding a variety of techniques that work for you will help you build resilience and support your overall wellbeing for years to come.
- Take deep breaths as outlined in IFM’s Breathing Techniques to Soothe the Soul
- Get at least 7-9 hours of quality sleep each night
- Exercise, but not too much
- Talk to a counselor or ask your functional medicine practitioner for a referral
- Start a gratitude journal
- Meditate
- Optimize your nutrition to support a healthy stress response (healthy protein, fats and a variety of colorful vegetables and fruits)
- Socialize with supportive friends or family
- Take a Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) course
- Create and reassess your “To-Do” list, handoff things that others can help with
- Spend time in nature
- Do a digital detox (e.g. no electronic devices for 24-hours, or a weekend)
- Reframe your self-talk (e.g. Instead of “They rejected my job application,” think “I wasn’t rejected, I’m being redirected towards something better.”)
References
1. Yaribeygi H, Panahi Y, Sahraei H, Johnston TP, Sahebkar A. The impact of stress on body function: A review. EXCLI J. 2017;16:1057-1072. doi:10.17179/excli2017-480
2. Stress and your health. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. https://www.womenshealth.gov/mental-health/good-mental-health/stress-and-your-health. Updated March 2019. Accessed April 2021
3. American Psychological Association. Stress effects on the body. http://www.apa.org/topics/stress/body. Published November 1, 2018. Accessed April 2021
4. Vyas S, Rodrigues AJ, Silva JM, et al. Chronic Stress and Glucocorticoids: From Neuronal Plasticity to Neurodegeneration. Neural Plast. 2016;2016:6391686. doi:10.1155/2016/6391686
5. Mravec B, Horvathova L, Padova A. Brain Under Stress and Alzheimer's Disease. Cell Mol Neurobiol. 2018;38(1):7-38. doi:10.1007/s10571-017-0521-1
6. Wirtz PH, von Känel R. Psychological Stress, Inflammation, and Coronary Heart Disease. Curr Cardiol Rep. 2017;19(11):111. Published 2017 Sep 20. doi:10.1007/s11886-017-0919-x
7. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Tips for Coping with Stress. https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/about/copingwith-stresstips.html. Updated November 2020. Accessed April, 2021 | <urn:uuid:9304da0b-51b9-417b-b537-e934d934cb49> | CC-MAIN-2024-38 | https://bewellbalanced.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/IFM_Effects-of-Chronic-Stress.pdf | 2024-09-14T07:58:06+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-38/segments/1725700651559.58/warc/CC-MAIN-20240914061427-20240914091427-00852.warc.gz | 109,917,360 | 1,099 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.961078 | eng_Latn | 0.963356 | [
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Directions (1 – 10) : In the following questions, some of the sentences have errors and some have none. Find out which part of a sentence has an error and blacken the rectangle [■] corresponding to the appropriate number (1, 2, 3). If there is no error, blacken the rectangle [■] corresponding to (4) in the Answer-Sheet.
Q.1) A hot and (1)/ a cold spring (2)/ was found near each other (3)/. No error. (4).
Q.2) All doubts are cleared (1)/ between (2)/ your and I. (3)/. No error. (4).
Q.3) Either of the roads (1)/ lead (2)/ to the park (3)/. No error (4).
Q.4) I went to the temple (1)/ with my parents, my aunts (2)/ and my cousin sisters (3)/. No error. (4).
Q.5) I have passed (1)/ the examination (2)/ two years ago (3)/. No error. (4).
Q.6) The earth moves (1)/ round the Sun. (2)/ Isn’t it? (3)/. No error. (4)
Q.7) Unless you do not give (1)/ the keys of the safe (2)/ you will be shot (3)/. No error. (4)
Q.8) Of the billions of stars in the galaxy. (1)/ how much are (2)/ suitable for life (3)/. No error. (4)
Q.9) The value of the dollar (1)/ declines as the rate (2)/ of inflation raisers (3)/. No error. (4)
Q.10) One of my desires (1)/ are to become (2)/ a doctor (3)/. No error. (4)
Direction (11 – 15) : In the following questions, out of the four alternatives, choose the one which expresses the right meaning of the given word and blacken the appropriate rectangle [■] in the Answer Sheet.
Q.11) AVARICE
(1) Generosity (2) Envy
(3) Greed (4) Hatred
Q.12) AUGUST
(1) Majestic (2) Important
(3) Difficult (4) Huge
Q.13) DECIMATED
(1) Denounced (2) Destroyed
(3) Successful (4) Depressed
Q.14) HARDLE
(1) Obstacle (2) Ban
(3) Hedge (4) Relay
Q.15) RARE
(1) Common (2) Usual
(3) Scarce (4) Few
Direction (16 – 20) : In the following questions, choose the word opposite in meaning to the given word and blacken the appropriate rectangle [■] in the Answer Sheet.
Q.16) ABUNDANCE
(1) Poverty (2) Wretchedness
(3) Scarcity (4) Famine
Q.17) MIGRATE
(1) Return (2) Rehabilitate
(3) Transfer (4) Settle
Q.18) CONVICTED
(1) Acquitted (2) Pardoned
(3) Exempted (4) Liberated
Q.19) CURTAIL.
(1) Detail (2) Enlarge
(3) Promote (4) Exaggerate
Q.20) ARID
(1) Cloudy (2) Juicy
(3) Marshy (4) Wet
Direction (21 – 30): In the following questions, sentences are given blanks to be filled in with an appropriate and suitable word. Four alternatives are suggested for each question. Choose the correct alternative out of the four and blacken out of the four and blacken the appropriate rectangle [■] in the Answer Sheet.
Q.21) The boy was _______ of cheating in the examination.
(1) condemned (2) accused
(3) charged (4) punished
Q.22) We have two telephone operators, _________ of them do you want?
(1) who (2) whom
(3) which (4) what
Q.23) I have no ________ motive in offering this advice.
(1) posterior (2) interior
(3) ulterior (4) exterior
Q.24) __________ politicians are always respected.
(1) Conscious (2) Conscientious
(3) Cautious (4) Carefree
Q.25) We will have to atone ________ our misdeeds.
(1) at (2) on
(3) for (4) with
ANSWERS
| | | | | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. | (3) | 6. | (3) | 11. | (3) | 16. | (3) | 21. | (2) |
| 2. | (3) | 7. | (1) | 12. | (1) | 17. | (1) | 22. | (3) |
| 3. | (2) | 8. | (2) | 13. | (2) | 18. | (1) | 23. | (3) |
| 4. | (1) | 9. | (3) | 14. | (1) | 19. | (2) | 24. | (1) |
| 5. | (1) | 10. | (2) | 15. | (3) | 20. | (4) | 25. | (3) | | <urn:uuid:d8494096-f053-4991-b481-c842d10b6f20> | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | http://www.thorpeseducation.com/Thorpes%20NDA%20Exam/pdfs/english/English%201.pdf | 2021-11-30T09:49:43+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964358966.62/warc/CC-MAIN-20211130080511-20211130110511-00126.warc.gz | 138,513,578 | 1,262 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.945582 | eng_Latn | 0.94835 | [
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Direction (1 – 5): In the following questions, sentences are given blanks to be filled in with an appropriate and suitable word. Four alternatives are suggested for each question. Choose the correct alternative out of the four and blacken out of the four and blacken the appropriate rectangle [■] in the Answer Sheet.
Q.1) I got used __________ on the right when I was in the U.S. for two years.
(1) driving (2) to drive
(3) to driving (4) by driving
Q.2) Had you told me earlier I __________ the meeting.
(1) had attended (2) have attended
(3) attended (4) would have attended
Q.3) The climate is not conducive _______ good health.
(1) with (2) from
(3) in (4) to
Q.4) A dog lives in a _________
(1) burrow (2) coop
(3) stable (4) kennel
Q.5) Many things have happened ________ I met you last.
(1) before (2) when
(3) from (4) since
Direction (6 – 10): In the following questions, four alternatives are given for the idiom/phrase printed in bold. Choose the alternative which best expresses the meaning of the idiom/phrase in bold and blacken the appropriate rectangle [■] in the Answer Sheet.
Q.6) The green-eyed monster strikes a woman the moment she sees her husband talking to another pretty woman.
(1) Anger (2) Hatred
(3) Envy (4) Jealousy
Q.7) To fight tooth and nail
(1) To fight a losing battle
(2) To oppose resolutely
(3) To have a physical fight
(4) To lodge a formal protest
Q.8) At one’s wit’s end
(1) to understand thoroughly
(2) to be puzzled
(3) to be a stupid person
(4) to behave irrationally
Q.9) The clerk turned a deaf ear to his officer’s advice.
(1) Disputed (2) Paid attention to
(3) Disregarded (4) Acknowledged gratefully
Q.10) He expects his subordinates to be always at his beck and call
(1) At rest (2) At work
(3) At his disposal (4) At their desks
Q.11) **In the long run**
(1) Permanently (2) Universally
(3) Occasionally (4) Ultimately
Q.12) If you are in the good books of the boss, you are sure to rise quickly
(1) Work well for the boss (2) Praise the boss
(3) In favour with the boss (4) Co-operate with boss
Q.13) The population of our country is increasing by leaps and bounds
(1) Very slowly (2) Very quickly
(3) Irregularly (4) Very systematically
Q.14) To weigh up the pros and cons is to
(1) measure the ingredient (2) observe etiquette
(3) consider all facts (4) postpone action
Q.15) My close friend got the sack from his first job recently
(1) resigned (2) got rid of
(3) was demoted from (4) was dismissed from
**Direction (16 – 25):** In the following questions, out of the four alternatives. Choose the one which can be substituted for the given words/sentence and blacken the appropriate in the Answer Sheet.
Q.16) **General view of a person’s character**
(1) Biography (2) Profile
(3) Introduction (4) Sketch
Q.17) **Wild and noisy disorder**
(1) Agitation (2) Revolution
(3) Pandemonium (4) Stir
Q.18) **The first public speech delivered by a person.**
(1) Malden speech (2) Inaugural speech
(3) Trial speech (4) Marathon speech
Q.19) **One who does not follow the usual rules of social life.**
(1) Bohemian (2) Artisan
(3) Partisan (4) Physician
Q.20) **Placing a thing beside another**
(1) Impose (2) Repose
(3) Juxtapose (4) Expose
Q.21) **Expert in the scientific study of birds.**
(1) Dermatologist (2) Zoologist
(3) Ornithologist (4) Astronaut
Q.22) **Building in which dead bodies are kept for a time.**
(1) Mortuary (2) Monastery
(3) Sanatorium (4) Crematorium
Q.23) **One who believes that gaining pleasure is the most important thing in life.**
(1) Hedonist (2) Pessimist
(3) Misanthrope (4) Philistine
Q.24) **One who breaks the established traditions and image.**
(1) Fatalist (2) Fanatic
(3) Iconoclast (4) Philogymist
Q.25) **Property handed down after the death of a person.**
(1) Legacy (2) Legend
(3) Patrimony (4) Inheritance
---
**ANSWERS**
| | | | | | | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. | (3) | 6. | (4) | 11. | (4) | 16. | (2) | 21. | (3) |
| 2. | (4) | 7. | (1) | 12. | (1) | 17. | (3) | 22. | (1) |
| 3. | (4) | 8. | (2) | 13. | (2) | 18. | (1) | 23. | (1) |
| 4. | (4) | 9. | (3) | 14. | (3) | 19. | (1) | 24. | (3) |
| 5. | (4) | 10. | (3) | 15. | (4) | 20. | (3) | 25. | (4) | | <urn:uuid:35940cd0-4555-43aa-8d42-ec39e153b647> | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | http://www.thorpeseducation.com/Thorpes%20NDA%20Exam/pdfs/english/English%202.pdf | 2021-11-30T09:50:24+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964358966.62/warc/CC-MAIN-20211130080511-20211130110511-00127.warc.gz | 150,492,530 | 1,480 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.919163 | eng_Latn | 0.986245 | [
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THE POWER OF VISION
WITH
JOEL BARKER
DISCOVERING THE FUTURE SERIES
This facilitator’s guide is designed to be used in conjunction with the video *DISCOVERING THE FUTURE: THE POWER OF VISION*. Both the video and this guide are subject to U.S. and International copyright. With the single exception listed below, none of these materials may be copied, edited, broadcast or reproduced in any way without the written permission of ChartHouse International Learning Corporation.
The overheads and hand out materials found in each section may be copied for use only in seminars, meetings, or presentations in which the video *DISCOVERING THE FUTURE: THE POWER OF VISION* is also used.
Copyright 1993 ChartHouse International Learning Corporation. Distribution by Star Thrower Distribution.
Additional copies of this guide as well as other related materials can be acquired from Star Thrower Distribution. You can reach us at 800.242.3220 or www.starthrower.com. You may also write to us at:
Star Thrower Distribution Corporation
26 East Exchange Street, Suite 600
St. Paul, MN 55101
- Important notes and information
- Dialogue that you may wish to use in your program
- VCR instruction
- Sample questions
- Overheads
- Suggested time limits
- Material to be handed out
- Flipchart instruction
# Table of Contents
**INTRODUCTION**
- A Message from Joel Barker
- About *The Power of Vision* facilitator’s guide
- About *The Power of Vision* video
- Introduction to *Joel Arthur Barker*
**OPTION 1: ALL-AT-ONCE**
- Choosing the approach that is right for you
- How to facilitate the *All-At-Once* approach
- Hand-out Masters
**OPTION 2: 3-STEP APPROACH**
- About the 3-Step Approach
- When the 3-Step Approach may be right for you
- How to facilitate the 3-Step Approach
- Hand-out and Overhead Masters
**OPTION 3: RUN-YOUR-OWN-WORKSHOP**
- About the Run-Your-Own-Workshop
- How to facilitate a Run-Your-Own-Workshop
- Hand-out and Overhead Masters
**LITTLE DETAILS MAKE A BIG DIFFERENCE**
- Facilitator’s preparation
- Set-up
- Creating a learning environment
**HELP!**
- Facilitator’s 12-Tip program
- Facilitator’s secret problem solvers
- 10 Tips when your session is running late
- For the “Blamers” and “Complainers”
**TRANSCRIPT**
A MESSAGE FROM JOEL BARKER
I have learned over the years that only when you work with the best do you get results that honor everyone. This newly upgraded Vision facilitator’s guide is the result of me meeting a powerfully talented woman, Debbe Kennedy.
She had been using the Vision video and sang its praises. When she began to tell me how she used it, I realized that what she was doing with the video was far more creative and useful than what I had suggested in the guidebook which I had helped author earlier.
So I set her this challenge: write the facilitator’s guide that you wished we had sent you.
She has done that. With elegance. With “vision”.
I think you will find this guidebook loaded with suggestions that will help you utilize *The Power of Vision* on a much broader scale and with much greater effect than if you had only used the previous guidebook.
I want to thank Debbe Kennedy for the openness to share with me her thoughts and the hard work it took to turn those into this document. We are all rewarded by her ideas.
Peaceful futures,
Joel Barker
ABOUT DEBBE KENNEDY
Debbe Kennedy is the founder and managing partner of Leadership Solutions . . . a company dedicated to “redefining excellence in partnership with America’s business leaders.” She is backed by over 20 years of leadership excellence in corporate America.
Leadership Solutions specializes in assisting organizations and individuals in discovering for themselves that redefining excellence in a company, in an organization, or in a country is a personal issue, as well as a personal journey to an ever-changing destination. This is accomplished through Leadership Solutions’ exclusive customized approach to developing, directing, producing, and facilitating state-of-the-art activity-based learning programs.
Debbe Kennedy is the author of Team In-Focus™ which is currently being used to create customized strategic training solutions for some of the newest markets within the Fortune 500 industries. Her work has been honored three consecutive years by IBM Management Development for its significant contribution to excellence of their leadership development training programs.
Leadership Solutions
297 14th Street, Box 371240
Montara, CA 94037
(415) 728-0909 • FAX (415) 728-0631
“Processes, slogans, and vision statement will not make your organization the best it can be.
People will.
The first step is for each person to discover for themselves how important they are . . . and the difference they can make, if they want to badly enough.”
Debbe Kennedy
ABOUT THE POWER OF VISION FACILITATOR’S GUIDE
THE POWER OF VISION video has many powerful messages that can be applied to numerous meeting and learning situations, as well as a diverse set of audience needs. Its wide range of newer and situational appeal has inspired the development of this facilitator’s guide. The guide offers three very distinctive viewing options designed to meet a variety of needs. The choice is yours. The viewing options include:
- **All-At-Once** [with or without planned discussion]
Viewing the video all at one time at a meeting.
Time required: 30 minutes to 1 hour.
- **3-Step-Approach**
An incremental approach to learning with discussion and interaction. A preferred “best teacher” of THE POWER OF VISION concepts.
Time required: 2 to 2.5 hours
- **Run-Your-Own-Workshop**
The most comprehensive approach to learning and applying THE POWER OF VISION concepts, including complete activities to define core values and build your vision.
Time required: 4 hours
Each one of the viewing options includes everything you need to run a professional quality video program. The facilitator’s guide includes session planning information, participant materials, and step-by-step facilitation guides for each viewing option.
The right way to view THE POWER OF VISION is the choice that is right for your individual situation and audience. We know your needs and situation will continue to change over time. THE POWER OF VISION facilitator’s guide will help you maximize the return on your investment in the video by helping you make the right choice for immediate needs, as well as offering other viewing options for future uses.
WHAT FACTORS SHOULD BE CONSIDERED IN MY CHOICE?
Below is a VIEWING OPTION SELECTION GUIDE to assist you in making the right choice:
| Option | Size of Audience | Time Required | Objective |
|-------------------------|------------------|---------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| **ALL-AT-ONCE** | 100 or less | 1 to 1.5 hours| Interaction is important. Desire for viewers to internalize messages. |
| With discussion | | | |
| **Without discussion** | 100 or more | 30 minutes | Impacting, inspirational, thought-provoking component for a meeting |
| | | | or Emphasizing or bringing together points made in a classroom or meeting. |
| **3-STEP-APPROACH** | Less than 50 | 2 to 2.5 hours| Interaction is essential. Internalizing is critical. Learning, Applying and Ownership is what you are after. |
| **RUN-YOUR-OWN** | Less than 50 | 4 hours | Interaction is essential. Internalizing is critical. You want to take Learning, Applying, and Ownership to a personal level, including defining a set of core values and and a vision for your organization. |
Once you have identified the viewing option that is right for you, you will find everything you need to produce a professional-quality video program for your audience.
ABOUT THE POWER OF VISION VIDEO
*The Power of Vision* is the second video in Joel Arthur Barker’s Discovering the Future Series. It was designed to complement, and more specifically, be a natural follow-on step to his well recognized video, *The Business of Paradigms*.
In the beginning of the video, Mr. Barker personally sets the stage for a powerful viewing and learning experience. He then guides the audience through a moving *Journey* of historical and contemporary examples to teach us a valuable lesson. That having a positive vision of the future is essential for all of us. It influences our direction in the present and it gives meaning to our lives and our work.
Once the lesson is understood, Mr. Barker applies his inspirational message on the power of positive vision to a practical and specific necessity for today’s changing organizations.
In the moving conclusion of the video, Joel Barker creatively captures his powerful messages in summary by the use of a visually orchestrated metaphor inspired by the work of Loren Eiseley. He leaves the audience with a compelling personal call-to-action.
*The Power of Vision* was filmed on location in Europe and throughout the United States.
IMPORTANT MESSAGES
- Having a positive vision profoundly impacts our present and future.
- It works for nations.
- It works for organizations.
- It works for children.
- It works for all of us.
A positive vision of the future gives meaning to our lives and work.
Values guide our direction. Vision determines our destination.
A positive vision of our future coupled with goal-directed action ignites a sense of personal power in each of us.
We each have the ability to contribute and make a difference in our own lives, in our companies and organizations . . . and in the world.
**HOW OTHERS HAVE BENEFITED**
Below are some common benefits that users of *The Power of Vision* have identified:
- It helps the individual internalize the necessity we each have to look to the future in a positive way, because it can profoundly impact the present . . . in organizations, in our lives . . . and in the world.
- The powerful messages connect to the individual person with a relevance to current day personal, corporate, social and political issues.
- It defines the basis from which an organization can develop a vision of its own future.
- It clearly illustrates how thinking about the future gives meaning to the present.
- It provides a *common language* with which vision can be discussed in practical and specific terms.
- It emphasizes the importance of building a *vision community* in order to fulfill a vision.
- It leaves each person with a personal and compelling *call-to-action* to re-evaluate their own contributions.
THE VIDEO SERIES: DISCOVERING THE FUTURE
Joel Barker is frequently asked about the relationship of *The Business of Paradigms* and *The Power of Vision* videos. He writes:
For those of you who have seen “Discovering the Future: The Business of Paradigms,” you may be wondering how it relates to the “The Power of Vision.”
In my mind, each video answers a “Why?” question.
*The Business of Paradigms* helps answer the question: Why is it so difficult to anticipate the future?
Once we understand how our paradigms influence our perceptions of the world around us, we begin to see why we miss important data that will shape the future. And once we realize that, we can begin to actively correct that blindness.
*The Power of Vision* helps answer the question: Why should we take the time to think about the future?
Too often we find ourselves concentrating only on the present, because “That’s where the rubber meets the road!” But just like driving, if we don’t look down the road, we’ll never see what’s coming until it’s too late.
*The Power of Vision* shows that, at all human scales from nations to individuals, having a positive vision of the future is profoundly empowering.
These two “why” questions are key to shaping your own future. But there is a third question: Which comes first, *The Power of Vision* or *The Business of Paradigms?* The answer is . . . either!
ABOUT JOEL BARKER
Joel Barker is one of the world’s most influential speakers on the subject of the future. In 1979, Mr. Barker founded a consulting company, Infinity Limited Inc. His objective was to help companies improve their ability to identify new ideas and innovations early enough to take advantage of them. Since then he has lectured on issues concerning the future to over 500,000 people around the world. In 1993, Mr. Barker was named International Educator of the Year by the International Honorary and Professional Association in Education Pi Lambda Theta.
OPTION 1: ALL-AT-ONCE
Time Required: 30 minutes to 1 hour
CHOOSING THE APPROACH THAT IS RIGHT FOR YOU
This option provides you with two alternatives to view *The Power of Vision* in its entirety ALL-AT-ONCE.
**Alternative 1:**
*The Power of Vision*
ALL-AT-ONCE without a discussion period
**When This May be the Right Choice:**
- Time for showing is less than 1 hour.
- Group is less than 50 people.
- Primary need is to emphasize or bring together points made in the classroom or meeting.
**Alternative 2:**
*The Power of Vision*
ALL-AT-ONCE with a discussion period
- Time for showing and discussion is greater than 1 hour.
- Group is 100 people or less.
- Interaction of group is important to meeting.
- Desire to aid viewers in internalizing the messages.
There are viewer hand-outs for *Option 1: All-At-Once*. Each hand-out is listed below with a recommendations for use. Samples are included at the end of the Option 1 section. Use hand-out masters provided for best copying results.
| *The Power of Vision:* | without discussion | with discussion |
|------------------------|--------------------|-----------------|
| Discussion Journal #1 | | • |
| Vision Essentials | • | • |
| Reading References | • | • |
| with Joel Barker’s | | |
| vision summary statement | | |
| The “Dreams in Action” Poem | • | • |
| Program Evaluation | | • |
*The Power of Vision All-At-Once* with or without a planned discussion period requires minimal preparation. However, attention to a few little details and some thought about the introduction and conclusion can greatly enhance the viewers’ experience.
The following will assist you in setting the stage for an informative and inspirational *Power of Vision* experience. Other *helpful hints* and a *preparation checklist* are covered later in this manual under the heading “*Little Details Make a Big Difference*”. Also see the information under the *Help!* tab in the back of this binder for more ideas.
*The Power of Vision* needs little introduction. It stands on its own. The video begins with an informative, stage-setting introduction by Joel Barker. All that is needed by you is a brief “lead-in” statement. Below is a sample of how it might be done for each of the *Option 1: All-At-Once* alternatives (with or without a planned discussion period).
HOW TO FACILITATE THE ALL-AT-ONCE APPROACH
WITHOUT A DISCUSSION PERIOD
Sample Lead In Statement:
We are all working together to position ourselves for a rewarding and profitable future in the world marketplace. We have a foundation of values upon which we have built our own lofty vision . . . what we are doing is not trivial to do . . . there has never been a more important time for each of us to be reminded of the power of own vision.
Lights out; start video.
HOW TO CONCLUDE
Again, *The Power of Vision* stands on its own. The “starfish story” inspired by Loren Eiseley and Joel Barker’s meaningful closing summary bring the video to a powerful conclusion. It leaves most viewers in a thoughtful place. With those considerations you may want to choose a brief, but thoughtful approach to your closing remarks, if you have no planned discussion following.
Below are a few possible ideas for concluding your *Power of Vision* segment briefly, thoughtfully and simply. Any of the ideas are appropriate for either All-At-Once alternative.
- Reiterating Mr. Barker’s summation and relating it back to your organization’s future.
- “Vision without action is merely a dream;
Action without vision just passes the time;
Vision with action can change the world.”
- Selecting another quote or poem with a related message. See “Dreams in Action” hand-out sample included at the end of the Option 1 section as a possibility.
- Plan a break immediately following the video. Sometimes the right action is to limit conversation. This is respectful of the audience and allows each person to find their own conclusion to the moving experience of watching *The Power of Vision*.
**HOW TO FACILITATE THE ALL-AT-ONCE APPROACH WITH A DISCUSSION PERIOD**
**Sample Lead In Statement:**
We are all working together to position ourselves for a rewarding and profitable future in the world marketplace. To help us focus our attention on the essentials of achieving the competitive advantage we are seeking, we have a thought provoking, inspiring video experience for you.
We are passing out a discussion journal. Take a minute to review the list of things to look for in the video. You may want to take some notes. Following the video we will be giving you a few extra minutes to reflect on what you saw in the video. Then we will have time to discuss and share our different perspectives.
[pause here for a few seconds to bridge to next thought]
We have a foundation of values upon which we have built our own lofty vision . . . what we are doing is not trivial to do . . . there has never been a more important time for each of us to be reminded of the power of own vision.
Lights out; start video.
See *The Power of Vision* Discussion Journal hand-out later in this section. Its purpose is to give each viewer an opportunity to record important messages they don’t want to forget during the video. Additionally, it provides a thought-provoking opportunity for the viewer to form some of their own conclusions after the video concludes. Both of these activities will assist you in facilitating an interesting discussion period.
If you have seen the video before, watch it with your audience again. You’ll surely see something you missed before. More important, it speaks louder to the audience than any of your words that watching the video, and engaging themselves, is important. As the facilitator, you are the role model.
**Making the Transition to a Discussion Period**
When *The Power of Vision* video is over, be still a few seconds. Take your time to turn the lights on. Give the viewers a chance to make the transition. Then invite the audience to take a few minutes to reflect on what they saw in the video. Lead them to *The Power of Vision* Discussion Journal. The journal will prompt their thinking. Allow time for them to think and write down some of their thoughts.
Within about 5 minutes or so, most will be ready to proceed with the discussion. Watch the people. When the majority are ready, Go.
If you have a larger group [50-100], you may want to break the audience into discussion groups for some preliminary discussion; then bring the groups together to share perspectives. Have each group select a spokesperson for their group. This approach allows everyone to be involved in the discussion in some ways but helps move the discussion along.
LEADING A DISCUSSION THAT IS MEANINGFUL TO EVERYONE
Your discussion period will be meaningful for everyone, if you remember a few important facilitation fundamentals:
- **Your role is to facilitate** the viewers in discovering for themselves what messages are important and how they can be applied to their lives and their work.
- **What the viewers think is important** about the video is most important. Trust them. They will identify all Mr. Barker’s important messages themselves.
- **Save your commentary**, personal insights and related stories for back-up. They may not be needed.
- **Center your questions around three general themes** as shown below. The make-up of the audience may move the discussion to more specific topics of interest, but let them decide. Listen to them; where they want to go will become clear.
**THREE QUESTIONING THEMES**
- What did you see that was important?
- What messages or lessons could be taken from *The Power of Vision*?
- How could the message or lesson be applied in your organization, your work, your life, our nation, the world?
It is not necessary to explore every aspect of how the messages can be applied; choose based on the audience.
- **Bridge side discussions** that arise back to the topic areas above. Brief side discussions stimulate thinking; long ones destroy a group discussion.
- **Avoid heated debate.** *The Power of Vision* offers opportunities for many topics that could lead to interesting debates on historical, economic, social and political topics. Although such debates may seem interesting to the few people involved, unless everyone can participate, they seldom have wide spectrum of appeal in a large audience.
- **Keep the discussion focused on the objective:** To have every viewer leave with some insight they deem valuable that they can apply to their lives and work.
For more facilitation ideas, see “Be The Best You Can Be, A Facilitator’s 12 Tip Program” under the HELP tab in the back of this binder.
OPTION 1:
HAND-OUT MASTERS
DISCUSSION JOURNAL
Below are some things to look for as you watch *The Power of Vision*. You may want to make notes. Following the film you will be given time to answer the two questions at the bottom. A discussion will follow.
Look for . . .
- The role vision plays in the success of nations.
- Vision’s powerful influence in children’s lives.
- How seeing our futures in a positive way gives meaning to life.
- How having a positive vision is a driving force in achieving our goals.
- The essential elements of building a “vision community” in an organization.
What important conclusions did you draw about the importance and the power of vision?
__________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
What was the most important message you will take away with you?
__________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
VISION ESSENTIALS
1. Leader initiated
2. Shared and supported by all
3. Comprehensive and detailed - how, when, why, what - everyone must see their part
4. Positive and inspiring
- Must have reach
- Stretch of skills
- Worth the effort
- Better to err on the side of greatness
Values guide our direction.
Vision determines our destination.
THE POWER OF VISION
“Vision without action is merely a dream;
Action without vision just passes the time;
Vision with action can change the world.”
-Joel Arthur Barker
READING MATERIALS
To locate the works of these three scholars, or the writings of Loren Eiseley, please contact your local bookstore. We gratefully acknowledge the works of:
Viktor Frankl, “Man’s Search for Meaning”. Beacon Press.
Benjamin Singer, “The Future Focused Role Image” in “Learning for Tomorrow”. Edited by Alvin Toffler, Random House Publishing Company.
Frederick Polak, “The Image of the Future”. Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company.
Loren Eiseley, “The Star Thrower” from “The Unexpected Universe”. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc.
“OUR DREAMS IN ACTION”
Dreams give us hope.
Hope ignites passion.
Passion leads us to envision success.
Visions of success open our minds to recognize opportunity.
Recognition of opportunities inspires far-reaching possibilities.
Far-reaching possibilities help us enlist support from others.
Support from others keeps us focused and committed.
Focus and commitment foster action.
Action results in progress.
Progress leads to achievement.
Achievement inspires dreams.
Dreams give us hope.
-Debbe Kennedy, June 1991
OPTION 2: 3-STEP-APPROACH
Time Required: 2 to 2.5 hours
ABOUT THE 3-STEP-APPROACH
This option allows the viewers to see *The Power of Vision* in a 3-Step-Approach. It is different from the All-At-Once alternatives as it allows the viewers to:
- View *The Power of Vision* one-step-at-a-time.
- Have more time to focus on each of its messages.
- Spend more time together; lengthen interaction.
- Discuss and share perspectives with others.
- Begin working on how to apply what is learned.
- Begin the process of understanding, acceptance and ownership for the future.
- Benefit from the singular focus of the closing message.
**How can your audience benefit from this viewing option?**
This viewing approach is perhaps the preferred “best teacher” of *The Power of Vision* concepts, because it breaks down the powerful messages and lessons. Consequently, it allows the audience to take in the message, think about it and apply it to their own life and work before moving onto another important message. It helps to avoid a significant point being overlooked or skimmed over. It is very effective as a stand-alone program or integrated into other classroom curriculum.
**Prerequisites for the facilitator of The Power of Vision**
To help you maximize the benefits of the 3-Step-Approach, it is highly recommended that you:
- View the video in its entirety.
- Review *The Power of Vision . . . About the Video* section in the front of this binder. It includes an overview of the video, as well as a summary of its important messages.
Fulfilling these prerequisites will help you as you proceed with your plans for a 3-Step-Approach program. It will also benefit your audience; because the more you have learned from the video yourself, the more you will be able to facilitate a meaningful viewing experience for others.
THE 3-STEP-APPROACH DEFINED
STEP 1 - Learning
Acquiring Knowledge
This first step begins the process of learning about vision and its role in our world and our lives. During this step, viewers learn through vivid examples of:
- Vision’s role in history.
- Vision’s role in our futures.
- Vision’s role in our lives.
Joel Barker explores the work of three scholars. He brings each of the multi-faceted lessons to life by helping the viewers “see through the eyes” of each of the scholars the profound messages that come from their work. He also helps viewers find the similarities that can be applied to their own world and lives. The three scholars featured are:
- Vision and Nations: Fred Polak
- Vision and Children: Benjamin Singer
- Vision and Our Futures: Viktor Frankl
STEP 2 - Applying
Defining Practical and Specific Uses
During the “second step,” Mr. Barker brings practical and specific uses to the viewers attention through metaphor and discussion. He assists the viewer in applying what they learned in STEP 1 - Learning to their own goals, as well as organizational goals.
This segment of the video explores these issues:
- How vision works to help us reach our goals.
- Vision’s role in an organization.
- What makes up a “vision community.”
- The role of values versus vision.
**STEP 3 - Taking Ownership**
**Choosing to “Make a Difference”**
The third and final step brings your video program to a meaningful and inspirational close. Mr. Barker sets the stage for the “final act” with a moving recounting of “The Boy and the Starfish Story” inspired by Loren Eiseley. Each important point of the story is enhanced by its supporting visual imagery. The story leads the way to Mr. Barker’s most important messages of the video and his compelling call-to-action . . .
Everyone can make a difference!
Vision without action is merely a dream.
Action without vision just passes the time.
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State of the Environment in India
Developmental gains will crumble if India follows a model of growth that is resource-and-energy-intensive. As it is, rivers are degraded, pollution is growing, forest cover is thinning. Overhaul of green governance is the need of the hour.
SUBODH VARMA
- India is one of the 17 identified mega diverse countries of the world.
- India has 172 (2.9 per cent) of IUCN designated threatened species. These include the Asiatic Lion, the Bengal Tiger, and the Indian White-Rumped Vulture.
Here is a fact that should alarm you: of 180 cities monitored for air pollutants $SO_2$, $NO_2$ and PM10 in 2010, only two towns Malapuram and Pathanamthitta in Kerala met the criteria of low pollution (50% below the standard) for all pollutants, according to the Centre of Science and Environment (CSE). $SO_2$ and $NO_2$ are noxious gases, while PM10 is particulate matter such as dust and smoke particles. The number of critically polluted cities (1.5 times the standard) increased from 49 to 89 between 2005 and 2010.
This is only one dimension of multiple environmental challenges that India must address. India is home to 18% of world population, 15% livestock population and 7-8% of all recorded species. But we have only 2.4% of land area in the world. This puts an immense pressure on all natural features: air, land, water, animals, vegetation.
“India cannot afford to follow the West’s development model of resource and energy intensive growth and lifestyle. The country’s natural resources base cannot sustain such a growth model for all and there will be huge inequalities and social conflicts. We need a developmental model that puts premium on social welfare and not on resource intensive growth,” stresses Chandra Bhushan of CSE.
Take water, for instance. Raw sewage and industrial waste has rendered water in more than half of India’s 445 rivers unfit for drinking, according to the Central Pollution Control Board. Water from at least a quarter of the rivers surveyed can’t even be used for bathing. Why is this so? Of the 38 billion litres municipal waste water generated every-day in India, only 29% is treated. By 2050, 100 billion litres may come from Indian cities each day, it said.
Another aspect of water mismanagement is the fall in India’s per capita freshwater resources from 6,042 cubic metres in 1947 to 1,845 cubic metres in 2007. Indian cities are using 50 billion litres of municipal water a day.
While forest cover—estimated at 24% of geographical area—is not depleting, it is still short of the target of 33% set in 1988. But there are clear warning signs: moderately dense forests, which hold the future growth of forests, declined by 1991 sq km between 2011 and 2013, according to the most recent Forest Survey of India report. In 24% of forests there is ‘inadequate’ regeneration; in 10% none at all. A dangerous 73% of forest area is affected by light to heavy grazing by animals.
Environmental governance
From local to the national level - this needs an overhaul, feels Chandra Bhushan. Our laws, regulations, regulatory institutions etc are not suitable to deliver environmentally sound development in the 21st century, he says.
“The present governance system is top heavy, piecemeal, unaccountable and opaque. It has failed to involve people, communities, local governments and companies in solving the environmental problems,” he added.
Environmental degradation is often directly a cause for severe economic loss and perpetuation of poverty. In India, more than 147 million hectares soil has become degraded, eroded and thus unproductive. About 5334 million tons of topsoil is lost annually. According to G. Mythili, Professor at Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, production loss due to land degradation in 2010 was 16%, that is, 13.4 million tons. That works out to about Rs 162 billion. Essential cereals make up 66% of this loss.
All these environmental challenges are going to get aggravated in the coming decades because of climate change. It will make the poor poorer and wipe out whatever development has taken place, argues Bhushan.
“Indians will have to start adapting to climate change. Simultaneously, we have to start reducing greenhouse gas emissions and work with the global community to limit the rise in the global temperature below 1.5 degrees C,” he added.
Libraries / Organizations, Please note...
In case you have sent, or will be sending in future, the subscription of *Bionotes* through the NEFT / RTGS to our Bank Account, then please confirm it separately by a letter / E-mail informing us your full address and the date of payment.
It is very necessary for us. Please help.
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QAR Questions and Answers by Type
By Jennifer Knight, Ph.D.
This guide is for teachers to use when planning and teaching students the Question-Answer Relationship (QAR; Raphael, 1984, 1986). Using the table below, teachers can write down different questions that students will be asked about a text during a QAR-focused lesson. These questions and the possible answers will assist teachers in guiding students as they learn how to classify each question type and to find appropriate answers. Students should only be responsible for classifying the types of questions and locating the answers to those questions that they previously have learned.
Prior to reading with students, the teacher will:
1. Read the text.
2. Based on the text topic and content, formulate one or two questions of each type that students have learned.
3. Provide possible answers for each question to ensure that it will be feasible for students to respond to what you ask them.
Additional Resource
For more information on Question-Answer Relationship, read the Iowa Reading Research Center blog post “Guide Students to Answers According to Question Type: The Question-Answer Relationship” by Jennifer Knight, Ph.D.
References
Raphael, T. E. (1984). Teaching learners about sources of information for answering comprehension questions. *Journal of Reading, 27*, 303-311.
Raphael, T. E. (1986). Teaching question-answer relationships. *The Reading Teacher, 39*, 516-520.
| Question Type | Question You Could Ask Students | Your Answer |
|-------------------------------|---------------------------------|-------------|
| **Right There** | | |
| The answer is in the text in one place. Look for words used in the question. | 1. | 1. |
| | 2. | 2. |
| **Think and Search** | | |
| The answer is in the text in more than one place, so I need to put the information together. | 1. | 1. |
| | 2. | 2. |
| **Author and Me** | | |
| The answer is not entirely in the text. I need to think about what I already know, what the author tells me, and how it fits together. | 1. | 1. |
| | 2. | 2. |
| **On My Own* | | |
| The answer is not in the text at all. I need to use my own ideas and experiences to answer. | 1. | 1. |
| | 2. | 2. |
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## Section 1
### Test 12
#### A
| Question | Answer |
|----------|--------|
| 1 | $300 + 15 + 5000$ |
| 2 | 45 FIVES = £ |
| 3 | $\frac{27}{100}$ of 1 metre = cm |
| 4 | $200 - 0.45$ |
| 5 | The ninth month of the year is . |
| 6 | $709 \times 8$ |
| 7 | 3.7 = hundredths |
| 8 | $17p + 15p + 20p = £$ |
| 9 | $140g + g = 0.2kg$ |
| 10 | £$23.00 ÷ 5$ |
| 11 | 0.7 litres − $\frac{1}{2}$ litre = mℓ |
| 12 | $\frac{3}{10} + \frac{2}{5}$ |
#### B
| Question | Answer |
|----------|--------|
| 1 | What number is 32 greater than 290? |
| 2 | Write as a decimal: 5 tens plus 18 tenths. |
| 3 | How many FIVES must be taken from 3 FIFTIES to leave £1.15? |
| 4 | How many eighths are there in $7\frac{5}{8}$? |
| 5 | 29th June is on a Friday. On which day is the 4th July? |
| 6 | Share 75p equally among 8 children. Find (a) how much each (b) how many pennies are left. |
| 7 | What mass in kg is double 3 kg 750 g? |
| 8 | Which of these numbers will divide exactly by both 6 and 9 without a remainder? 24 36 48 63 |
| 9 | Find the area of a playground 30 m long and 18 m wide. |
| 10 | Find the cost of 400 g at 25p per kg. |
| 11 | From $1\frac{3}{8}$ subtract $\frac{1}{2} + \frac{3}{4}$. |
| 12 | How many degrees in (a) ∠ BDA (b) ∠ BAC? |
#### C
| Question | Answer |
|----------|--------|
| 1 | Approximate (a) 9.82 to the nearest whole one (b) £10.48 to the nearest £1 (c) 3.25 kg to the nearest kg. |
| 2 | The kilometre reading on the instrument in a car is 9946.2. What distance has the car to travel for it to read ten thousand kilometres? km |
| 3 | What fraction in its lowest terms is equal to (a) 8 out of 20 (b) 25 out of 40 (c) 70 out of 100? |
| 4 | 10 articles cost £2.40. Find the cost of 3. |
| 5 | Josh was born on 30.6.’03. Write his age in years and months on 1st September 2015. years months |
| 6 | Find the sum of the numbers between 60 and 80 which are divisible by 9. |
| 7 | Find (a) the perimeter of the shape (b) its area. |
| 8 | 1000 screws have a mass of 4.2 kg. Find the mass in g of (a) 100 screws (b) 1 screw. |
| 9 | A shopkeeper bought 6 balls for £1.32 and sold them to make a total profit of 48p. For how much did he sell each ball? p |
| 10 | A car uses 7 litres of petrol to travel 100 km. How many litres are required for 1600 km? ℓ |
| 11 | Three lines measure 0.04 m; 47 mm; 3.8 cm. Find the difference between the longest and shortest lines. mm |
| 12 | 48 centimetre cubes fit exactly into the bottom of this box. The box is 5 cm deep. How many cm cubes are needed to fill it? |
Next work Progress Test 1 on page 16.
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**What Can I Do?**
**Prevent weed infestations:**
- Use weed-free seed and forage.
- Obey noxious weed laws and quarantines.
- Choose non-invasive species for your gardens and landscapes.
- Check vehicles, clothing, boats, boat trailers, and camping equipment for weeds and seeds.
- Never dump aquarium plants into a pond, stream or other waterbodies.
- Cover compost, topsoil and mulch piles with a tarp.
**Control weed infestations:**
- Remove or control weeds safely and appropriately.
- Replant with appropriate species to prevent weeds from returning.
- Prevent seed production and spread of weeds.
- Properly dispose of noxious weeds and weed seeds.
- Follow best management practices for pastures and open spaces.
**How Do I Find Out How To Control Noxious Weeds?**
The King County Noxious Weed Program has Best Management Practices and easy to use Fact Sheets on noxious weeds in the county. These are available online at [www.kingcounty.gov/weeds](http://www.kingcounty.gov/weeds) or from the office by calling 206-296-0290.
---
**King County Noxious Weed Control Program**
**Our Mission:**
Provide benefits to the environment, recreation, public health, and economic resources of King County by preventing and minimizing harmful impacts of noxious weeds.
**For more information:**
King County
Department of Natural Resources and Parks
Water and Land Resources Division
Noxious Weed Control Program
201 South Jackson Street, Suite 600
Seattle, WA 98104
206-296-0290 TTY Relay: 711
email: email@example.com
www.kingcounty.gov/weeds/
---
**Why is there a law to control noxious weeds?**
Noxious weeds are found everywhere in King County, from cities to farms, from forests to rivers and lakes. From Puget Sound to the mountain passes, people have introduced non-native species to our region either intentionally in gardens and landscapes or unintentionally through contaminated hay, seeds or bulk. A small but dangerous number of these species have turned out to be highly invasive and damaging.
**What are the costs of noxious weeds?**
Each year noxious weeds cost King County millions of dollars in lost agricultural production, environmental degradation and control costs. Once invasive plants become established, it is very expensive to eradicate them. In natural areas, it may not even be feasible to remove them once they take hold.
**What is the state noxious weed law?**
Washington’s noxious weed law (RCW 17.10) requires public and private landowners – including city, county and state land agencies – to control and prevent the spread of designated noxious weeds on their property. “Control” is defined in WAC 17.10-570 as the prevention of a weed producing seed. Federally listed noxious weeds are subject to the Federal Noxious Weed Law (73-679). Since many people are unfamiliar with noxious weeds, the county weed program is available to provide information on identification and control methods. Landowners can choose the control method they feel is most appropriate for their property.
**What does the county do when noxious weeds are found?**
Program staff provide the landowner with information on how to identify and control the noxious weeds on their property. If requested, we will meet with the owner or property manager to review the weed locations and discuss site-appropriate control methods.
**What will happen if the noxious weeds are not controlled?**
We will make several attempts to contact the land-owner to achieve control. If there is no control when we return to survey at the specified time, landowners may be issued a Notice of Violation giving them 10 days (or 48 hours if it seems are in flower or seed) to control the noxious weeds. If the noxious weeds are not completely controlled by the end of the NOV time limit, the program is authorized by Washington’s noxious weed law (RCW 17.10) to hire a contractor to complete the control work, and bill the owner for the contract fee plus the program’s administrative costs of the enforcement.
---
**Between November and April, any person may request a change to the Washington State Noxious Weed List for the following year. For more information, call the State Noxious Weed Control Board office at 360-209-2094.**
### Class A Weeds
have limited distribution in Washington. Preventing new infestations and eradicating existing infestations is the highest priority. Eradication is required by law throughout Washington state.
| Common Name | Scientific Name |
|----------------------|----------------------------------|
| buffalobur | *Solanum rostratum* |
| common crupina | *Crupina vulgaris* |
| cordgrass, common | *Spartina anglica* |
| cordgrass, dense flower | *Spartina densiflora* |
| cordgrass, salt meadow | *Spartina patens* |
| cordgrass, smooth | *Spartina alterniflora* (varieties B and A listed) |
| dyers woad | *Iatric tinctoria* |
| eggleaf spurge | *Euphorbia oblongata* |
| **false brome** | *Brachypodium sylvaticum* |
| floating primrose-willow | *Ludwigia peploides* |
| flowering-rush | *Butomus umbellatus* |
| garlic mustard | *Alliaria petiolata* |
| giant hogweed | *Heracleum mantegazzianum* |
| goatstare | *Galega officinalis* |
| hawkweed, European | *Hieracium pilosella* |
| hawkweed, yellow devil | *Hieracium floribundum* |
| hydrilla | *Hydrilla verticillata* |
| johnsongrass | *Sorghum halepense* |
| knapweed, bighead | *Centaurea macrocephala* |
| knapweed, Vochin | *Centaurea nigrescens* |
| kudzu | *Pueraria montana var. lobata* |
| meadow clary | *Salvia pratensis* |
| purple starthistle | *Centaurea calcitrapa* |
| reed sweetgrass | *Glyceria maxima* |
| ricefield bulrush | *Scirpus acutus macronatus* |
| sage, clary | *Salvia sclarea* |
| sage, Mediterranean | *Salvia apiana* |
| Common Name | Scientific Name |
|----------------------|----------------------------------|
| shiny geranium | *Geranium lucidum* |
| silverleaf nightshade | *Solanum elaeagnifolium* |
| Spanish broom | *Spartium junceum* |
| spurge flax | *Thymelaea passerina* |
| Syrian bean-caper | *Zygophyllum fabago* |
| Texas blueweed | *Heliophila trifurca* |
| thistle, Italian | *Carduus pycnocephalus* |
| thistle, milk | *Silphium perfoliatum* |
| thistle, slenderflower | *Carduus tenuiflorus* |
| variable-leaf milfoil | *Myriophyllum heterophyllum* |
| velvetleaf | *Abutilon theophrasti* |
| wild four o'clock | *Mirabilis nyctaginea* |
### Non-regulated Noxious Weeds
Class B and C weeds from the State Weed List that also impact the county, but are already widespread; control recommended but not required.
| Common Name | Scientific Name |
|----------------------|----------------------------------|
| absinth wormwood | *Artemisia absinthium* |
| blackberry, evergreen | *Rubus laciniatus* |
| blackberry, Himalayan | *Rubus armeniacus* |
| butterfly bush | *Buddleia davidii* |
| common fennel | *Foeniculum vulgare* (except var. azoricum) |
| common groundsel | *Senecio vulgaris* |
| common St. Johnswort | *Hypericum perforatum* |
| common tansy | *Tanacetum parthenium* |
| curly-leaf pondweed | *Potamogeton crispus* |
| Eurasian watermilfoil | *Myriophyllum spicatum* |
| field bindweed | *Convolvulus arvensis* |
| fragrant water lily | *Nymphaea odorata* |
| hairy whitetop | *Cardaria pubescens* |
| herb Robert | *Geranium robertianum* |
| honey cress | *Cardaria draba* |
| houndstongue | *Cynoglossum officinale* |
| English ivy (four cultivars only: 'Baltica', 'Pittsburgh', 'Star', and 'Hibernica') | *Hedera helix* |
| knotweed, Bohemian | *Polygonum bohemicum* |
| knotweed, giant | *Polygonum sachalinense* |
| knotweed, Himalayan | *Polygonum polystachyum* |
| knotweed, Japanese | *Polygonum cuspidatum* |
| lawnweed | *Soliu sessilis* |
| old man's beard | *Clematis vitalba* |
| poison-hemlock | *Conium maculatum* |
| reed canarygrass | *Phalaris arundinacea* |
| Scotch broom | *Cytisus scoparius* |
| spurge laurel | *Daphne laureola* |
| thistle, bull | *Cirsium vulgare* |
| thistle, Canada | *Cirsium arvense* |
| yellow archangel | *Lamium galeobdolon* |
| yellow flag iris | *Iris pseudacorus* |
| yellow toadflax | *Linaria vulgaris* |
### Class B Weeds
are abundant in some parts of the state and less common in others. The following Class B weeds have been designated by state law or selected by the County Weed Board as priority weeds in King County. Control and containment of these species is required by law.
| Common Name | Scientific Name |
|----------------------|----------------------------------|
| Austrian fieldcrassle | *Rorippa austriaca* |
| blackgrass | *Alopecurus myosuroides* |
| blueweed; viper's bugloss | *Echium vulgare* |
| Brazilian elodea | *Egeria densa* |
| bugloss, annual | *Arnica arvensis* |
| bugloss, common | *Arnica officinalis* |
| common reed (non-native genotypes) | *Phragmites australis* |
| Dalmatian toadflax | *Linia dalmatica* ssp. *dalmatica* |
| fanwort | *Cabomba caroliniana* |
| goosegrass | *Urochloa canariensis* |
| grass-leaved arrowhead | *Sagittaria graminea* |
| hawkweed extungue | *Picris hieracioides* |
| hawkweed, mouseear | *Hieracium pilosella* |
| hawkweed, orange | *Hieracium aurantiacum* |
| hawkweed, polar | *Hieracium atratum* |
| hawkweed, queen-devil | *Hieracium glomeratum* |
| hawkweed, smooth | *Hieracium laseigatum* |
| hawkweed, yellow | *Hieracium caespitosum* |
| hoary alderman | *Berteroa incana* |
| indigo bush | *Amorpha fruticosa* |
| knapweed, black | *Centaurae nigra* |
| knapweed, brown | *Centaurae leucu* |
| knapweed, diffuse | *Centaurae diffusa* |
| knapweed, meadow | *Centaurae jacea x nigra* |
| knapweed, Russian | *Acreptilon repens* |
| knapweed, spotted | *Centaurae stoebe* |
| kochia | *Kochia scoparia* |
| lepyrodiclis | *Lepyrodiis holosteiodes* |
| longspine sandbur | *Cenchrus longispinus* |
| loosestrife, garden | *Lythrum salicaria* |
| loosestrife, purple | *Lythrum salicaria* |
| parrotfeather | *Myriophyllum aquaticum* |
| perennial pepperweed | *Leptodiplos latifolium* |
| perennial sowthistle | *Sonchus arvensis* ssp. *arvensis* |
| policeman's helmet | *Impatiens glandulifera* |
| rush skeletonweed | *Chondrilla juncea* |
| saltcedar | *Tamarix ramosissima* |
| spurge, leafy | *Euphorbia esula* |
| sulfur cinquefoil | *Potentilla recta* |
| swainsonpea | *Sphaerophyta salsula* |
| tansy ragwort | *Senecio jacobaea* |
| thistle, musk | *Carduus nutans* |
| thistle, plumless | *Carduus acanthoides* |
| thistle, Scotch | *Onopordum acanthium* |
| water primrose | *Ludwigia hexapetala* |
| white mulberry | *Bryonia alba* |
| wild chervil | *Anthriscus sylvestris* |
| yellow floating heart | *Nymphoides peltata* |
| yellow nutsedge | *Cyperus esculentus* |
| yellow starthistle | *Centaurae solstitialis* |
### Class C Weeds
are common throughout most of Washington. The King County Noxious Weed Board has selected these as priority weeds in the county dependant on feasibility of control and local threats. Control and containment of these weeds is required by law.
| Common Name | Scientific Name |
|----------------------|----------------------------------|
| hairy willowherb | *Epilobium hirsutum* |
| hawkweed, common | *Hieracium lachenalii* |
| hawkweeds, non-native and invasive | *Hieracium spp.* |
### Weeds Of Concern
are invasive plants in King County that are not listed as noxious weeds under the State Noxious Weed Law. The King County Weed Board recognizes these plants as invasive and is collecting information on their distribution. The Board recommends control and containment of existing populations and discourages new plantings.
King County’s Critical Areas Ordinance cites this list of weeds as invasive vegetation that threatens native ecosystems by displacing beneficial vegetation and degrading wildlife and native plant habitat.
| Common Name | Scientific Name |
|----------------------|----------------------------------|
| bitterweet nightshade | *Solanum dulcamara* |
| buttercup, creeping | *Ranunculus repens* |
| buttercup, tall | *Ranunculus acris* |
| common hawthorn | *Crataegus monogyna* |
| English holly | *Ilex aquifolium* |
| English laurel | *Prunus laurocerasus* |
| European mountain ash | *Sorbus aucuparia* |
| hedge bindweed, morning glory | *Calystegia sepium* |
| spotted jewelweed | *Impatiens capensis* |
### Key
- Known to occur in King County.
- Weeds in bold are new for this year.
1 Reported to be toxic to livestock and/or humans. Sources USDA Poisonous plant Research Laboratory, USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service, WA State Weed Board. This list is for general information only and may not be all-inclusive. Contact a veterinarian, doctor or local Poison Control Center for a complete list and information about treatment.
2 Control of Scotch broom is required on King County’s section of State Route 2 and I-90 between mile marker 34 and the King/Kittitas county line.
3 Brazilian elodea is designated for control throughout King County except in Lake Washington, Lake Sammamish, Lake Union and Lake Fenwick.
4 Purple and garden loosestrife are county-selected for control in all areas of King County including those excluded by WAC 16-750.
5 Permit from KC Weed Board required to grow St. Johnswort as a crop in King County.
6 Control of Bohemian, Japanese, giant and Himalayan knotweed is required on the Green River and its tributaries (defined as Type S, F or N aquatic areas in KCC 21A.24.355) upstream of the suburban limits, including but not limited to Newaukum Creek, Soos Creek, Big Soos Creek, Jenkins Creek, Covington Creek, and Crisp Creek. Control of these invasive knotweed species is required up to the ordinary high water mark (or to the top of the bank if the ordinary high water mark cannot be identified) and in the adjacent buffer area as specified in KCC 21A.24.358. | <urn:uuid:52d984b9-0fff-45c4-a2aa-93b6441af39e> | CC-MAIN-2021-04 | https://your.kingcounty.gov/dnrp/library/water-and-land/weeds/WeedLists/2009-King-County-Noxious-Weed-List.pdf | 2021-01-22T06:41:23+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-04/segments/1610703529128.47/warc/CC-MAIN-20210122051338-20210122081338-00141.warc.gz | 1,071,739,368 | 3,965 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.995892 | eng_Latn | 0.995955 | [
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GOOD PURE WATER FOR EVERY FARM.
The climate of Wisconsin is a healthy, invigorating one, free from any complaints that are justly lodged against other sections advertising for new-comers. The winters have a clear, bracing atmosphere continually, and in summer the growth is rapid without excessive heat. The northern portion of the State is free from fever and ague, hay fever, and kindred diseases so frequent in other localities. While in winter the thermometer registers a lower degree than in points of northern Illinois and Indiana, the cold is never felt as much; the air is clear and dry, while strong winds never prevail; the blizzard is an unheard-of thing in Northern Wisconsin. That great index of the healthfulness of any section — the water — is particularly good in Wisconsin; in fact, Wisconsin supplies the world with water to a certain extent. The famous springs of Waukesha have a world-renowned reputation, and but little behind are those of Chippewa Falls, Bethania and others, which are in the heart of the country offered to settlers. Thousands of springs giving forth pure water are to be found all through the State; the northern portion is bounteously supplied with lakes and rivers. There is hardly a section of land that does not have a running brook through it. A few large rivers, thousands of pure-water lakes and innumerable small streams give an abundance of water, which is no small item in the making of a stock-raising country, which many undeveloped sections of Wisconsin are bound to become.
| Date | Name | Position |
|------------|--------|-------------------|
| 1900-01-01 | Smith | President |
| 1900-02-01 | Jones | Vice President |
| 1900-03-01 | Brown | Secretary |
| 1900-04-01 | Davis | Treasurer |
| 1900-05-01 | White | Board Member |
| 1900-06-01 | Green | Board Member |
| 1900-07-01 | Red | Board Member |
| 1900-08-01 | Blue | Board Member |
| 1900-09-01 | Yellow | Board Member |
| 1900-10-01 | Pink | Board Member |
| 1900-11-01 | Purple | Board Member |
| 1900-12-01 | Orange | Board Member |
*Note: The above table is a sample and does not represent actual data.*
NORTH CAROLINA
MAP
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American Academy of Sleep Medicine organizes first-ever Student Sleep Health Week
DARIEN, IL – One of the best ways students can prepare for success this school year is to commit to getting the healthy sleep they need to learn, function and grow. Yet, more than half of parents (57%) with school-age children say that they have a child or teen who does not get enough sleep on school nights, according to a July 2020 survey conducted by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine (AASM)*. To highlight the importance of healthy sleep for students, the AASM is holding the first-ever Student Sleep Health Week (SSHW), slated for Sept. 14-20, 2020.
“No matter where classes are held this school year — whether in-person, online or in a hybrid format — it’s important that students maintain a consistent sleep schedule to excel in both their studies and extra-curricular activities,” said AASM President Dr. Kannan Ramar. “As many parents and caregivers try to create a routine for their kids, incorporating the right amount of healthy sleep is an important component. The back-to-school transition is an ideal time for families to get back on track.”
Barriers to Healthy Sleep for Students
According to the AASM survey, 90% of parents cite homework and early school start times as the top barriers to students trying to get the healthy sleep they need each night. Other things keeping students from sleep include spending time with friends (87%), social media/electronics use (86%), hobbies (86%), sports (85%), chores or jobs (83%), and band/music/clubs (78%).
“Healthy sleep gives children and teens the best chance to maximize learning and performance,” said Dr. Ramar. “When students get sufficient sleep, it has a positive impact on grades, athletic performance and other daily activities.”
Impact of COVID-19
The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted sleep and school schedules for children and teens. As schools across the country turned to remote learning in the spring, many students were able to get more sleep than they normally would on school nights. However, one of the biggest challenges students faced was maintaining a consistent and healthy sleep/wake schedule during the pandemic, according to the AASM. Four out of 10 parents acknowledged that remote learning affected their children’s bedtime and/or waketime consistency.
“Even though students may not need to catch the bus or carpool this school year, they should continue with morning and bedtime rituals, including getting up and going to bed at regular times so they get enough sleep,” added Dr. Ramar.
**Benefits of Healthy Sleep for Students**
Parents are aware of the importance of sleep on their children’s health and well-being. About 94% of parents acknowledge that sleep impacts their children’s mood, and 93% understand its correlation to performance in school. Impacts on physical health (92%), mental health (90%) and performance in sports or other activities (90%) are also widely reported by parents.
When students get the recommended hours of healthy sleep on a regular basis, it is associated with better outcomes, including improved attention, behavior, learning, memory, emotional regulation, quality of life, and mental and physical health. Sufficient sleep also helps students:
- Excel in the classroom by maximizing attention, memory and learning abilities
- Perform better in sports by being faster, stronger and more accurate
- Feel their best and have a more optimistic attitude toward life
- Look their best and maintain a healthy weight
- Have fun and enjoy life by making better decisions and staying safe
The benefits of healthy sleep require not only adequate sleep duration, but also appropriate timing, daily regularity, good sleep quality, and the absence of sleep disorders. The AASM recommends children 6-12 years of age should sleep nine to 12 hours on a regular basis to promote optimal health, while teenagers 13-18 years of age should obtain eight to 10 hours of sleep per night.
For more info about Student Sleep Health Week, please visit sleepeeducation.org/student-sleep-health-week.
*AASM July 2020 Consumer Survey – https://aasm.org/about/newsroom/.
About Student Sleep Health Week
The American Academy of Sleep Medicine is organizing the first-ever Student Sleep Health Week, Sept. 14-20, 2020, to encourage students to get the healthy sleep they need to excel this school year. The AASM will be hosting online events throughout the week with the hashtag #StudentSleepWeek. Join the conversation and learn all about the importance of sleep for students, including healthy sleep tips and more. Supporting partners include: American School Counselor Association, American School Health Association, National Association of School Nurses, National PTA, National Safety Council, Project Sleep, Society for Health and Physical Educators, and Sleep Research Society.
About the American Academy of Sleep Medicine
Established in 1975, the American Academy of Sleep Medicine (AASM) is advancing sleep care and enhancing sleep health to improve lives. The AASM has a combined membership of 11,000 accredited member sleep centers and individual members, including physicians, scientists and other health care professionals.
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Text:
In Britain, before the internet, people used to listen to the news on the radio as they got up. They would then read a newspaper in the morning, on the train while travelling to work. On the way home, they might even buy another newspaper – an evening newspaper, possibly or a local one. Then, they would watch the news on television at six o'clock before going to bed. At the weekend, they had the big Sunday papers. Yes, before the internet, there were easy, separate categories of time. Radio, newspapers and television all had a place.
Then things became a bit more complicated. First, 24 hour TV news arrived, and then the internet. Now people could get the news when they wanted rather than waiting for other people to decide what to tell them and when.
Adapted from: www.britishcouncil.org/algeria
PART ONE (14 pts)
A. Reading comprehension: (7pts)
Read the text and do the following activities:
Activity one : (2pts)
Choose a, b or c to complete the following sentences.
1. before the internet, the British used to:
a. practise sport b. listen to news c. play cards
2. they used to watch the news on TV:
a. twice a day b. once a day c. twice or three times a day
Activity two: (3pts)
Read the text and answer the following questions:
1. Where did people in Britain use to read the newspaper?
2. When did things become more complicated?
3. What do the underlined words refer to in the text?
- they →
- one →
Activity three: (2pts)
1. Find in the text words or phrases that are closest in meaning to:
a. probably = .................. b. different= ...................
2. Find in the text words or phrases that are opposite in meaning to:
a. hard ≠ ...................... b. less≠ .......................
B. Mastery of language: (7pts)
Activity one: (1pt)
Supply the punctuation and capitals where necessary
the most popular print newspaper in Britain is the "Sun"
Activity two: (3pts)
Rewrite the following passage and put the verbs in their correct form.
When the internet appeared, the national newspapers (begin) to claim that they would lose all their readers. Although, most of them who (not use to) love the internet (create) an online version of their paper.
Activity three: (2pts)
Complete the following table.
| ......................... | more complicated | the most complicated |
|-------------------------|------------------|----------------------|
| easy | ..................| .....................|
| big | bigger | .....................|
Activity four: (1pt)
Circle the silent letters in the following words.
Listen – would – while – work
PART TWO (6pts)
Written expression:
Today, many people in your country prefer to get the news online.
Write a paragraph of 8 lines in which you can use the following ideas:
- gain time
- different news
- almost free
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Key idea: Food chains can be put together to form food webs. The complexity of a food web depends on the number of food chains and trophic levels involved. Species are assigned to trophic levels on the basis of their sources of nutrition, with the first trophic level (the producers), ultimately supporting all other (consumer) levels.
Consumers are ranked according to the trophic level they occupy, although some consumers may feed at several different trophic levels. In the example of a lake ecosystem below, your task is to assemble the organisms into a food web in a way that illustrates their trophic status and their relative trophic position(s).
**Feeding Requirements of Lake Organisms**
- **Autotrophic protists**
- *Chlamydomonas* (above), *Euglena*
- Two of the many genera that form the phytoplankton.
- **Macrophytes (various species)**
- A variety of flowering aquatic plants are adapted for being submerged, free-floating, or growing at the lake margin.
- **Detritus**
- Decaying organic matter from within the lake itself or it may be washed in from the lake margins.
- **Asplanchna** (planktonic rotifer)
- A large, carnivorous rotifer that feeds on protozoa and young zooplankton (e.g., small *Daphnia*).
- **Daphnia**
- Small freshwater crustacean that forms part of the zooplankton. It feeds on planktonic algae by filtering them from the water with its limbs.
- **Leech** (*Glossiphonia*)
- Leeches are fluid feeding predators of smaller invertebrates, including rotifers, small pond snails and worms.
- **Three-spined stickleback** (*Gasterosteus*)
- A common fish of freshwater ponds and lakes. It feeds mainly on small invertebrates such as *Daphnia* and insect larvae.
- **Diving beetle** (*Dytiscus*)
- Diving beetles feed on aquatic insect larvae and adult insects blown into the lake community. They will also eat organic detritus collected from the bottom mud.
- **Carp** (*Cyprinus*)
- A heavy-bodied freshwater fish that feeds mainly on bottom-living insect larvae and snails, but will also take some plant material (not algae).
- **Great pond snail** (*Limnaea*)
- Omnivorous pond snail, eating both plant and animal material, living or dead, although the main diet is aquatic macrophytes.
- **Herbivorous water beetles** (e.g., *Hydrophilus*)
- Feed on water plants, although the young beetle larvae are carnivorous, feeding primarily on small pond snails.
- **Protozan** (e.g., *Paramecium*)
- Ciliated protozoa such as *Paramecium* feed primarily on bacteria and microscopic green algae such as *Chlamydomonas*.
- **Pike** (*Esox lucius*)
- A top ambush predator of all smaller fish and amphibians. They are also opportunistic predators of rodents and small birds.
- **Mosquito larva** (*Culex spp.*)
- The larvae of most mosquito species, e.g., *Culex*, feed on planktonic algae and small protozoans before passing through a pupal stage and undergoing metamorphosis into adult mosquitoes.
- **Hydra**
- A small carnivorous cnidarian that captures small prey items, e.g., small *Daphnia* and insect larvae, using its stinging cells on the tentacles.
1. From the information provided for the lake food web components on the previous page, construct ten different food chains to show the feeding relationships between the organisms. Some food chains may be shorter than others and most species will appear in more than one food chain. An example has been completed for you.
Example 1: \[ \text{Macrophyte} \rightarrow \text{Herbivorous water beetle} \rightarrow \text{Carp} \rightarrow \text{Pike} \]
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
(f)
(g)
(h)
(i)
(j)
2. (a) Use the food chains created above to help you to draw up a food web for this community. Use the information supplied to draw arrows showing the flow of energy between species (only energy from the detritus is required).
(b) Label each species to indicate its position in the food web, i.e. its trophic level (T1, T2, T3, T4, T5). Where a species occupies more than one trophic level, indicate this, e.g. T2/3:
\[
\begin{align*}
\text{Tertiary and higher level consumers (carnivores)} & \\
\text{Pike} & \\
\text{Carp} & \\
\text{Tertiary consumers (carnivores)} & \\
\text{Hydra} & \\
\text{Diving beetle (Dytiscus)} & \\
\text{Dragonfly larva} & \\
\text{Three-spined stickleback} & \\
\text{Leech} & \\
\text{Secondary consumers (carnivores)} & \\
\text{Mosquito larva} & \\
\text{Asplanchna} & \\
\text{Primary consumers (herbivores)} & \\
\text{Daphnia} & \\
\text{Paramecium} & \\
\text{Herbivorous water beetle (adult)} & \\
\text{Great pond snail} & \\
\text{Producers} & \\
\text{Autotrophic protists} & \\
\text{Macrophytes} &
\end{align*}
\]
Key idea: Energy flows through an ecosystem between trophic levels. Only 5-20% of energy is transferred from one trophic level to the next.
Energy cannot be created or destroyed, only transformed from one form (e.g. light energy) to another (e.g. chemical energy in the bonds of molecules). This means that the flow of energy through an ecosystem can be measured. Each time energy is transferred from one trophic level to the next (by eating, defecation, etc), some energy is given out as heat to the environment, usually during cellular respiration. Living organisms cannot convert heat to other forms of energy, so the amount of energy available to one trophic level is always less than the amount at the previous level. Potentially, we can account for the transfer of energy from its input (as solar radiation) to its release as heat from organisms, because energy is conserved. The percentage of energy transferred from one trophic level to the next is the *trophic efficiency*. It varies between 5% and 20% and measures the efficiency of energy transfer. An average figure of 10% trophic efficiency is often used. This is called the *ten percent rule* (below).
**Energy Flow Through an Ecosystem**
**NOTE**
Numbers represent kilojoules of energy per square metre per year (kJ m\(^{-2}\) yr\(^{-1}\))
- **Sunlight falling on plant surfaces**: 7,000,000
- **Light absorbed by plants**: 1,700,000
**Producers**: 87,400
(a)
**Primary consumers**: 50,450
(b)
**Secondary consumers**: 7,800
(c)
**Tertiary consumers**: 1600
(d)
**Detritus**: 4,600
(e)
**Decomposers and detritivores**: 22,950
(f)
**Heat loss in metabolic activity**: 1,330
(g)
The energy available to each trophic level will always equal the amount entering that trophic level, minus total losses to that level (due to metabolic activity, death, excretion etc). Energy lost as heat will be lost from the ecosystem. Other losses become part of the detritus and may be utilized by other organisms in the ecosystem.
**International-mindedness: Energy and Food**
People eating crops are primary consumers, but people eating meat are secondary consumers. Crops can feed more people per hectare than livestock can because there is one less step in the food chain.
1. Study the diagram on the previous page illustrating energy flow through a hypothetical ecosystem. Use the example at the top of the page as a guide to calculate the missing values (a)–(d) in the diagram. Note that the sum of the energy inputs always equals the sum of the energy outputs. Write your answers in the spaces provided on the diagram.
2. Identify the processes occurring at the points labelled A – G on the diagram:
A. ____________________________________________________________
B. ____________________________________________________________
C. ____________________________________________________________
D. ____________________________________________________________
E. ____________________________________________________________
F. ____________________________________________________________
G. ____________________________________________________________
3. (a) Calculate the percentage of light energy falling on the plants that is absorbed at point A:
\[
\text{Light absorbed by plants} \div \text{sunlight falling on plant surfaces} \times 100 = \text{______________________________}
\]
(b) What happens to the light energy that is not absorbed? ____________________________________________________________
4. (a) Calculate the percentage of light energy absorbed that is actually converted (fixed) into producer energy:
\[
\text{Producers} \div \text{light absorbed by plants} \times 100 = \text{______________________________}
\]
(b) How much light energy is absorbed but not fixed: ____________________________________________________________
(c) Account for the difference between the amount of energy absorbed and the amount actually fixed by producers:
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
5. Of the total amount of energy fixed by producers in this ecosystem (at point A) calculate:
(a) The total amount that ended up as metabolic waste heat (in kJ): ____________________________________________________________
(b) The percentage of the energy fixed that ended up as waste heat: ____________________________________________________________
6. (a) State the groups for which detritus is an energy source: ____________________________________________________________
(b) How could detritus be removed or added to an ecosystem? ____________________________________________________________
7. Under certain conditions, decomposition rates can be very low or even zero, allowing detritus to accumulate:
(a) From your knowledge of biological processes, what conditions might slow decomposition rates?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
(b) What are the consequences of this lack of decomposer activity to the energy flow? ____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
(c) Add an additional arrow to the diagram on the previous page to illustrate your answer: ____________________________________________________________
(d) Describe three examples of materials that have resulted from a lack of decomposer activity on detrital material:
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
8. The ten percent rule states that the total energy content of a trophic level in an ecosystem is only about one-tenth (or 10%) that of the preceding level. For each of the trophic levels in the diagram on the preceding page, determine the amount of energy passed on to the next trophic level as a percentage:
(a) Producer to primary consumer: ____________________________________________________________
(b) Primary consumer to secondary consumer: ____________________________________________________________
(c) Secondary consumer to tertiary consumer: ____________________________________________________________
Key idea: Ecological pyramids can be used to illustrate the amount of energy at each trophic level in an ecosystem. The energy, biomass, or numbers of organisms at each trophic level in any ecosystem can be represented by an ecological pyramid. The first trophic level is placed at the bottom of the pyramid and subsequent trophic levels are stacked on top in their 'feeding sequence'. Ecological pyramids provide a convenient model to illustrate the relationship between different trophic levels in an ecosystem. Pyramids of energy show the energy contained within each trophic level.
The generalized ecological pyramid pictured above shows a conventional pyramid shape, with a large base at the primary producer level, and increasingly smaller blocks at subsequent levels. Not all pyramids have this appearance. Decomposers are placed at the level of the primary consumers and off to the side because they may obtain energy from many different trophic levels and so do not fit into the conventional pyramid structure. Pyramid of biomass measures the mass of the biological material at each trophic level. They are usually similar in appearance to pyramids of energy (biomass diminishes along food chains as the energy retained in the food chain diminishes).
Pyramid of Energy for a Plankton Community
Phytoplankton (such as diatoms, left) are producers, transforming sunlight energy into the energy in the chemical bonds within organic matter (food) via photosynthesis. There are many different species of phytoplankton. They form the first trophic level in an ecological pyramid for an aquatic plankton community.
Energy
The pyramid illustrated above relates to a hypothetical plankton community. The energy at each trophic level is reduced with each progressive stage in the food chain. As a general rule, a maximum of 10% of the energy is passed on to the next level in the food chain. The remaining energy is lost due to respiration, waste, and heat.
1. Determine the energy transfer between trophic levels in the plankton community example in the above diagram:
(a) Between producers and the primary consumers: ________________________________
(b) Between the primary consumers and the secondary consumers: _______________________
(c) Why is the amount of energy transferred from the producer level to primary consumers considerably less than the expected 10% that occurs in many other communities?
__________________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________________
(d) After the producers, which trophic group has the greatest energy content? _______________________
(e) Give a likely explanation for this: _________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________________
Data-based questions: Oxygen consumption in tobacco hornworms
Tobacco hornworms are the larvae of *Manduca sexta*. Adults of this species are moths. Larvae emerge from the eggs laid by the adult female moths. There are a series of larval stages called instars. Each instar grows and then changes into the next one by shedding its exoskeleton and developing a new larger one. The exoskeleton includes the tracheal tubes that supply oxygen to the tissues.
The graphs below (figure 12) show measurements made using a simple respirometer of the respiration rate of 3rd, 4th and 5th instar larvae. Details of the methods are given in the paper published by the biologists who carried out the research. The reference to the research is Callier V and Nijhout H F (2011) “Control of body size by oxygen supply reveals size-dependent and size-independent mechanisms of molting and metamorphosis.” PNAS;108:14664–14669. This paper is freely available on the internet at http://www.pnas.org/content/108/35/14664.full.pdf+html.
Each data point on the graphs shows the body mass and respiration rate of one larva. For each instar the results have been divided into younger larvae with low to intermediate body mass and older larvae with intermediate to high body mass. The results are plotted on separate graphs. The intermediate body mass is referred to as the critical weight.
1 a) Predict, using the data in the graphs, how the respiration rate of a larva will change as it grows from moulting until it reaches the critical weight.
b) Explain the change in respiration rate that you have described.
2 a) Discuss the trends in respiration rate in larvae above the critical weight.
b) Suggest reasons for the difference in the trends between the periods below and above the critical weight.
The researchers reared some tobacco hornworms in air with reduced oxygen content. They found that the instar larvae moulted at a lower body mass than larvae reared in normal air with 20% oxygen.
3 Suggest a reason for earlier moulting in larvae reared in air with reduced oxygen content.
---
**Figure 12** Respiration rates of tobacco hornworms (after Callier and Nijhout, 2011)
---
**Ethics of animal use in respirometers**
Assessing the ethics of scientific research: the use of invertebrates in respirometer experiments has ethical implications.
It is important for all scientists to assess the ethics of their research. There has been intense debate about the ethics of using animals in experiments. When discussing ethical issues, do we consider the consequences such as benefits to students who are learning science? Do we consider intentions? For example, if the animals are harmed unintentionally does that change
All cells can produce ATP by cell respiration. In this process carbon compounds such as carbohydrates and lipids are oxidized. These oxidation reactions are exothermic and the energy released is used in endothermic reactions to make ATP. So cell respiration transfers chemical energy from glucose and other carbon compounds to ATP. The reason for doing this is that the chemical energy in carbon compounds such as glucose is not immediately usable by the cell, but the chemical energy in ATP can be used directly for many different activities.
The second law of thermodynamics states that energy transformations are never 100% efficient. Not all of the energy from the oxidation of carbon compounds in cell respiration is transferred to ATP. The remainder is converted to heat. Some heat is also produced when ATP is used in cell activities. Muscles warm up when they contract for example. Energy from ATP may reside for a time in large molecules when they have been synthesized, such as DNA and proteins, but when these molecules are eventually digested the energy is released as heat.
**Data-based questions**
Figure 5 shows the results of an experiment in which yellow-billed magpies (*Pica nuttalli*) were put in a cage in which the temperature could be controlled. The birds’ rate of respiration was measured at seven different temperatures, from $-10^\circ C$ to $+40^\circ C$. Between $-10^\circ C$ and $30^\circ C$ the magpies maintained constant body temperature, but above $30^\circ C$ body temperature increased.
a) Describe the relationship between external temperature and respiration rate in yellow-billed magpies. [3]
b) Explain the change in respiration rate as temperature drops from $+10^\circ C$ to $-10^\circ C$. [3]
c) Suggest a reason for the change in respiration rate as temperature increased from $30^\circ C$ to $40^\circ C$. [2]
d) Suggest two reasons for the variation in respiration rate between the birds at each temperature. [2]
**Heat energy in ecosystems**
Living organisms cannot convert heat to other forms of energy.
Living organisms can perform various energy conversions:
- Light energy to chemical energy in photosynthesis.
- Chemical energy to kinetic energy in muscle contraction.
- Chemical energy to electrical energy in nerve cells.
- Chemical energy to heat energy in heat-generating adipose tissue.
They cannot convert heat energy into any other form of energy.
Release of carbon dioxide from cell respiration
Carbon dioxide is produced by respiration and diffuses out of organisms into water or the atmosphere.
Carbon dioxide is a waste product of aerobic cell respiration. It is produced in all cells that carry out aerobic cell respiration. These can be grouped according to trophic level of the organism:
- non-photosynthetic cells in producers for example root cells in plants
- animal cells
- saprotrophs such as fungi that decompose dead organic matter.
Carbon dioxide produced by respiration diffuses out of cells and passes into the atmosphere or water that surrounds these organisms.
Data-based questions: Data-logging pH in an aquarium
Figure 2 shows the pH and light intensity in an aquarium containing a varied community of organisms including pondweeds, newts and other animals. The data was obtained by data logging using a pH electrode and a light meter. The aquarium was illuminated artificially to give a 24-hour cycle of light and dark using a lamp controlled by a timer.
1 Explain the changes in light intensity during the experiment. [2]
2 Determine how many days the data logging covers. [2]
3 a) Deduce the trend in pH in the light. [1]
b) Explain this trend. [2]
4 a) Deduce the trend in pH in darkness. [1]
b) Explain this trend. [2]
Methanogenesis
Methane is produced from organic matter in anaerobic conditions by methanogenic archaeans and some diffuses into the atmosphere.
In 1776 Alessandro Volta collected bubbles of gas emerging from mud in a reed bed on the margins of Lake Maggiore in Italy, and found that it was inflammable. He had discovered methane, though Volta did not give it this name. Methane is produced widely in anaerobic environments, as it is a waste product of a type of anaerobic respiration.
Three different groups of anaerobic prokaryotes are involved.
1 Bacteria that convert organic matter into a mixture of organic acids, alcohol, hydrogen and carbon dioxide.
Data-based questions: Release of carbon from tundra soils
Soils in tundra ecosystems typically contain large amounts of carbon in the form of peat. This accumulates because of low rates of decomposition of dead plant organic matter by saprotrophs. To investigate this, ecologists collected samples of soil from areas of tussock vegetation near Toolik Lake in Alaska. Some of the areas had been fertilized with nitrogen and phosphorus every year for the previous eight years (TF) and some had not (TC). The soils were incubated for 100-day periods at either 7 or 15°C. Some samples were kept moist and others were saturated with water (W). The initial carbon content of the soils was measured and the amount of carbon dioxide given off during the experiment was monitored. The bar chart in figure 5 shows the results.
1 a) State the effect of increasing the temperature of the soils on the rate of release of carbon.
b) Explain the reasons for this effect.
2 a) Compare the rates of release of carbon in moist soils with those in soils saturated with water.
b) Suggest reasons for the differences.
3 Outline the effects of fertilizers on rates of release of carbon from the soils.
4 Discuss whether differences in temperature, amount of water in the soil or amount of fertilizer have the greatest impact on the release of carbon.
Large quantities of partially decomposed organic matter have accumulated in some ecosystems and become compressed to form a dark brown acidic material called peat. About 3% of the Earth’s land surface is covered by peat and as the depth is ten metres or more in some places the total quantities of this material are immense.
Fossilized organic matter
Partially decomposed organic matter from past geological eras was converted into oil and gas in porous rocks or into coal.
Carbon and some compounds of carbon are chemically very stable and can remain unchanged in rocks for hundreds of millions of years. There are large deposits of carbon from past geological eras. These deposits are the result of incomplete decomposition of organic matter and its burial in sediments that became rock.
- Coal is formed when deposits of peat are buried under other sediments. The peat is compressed and heated, gradually turning into coal. Large coal deposits were formed during the Pennsylvanian sub period of the Carboniferous. There was a cycle of sea level rises and falls; coastal swamps formed as the level fell and were destroyed and buried when the level rose and the sea spread inland. Each cycle has left a seam of coal. | <urn:uuid:33c20a80-2a18-45ca-9802-c73a2c2df9f4> | CC-MAIN-2022-27 | http://www.curiouscience.com/uploads/3/7/4/1/37410239/201804300837.pdf | 2022-06-25T14:29:06+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656103035636.10/warc/CC-MAIN-20220625125944-20220625155944-00099.warc.gz | 75,144,610 | 5,037 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.976766 | eng_Latn | 0.998367 | [
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Introduction
We hope you will enjoy these simple games and activities and that they will not only get your class geared up for the Olympics, but that they’ll learn some French too.
The Olympic sports
We have chosen the 33 major Olympic sports as the vocabulary for this topic.
Many of these sports are subdivided into several events:
- Athletics is the largest Olympic sport, with 48 different medal events.
- There are five aquatic sports: swimming, synchronized swimming, diving, water polo and open water swimming.
- There are three equestrian disciplines: jumping, dressage and eventing.
- Gymnastics is actually three events: artistic gymnastics, rhythmic gymnastics and trampolining.
- There are four cycling events: BMX, mountain bike, road and track.
The modern pentathlon is a two-day competition. It consists of five events: fencing, show jumping, swimming, pistol shooting and a 3km cross-country run. The modern pentathlon was invented by Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the founder of the modern Olympic Games. The event was first held at the 1912 Olympic Games.
The triathlon is also a multi-disciplinary event. It consists of a 1,500m swim, a 43km cycle race and a 10km run. The events are held one after the other, with no breaks in between events. In fact, the speed of changing from one event to the next can be crucial. The triathlon has only been an Olympic sport since 2000.
Activities in this book
France at the Olympics/France at the Paralympics pages 7–8
Use the information on these sheets to help pupils improve their cultural understanding of France. Ask questions such as:
- France has hosted the Olympics five times. Can you find Paris, Chamonix, Grenoble and Albertville on a map of France?
- France has hosted the Winter Olympics three times, but Great Britain has never hosted the Winter Olympics. Why do you think this is? (Great Britain has only won 26 medals in total at the Winter Olympics, and none for alpine skiing.)
- French athletes have won the most medals for fencing, followed by cycling. Pupils could research which sports top the medal table for the UK (in terms of number of overall medals, the top five sports are: athletics – 205; cycling – 87; rowing – 68; sailing – 58; boxing – 56). Why are some sports more popular in some countries than in others?
- Only one French athlete was able to make it to the 1904 Olympic Games that were held in St Louis in the middle of the USA. Why do you suppose this is? (difficulty, length of time needed to travel in 1904). In fact, there is some dispute as to whether the one athlete was representing France or the United States! In comparison, there were three competitors from Great Britain at the 1904 Games.
- France’s most successful Olympic Games was in 1900 when they hosted the games. What advantages are there to being the host nation?
See also information on the Olympic flag on page 62.
**Some famous French athletes**
Pupils could research to find out more about these athletes and their sports. Are there any sports which they find surprising?
**Flashcards and picture flashcards**
Cut these up into flashcards and use them to play Pairs, Concentration and other games to practise the vocabulary. Many other ideas for using flashcards can be found in *100+ Fun Ideas for Practising Modern Foreign Languages in the Primary Classroom* (ISBN 978-1-903853-98-6).
**Colour in the pictures**
Use these sheets to introduce the vocabulary, or as useful reference sheets. Pupils can colour in the pictures and practise saying the words. The sheets could be cut into flashcards.
**Match the words**
Reinforce vocabulary by asking pupils to match the pictures to the French words.
**Design your own logos!**
For each Olympic Games, a new set of logos for each sport is designed. The logos for the Tokyo 2020 games and for past games are easily found by searching images on the Internet. You could display some examples on the Interactive White Board prior to the task, to give pupils some ideas. They should be diagrammatic, easily recognizable pictures rather than detailed drawings.
**Word search**
Reinforce the spelling of the vocabulary by getting them to find the words in the word search. Words can go horizontally, vertically or diagonally. None of the words have been written backwards.
**Solve the code**
Pupils use the chart at the top of the page to solve the code and find each of the 33 sports. Note: pupils will need to add accents to the letters as appropriate.
**Unscramble the words**
Pupils will practise spelling the words by unscrambling the letters to find the French sports.
**Crossword puzzles**
Pupils will demonstrate their ability to identify and correctly spell the new vocabulary by entering the correct French word for each of the corresponding images.
**‘Loto’ cards**
There are three types of card: words and pictures, pictures only and words only. For convenience, the words appear in the same place on all three sets of boards so that you can use them with mixed ability classes. When the pupils win, they could shout out « Loto ! ».
**Board game**
This is a game for two players. Each pair will need a die and two small counters. Pupils take turns to roll the die. They count the number of spaces and say the word for the sport shown.
If they are unable to say the word, they must go back to where they were. In order to win the game, a play must throw the exact number to land at the end.
**Sentence-building activities/More sentence-building activities**
pages 47–48
These sentence ideas are just a starting point, and it is hoped that you will build on them, depending on what vocabulary and sentence structures your pupils already know. See also ‘Other teaching ideas’ on pages 61–62.
**Quel est ton sport préféré?**
page 49
This mini-dialogue uses sentence structures introduced on page 48. After reading and translating the sheet, pupils could work in pairs to create their own mini-dialogue on their favourite Olympic sports. Encourage them to include reasons why. These could be performed in front of the class.
**Tu aimes le sport?**
page 50
This questionnaire will provide reading practice. At the bottom of the sheet there is room for pupils to write what their favourite sport is and why.
**Sondage: veux-tu jouer?**
page 51
**Sondage: quel sport pratiques-tu?**
page 52
These survey sheets enable pupils to practise their speaking and listening skills. Encourage them to use full sentences when asking their classmates what sports they like to play/do.
**Tableau des médailles des Jeux Olympiques d’été de 2016**
page 53
This sheet will help pupils to practise saying numbers in French. They could work with a partner to try to figure out how to say all the numbers correctly. Encourage pupils to answer the questions using full sentences.
**Les Jeux Olympiques**
page 54
**Les Paralympiques**
page 55
**Le Japon**
pages 56–57
**Le drapeau japonais**
page 58
These sheets provide reading practice related to the Tokyo 2020 Olympics. Encourage pupils to answer the questions on Japan using full sentences.
**Ideas for incorporating French into PE lessons**
page 59–60
Use the vocabulary and ideas here to link your sports-related learning in French to your PE lessons.
**Other teaching ideas**
pages 61–62
Link your Olympics topic to other vocabulary your pupils have already learned. Suggestions are given for using vocabulary for days of the week, times of day, numbers, transport, weather and colours. | <urn:uuid:7b51d548-0c36-4bf2-9982-a129f2f8f790> | CC-MAIN-2020-16 | https://www.brilliantpublications.co.uk/frontend/views/upload/gallery/9780857478412-French-Olympics-Tokyo-2020-introduction.pdf | 2020-04-08T22:47:24+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-16/segments/1585371824409.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20200408202012-20200408232512-00484.warc.gz | 849,508,838 | 1,678 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998759 | eng_Latn | 0.999175 | [
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Upcoming Events
Mar. 8 1pm—School workbee
Mar. 9 9:30am—Nutrition Lady
Mar. 11 9:00am—Library Lady (preschool)
Mar. 13 3rd Qtr. Ends
Mar. 13 Academy Day at GSAA
Mar. 18 Elem Field Trip to Nursing Home to sing
Mar. 20 Early Release Grades 1-8, 12:30pm, no lunch
Mar. 23-27 ALL SCHOOL CLOSED—Spring Break
Apr. 1,2 Early Release Grades 1-8—Parent Teacher conferences
The month of March is Nutrition Month! Think of healthy things to eat and make it a good habit!
Avoid Getting Sick!
Public health experts say the best way to protect yourself from the new type of coronavirus—and help keep it from spreading—is to follow the same simple advice people take to avoid colds and other common illnesses. These tips can help stop many viruses in their tracks.
• Wash your hands frequently with soap and water, for at least 20 seconds each time.
• You can use hand sanitizer. Just check the label to make sure it contains at least 60 percent alcohol. Apply a generous amount and then rub it on your hands and fingers for about 20 seconds.
• Avoid touching your eyes, nose, and mouth.
• If someone else is obviously sick, keep your distance if you can—even just a few feet.
• Cough and sneeze into a tissue—then toss the tissue in the trash. No tissue? Cough and sneeze into your elbow—and then wash your hands!
• Stay home when you are sick.
Pictures of Spirit Week are on Facebook!
Hot Lunch—$4
Tuesday—Pizza Thursday—Macaroni & Cheese
Music Festival at GSAA
Ongoing Events
Thursdays—
6:30pm, Devotional Bible Study in the Preschool Classroom
Adventurers in the Kindergarten Room
Pathfinders in the Youth room upstairs
Fridays—
2:30pm, Lego Robotics
Bible Study every Thursday night at 6:30 in the preschool. You are welcome to join us at any time as we go through the Bible and discuss how it pertains to our lives. (bring your kids and they can play in the preschool while we do Bible study)
Mrs. Davidson’s Class
This has been Spirit Week and we have fun reading books by Dr. Seuss and had a special theme every day. Monday was Oh, the Places You’ll Go and dress for where you want to go; Tuesday was The 500 Hats of Bartholomew Cubbins and hat day; Wednesday was The Cat in the Hat and twin day; Thursday was Fox in Socks and silly socks day; Friday was The Lorax and wear orange day. Spirit Week is always a highlight for the students.
We finished our first unit on the life of Joseph in Bible class, and have moved on to the second unit about his life in Egypt. Through these lessons we are learning that we learn to trust God through the struggles in life because He will always be with us. In Science we have been studying Earth Science, and this week we focused on earthquakes and volcanoes.
Track and Field Day is coming up in May, and the students need to start getting in shape. We had our third Personal Best Day on Friday, and we will be incorporating more running into our regular program. Please encourage your students to get active now that it’s nicer weather, not just for track and field, but also for their own personal health.
Have a great weekend!
Teacher Martha’s Class
Growing and season changes were the topics of the week. We looked at how our bodies and the animals around us grow as the seasons change the world around us. The little boy in our story, “The Growing Story”, was worried that he was not growing. His puppy and baby chicks were growing and he could see that, but he didn’t see himself growing. But as he put on his winter clothes from the winter before, he realized he was growing. Sometimes we cannot see changes in ourselves, but those around us can. They can also see what kind of choices we make.
In Bible, we are studying Daniel and how even when it was not popular, he prayed to God and only God. He knew what he believed and didn’t go against his beliefs when things got tough. God helped Daniel and He will help us to make good choices and will always be there for us.
Dr. Seuss has been a wonderful piece of the reading world and this week we spent some time each day focusing on his stories. Thank you to the parents that helped their kiddo participate in spirit week. We were able to watch the Lorax with the big kids on Friday. It was a fun week of rhyming and stories.
We found a new game this week. It is a strategy game and the kids did really well with it. It is called Logik Street and they have to read clues that help them determine which house each person lives in. It is a critical thinking game and makes them think… I love that they loved playing it!
Next week we will start our body unit! Have a wonderful weekend!
Teacher Holly’s Class
We are starting a new unit. This one focuses on Interpersonal Relationship, you know, friends. Our Bible story is about Ruth and Naomi.
I’ve been working on portfolios and I must say, I’m very proud of the progress my kiddos have made over the past few months. For some it may be making marks to represent the letters in their names. For others it’s writing their own name and recognizing the names of others.
It’s fun to see their cutting skills improve. Hardest part seems to be holding the scissors. I’d appreciate it if you parents could reinforce that.
Patterning is something we can do with beads, coloring, blocks and even our bodies. STOMP, CLAP, JUMP, repeat. This children do better than me.
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QUALITY OUTCOMES-DRIVEN EDUCATION
DECEMBER 1991 VOL. 1 NO. 3
ODDM = Diversity Treated As The Norm +
Individual Differences As Complementary
Common Sense Tools:
MAPS and Circles for Inclusive Education
Marsha Forest and Jack Pearpoint
MAPS and Circles of Friends are examples of strategies used to fully include and build creative meaningful curriculum for students whose needs challenge the system. These tools help foster cooperation and collaboration both within the school and between the school and community. These tools are especially useful for students at risk of exclusion or rejection. The bigger the problem, the better the challenge!
Annie, Tommy, Jay, Andreas, Katherine, Becky, Erica, Mark, Greg, Miller, Peter... the list is too long and too painful to produce. These are the names of children who have been rejected by the public schools of Canada and the USA. They are black and white, girls and boys, youth and teenagers. In common is their parents' simple dream of having their children accepted and educated in one quality school alongside their neighbors. In common is their rejection from the schools of our nations. In common is the label "disabled" pinned on them, like the yellow star pinned on people labeled Jewish, and the pink triangle pinned on people labelled homosexual, during that terrible period called World War II.
The Nuremberg Trials confirmed to the world that pinning yellow stars and pink triangles on people was unacceptable. It was ruled a crime against "humanity." But today, no Nuremberg trials have ruled that IQ scores and disability labels are often death sentences to the children we "place" into "disability" boxes. Special education is one such disability box which we know now is neither special nor indeed educational in any sense of the word. This is no longer hot "news." The data has been in for several years. The outcome for people labelled "disabled" is a life of loneliness, poverty, and joblessness — not an outcome any family would choose for their sons or daughters. Despite this data, segregation still thrives and is considered an "acceptable" educational placement and practice. It is still okay to talk of "them" and "us."
Segregation is not acceptable. It is bad pedagogy (for all children), it is uneconomic, immoral, and unethical. In short, segregation must stop. This article is about how to integrate children, end segregation, and improve educational outcomes for all.
No matter where we go, people are talking about the "Butwhatabout" Kids. Some of the presently popular euphemisms include hard to serve, at-risk, etc. Why don't we just admit it outright. These are children and teenagers who scare us to death, who threaten our mortality and who make us vulnerable and nervous. That is natural, normal, and human. What is unnatural, abnormal, unacceptable, and inhuman is our systematic "boxing" and subsequent rejection of the people — or the illusions about people — whom we fear. We encourage people to square off with the fear — conquer it, and welcome all people back to our communities — complete with their mortality, vulnerability, and incredible capacities to teach us about what is important in life.
The Dragon We Call Fear
The first task is to face this dragon called fear. Mythology tells us that most "fear" dragons are slain merely by facing them. We don't tell teachers to give up their fears. Rather, we suggest they face them — head on; take up a mighty sword and slay them, one by one.
Fear is the most frequent word we hear as we talk with educators. "Don't be afraid" many people say. But not us. We encourage teachers to "Be afraid! Talk about the fear."
Name it! Get it on the table!" When the fear dragon is out in the open, you can kill it, go around it, or learn to ignore it. You can manage it. But as long as the fear is unnamed, the fantasy will frighten us more than any reality. Fear of the unknown, fear of failure, fear of not knowing what to do, fear of mortality. These are real fears. Once faced, fears can be overcome.
When we meet fearful teachers, we offer a little "dragon powder." We propose an alternative to these fearful human mortals who are just like us. Our "dragon powders" are state-of-the-art strategies that build confidence and a better future for all our children. MAPS and Circles of Friends are tools which take the responsibility off one person and put planning in the hands of a team comprised of school personnel, family, and the children themselves.
MAPS and Circles are based on common sense and don't cost a great deal of money.
But beware. These strategies require three important preconditions:
1. The desire to slay the dragon of fear.
2. The desire and ability to learn and change.
3. The desire and ability to work as a member of a team.
We feel if teachers cannot meet these criteria, they should consider another career!
Strong words you say. You bet. These times call for strong words and bold deeds. The crimes of illiteracy, miseducation, and rejection can no longer be tolerated. We know too much. Systems like Johnson City in New York and Waterloo Region in Ontario, Canada, prove what can be done. These beacons in a still too bleak educational landscape have no more money and no more brain power than any other system. What distinguishes them is leadership with guts, clear values, and the vision of an outcome that spells success for all children entering the doors of our schools today.
We no longer have to prove that quality education can work. It can. It is now up to others to justify why they cannot deliver quality education to all their children as they do with daily success in Johnson City or Kitchener.
**Reversing Rejection — Full Inclusion for All.** The Centre for Integrated Education and Community is devoted to reversing the rejection of the Beckys, Katherines, Judiths, Suneels, Sunitas, etc. We are developing state-of-the-art strategies and training workshops to help systems and individuals reverse the terrible tide of segregation and engage the challenge and thrill of full inclusion for all. Because we are white water canoe and kayak enthusiasts, we see the path like a white water rapid — full of rocks and churning water — but a great challenge and lots of fun!
**No Magic Bullets; No Microwave Solutions; Just Hard Work.** We make no claim that a MAP or a Circle as described in this article is a magic bullet or microwave solution. These strategies, developed and practiced for a decade with live children in real school systems in Canada and the USA, are simply tools in the arsenal for quality education for all — a dream we believe to be viable and necessary.
**Making a Map**
This strategy has been pioneered and used by many teachers and families in the past ten years. The laboratory has been two school boards in Canada (the Hamilton Wentworth Separate School Board under the leadership of Jim Hansen and the Waterloo Region Separate School Board under the Directorship of George Flynn). First and foremost, these two boards (approximately 20,000 students each) believe wholeheartedly that:
- all students belong in regular classrooms — no ifs, ands, or buts
- ordinary teachers can teach all children
- necessary supports will be provided when necessary
- quality education is a right,
not a privilege
- outcomes must be success, literacy, and graduation for all
- creative alternatives will be available for populations not succeeding in the ordinary fashion (i.e., they developed store-front schools, cross age tutoring, alternative high school programming as required).
A Cookbook Lesson. We love to eat and cook. A quote from the back cover of the original 1973 version of Tassajara Cooking sums up our feelings about the strategies we have developed:
"This is a book to help you actually cook — a cooking book. The recipes are not for you to follow; they are for you to create, invent, test. It explains things you need to know, and things to watch out for. There are plenty of things left for you to discover, learn, stumble upon. Blessings. You're on your own. Together with everything."
We invite you to treat MAPS and Circles as recipes from the "Tassajara Inclusion Cookbook." MAPS and Circles are designed to help you do it ... not to do it for you. You must "create, invent, test. They explain things you need to know, and things to watch out for. There are plenty of things left for you to discover, learn, stumble upon. Blessings. You're on your own. Together with everything." Read on in the Tassajara spirit.
We recently received a phone call that illustrates the dangers of seeing strategies as "magic bullets." The organizer of an upcoming workshop called and asked, "Will the participants at your workshop really leave knowing how to include all kids in regular classes?"
Marsha took a deep breath and answered in a friendly but firm tone, "No. In two days you don't learn brain surgery and in two days no one person can learn 'IT,' i.e., how to integrate all children magically into school. We hope the participants will get a tasty appetizer which will give them the inspiration and confidence to begin and to continue to get more in-depth knowledge, training, and experience of the issue." The caller reframed the concern and inquired if a reasonable revised objective might be that everyone leave the workshop feeling confident that this was the right direction for their school system. We said that too was our hope, and that most people would be ready to dive right in and try it out!
It is glib to think that anyone will learn all they need to know about dealing with children with complex needs in two days. But, with consistent use of MAPS and Circles strategies, as well as other exciting state-of-the-art approaches, within a year, we have found great success in being able to include almost all children.
What we've learned in ten years is that we can welcome all students into our nation's schools and classrooms — if we want to. This is regardless of the complexity of children's needs — be they physical, mental, or emotional. After all, "untrained" parents have been doing it for years. As one of our friends said after the birth of her daughter, "Jane didn't come with a set of directions. If we figured it out, so can a school. After all, teachers are paid for it, we're not. And they are trained educators, and we're not!! It should be easier for them. Basically, it is very simple. If they want Jane, they'll figure it out just like we did. All it takes is time and love."
MAPS
MAPS is a collaborative action planning process that brings the key actors in a child's life together. In the spirit of cooperation, this team creates a plan of action to be implemented in a regular classroom setting. It is not a case conference or an Individual Education Plan (IEP), but the results can certainly be used on any IEP form.
MAPS is facilitated by two people — practicing what it preaches — "together we're better." One person acts as the "MAPS recorder,"
making a public record (preferably using graphics) on large chart paper. This is an essential element of a MAP. The other person is the "host" who welcomes the group, explains the process, and facilitates the MAP.
**Essential Elements of a MAP:**
1. Co-facilitation (host and recorder; can be interchanged).
2. Graphic recording with colorful markers on chart paper.
3. Hospitality — a personal and information atmosphere (snacks, beverages, tokens of thanks).
4. All key actors in child's life present and participating.
5. Focus person and his/her siblings and friends present and
---
**The MAP Questions — A Mandela**
- Introductions
- What is a MAP?
- The Plan of Action
- What is the story? history?
- What is the dream?
- What is the nightmare?
- Who is the person?
- What is the person good at doing? What are his/her needs?
- What are his/her gifts, strengths, talents?
*Figure 1*
6. Key issues addressed: *What does the child and/or family want?*
7. Decision to meet again (with a date).
8. Concrete plan of action (actual things to do right away).
Without these essential elements, the plan is not a MAP. It may be something similar, but a MAP must have the above eight elements (or have a good reason to leave out an element).
A MAP is made up of questions that can be conceptualized as a circle. Each key must be used, but there is no particular order. The facilitators decide on their direction depending on the needs of the group.
**Question 1 — Setting the Tone and Introductions.** Before the MAP the facilitators set up the room in an informal semi-circle with comfortable chairs. Chart paper and clean markers should be ready. Snacks are available for people before the session begins. Colorful name tags are ready. The facilitators invite the group to be seated, introduce themselves, then ask everyone:
*Facilitator:*
*“Please tell us who you are and explain your relationship to Mark (the focus person).”*
**Question 2 — What Is a MAP?** The facilitator asks the participants to think of a MAP and asks, “What is a MAP?” Here’s how one recent group answered:
*Participants:*
“A MAP shows direction.”
“It tells you how to get from one place to another.”
“It shows you how to find stuff.”
“A MAP tells you where to go.”
*Facilitator:*
“That’s exactly what we’re here to do. To show direction for Mark’s life, to help him and his family get from one place (the segregated class) to another place (the regular class).
“The MAP will also help us figure out how to find the ‘stuff’ that Mark needs. If we all work together, we can decide where to go next. Together we can create a plan of action that we can put into practice for Mark starting right away.”
**Question 3 — What Is Your Dream?** This is really the heart and soul of the MAP. The facilitator must build an atmosphere so that the family feels comfortable to say what their dreams, hopes, and wants really are.
*Facilitator:*
“If you could dream the dream you really want, if you could have anything with no holds barred, what do you really truly want for yourselves and for Mark? Money is no object. Don’t hold back. Let yourselves be free to really say what you want. Don’t ask for what you think you can get. This is different. This is what you really want and dream about or pray for.”
There is often a deathly silence at this moment. It is essential. Do not interrupt. Wait. Allow the family time to build up their courage to get out their real feelings and hopes. If this is rushed, the whole MAP may be futile.
---
**What we’ve learned in ten years is that we can welcome all students into our nation’s schools and classrooms — if we want to.**
When a facilitator asks the question about people’s dreams with a full heart, so that people gain the confidence to risk stating their buried dreams, profound things often happen. A pattern has emerged after years of asking this question. Parents all over the continent have told us that the MAP empowered them to dream again. As one Colorado parent stated, “A MAP is a way of restoring the dream to a family.” With older teenagers or adults, the person states his/her own dream. The MAP restores a dream to the individual.
**Butwhatabout.** “But,” someone out there is thinking. “Butwhatabout” the person who can’t speak? We have done many MAPS with children labelled “nonverbal.” Although these children don’t speak, they certainly communicate. And if the group knows the child well, someone will be able to articulate their own dreams for the child, and also the dreams they think the child might have.
Facilitator:
"If Mark could speak, what do you think his dream would be?"
Families often weep openly as they tell us, "My dream is that my child be happy, be included in school, walk or ride to school with his sister, be invited to birthday parties, have a hamburger with a friend, and have the phone ring just for him."
One 12-year-old girl told us, "I want a trip to Hawaii and a job with computers. Also a pet dog." She was clear as a bell!
One parent of a medically fragile child told us, "I want my child to have one real friend before she dies. My nightmare is that my child will never know friendship." (This little girl did die soon after, but because she had moved into a district that welcomed her, the mother did get her wish. The entire third grade class attended her daughter's funeral. The family knew that their daughter had made real friends in her all too short life.)
MAPS is a collaborative action planning process that brings the key actors in a child's life together.
Question 4 — What Is My/Our Nightmare? Many people consider the nightmare question the hardest to ask. We believe it is one of the most important because the MAP must identify the nightmare in order to avoid it. Unless the MAP prevents the nightmare, it is a waste. Unless the outcome of the plan of action is to prevent the worst from happening, all we are doing is simply busy work.
In ten years of doing MAPS, these are the most consistent responses to this question: "My nightmare is that my child will end up in an institution with no one to love him/her." "We will die and my child will be alone and put in a group home." "My child will never have a friend."
No one has ever said "I'm afraid my child will not get an A in math or learn phonics."
No one has ever said, "I'm afraid there won't be a proper functional curriculum."
This question often breaks the ice between warring factions. When school staff see that the parents want what every parent wants for their children, barriers break down. We have seen wars melt into peace treaties. A Kentucky woman broke down describing how her 18-year-old son was currently living out his nightmare, institutionalized, after having blinded himself. "Our family is in the nightmare," she wept. "All we wanted, all we want now is some shred of human kindness and friendship to our son."
We had to stop for coffee as all participants, both factions, were in tears. For the first time they were meeting as human beings rather than as warriors on opposing sides of a placement review table.
Facilitators do not have to be familiar with the person or the family, but must know the MAPS process inside out. The facilitators must first and foremost believe 150 percent in the fact that full inclusion is possible for all! The facilitators must be good listeners — able to hear great pain without providing immediate advice and solutions.
When a facilitator asks the question about people's dreams with a full heart, so that people gain the confidence to risk stating their buried dreams, profound things often happen.
The teachers and school personnel are a part of the group. The facilitators can be school personnel or an external team. The facilitation rule is to pull information from the group and move it along into an action plan. The recorder creates a photograph of what the group says with color, graphics, and also summarizes what has been said before going to the next step.
Question 5 (which can also replace the dream as Question 3) — What Is the Story?
Facilitator:
"Please tell us your story. What are the most important things that have happened since Mark was born? I know you can go on and on with his, so I'll limit you to 6-7 minutes. Tell us what you feel is really important for
all of us to hear and to know about Mark’s story.”
The facilitator must be careful not to make this a case history. She/he must listen with all heart, soul, and body. The recorder writes the story — words, pictures, and images. The facilitator also asks the participants to listen with their hearts.
Facilitator:
“Don’t listen just with your ears. Listen with your whole body. Don’t be judgmental. This is not a trial. Try to feel hear what the person is telling you from inside — as if it were your own story.”
We often ask this question before the dream. It depends on the tone and mood of the group. The recorder summarizes the story after the family or person has completed their thoughts being sure that the facts are correct and the essential elements of the story are there. The recorder should request the assistance of the MAPS team to correct spelling, facts, etc. Making simple errors (especially with people’s names) can be very upsetting to some people, so legitimize corrections. Request assistance. This increases group participation and ownership.
Questions 1 through 4 are Part I of a MAP. It is often necessary to take a break at this point. The second part will be lighter, faster paced, and move toward the action plan.
MAPS — Part II
Question 5 — Who Is Mark? We like to draw an outline of a person on the chart paper (Figure 2) and hand out “Post-It” notes to change the mood and motion of the MAP. This is a brainstorm session. Each person writes a word or phrase (one per “Post-It” note) and posts it on the outline. This gives us a snapshot of the person. A recent MAP of a 12-year-old boy had these words: curious, handsome, determined, likes good snacks, always hungry, potential, my son, dimples, pretty ordinary, my brother, very active, pest, a little brat, somebody’s great friend someday, an interesting boy, lively, likes to play with drums, great family.
The recorder attempts to group the words to get a picture of Mark. We sometimes ask, “What have other people said about Mark in the past? What words have been used before in other meetings?” In this case, these were the words previously used to describe Mark: retarded, developmentally delayed, autistic, severely autistic.
These should be posted separately, but the recorder may want to highlight the dramatic differences between the two portraits of the same person.
Rather than blaming themselves for what they had not done in the past, they switched their energy into actions they could deliver in the future.
Question 6 — What Are Mark’s Strengths and Unique Gifts?
Another list was generated: happy, beautiful boy, loving, friendly, he can look you in the eye and smile, gives a lot, he has a “look,” helps to put things in perspective, makes you feel good.
Question 7 — What Does Mark Like To Do? What Is Mark Good At? This brainstormed list is important as it gives us many ideas for the curriculum and daily program: Mark likes to throw balls, play with ropes and strings, climbing in parks, eating, relax, swim laps in the pool, play in water puddles, go skating, play in clothes closets, be with people.
By this point we have generated an enormous volume of information on Mark. We ask, “First and foremost, what do we all need to make this (the dream?) happen? What does Mark need? What does Martha (the teacher) need? What does the family need?”
At this MAP the only people present were Mark’s mom, dad, teenage sister, and a dedicated teacher/friend. When it came to Mark’s needs, there was a real consensus that Mark “needs to be involved and to meet people his own age.” The family needed him to meet other children so his mother could begin to build a life of her own. The family agreed that a “worker” (to help build community integration) would be a God-send. They wanted that person to take Mark to local places where he could “get involved” with other kids. The job description for that person was developed from what was said at the MAP:
- Find places where he can meet kids.
- Find kids to spend time with him.
- Go to the youth center.
- Get involved in trips, swimming, and activities.
- Develop more communication skills.
Question 8 — The Plan of Action. When you frame the needs question carefully, it flows directly into a plan of action. In some circumstances, i.e., planning a curriculum, we might draw the timetable and have the other students brainstorm all the activities that Mark likes and could do. Then we explore the logistics. If Mark is going to get from history to gym and be dressed in ten minutes, he will need help — a guide. Who would be willing to help? We link specific people to specific times, places, classes, activities.
In this instance, the family enthusiastically agreed to plan a pizza party at their home and invite some neighborhood kids — that weekend. Together with Greg, the teacher/friend, they started to look for a community integration facilitator. Greg agreed to facilitate another MAP with a wider group in one month. A date was set.
A MAP must be concluded. The recorder walks/talks the group through a summary of the charts and presents the charts to the family as a gift — along with other gifts, i.e., a plant, a cake, something sweet, something that grows.
Before it ends, the host/facilitator asks each participant one more process question.
Facilitator:
“Will you give me one word, or a phrase to sum up your experience of this MAP. Off the top of your head … the first word that springs to mind …”
Here’s what this group said:
Mom:
“I’m relieved. Great session.”
Dad:
“Very positive. Thanks.”
Sister:
“Awesome.”
Mark:
(gives us all a really big smile)
Greg:
“Fabulous and positive.”
The Kaleidoscope
The metaphor for the MAP is a kaleidoscope. The kaleidoscope is a
magical toy, a mysterious and beautiful tool that changes constantly. Through the eyepiece we see little bits of beautiful color turning together into an ever-changing luminous melody of color and light.
We see the kaleidoscope as the outcome of each MAP. It is a medley of people working together to make something unique and better happen. It is more than anyone can do alone. It proves what we strongly believe — together we're better!
Circles of Friends
Stop. Take 30 seconds. Try to imagine a world in which you did not have a single person who truly loved you. Imagine having no family and no friends. Imagine that you see only paid personnel in the morning and at bedtime. Imagine a world where none of your peers spoke or walked. Take a moment to remember how it feels to be that lonely and isolated.
Recently, we met a young woman who literally had no one in her life. She had been abandoned by her parents at the age of four and placed in a group home for children with "severe to profound mental retardation." As we did her MAP, she sat with us and listened intensely to the conversation. We were told that she banged her head and screamed constantly. The person we observed sat still for two hours and listened intently. What did she hear? What did she understand? It is our belief that she heard and felt our concern, that through her blind eyes she saw love and people who were afraid for her life. We believe she responded to that caring by sitting with us for two hours. She is 16 years old and knows no one her own age.
It was clear that an intentional circle needed to be built immediately. Diane had been physically present in a regular high school but spent her days in a segregated class. She was present—but invisible. No one really knew her.
The school called together a group of teenagers and teachers who expressed an interest in helping Diane.
"How would you feel if your life looked like Diane's?" we asked.
One young woman said quietly but without hesitation, "I'd commit suicide."
Others said, "I'd sleep all the time." "I'd take drugs." "I'd drink." "I'd kill someone."
They saw immediately that what Diane needed most was to be with them—to get out of the segregated room. They brainstormed places they could go with Diane. There was a rock concert coming up. One student volunteered to take Diane with her and her other friends. Another decided to visit Diane and have dinner with her at the group home. The students thought Diane would like the music and cooking classes which were noisy and the teachers were "pretty cool." The ideas flew. Diane sat through the meeting with a smile as she gently rocked back and forth, back and forth.
Several teachers decided to get involved. Rather than blaming themselves for what they had not done in the past, they switched their energy into actions they could deliver in the future.
The result: six months later Diane has regular visitors to her group home; she has gone out more in six months than in the past ten years; and one teacher and student seem to have formed a special bond with her. They have invited Diane to their homes for dinners and Sunday outings. It's a good start. Best of all, Diane is out of the segregated room and goes to music, cooking, and other regular classes. She hangs out in the lunch room and has stopped poking the corners of her eyes and screaming as much as before. Is Diane "cured"? No! Does she now have people to talk to, things to do, a life to look forward to? Yes! Equally important, Diane's classmates are learning and gaining even more than Diane. They are getting "experience" (hands-on training has always been the best) in problem solving (number one issue in the curriculum) with a real
... six months later
Diane has regular visitors to her group home; she has gone out more in six months than in the past ten years ...
and relevant problem. They have to create curriculum, timetables, and trouble shoot with Diane. They are learning to manage teachers, manage behavior, and confront values issues. Their acquaintance/friendship with Diane may be one
of the most important learning activities of their lives. There is still a long way to go, but the circle has started. Diane has a dream, and her new friends are part of it.
**A Circle at Camp**
Norman wanted to go to camp, but everywhere he and his family went, they were told that Norman's needs were too great. One young counsellor who had completed one of our workshops decided to put the learning into action. He wrote us this letter which illustrates the simplicity and complexity of the idea of a Circle:
"We decided Norman could attend our camp. That was a big step in the right direction. I had all the kids together in the recreation hall and I gave my little speech. 'A circle of friends is a support group that helps any camper having problems feel more welcome and included.' I was received with blank stares. Oops, I thought, I better look at my course notes again. I blew it that time.
"After bombing with this great opening statement, I simply asked the kids to talk about Norman, who they had met that morning. 'What do you think Norman can do all day at camp?' Boom! Everyone was talking at once. That was a question ten-year-olds could relate to — it wasn't a lecture on circles.
"The meeting lasted about 20 minutes, ending with suggestions about how they could do things together with Norman. I asked for a smaller group of volunteers to help me plan Norman's day. Everyone volunteered.
"Norman's biggest challenge and the reason he had been rejected by every other camp in the universe was 'weak bladder control.' Several people (adults) had suggested that Norman should sleep in a separate building to 'hide' the problem.
**Attitudes are the major barrier and are no longer an adequate excuse. We must welcome all children now. It is their right.**
"I decided (with Norman's permission of course) to put the issue out in the open. The children suggested (quite matter-of-factly) that they take turns waking Norman up in the night to go to the bathroom. It never occurred to them (and they rejected outright) the suggestion that he sleep in another building! The counsellors volunteered to take turns helping when needed.
"Many baseball games, slumber parties, canoe and splashing trips later, Norman no longer requires a 'one-to-one' worker. His bladder problems are getting better (only twice a week instead of every night). Norman's circle of supporters (now a smaller group of real potential friends) meets for an hour every four days. The children and counsellors really look forward to it. So does Norman. Norman's circle has become a place for all involved to get support. Last week Norman wasn't even the issue. The topic of the day was Tanya's bad temper.
"Finally I should tell you that the social worker called me in shock regarding the progress Norman had made. She asked if we could work on building a circle in his school and in his group home community this fall. I told her I would love to come and help one of the school people become a facilitator. I guess I really learned a lot in the workshop on MAPS and Circles. Norman was my chance to try it out myself. It was the best experience of my career. I'm launched. — Thanks and love, Dan."
To us MAPS and Circles are like building a good foundation for a house. What good is a castle if it is made on sand? What good are communication skills if you have no one to talk to? What good is physical mobility if you have nowhere to go? What good is life itself if you have no one to share it with?
The Centre for Integrated Education and Community (CIEC) is busy refining its training institutes and workshops so that we can spread the word about the beauty that lies in the heart of inclusion. We have no pretences that we have THE answer. We do, however, have years of experience and hundreds of success stories that tell us full integration and quality education are indeed possible.
We have no illusion that in a short article we can do more than whet your appetite to learn more. Please write us with your questions and concerns. We see ourselves as problem solvers and facilitators, not answer givers. We enjoy working with people who see problems as challenges to be solved. This final story illustrates our point.
We had just finished a week long white water canoe/kayak course. We thought that our friend, Judith Snow, might really enjoy a raft trip down the incredible river we had run in our smaller craft.
We approached the staff at the Madawaska Kanu Centre. We told them that Judith travelled around in a wheelchair which she drove with her thumb. We explained she only had use of her mouth and thumb for mobility.
Before we got the words out, these energetic rafters were planning where Judith would sit, how many extra people they'd need to carry her into the raft, and how she could enjoy actually going in the water to body surf.
They were beyond us. We only had her in the boat. They had her in the water too. What a difference! Most people look at Judith and only see problems. To the rafters, this would be fun, a challenge. If she wanted to go, they would take her. There was no question. End of story.
How refreshing! If we can create the opportunity for Judith to go rafting and surfing in the Madawaska River, surely we can create the opportunity for all the children in Canada and the USA to attend school alongside their neighbors and friends. There are simply no more excuses! Judith hasn't decided if she really wants to go rafting, but the vast majority of families have decided that they want to be welcomed in their neighborhood schools. Attitudes are the major barrier and are no longer an adequate excuse. We must welcome all children now. It is their right. Our future depends on it. There is simply a need for action — NOW!
Marsha Forest is Director of Education and Jack Pierpoint is Executive Director, Centre for Integrated Education and Community, 24 Thome Crescent, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M6H 2S5. Phone (416) 658-5363.
To catch the big fish, you must be in deep water; to accomplish great things you must be willing to leave the security of shallow water and venture where the water is deep and maybe where you've never been before.
— Shakespeare
A positive person knows that not everything faced can be changed, but that nothing can be changed until it is faced! So face those things which interfere with your progress, or stand in the way of a goal you have, and try to change them!
— Albert Einstein
Throughout our lives we are faced with a series of great opportunities brilliantly distinguished as impossible situations. Remember, nothing is impossible to one who believes.
— Nathaniel Emmons
I would rather attempt to do something great and fail, then to attempt to do nothing and succeed.
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1. A clown number must be a multiple of 15. We can try the first few multiples of 15 and see if we get a clown number.
\[
15 : 1^2 + 5^2 = 26 \\
30 : 3^2 + 0^2 = 9 \\
45 : 4^2 + 5^2 = 41
\]
Since 41 is prime, we have that the smallest clown number is \[45\].
2. We use the equation: rate $\cdot$ hours = logs. For this problem, the rate is proportional to the number of woodchucks so we can rewrite the equation as woodchucks $\cdot$ hours = logs. We know have two equations:
\[
6 \times 16 = 2 \\
X \times 10 = 5.
\]
Dividing the two equations and cross multiplying we get \( X = \boxed{24} \).
3. At each intersection of two streets, two equal obtuse angles and two equal acute angles are formed. Therefore, exactly half the corners are acute angles which is equivalent to \[50\] percent.
4. For an integer to be divisible by 7, 11, and 13, it must be divisible by their least common multiple, which is \( 7 \cdot 11 \cdot 13 = 1001 \). The 4-digit integers which are multiples of 1001 are 1001, 2002, \(\cdots\), 9009. There are 9 of these. In total, there are \( 9999 - 1000 + 1 = 9000 \) 4-digit numbers. Thus the probability that one is divisible by 7, 11, and 13 is \( \frac{9}{9000} = \frac{1}{1000} \), which gives us an answer of \( 1 + 1000 = \boxed{1001} \).
5. There are 7 consonants and 3 vowels. Because the first and last letters are consonants, the 2nd and 4th letters must be vowels (as there must be at least one vowel between two consonants.) The middle letter can be either a vowel or a consonant for the word to still work, so there are \( 7 \cdot 7 \cdot 3 \cdot 3 \cdot 10 = \boxed{4410} \) options.
6. Denote Moana’s speed as \( m \) and the wind’s speed as \( w \). Since distance is equal to speed times time, \( 21 = (m + w) \times 3 \) and \( 21 = (m - w) \times 4 \). If the system of equations is solved, it can be found that \( w = \frac{7}{8} \). So, the answer is \( 7 + 8 = \boxed{15} \).
7. We convert 111000 to base 10 because we know that the binary number is of the form 111abc. This is equal to \( 32 + 16 + 8 = 56 \). We can add at most 7 to this number to keep the password 6-digits long (the largest 6-digit binary password possible is 63 in base 10). The largest prime number less than 63 is 61. In binary, \( 61_{10} = 111101_2 \). Thus the last three digits are \[101\].
8. The shortest possible value for \( XY \) is achieved when \( XY \) is parallel to \( AB \), with a length of 5. The longest possible value for \( XY \) is achieved when \( X = B \) and \( Y = D \) or \( X = C \) and \( Y = A \), with a length of \( \sqrt{5^2 + 9^2} = \sqrt{106} \). So, the longest integer length is 10. There are \( 10 - 5 + 1 = \boxed{6} \) integer values.
9. To play optimally, Team A wants to take out the players who have a higher chance of hitting their shots, so it is optimal for player 1 to shoot player 2. On Team B’s turn, players 3 and 4 try to shoot at 1. The chance they both miss is \( \frac{2}{3} \cdot \frac{3}{4} = \frac{1}{2} \). 1 then shoots 3, which is the optimal play, since 3 has a higher chance of hitting their target than 4. 4 then shoots at 1 and has a \( \frac{3}{4} \) chance of missing. Then 1 can shoot 4, ending the game with team A winning. The chance this all occurs is
\[
1 \cdot \frac{1}{2} \cdot 1 \cdot \frac{3}{4} \cdot 1 = \frac{3}{8};
\]
so the answer is \( 3 + 8 = \boxed{11} \).
10. Let $D$ be the distance the train travels, $s$ be the speed of the train, and $t$ be the time it takes for the train to arrive. Clearly, $D = st$. Now let $D'$, $s'$, and $t'$ be the pigeon's distance travelled, speed, and travel time respectively. Because the pigeon travels at a constant speed, we know $D' = s't'$. We want $D' = s't' \geq 2D = 2st$. We know that $t' = t$; the pigeon will stop flying when David reaches Autumn. Thus, $s' \geq 2s$. The pigeon must fly at least $\boxed{2}$ times as fast to have a travel distance twice as large.
11. Suppose Jim keeps $x$ apples for himself. Then, also give $x$ apples to each of his friends. There are then $8 - 5x$ apples left, which must be distributed amongst the four friends. This can be done $\binom{11 - 5x}{3}$ ways by Stars and Bars. $x$ can only be 0 or 1 (there are not enough apples for higher values), so our answer is $\binom{11}{3} + \binom{6}{3} = 165 + 20 = \boxed{185}$.
12. We know that both the numerator and denominator are integers, and that the denominator must divide the numerator for the fraction to be an integer. We have $(n + 3) \mid (3n + 14)$. We want to cancel out the $n$ term on the right. We can do this by subtracting 3 times $(n + 3)$ since $(n + 3)$ will still divide $3n + 14 - 3(n + 3)$. This gives us that $(n + 3) \mid 5$. The factors of 5 are $-5, -1, 1, 5$. Since we can have $n + 3 = -5, -1, 1, 5$, we find that the solutions of $n$ are $n = -8, -4, -2, 2$. This gives us a sum of $-12$, and the absolute value of this is $\boxed{12}$.
13. Each set of four colors can correspond to exactly two different paintings. To see this, let’s label the colors 1 to 5; consider a tetrahedron painted with colors 1, 2, 3, 4. Imagine placing the tetrahedron on the table so that corner 4 is pointed up. Corners 1, 2, 3 can either be clockwise or counterclockwise, and no rotation can change between a clockwise or counterclockwise tetrahedron; this is called chirality. There are $\binom{5}{4} = 5$ different possible sets of four paints to use, and each set of four paints leads to two paintings, so the answer is $2 \cdot 5 = 10$.
14. Label the midpoint of $BC$ as $M$. Also, draw the altitude from point $A$ to $BC$ and mark the intersection as $H$. From the Pythagorean theorem, we know that $11^2 - CH^2 = AH^2$ and that $9^2 - (10 - CH)^2 = AH^2$. Therefore, $11^2 - CH^2 = 9^2 - (10 - CH^2)$. Now we can solve for $CH$: $121 - CH^2 = -19 + 20CH - CH^2$, $CH = 7$. Since $MC = 10/2 = 5$, that means $HM = 2$. We also know that $AH = 6\sqrt{2}$. Therefore, we can solve for $BC^2$: $BC^2 = (2^2 + (6\sqrt{2})^2)^2 = \boxed{76}$
15. We can rewrite the expression in progressive steps until we use only $x + y$ and $xy$:
$$x^4y + x + y + xy^4 = x + y + xy(x^3 + y^3)$$
$$= x + y + xy(x^3 + 3x^2y + 3xy^2 + y^3 - 3x^2y - 3xy^2)$$
$$= x + y + xy((x + y)^3 - 3xy(x + y))$$
$$= 5 + 3(5^3 - 3 \cdot 3 \cdot 5) = \boxed{245}$$
16. Note that Betty will draw the ace of spades on some random turn between 1 and 52, inclusive. If the ace is at position $n$ (such that Betty will draw it on turn $n$), the chance that Betty wins is $\frac{1}{2^{n-1}}$, as Abby must get tails on every turn before then. Therefore, our probability is $\frac{1}{52} \cdot \frac{1}{1} + \frac{1}{52} \cdot \frac{1}{2} + \frac{1}{52} \cdot \frac{1}{4} + \cdots + \frac{1}{52} \cdot \frac{1}{2^{51}} = \frac{1}{52} \cdot (1 + \frac{1}{2} + \frac{1}{4} + \cdots + \frac{1}{2^{51}})$. The term inside the parentheses is a geometric series and is very close to 2 (it adds up to $2 - \frac{1}{2^{51}}$), so $P \approx \frac{1}{52} \cdot 2 = \frac{1}{26}$, and $\frac{1}{P}$ is therefore very close to $\boxed{26}$. | <urn:uuid:fe5d5f00-c1b6-4512-aaf2-b64b9a348e3d> | CC-MAIN-2022-40 | https://holbrook.bcamathteam.org/oldcomp/2021/round_2/4_sols.pdf | 2022-09-28T16:01:59+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030335257.60/warc/CC-MAIN-20220928145118-20220928175118-00317.warc.gz | 362,683,625 | 2,383 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.992249 | eng_Latn | 0.992467 | [
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For full credit you must explain your reasoning (except in question 1). Clearly written partial answers will also receive partial credit. Answer the questions in any order.
1. Are the following statements true or false? No justification is needed for your answers to this question.
(a) If the index of coincidence of an encrypted text is 0.04116, then it was probably encrypted by a monoalphabetic cipher.
(b) The person receiving an RSA digital signature sets up the instance of RSA used.
(c) The entropy of the English language constrains the factor by which a cryptographic hash function can compress English text.
(d) AES does not use Feistel ciphers.
2. (a) Carefully define the three main attacks on general cryptosystems (depending on how much we know about the plaintext etc.). Explain how we might cryptanalyze a substitution cipher in each of those three cases.
(b) How many keys are there for the following cryptosystems, acting on the English alphabet? (i) Shift ciphers. (ii) Affine ciphers. (iii) Substitution ciphers. How many keys does DES have?
(c) If we do double encryption, so that $y = e_{k_2}(e_{k_1}(x))$ gives the ciphertext $y$ in terms of the plaintext $x$, how many keys are there in the case of affine ciphers? In the case of DES, why does double encryption also not greatly increase the security?
3. (a) In preparation for encryption, an English text containing 1000 letters is converted to blocks containing 5 bits each by $A \rightarrow 00000, B \rightarrow 00001, C \rightarrow 00010, ..., Z \rightarrow 11001, \text{space} \rightarrow 11010$. Explain how, with a little more cleverness, it can be converted into a lot fewer than 5000 bits. What is the approximate minimum number of bits into which it is possible to compress the text reversibly?
(b) A 7-letter text is then encrypted using the key stream from a 4-cell Linear Feedback Shift Register, yielding output 10000101000111000101011000101110100. If we happen to know that the input bits start 00001000, then find the start of the key stream, the LFSR, its period, and what the original message was (in letters).
(c) Explain Kasiski’s method. The output of a Vigenere encryption is KZEJAXKZSZUKJZEZCSJAXKZSYWEGKSZUK. What is the likely keyword length?
4. (a) Suppose that $a$ and $b$ are relatively prime positive integers. Explain how the extended Euclidean algorithm produces integers $u, v$ such that $ua + vb = 1$. Use this to compute the multiplicative inverse of 19 (mod 26).
(b) Alice and Bob set up RSA systems with the same modulus $N$, but different encryption exponents $a, b$ respectively. Suppose that $a$ and $b$ are relatively prime. Charles sends them each the same message $m$ ($1 < m < N$). Show that if Eve intercepts both of Charles’ transmissions, then she can compute $m$. [Hint: use part (a).]
(c) A Hill cipher encrypts blocks of letters of length 2 by multiplying them by the matrix $\begin{pmatrix} 5 & 1 \\ 1 & 4 \end{pmatrix}$ (mod 26). Find the decryption map.
5. (a) Describe in detail how Alice and Bob set up an elliptic curve Diffie-Hellman key exchange. Be careful to specify what is public and what private.
(b) Suppose Eve cannot only observe messages between Alice and Bob, but can also intercept them and replace them with messages of her own. Say Alice and Bob are setting up a Diffie-Hellman key exchange. Show that Eve can impersonate Alice to Bob and impersonate Bob to Alice, with neither of them suspecting. [This is not a hard question, but give details.]
(c) Alice and Bob wish to use the elliptic curve $y^2 = x^3 + x + k$ over $\mathbb{F}_{65537}$ for some choice of $k$. For simplicity, they decide to use $P = (0, 0)$ to set up the key exchange. What must $k$ be? Why is this choice of $P$ a bad one? What is $2P$? | <urn:uuid:2d2926c0-7b7a-4df6-9ce6-839fd768473a> | CC-MAIN-2023-23 | https://people.math.wisc.edu/~nboston/435fin12.pdf | 2023-05-30T23:57:09+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224646181.29/warc/CC-MAIN-20230530230622-20230531020622-00606.warc.gz | 525,109,196 | 951 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.995499 | eng_Latn | 0.99578 | [
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What's Right For Me?
Sammy the Squirrel lived in the Big Maple Tree with his Mom and Dad on a busy city street. One day, the Squirrel family decided to take a walk around their neighborhood.
They ran into their good friends the Otter family. The Otters were just packing their car to go for a swim.
Otters in a car.
Sammy noticed that the Otters had neat-looking seats for Baby Otter and Little Otter to sit on while in the car. Sammy became very curious about these seats, so he decided to do some exploring.
“Mr. and Mrs. Otter, may I please sit in your car?” asked Sammy.
“Of course you can, Sammy,” said Mr. Otter.
“Yippee!” Sammy said, and he jumped into the back seat of the Otter’s car.
He first tried sitting in Baby Otter’s seat. He felt squished and was very uncomfortable. In fact, he could not even get his arms through the harness straps. He thought, “This seat is too small for me.”
So, he decided to slide into the center seat where “grown-ups” ride.
But the grown-up safety belt was not comfortable at all. The safety belt rubbed against his neck and tummy. Worst of all, he could not see out the window! Sammy thought to himself, “This seat is too big.”
Finally, Sammy decided to try Little Otter’s booster seat. He hopped in the seat and put on the safety belt.
Always wear your seatbelt!
The booster seat felt very comfortable. And, Sammy could see his friends out the window! “Wow! This seat fits just right!” Sammy said. “This would be a fun way to ride with my Mom and Dad!”
“Mom and Dad, can I please have my own booster seat?” Sammy asked.
“Of course you can,” Mom said, “and you can come to the store and help pick it out!”
Hello! I'm a friendly bear. How can I help you today?
So, that is the story of how Sammy got his booster seat and how he decided, "What's right for me!"
Tips for Parents about Belt-Positioning Booster Seats
✔ Traffic crashes are the leading cause of death for children 14 years of age and younger. Only a small number of children who should be riding in booster seats are doing so.
✔ Belt-positioning booster seats play a critically important role in transitioning children from a child seat (with its own harness) to an adult lap and shoulder belt. A booster seat helps correctly position safety belts so that the lap belt rests on your child’s thighs below the hipbone, while the shoulder belt crosses the middle of your child’s chest and does not cut into his or her neck.
✔ Failure to use a booster seat, or not using one correctly, can be deadly. In the event of a crash, a young child wearing only an adult lap and safety belt can suffer a serious or fatal injury if the safety belt rides up and/or over his or her stomach or neck. A child can also slide out from under the safety belt and be thrown from the vehicle.
✔ Children should use booster seats once they have reached the manufacturer's recommended upper height or weight limit of their forward-facing seat with a harness. They should remain in a booster seat until they are at least 4’9” tall (generally 8-12 years old) and the safety belt fits properly with the lap belt snug across the hips – not the stomach – and the shoulder belt lies across the center of the shoulder and chest – not the neck and face. All children under 13 should sit in the back seat.
✔ Booster seats can only be used with a lap and shoulder safety belt combination. They are not designed to work with lap belts alone.
✔ A high-back booster seat should be used in vehicles that are not equipped with height-adjustable head-rests or high seat backs.
✔ Never use after-market products such as safety belt adjusters. These products have not been crash-tested and may compromise your child’s safety.
✔ Always read and follow the manufacturer’s directions for your child’s booster seat as well as the directions provided in your vehicle’s owner’s manual.
For copies of this book or more information about booster seat safety, please contact:
AAA Traffic Safety
1 Auto Club Drive
Dearborn, Michigan 48126
or email: firstname.lastname@example.org
Auto Club Group
Traffic Safety Foundation
1515 N. Westshore Blvd.
Tampa, Florida 33607
or email: email@example.com
International Center for Automotive Medicine
1150 W. Medical Center Drive
3328 Med Sci 1
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3D-dynamic visualization of complex molecular cell biology processes
1-year university students' understanding of visualizations of signal transduction
Chemistry education
D-level thesis
Date/Term: 2008-12-04
Supervisor: Onno De Jong
Michal Drechsler
Jonny Wijkander
Examiner: Lars Blomberg
Abstract
This study deals with the use of 3D-dynamic visualizations for teaching complex molecular cell biology concepts. The focus is on signal transduction, which is a concept that constitutes an important part of biological systems. 3D-dynamic visualizations (animations) were produced and shown for a total of 24 students attending a course in molecular cell biology at Karlstad University, Sweden. Data were collected by questionnaires and interviews which were structured around the understandability and usefulness of the animations. The results indicate that animations are useful for teaching life science concepts and can serve as a complement to lectures. They are useful for visualizing continuous time-dependent processes like signal transduction chains. Several connections between students' issues of understanding and layout-issues of the animations were established. A number of implications follow from the study. Basic understanding of animations is fundamental for understanding of advanced concepts, which should be kept in mind in the design phase of production. The level of realism of different factors in animations, like molecule speed and distances, has to be set to strike a balance between conceptual understanding and scientific correctness. Visualization of 3D-structure of molecules provides an understanding of molecule and systemic function. The study reinforces the need to use visualizations in life science teaching.
# Table of contents
## Contents
1. Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Complex cell biology processes ...................................................................................... 1
1.2 Visualizations of complex cell biology processes ........................................................... 3
1.3 Overview of the thesis ....................................................................................................... 4
2. Background .......................................................................................................................... 4
2.1 Previous research in the use of visualizations ................................................................. 4
2.2 Context and aim of the study ............................................................................................ 6
3. The animations ..................................................................................................................... 7
3.1 Aspects of the animations ................................................................................................. 7
3.1.1 (a) Text labeling of molecules in animations .......................................................... 7
3.1.2 (b) Explaining text in animations .............................................................................. 8
3.1.3 (c) Color of molecules ............................................................................................... 8
3.1.4 (d) Zoom in and out of the scene ............................................................................. 8
3.1.5 (e) Pace of the animations ......................................................................................... 8
3.1.6 (f) Level of realism in animations .............................................................................. 8
3.1.7 (g) Multimedia .......................................................................................................... 9
3.1.8 (h) Protein shape ....................................................................................................... 9
3.1.9 (i) Protein motion ..................................................................................................... 9
3.1.10 (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations ............................................................................... 10
3.2 Description of the animations .......................................................................................... 10
3.2.1 Production ................................................................................................................ 10
3.2.2 Animation 1: Introduction to cell signaling .............................................................. 10
3.2.3 Animation 2: Classes of signaling proteins ............................................................... 11
3.2.4 Animation 3: Interaction domains ............................................................................ 12
3.2.5 Animation 4: G protein signaling ............................................................................. 14
4. Research questions ............................................................................................................. 15
5. Methods .............................................................................................................................. 15
5.1 Participants ...................................................................................................................... 15
5.2 Design ............................................................................................................................. 15
5.2.1 Pilot study ................................................................................................................ 15
5.2.2 Main study ................................................................................................................ 16
5.3 Instruments ..................................................................................................................... 16
5.3.1 The questionnaires .................................................................................................... 16
5.3.2 The interviews .......................................................................................................... 17
5.4 Data analysis ................................................................................................................... 18
5.5 Issues of layout and categories of students’ understanding ........................................... 18
6. Findings and discussion (data from Questionnaire 2 and student interview 2) .............. 20
6.1 (a) Labeling of molecules in animations ........................................................................ 20
6.1.1 Findings: .................................................................................................................. 20
6.1.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 21
6.2 (b) Explaining text in animations .................................................................................... 21
6.2.1 Findings: .................................................................................................................. 21
6.2.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 22
6.3 (c) Color of molecules in animations ............................................................................. 22
6.3.1 Findings: .................................................................................................................. 22
6.3.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 22
6.4 (d) Zoom in animations .................................................................................................. 23
6.4.1 Findings: .................................................................................................................. 23
6.4.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 23
6.5 (e) Pace of animations .................................................................................................... 23
6.5.1 Findings: .................................................................................................................. 23
6.5.2 Discussion: .................................................................................................................. 24
6.6 (f) Level of realism in animations .................................................................................... 24
6.6.1 Findings: ................................................................................................................... 24
6.6.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 25
6.7 (g) Multimedia .................................................................................................................. 26
6.7.1 Findings: ................................................................................................................... 26
6.7.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 26
6.8 (h) Protein shape ................................................................................................................. 26
6.8.1 Findings: ................................................................................................................... 26
6.8.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 27
6.9 (i) Protein motion ................................................................................................................. 27
6.9.1 Findings: ................................................................................................................... 27
6.9.2 Discussion: .............................................................................................................. 27
6.10 (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations .......................................................................................... 28
6.10.1 Findings: ................................................................................................................ 28
6.10.2 Discussion: ............................................................................................................ 28
7. Findings and discussion (data from Questionnaire 1 and student interview 1) .................. 29
7.1 Question 1 ..................................................................................................................... 29
7.1.1 Findings: ............................................................................................................... 29
7.1.2 Discussion: .......................................................................................................... 29
7.2 Question 2 ..................................................................................................................... 29
7.2.1 Findings: ............................................................................................................... 29
7.2.2 Discussion: .......................................................................................................... 29
7.3 Question 3 ..................................................................................................................... 30
7.3.1 Findings: ............................................................................................................... 30
7.3.2 Discussion: .......................................................................................................... 30
7.4 Question 4 ..................................................................................................................... 30
7.4.1 Findings: ............................................................................................................... 30
7.4.2 Discussion: .......................................................................................................... 31
7.5 Question 5 ..................................................................................................................... 31
7.5.1 Findings: ............................................................................................................... 31
7.5.2 Discussion: .......................................................................................................... 31
8. General discussion and implications .................................................................................... 32
References .................................................................................................................................. 38
Appendix
1. Introduction
1.1 Complex cell biology processes
*Molecular life science* is the term for the interdisciplinary science associated with the development of modern biology, biochemistry, biotechnology, genetic research and proteomics. The area contains many concepts, for example the gene concept, metabolism, translation and the relationship between protein structure and function. Most life science concepts relate to a cluster of processes. This is due to the unique complexity of biological systems, which, in turn, is due to an evolutionary history.
The complexity of life phenomena and the dynamic nature of biomolecular processes may turn plain text into an inadequate learning tool. Images, diagrams and other forms of visualizations are becoming more and more important in molecular life science teaching and research. They can provide information about molecular structure and function as well as biochemical reaction mechanisms. Images have also been used to visualize how molecules cooperate in a larger context by forming biological inter- and intracellular functional and communication networks.
Life processes, in general, are dynamic. Sequences of static images leave it to the observer to figure out what happens in between the images. This can give rise to misconceptions regarding the nature of time-dependent, multi-step, biochemical processes like cell cooperation. Animation, on the other hand, has the potential to show continuous processes. The increasing use of computers in almost all domains of life has also influenced science education. A number of science educators believe that computer animation has great potential for teaching life science concepts (Ellis, 1984; Marks, 1982).
Central to all cell cooperation is signal transduction. The development of signal transduction was necessary for evolution to make the step from uni-cellularity to multicellularity. The cells of a multi-cellular organism need to cooperate for the benefit of the organism as a whole. This is achieved by intercellular communication. Cells also have to be able to integrate incoming signals from surrounding cells to achieve a specific cell response which is achieved by intracellular communication. The intercellular communication mechanisms depend on extracellular signal molecules that are produced by cells and sent to other cells. The intracellular communication mechanisms depend on molecules that are located inside or on the surface of cells. The intracellular molecules include cell-surface receptor molecules which bind extracellular signal molecules. There are also intracellular signaling molecules that transmit the signal to appropriate parts of the cell in order to achieve a cell response.
The intracellular signaling molecules form signal transduction pathways. At the end of pathways there are target molecules which are altered by interaction with signal molecules. The target molecules directly change the behavior of cells. Multiple pathways may interact with a single target molecule. This provides a mechanism for the integration of signals to achieve specific cell response. Animals produce hundreds of signal molecules that can be used to create an almost unlimited number of signaling combinations. The use of these combinations enables an animal to control its cells in highly specific ways.
Proteins are the most important class of signal molecules. It has to be kept in mind that the original signal molecule is not physically passed along a signaling pathway; in most cases, it never enters the cell. When we say, that the signal is relayed along a pathway we mean that certain information is passed on. At each step, the signal is transduced into a different form, commonly a conformational change in a protein. The conformational change gives the protein new properties that enable it to accomplish new tasks. Very often the conformational change is brought about by phosphorylation, a form of chemical modification often employed by signal proteins. Phosphorylation is the addition of a phosphate (PO$_4$) group to a protein molecule. The addition often serves as a chemical tag.
Whatever the mechanism for relaying information is, the final result of signaling is often altered gene expression, either as a direct consequence of target protein action (if the target protein is a gene regulatory protein) or by indirect mechanisms. Since cell signaling affects gene regulation it will affect the amount of specific proteins synthesized. By different mechanisms cell signaling will also affect the localization of proteins and their lifetime. Proteins can be tagged for transport to a specific cell compartment or for chemical degradation.
Individual protein molecules often assemble into macromolecular complexes. Groups of macromolecular complexes assemble into pathways. It has been estimated that the protein molecules in a cell are, on average, separated by a space that would contain a few molecules of water. In this crowded environment, different states of signaling pathways will give rise to differing patterns of protein connectivity and thus, also different 3D-structures of pathways. It is a fundamental axiom of biology that the 3D-structure of proteins determines its function. Thus the 3D-structures of pathways governs cell function, since, the 3D-structures of pathways, governed by cell signaling also govern the localization and life-time of protein molecules in the cell. Cell signaling governs the dynamics of cell structure and thereby its function.
The regulation of protein activity occurs by several different mechanisms but all involve interaction between molecules at some stage. Protein molecules in cells, as a consequence, form signaling pathways as a means of regulating the activity of individual protein molecules for suiting the needs of the cell. The relationships between the protein molecules are of great interest. These relationships can be described as networks, in which the molecules are the vertices (nodes, points) and the relationships are the edges (arcs, lines). But not only protein signaling pathways can be described as networks. Other biological networks at the molecular level are gene regulation and metabolic networks. Gene regulation networks control gene expression in cells. The expression of one gene can be controlled by the gene product of another. A directed graph in which vertices are genes and directed edges represent control can be used to model these networks.
Signal transduction networks can be understood as gene regulation networks extended by signaling chains that contain different kinds of vertices and edges such as protein–protein interaction and phosphorylation. In contrast to protein interaction networks that refer to the association of protein molecules and are undirected, signal transduction networks refer to reactions and are basically directed.
Although signal transduction processes are mediated by protein–protein interactions, by far not all protein-protein interactions in the cell are followed by chemical reactions. Therefore, many interactions are not “mirrored” in signal transduction. On the contrary, many components of signal transduction are not proteins. Protein–DNA interactions between gene regulatory proteins and the regulatory regions of genes must be added to the list as well. All these reactions are not mirrored in the system of protein–protein interactions. Finally, gene regulatory and signal transduction networks have much in common with protein interaction networks. At the same time, they refer to different aspects of cellular activity and display several important differences.
1.2 Visualizations of complex cell biology processes
In living organisms, there is a variety of different cell types responsible for various functions. A number of cells that perform a similar function constitute a tissue, examples for animal cells are epithelium and connective tissue, for plant cells epidermis or vascular tissue. A group of tissues that perform a specific function or a set of functions form an organ. All organs together constitute the entire organism. Signal transduction achieves cooperation between the different components of living organisms, at all levels.
Biological systems display emergent properties that are not readily explainable by the features of their components: a system is more than just a sum of different elements. In life science research, there has been an increasingly strong emphasis placed upon a systems biology approach. This approach takes advantage of the large amount of gene sequence information available and the fast progress of high-throughput molecular technologies that make large-scale analyses of complex biological molecular systems possible. It does not focus on the individual components themselves but rather on the nature of the links that connect them and the functional states of the networks resulting from the assembly of all such links. The ultimate goal of systems biology is to understand entire biological systems by elucidating, modeling, and predicting the behavior of all components and interactions.
Both protein interaction networks and signal transduction networks have been visualized by diagrams. They can provide information about connectivity as well as functional and stoichiometric relationship between molecules and reactions. Visualization of pathway diagrams can aid interpretation of chemical data. Pathway visualization has also been proven useful for hypothesis generation of cellular function (Prinz et al., 2004). But the connectivity of biological networks undergoes transitions between different states and may be difficult to visualize with single images. Even visualization of a single specific state has been proven difficult; problems in interpreting flow diagrams representing pathways in the immune system and metabolic pathways have been identified (Hull et al., 2002). Graphics visualization tools such as molecular modeling and animation can be used to give an accurate and rich picture of the dynamic nature of molecules and molecular interaction, which is often very difficult to understand from text-based information (NSF, 2001).
Signal transduction is central to cell function and constitutes an important part of biological systems. Because of its centrality the concept of signal transduction is related to a complete array of processes. The basic concept may also be divided into many sub-concepts.
Since signal transduction involves so many different concepts and processes, plain text may fail to convey understanding in every aspect. Educators and researchers have been commenting on the potential of using animations to facilitate the visualization of concepts and processes within the field of genetics (Tsui & Treagust, 2004; Wu et al., 2001), which is closely related to signal transduction.
1.3 Overview of the thesis
This thesis has been divided into eight sections. Section 1 introduces complex cell biology processes and visualizations of them. Section 2 includes previous research in the use of visualizations for teaching life science and the aim of the study. Section 3 presents the animations used in the study as well as the issues of layout of the animations. Section 4 states the research questions of the study. Section 5 is the method section and deals with the participants of the study, the research instruments (questionnaires, interviews) and data analysis. Sections 6 and 7 are the result sections and include the findings from questionnaire 2 and 1 respectively. Data from the interviews and lay-out related discussion can be found in these sections as well. Section 8 includes general results, discussion and implications.
2. Background
2.1 Previous research in the use of visualizations
The use of images, diagrams and other forms of visualization in order to teach life science has become more common. Kozma concludes that the way we understand chemical phenomena is connected to the external representations we use to present them (Kozma, 2003; Kozma et al., 2000). Textbooks dealing with life sciences are rich in illustrations and often include graphical complements. Multimedia, in which several forms of representations are used at the same time, has emerged as a learning tool. However, relatively little is known about conditions that promote the effectiveness of combining illustrations, animations, audio and text. The combination of words and images can enhance understanding and the ability to solve problems (Mayer, 1997). The combination is suitable as an introduction to a new concept or discipline. Learners, who have deficiencies in their prior learning knowledge, can especially benefit from teaching where text is combined with pictures (Mayer, 1989). But if the connection between text and image is not logical and clear, learning can become difficult (Schnotz and Bannert, 2003). There might also be a risk of students being distracted due to the abundance of information.
The way concepts are visualized affects the understandability of complex concepts. Proteins have been called “semi-liquid” because the movements of their atoms are larger than those found in solids, but smaller than those observed in liquids. These atomic rearrangements occur faster than the time required to determine the structure with instruments. Thus, pictures of protein structure emerging from different forms of instrumentation are average structures. It is probable that there is no such thing as a free-floating protein in an eukaryotic cell. Many proteins are constrained, whether in a complex with other macromolecules, within a specific organelle, in a cargo vesicle, by attachment to a membrane or the cytoskeleton. Prokaryotic cells, which lack organelles and cytoskeleton, may be less highly structured.
A cell contains thousands of different protein molecules, which are packed into a small volume. Visualization of the cell might be complicated since the environment in cells is so crowded and structurally complex (Petsko and Ringe, 2004).
Realistic visualization of time-dependent processes in cells may be hard to grasp since events occur on a time scale different from ours. Because of these complications it may be appropriate to use schematic depictions for specific life science concepts. Of course schematics may result in flawed comprehension of biological phenomena for students. But Carl-Johan Rundgren (2006) concludes that the learning of life science concepts is based on piecing together facts from many different sources.
Life science includes numerous concepts, ranging from molecular rearrangements of individual molecules to complex gene regulation pathways. What makes life science unique is that the wide range of concepts within the field is interrelated and includes elements from every major scientific discipline like physics, biology and chemistry. Central to many life science concepts, including signal transduction, is the flow of information from genes to protein molecules. The genetic code is strictly a digital one, consisting of the four variables Adenine, Thymine, Guanine and Cytosine. With the intermediate stages of transcription and translation the sequence of base-pairs in the DNA-double helix is transformed to the sequence of amino-acids constituting protein molecules. This process has been proven suitable for visualization with computer animations. Computer animations were more useful than illustrations when teaching the concept of the relationship between genetic material and its products (Rotbain et al., 2006).
Student learning research has shown that visual perception is the most developed sense in humans and is an important way by which we learn (Sekular and Blake, 1985). Further research has shown that by using visual tools, students can comprehend large amounts of information in a relatively short time and construct their personal visualization of a process (Kraidy, 2002). Motion leads to longer-term memory, an effect not observed with static images (Goldstein et al., 1982). This result is most dramatic for individuals who have difficulty in grasping spatial relationships (Blake, 1977). This beneficial effect of animation for long-term memory has also been observed with life science animations (O’Day, 2007).
The use of animation for teaching life science concepts has been studied at several occasions by different research groups. 2D-animations have been found useful for teaching some life science concepts (O’Day, 2006), whereas 3D-animations were found useful for teaching basic life science concepts like transcription, translation and cellular respiration (McClean, 2005). 3D-animation can show molecular structure and interactions and has potential for teaching structure-dependent life science concepts. It has been suggested that structures are often the easiest aspect of a complex system to learn (Hmelo et al., 2000). In molecular genetics, understanding structures of molecules such as DNA and RNA is important to comprehend their functions.
O’Day (2006) investigated the use of 2D-animation for teaching signal transduction. But 2D-animations will fail to convey understanding of life science concepts, including signal transduction, in every aspect. Since they are flat, important spatial relationships of the processes are not captured.
The existence of living cells relies on numerous highly interconnected interactions and chemical reactions between various types of molecules such as proteins, DNA, RNA, and small metabolites. Various activities of cells are controlled by the action of molecules upon molecules. 3D-visualizations illustrate how and where molecules interact and provide a spatial representation of the molecules during the process and may be useful for teaching signal transduction.
To my knowledge, no study has investigated so far the use of 3D-animation for teaching complex signal transduction pathways.
2.2 Context and aim of the study
The participants of the study were Bioscience students at university level attending a course in molecular cell biology at Karlstad University. The sample of students was limited by the fact that there were no alternative courses with the same content at Karlstad University. The students had taken introductory courses in various disciplines like organic chemistry, biochemistry, anatomy and physiology. The course in molecular cell biology was on introductory level and signal transduction was one of the more advanced topics in the course.
The aim of this research project was to investigate the understandability and usefulness of 3D-dynamic visualizations (animations) in life science, in general, and signal transduction, in particular, for Bioscience university students.
3. The animations
3.1 Aspects of the animations
Four animations were developed. Animation 1 and 2 were produced before any data had been gathered. The design choices were made based on previous experience with illustrations in textbooks (Alberts et al., 2002; Petsko and Ringe, 2004) dealing with life sciences and other graphical complements often included.
Animation 3 and 4 were produced after the conduction of a pilot study (see section 5.2.1). Two major changes in the general layout (text and zoom) of the animations were introduced because of the pilot study. Otherwise the design choices for these animations were also based on previous experiences with textbooks and accompanied graphical complements. The aspects of layout of the animations were classified into issues. The issues are listed in table 1.
Table 1. The aspects of layout of the animations were classified into the following issues:
(a) text labeling of molecules in animations
(b) explaining text in animations
(c) color of molecules in animations
(d) zoom in animations
(e) pace of animations
(f) level of realism in animations
(g) multimedia
(h) protein shape
(i) protein motion
(j) 3D-dynamic visualizations
Each category will be clarified below.
3.1.1 (a) Text labeling of molecules in animations
One of the main differences in design choices between the two sets of animation was the use of text. In animation 1 and 2 the voiceover was not supported by text at any occasion. Animation 3 and 4 included text labels of molecules that indicated either biochemical function or chemical identity. Animation 3 also included temporary labels that indicated chemical reactions (phosphorylations). The text labels of molecules were either temporary (animation 3) or constant (animation 4). Text in the animations was introduced after conduction of the pilot study where students missed labels on molecules.
3.1.2 (b) Explaining text in animations
Explaining text like headings or introductions was left out due to the risk of students being distracted by the abundance of information. Another reason for leaving explaining text out was the aim of the study: to investigate the understandability and usefulness of 3D-dynamic visualizations. Without explaining text it would be easier to evaluate the impact of 3D-dynamic visualizations on students learning of life science concepts.
3.1.3 (c) Color of molecules
The use of color in textbooks dealing with life science is inconsistent and molecules were assigned different colors arbitrarily to achieve visual distinction between molecules. Activation of protein molecules in a signal transduction pathway was visualized by a temporary light effect. The color of the plasma membrane of animation 1 and 2 were gray and then changed to blue in animation 3 to see if any students reacted.
3.1.4 (d) Zoom in and out of the scene
In animation 1 and 2 the camera did not zoom in or out of the scene to a great extent at any occasion. One student in the pilot study requested an aid for identifying the localization of processes visualized in the animations. In animation 3 and 4 the camera zooms out of the scene to provide an overview of the complete process. Another solution to the problem of localization would have been a mini-map of the cell beside the main animation that showed the localization of processes. This would have been more technically demanding to produce than camera zoom effects and were left out due to time constraints. Yet another solution would have been to let explaining text indicate the localization of processes. As mentioned above explaining text was left out due to the risk of students being distracted by the abundance of information.
3.1.5 (e) Pace of the animations
The pace (tempo) of the animations were set arbitrary dependent on the personal preference of the producer.
3.1.6 (f) Level of realism in animations
The animations were produced without background scenery like organelles and the cytoskeleton. Only the molecules most relevant to the current topic were depicted because the producer thought this would increase clarity. The velocities of molecules in the animation were not realistic (much slower) but set arbitrarily by the producer to fit the human level of perception. The distances between molecules were sometimes much larger than the realistic crowded environment in living cells to increase general visual clarity. The structural rearrangements of molecules were exaggerated to increase clarity of reaction mechanisms. The teacher said that the structural rearrangements could have been exaggerated even more. Biochemical reactions were visualized step-by-step to convey understanding of the reaction processes.
3.1.7 (g) Multimedia
Voiceover was added to make use of an additional way to present information. The animation includes two codes; pictorial and verbal. The use of voiceover is also the convention in animation for learning purposes. The images in the animations were timed to fit the voiceover. As mentioned above the use of text in the animations was restricted.
3.1.8 (h) Protein shape
It is the sequence of amino-acids that determines the protein molecules’ 3D-structure and thus its function. There are many levels of protein function, ranging from atomic reorganizations to changes in the development of an organism, but all of them involve binding to other molecules. Sometimes this specific molecular recognition is the sole biochemical function of a protein, but in other cases the protein also promotes a chemical transformation in the molecule that it binds. The structural features of protein molecules govern the ability of proteins to specifically recognize and bind a wide variety of molecules, small and large. These structural features also govern the ability of protein molecules to catalyze the wide variety of chemical transformations on which life depends.
The structure of proteins is important for their function in a cellular context. Many proteins are constructed in a modular fashion from a number of different small domains with distinct binding specificities and functions. Many gene regulatory proteins, for example, are composed of a domain that binds a specific DNA sequence and a protein-binding domain, which may target another gene-regulatory protein. The first protein molecules position the second protein molecule in close proximity to the DNA-molecule, consequently enabling the binding of the second protein molecule to the DNA-molecule. In some enzymes, a catalytic domain is attached to one or more protein-binding domains. The protein-binding domains, or interaction domains, target the attached catalytic domain to a particular multi-protein complex or an appropriate sub-cellular location, such as the nucleus or the plasma membrane.
The protein molecules were visualized as compact bodies with different shape which facilitates visual distinction between molecules. In animation 2 which introduces different classes of signaling proteins, protein shape was sometimes used to illustrate protein function. For example, a protein (anchoring protein) whose primary function is to hold another protein in place was visualized as a tongs-shaped protein. In animation 3, which introduce the concept of interaction domains, the surface structure of proteins was carefully modeled with the aid of molecule structure data in PDB-format (Protein Data Bank) because surface structure is important for the complementary fit between interaction domains and the structures they recognize.
3.1.9 (i) Protein motion
Only the proteins undergoing reactions were visualized moving while the rest remained still in order to help the students focus on the current process. The teacher said this would possibly increase the understandability of the scientific content in the animations.
3.1.10 (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations
All cellular processes are subject to regulation. The cell can be regarded as a dynamic machine, whose function needs to be regulated according to environmental needs. The genome of an organism constitutes the guide for the actions of the molecular machinery. Protein molecules estimate the status of the environment and report back to the genome, which responds by altering its transcriptional activity. Information flows in both directions from the genome and the protein molecules that regulate its transcriptional activity.
In molecular genetics, understanding structures of molecules such as DNA and RNA is important to comprehend their functions. The information flow in cells is often facilitated by conformational changes in protein molecules and is structure dependent.
Individual protein molecules often assemble into macromolecular complexes, which assemble into pathways. Since the 3D-structure or connectivity of pathways regulates various activities in cells, 3D-animation can visualize how cell signaling governs the dynamics of cell structure and thereby its function. These animations were designed to make use of the third dimension, by visualizing continuous time-dependent processes like signal transduction chains. There are many levels of protein function and all of them involve binding to other molecules. 3D-visualizations can include surface structure of proteins and illustrate the concept of protein interaction and its importance for systemic function.
3.2 Description of the animations
3.2.1 Production
3D-dynamic visualizations were produced with the commercial software package 3D Studio Max from Autodesk. 3D Studio Max (3ds max) is commonly used in the 3D-graphics industry for architectural visualization, computer games and special effects in movies. It is not originally intended for visualization of molecular graphics, but plug-ins have been developed in order to import molecular structure data from bioinformatics databases. The data of molecular structures were processed with the software to attain the desired visual appearance. Sequences of images with molecular graphics were rendered with the built-in renderer of the software package; Mental ray. The images were composited to animations with the software package After Effects from Adobe. Voiceover and text were added with the same software package.
3.2.2 Animation 1: Introduction to cell signaling
The first animation serves as a general introduction to signal transduction. The students were introduced to and familiarized with basic terminology in the field. The animation gives an overview over inter- and intracellular signaling and its importance for cell function.
Some concepts introduced:
- Activation of cell-surface receptor molecules in the plasma membrane by extracellular signal molecules.
- Relay of information by intracellular signaling molecules that distribute the signal to appropriate parts of the cell in order to achieve a cell response.
- Molecular structure of large and small signaling molecules.
- The importance of molecular structure for relay of information along a pathway.
- How conformational change gives the protein molecule new properties that enable it to accomplish new tasks.
- Different types of target molecules like gene-regulatory proteins, ion-channels and components of metabolic pathways or the cytoskeleton.
3.2.3 Animation 2: Classes of signaling proteins
Intracellular signaling proteins relay the signal into the cell by either activating the next signaling protein in the chain or generating small intracellular mediators. These proteins can be classified according to their particular function, although many fall into more than one category. The animation introduced the following classes of signaling proteins to the students:
- Relay proteins simply pass the signal to the next component in the signal transduction chain.
- Messenger proteins carry the signal from one part of the cell to another.
- Adaptor proteins link two signaling proteins, without themselves conveying a signal (figure 1).
**Figure 1.** Adaptor protein.
• Amplifier and transducer proteins greatly increase the signal they receive, either by producing large amounts of small intracellular mediators or by activating large numbers of downstream intra-cellular signaling proteins.
• Bifurcation proteins spread the signal from one signaling pathway to another.
• Integrator proteins receive signals from two or more signaling pathways and integrate them before relaying a signal onward.
• Scaffold proteins bind multiple signaling proteins together in a functional complex and often hold them at a specific location.
• Anchoring proteins maintain specific signaling proteins at a precise location in the cell by binding them to a membrane or the cytoskeleton (figure 2).
**Figure 2.** Anchoring protein.
### 3.2.4 Animation 3: Interaction domains
The assembly of both stable and transient multi-molecular protein complexes depends on the existence of interaction domains. The animation visualizes the assembly of a fictional signaling complex in a multi-step, time-dependent process involving several conformational changes in the participating proteins. The assembly of the signaling complex is initiated by activation of a cell-surface receptor which leads to the creation of various phosphorylated docking sites on the cytosolic face of the membrane.
A signaling protein has an interaction domain that recognizes the docking sites and binds to the membrane, as illustrated in figure 3.
**Figure 3.** The PH-domain of signaling protein 1 binds to phosphorylated docking sites in the cell membrane.
The second protein to join the complex has an interaction domain that recognizes a specific structure on the first protein. The interaction domain positions the second protein in close proximity to the catalytic domain of the first protein that catalyzes the phosphorylation of the second protein. In some cases the phosphorylation triggers a conformational change in a distant part of a protein. In this case the phosphorylation itself provides the structural change being recognized by the next component to join the signaling complex, since protein three recognizes the phosphate (PO$_4$) group added to protein two. After a while the camera zooms out of the scene for an overview of the assembled complex.
Finally the camera zooms on two interaction domains of the same family to illustrate how small differences in amino-acid sequence among members of a family makes the binding between individual interaction domains and their targets specific.
The second scene of the animation visualizes how the 3D-structure of proteins is dependent on the sequence of amino-acids. Instead of being visualized as rigid structures the protein molecules in this sequence are flexible structures that bind to their targets with induced fit, as illustrated in figure 4.
3.2.5 Animation 4: G protein signaling
The animation introduced the students to a real signaling pathway; G protein signaling. Signal transduction through G protein-linked receptors requires three membrane-bound components: (1) A cell surface receptor that determines to which signal the cell can respond.
(2) A G protein on the intracellular side of the membrane that is stimulated by the activated receptor.
(3) Either an effector enzyme that changes the level of a second messenger or an effector channel that changes ionic fluxes in the cell in response to the activated G protein.
The human genome encodes for more than 600 receptors for extracellular molecules that bind to one or more of the identified G proteins. These, in turn, regulate one or more different effector channels and enzymes. The key feature of this flow of information is the ability of G proteins to detect the presence of activated receptors and to amplify the signal by altering the activity of appropriate effector enzymes and channels.
The animation visualizes the complete chain of events from activation of the G protein-linked receptor by an extracellular signal molecule to the activation of gene transcription by the gene regulatory protein CREB. In the end the camera zooms out of the scene for an overview of the signaling pathway.
4. Research questions
The first research question of the present study was related to the understandability of the animations. This question was formulated as follows:
To what extent do the issues of layout contribute to students’ understanding of the animations and the biochemical content?
The second research question of the present study was related to the usefulness of the animations. This question was formulated as follows:
To what extent do these animations contribute to the teaching of life science in general and signal transduction in particular?
Both questions will be answered in terms of the opinions of the bioscience university students and their course teacher.
5. Methods
5.1 Participants
The investigation was performed with a total of 24 students attending a course in molecular cell biology at the faculty of Technology and Science, Karlstad University, Sweden. The group consisted of 6 males, age 21 – 42 and 18 females, age 19 – 41. Most of the students were in their second year of study at the Bioscience program. The students had taken introductory courses in various disciplines like organic chemistry, biochemistry, anatomy and physiology. The course in molecular cell biology was on introductory level and signal transduction was one of the more advanced topics in the course.
5.2 Design
5.2.1 Pilot study
Before the animations were produced a pilot study was conducted with eight Bioscience students from Karlstad University. The participants had attended the course in molecular cell biology the year before the students of the main study. A DVD with two sample animations was distributed together with questionnaires and data were collected by a mailbox within one week. The students’ opinions were summarized and categorized. An interview was performed with one of the students to get an in depth understanding of the categories from the questionnaires. The result of the pilot study was evaluated before the animations for the main study were produced.
The results from the pilot study were used to design animation 3 and 4 as well as for the design of questionnaires to the main study. Two major changes in the general layout (text and zoom) of the animations were introduced.
In animation 1 and 2 the camera did not zoom in or out of the scene to a great extent at any occasion. One student in the pilot study requested an aid for identifying the localization of processes visualized in the animations. In animation 3 and 4 the camera zooms out of the scene to provide an overview of the complete process and help with localization.
The other main difference in design choices between the two sets of animation was the use of text. In animation 1 and 2 the voiceover was not supported by text at any occasion. Animation 3 and 4 included text labels of molecules that indicated either biochemical function or chemical identity. Animation 3 also included temporary labels that indicated chemical reactions (phosphorylations). The text labels of molecules were either temporary (animation 3) or constant (animation 4). Text in the animations was introduced after conduction of the pilot study where students missed labels on molecules.
5.2.2 Main study
The lectures in the main study were distributed over three days. The first day had a 2 hours lecture. There was a main 4-hour lecture on the second day. The third day had another 2 hours lecture. The animations were shown at two different occasions, once on day 1 before the first 2 hours lecture and once on day 3 after the second 2 hours lecture. The animations were shown on a big screen with a projector in the classroom. The teacher gave an introductory talk about the study and the animations before the first time they were shown. The complete movie with four parts was 15 minutes long and was shown without breaks. The students could ask questions after the animations.
Data were collected by questionnaires from all students referred to as St. 1 - St. 24 in the result section. Questionnaire 1 was handed out to the students after the first time the animations were shown (day 1). Questionnaire 2 was handed out after the second time the animations were shown (day 3). There were audio-taped whole class discussions and group interviews after each occasion. After each questionnaire the students reported plenary what were unclear to them. The lectures between the two occasions were audio-taped. Interviews with the teacher were conducted before and after the lectures of the study. The student interviews were conducted with two student groups consisting of three students each. Each group was interviewed twice for about 45 minutes each occasion. The interview questions were the same as in the questionnaires. The students had access to their finished questionnaires during the interviews and could elaborate on their responses. The students participating in the interviews were volunteers.
5.3 Instruments
5.3.1 The questionnaires
The results from the pilot study were used for the design of questionnaires to the main study. Otherwise the design choices for the questionnaires were made based on previous experience with illustrations in textbooks dealing with life sciences and other graphical complements often included.
Questionnaire 1
The questionnaire handed out before the lectures (questionnaire 1) was a test of the students' actual understanding of the scientific concepts in the animations and included some pictures. Questionnaire 1 comprised five questions about signal transduction. The questions were designed with the intention to give an estimation of the students' knowledge about signal transduction. This questionnaire was filled in by 24 students.
Questionnaire 2
The questionnaire handed out after the lectures (questionnaire 2) mostly treated the layout of the animations. Questionnaire 2 comprised seven questions and was open-ended. The questions were designed with the intention to give an overview of the student's opinions regarding the animations. This questionnaire was filled in by 12 students (2 males, age 25 – 30 and 10 females, age 20 – 41).
The students had 20 minutes to finish the questionnaire at each occasion. After the questionnaire the students reported plenary what was unclear to them. The response to questionnaires were read several times and categorized. The findings in the rough data were listed and the categories redefined in an iterative process. Issues of students' understanding were identified and categorized in a similar process. Questionnaire 1 was corrected and individual responses were merged to find the overall trend. Each question in the questionnaire is referred to as QxY under each finding category in the result section, where x indicates which questionnaire and Y which question. Both questionnaire 1 and 2 are added as appendixes.
5.3.2 The interviews
Student
The interviews were conducted with two student groups consisting of three students each. The students participating in the interviews were: St. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 12. Each group was interviewed twice. One interview was conducted after questionnaire 1 and the other after questionnaire 2. The interview questions were the same as in the questionnaires to probe deeper into individual responses. The students had access to their finished questionnaires during the interviews and could elaborate on their responses. The students participating in the interviews were volunteers. They approved of audio-taping the interviews. Each interview lasted for about 45 minutes.
Teacher
Interviews with the teacher were conducted before and after the lectures of the study. The interviews with the teacher were conducted with the intention of finding out if his expectations would match the results from study. The teacher gave his opinion on the outcome of the questionnaires, in terms of their understanding of the biochemical content in the animations, as well as the layout-aspects. In the second interview the teacher commented on the usefulness of the animations for teaching signal transduction.
The interview transcripts were read several times and categorized. The findings in the rough data were listed and the categories redefined in an iterative process. Issues of students' understanding were identified and categorized in a similar process. The results from the interviews are presented together with the results from the questionnaires.
5.4 Data analysis
The interviews and the questionnaires were analyzed in the following 12 steps:
(1) The interviews were transcribed in full.
(2) The transcripts were read several times to get an overview of the interviews.
(3) The responses to questionnaires were translated and listed in tables.
(4) Questionnaire 1 was corrected and individual responses were merged to find the overall trend.
(5) The responses to questionnaires were read several times and categorized.
(6) The findings in the rough data were listed.
(7) The findings were relisted and the categories redefined in an iterative process.
(8) Issues of students' understanding were identified and categorized.
(9) The results from the interviews were compared with the results from the questionnaires and summarized.
(10) From these summaries main categories and subcategories were identified.
(11) A mind map illustrating the relationship between issues of layout and categories of understanding were produced.
(12) The connection between issues of layout and categories of understanding were listed in a table.
5.5 Issues of layout and categories of students' understanding
Issues of students' understanding were identified and categorized into the following classes:
(1) identification of molecules
(2) distinction between molecules
(3) localization of processes
(4) protein function
(5) systemic function
The connection between issues of layout and categories of students' understanding is summarized in Table 2. A cross indicates a connection between the layout-issue and category of understanding.
Table 2. Connection between layout-issues and categories of students' understanding.
| Issues of layout | Categories of students' understanding |
|------------------|--------------------------------------|
| | Identification | Distinction | Localization | Protein function | Systemic function |
| Text: | | | | | |
| (a) Labeling molecules | x | | | | |
| (b) Explaining text | | | | x | x |
| (c) Color | | x | | | |
| (d) Zoom | | | x | | x |
| (e) Pace | | | | x | x |
| (f) Level of realism | | | | x | x |
| (g) Multimedia | | | | x | x |
| (h) Protein shape| x | x | | x | x |
| (i) Protein motion| x | x | | x | x |
| (j) 3D-dynamic viz.| | | | x | x |
Categories of students' understanding
(1) Identification of molecules
When more than one molecule is visible, the identification of individual molecules is important for the interpretation of visualizations. The category is related to the layout issues: (a) text labeling of molecules, (h) protein shape, (i) protein motion
(2) Distinction between molecules
Distinction is the issue of observing the physical boundaries of individual molecules. The category is related to the layout issues: (c) color of molecules, (h) protein shape, (i) protein motion
(3) Localization of processes
Specific biochemical processes take place in different and physiologically distinct cellular compartments, for example, the nucleus or the cytoplasm. Knowledge of where specific biochemical processes take place is important for understanding the visualizations. The category is related to the layout issues: (b) explaining text, (d) zoom in and out of the scene
(4) Protein function
Proteins have particular functions in the cell and for that reason affect cell behavior. Knowledge of protein function is important for understanding biochemical reaction mechanisms. The category is related to the layout issues: (b) explaining text, (e) pace, (f) level of realism, (g) multimedia, (h) protein shape, (i) protein motion, (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations.
(5) Systemic function
Molecules cooperate by forming biological inter- and intracellular functional and communicational networks. Realization of how emergent properties arise from a multiplicity of individual molecule interactions is important for understanding biological systems. The category is related to the layout issues: (b) explaining text, (d) zoom in and out of the scene, (e) pace, (f) level of realism, (g) multimedia, (h) protein shape, (i) protein motion, (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations.
6. Findings and discussion (data from Questionnaire 2 and student interview 2)
The data in this section will be presented according to table 1 in section 3.1, where the issues of layout of the animations were classified into categories. This section also includes data from the teacher interviews.
6.1 (a) Labeling of molecules in animations
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q₂₁, Q₂₂ and Q₂₅.
6.1.1 Findings:
Individual molecules have to be labeled when there is more than one molecule visible. Otherwise students will not be able to identify the molecule at hand. No student reacted to the fact that different ways to label were used. One student said that arrows could be used to identify molecules.
Q₂₂ Were there unclear parts in the movie?
“The proteins should be labeled all the time and light up when mentioned. Otherwise the animations were unclear.” (St. 9)
Q₂₅ Do you want more text in the movie?
“Yes on every molecule. Then you know for sure which is which one. A name-tag should be enough, if the voiceover is clear. If something is activated, maybe it should be made visible by text.” (St. 9)
Two students said that they liked when the proteins undergoing reactions light up. It made it easier to identify the protein at hand.
Q21 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
“It was clarifying when the proteins light up, it made it easier to understand which protein was at hand.” (St. 9)
6.1.2 Discussion:
No student reacted to the fact that there were different ways to label molecules and processes in the animations, which could mean that they were satisfied with the ways used. In contrast to animation 1 and 2, no students had problems identifying molecules in animation 4. This indicates that constant text labeling facilitates identification of molecules. One student said that arrows could be used to identify molecules. But the use of arrows as a label in animations might be misleading (Hull et al., 2002) due to the common use of arrows for other purposes in textbooks and diagrams. Another option would have been to combine arrows with text. But then there might be a risk of students being distracted due to the abundance of information.
The activation of protein molecules in signal transduction chains were visualized by a temporary light effect. Yet another option for labeling would have been to exclusively use light effects on proteins at hand. But this might be problematic in some cases since not all proteins at hand undergo reactions like activation.
6.2 (b) Explaining text in animations
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q22, Q25 and Q27.
6.2.1 Findings:
Four students missed an introductory text or summary before each scene. The students found the animations unclear and lost track.
Q25 Do you want more text in the movie?
“Maybe text explaining what will happen, like a heading.” (St. 4)
Q27 What parts of the movie can be improved to make it easier for future students?
“Heading before each scene otherwise one loses track of what’s happening.” (St. 3)
“Summary at empty frames and introductory text about the content of the movie.” (St. 4)
One student said the use of explaining text would take away the attention from the animation. Another student said that since he had previous experience with the subject no text was needed (he had watched the animation twice). But he said that text might be useful if the animation is an introduction to the concept of signal transduction.
Q25 Do you want more text in the movie?
“Names on proteins, otherwise too much text. If you have to read text you can’t concentrate on the animation.” (St. 2)
“Because you have previous experience with the subject no text is needed. But the first time I watched the animations explaining text might have been useful.” (St. 3)
6.2.2 Discussion:
The results from the pilot study indicated that there might be a risk of students being distracted by the abundance of information in case there is too much text. This was supported by literature. There might also be a risk of using text if the connection between text and image is not logical and clear (Schnotz and Bannert, 2003). There was a risk of ruining the animations. The intention of the research project was to investigate the use of 3D dynamic visualizations. If students have prior knowledge of basic biochemical principles, concepts, processes, molecules then probably less explaining text is needed.
6.3 (c) Color of molecules in animations
Students’ ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q21 and Q23.
6.3.1 Findings:
Five of the students said that they appreciated molecules with different colors. The teacher agreed. No student had problems observing the physical boundaries of molecules. No one reacted to the fact that there was no consistent way of using colors.
Q21 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
“That there were different colors used for the protein and the receptor, for example.” (St. 12)
Q23 What did you think about the appearance of the proteins?
“The proteins had different colors which increased clarity” (St. 10)
6.3.2 Discussion:
Colors in the animation were most important for distinction because the molecules were assigned colors arbitrarily. The color of the cell membrane was changed between the animations without any students reacting. The use of color in textbooks dealing with life science is inconsistent, for that reason, students do not connect a specific color to a specific molecule or process.
The drawback of using color for distinction between molecules is that in more complex animations colors can be needed for other purposes, like for example indicating frequencies or energy levels. Colors have potential to be used for indicating expression frequencies, molecule amounts, energy levels and distribution of particles/charges.
6.4 (d) Zoom in animations
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q21 and Q22.
6.4.1 Findings:
Three students reported that zooming in and out of the scene increased their understanding.
Q21 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
"Zoom in and out helps to understand the concepts." (St. 4)
"Great overview, zoom-out in the end of the movie increases comprehension." (St. 9)
One student had problems identifying in which cellular compartment a reaction took place. The sequence the student refers to lack of zoom. His statement indicates that zoom can facilitate localization.
Q22 Were there unclear parts in the movie?
"Sometimes there were only balls in the scene; you have no idea where they belong to." (St. 3)
6.4.2 Discussion:
Video-microscopy is the use of a high-quality video camera or other fast camera (such as a charge-coupled device) attached to a research-quality light microscope for the purpose of real-time or high-speed imaging of samples on a microscopic stage. These images are recorded at regular intervals, often at the rate of 30 images per second, and the time-laps sequence can be played back in the form of a movie. In contrast to video-microscopy, computer animation provides almost unlimited resolution and magnification. But unlimited magnification also poses design issues, since the producers of animations have to decide which magnification to use. One option is to let the camera zoom in and out of the scene. This can help with overview and localization of biochemical processes.
Another solution to the problem of localization would have been a mini-map of the cell beside the main animation that showed the localization of processes. Yet another solution would have been to let explaining text indicate the localization of processes. Explaining text was left out due to the risk of students being distracted by the abundance of information.
6.5 (e) Pace of animations
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q24, Q27 and student and teacher interviews.
6.5.1 Findings:
One student said the pace of the movie decreased the second time she watched it. She reported that she understood more of the scientific content the second time.
In the interviews both the teacher and the students said watching the movie twice increased comprehension of the movie content more than being at lectures.
**Q24 Would you like to change the voiceover? If so, how?**
“The first time I watched the movie I thought the voiceover was too fast. The second time the pace was alright.” (St. 4)
**Q27 What parts of the movie can be improved to make it easier for future students?**
“But the best for future students is to watch the animations twice. You think you recognize a little bit more the second time.” (St. 4)
### 6.5.2 Discussion:
The pace of the animations were set arbitrary dependent on the personal preference of the producer. The students reported that watching the movies twice was beneficial. The second time over the students were prepared for the movie content. If the students had any previous problems with interpretation of specific sequences or concepts in the movie, they would be prepared to listen extra carefully at these sections the second time.
#### 6.6 (f) Level of realism in animations
Students’ ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q21, Q23 and interview with St. 3.
### 6.6.1 Findings:
Four students reported that the animations were clear. No student reacted to the fact that the animations lacked background scenery or that the velocities of and distances between molecules in the animation were not realistic. One student reported that the exaggerated structural rearrangements of molecules helped to clarify reaction mechanisms. The teacher agreed but said that the rearrangements should have been exaggerated even more to increase clarity. Three students reflected on realistic depictions of proteins. One student reported that the exchange of GDP for GTP in the activation of the G-protein (animation 4) was too slow. In the interview he elaborated on the topic and said that the activation of the G-protein should not be visualized step-by-step but all-at-once.
**Q21 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.**
“Good/appealing and clear animations, you could easily tell how everything in the cell comes together” (St. 8)
“You could easily tell when proteins were changing” (St. 12)
Q23 What did you think about the appearance of the proteins?
“Good as far as I know, I don’t really know how they should look like” (St. 6)
“They looked fine; I can imagine that protein molecules may look something like that in reality” (St. 8)
“They looked a bit bombastic, but that is maybe how they should look like in reality? But they didn’t need to be rose-colored” (St. 9)
One student had problems to identify in which cellular compartment a reaction took place. The sequence the student referred to lacks background scenery.
Q22 Were there unclear parts in the movie?
“Sometimes there were only balls in the scene; you have no idea where they belong to.” (St. 3)
6.6.2 Discussion:
Since cells and molecules exist on a level of perception utterly different from ours it might be difficult to define criteria for realistic depictions. The movement of atoms in protein molecules is larger than those found in solids, but smaller than those observed in a liquid. These atomic rearrangements occur so fast that pictures of protein structure emerging from different forms of instrumentation are average structures. It would be more realistic to visualize structures for multiple conformational sub-states of molecules and how they might morph between these states. Visualization of the cell might be complicated since the environment in cells is so crowded and structurally complex (Petsko and Ringe, 2004). There is a problem of deciding which molecules and structures to include in the animation.
The animations were produced without background scenery like organelles and the cytoskeleton. The lack of background scenery in the animations seems to have made them clear but was negative for localization. The conceptual understanding of the specific processes depicted in the animations was probably increased by leaving out unnecessary details. Only the molecules most relevant to the current topic were depicted to increase clarity. The velocities of and distances between molecules were set to increase general visual clarity. The structural rearrangements of molecules were exaggerated to increase clarity of reaction mechanisms. One might have to strike a balance between realism and conceptual understanding when deciding what details to incorporate in visualization. It may not always be appropriate to use realistic visualizations exclusively. The learning of life science concepts is based on piecing together facts from many different sources and intuition (c.f. Rundgren).
6.7 (g) Multimedia
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q2.
6.7.1 Findings:
Three students reported the combination of images and voiceover was more useful compared to voiceover alone. Visualization increased understanding of the scientific content.
Q2 Were there unclear parts in the movie?
“When the screen goes blank and there is only voiceover. Understanding is easier if there is something to rest the eyes on.” (St. 4)
6.7.2 Discussion:
Animation can have advantages over video microscopy, including simplification; unlimited resolution and magnification; ability to highlight certain symbols within a complex background; control of motion, shape, or color changes; and the stepwise fading in and out of symbols. To appreciate multimedia there is a need to be able to connect visualizations with other forms of representation such as text. The combination of words and images can enhance understanding and the ability to solve problems. But there is always the risk that too many ways to present information is distracting. If the connection between text and image is not logical and clear, learning can become difficult (Schnitz and Bannert, 2003). Although this study focuses on the teaching of cell biology, the discussion is readily applicable to the teaching of all fields of science.
6.8 (h) Protein shape
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q1 and interview with St. 4.
6.8.1 Findings:
Two students said it was good with protein molecules of different shape. Two students reported that visualization of the 3D-structure of protein molecules facilitated understanding of protein interaction and its importance for systemic function. Two other students reported that illustration of the amino-acid sequence was useful. One of them said that it increased her understanding of how protein molecules can transmit signals. During the interview she elaborated on how the amino-acid sequence constituting proteins achieved specificity of chemical reactions in signaling pathways. One student said it would have been clearer if the amino-acid sequences had not been illustrated. The teacher said that for most signal transduction topics in the course the illustration of amino-acid sequence was unnecessary.
Q1 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
“You can see how the proteins interact; the chain in the cell goes from A, B, C and so on.” (St. 2)
6.8.2 Discussion:
The protein molecules in the animations were often visualized as compact bodies with different shape. The results from the study indicated that protein molecules with different shape increase distinction between molecules. Protein shape can be used to illustrate protein function. For example, a protein (anchoring protein) whose primary function is to hold another protein in place was visualized as a tongs-shaped protein. But the results from Q_3 indicated that symbols or labels might be clarifying.
In signal transduction pathways, multi-protein complexes are assembled by interaction domains that target the components to the complex. Interaction domains are independently folded modules, which can still bind their target molecules if expressed independently of their host protein. Interaction domains can be divided into distinct families, whose members are related by sequence. Small differences in amino-acid sequence among members of a family make the binding between individual interaction domains and their targets specific. Interaction domains provides the structural basis for complex, biomolecular processes like signal transduction cascades that require specificity of interaction partners.
Visualization of protein structure increases comprehension of the relationship between protein structure and function. In animation 3, which introduce the concept of interaction domains, the surface structure of proteins was carefully modeled. Surface structure is important for the complementary fit between interaction domains and the structures they recognize.
6.9 (i) Protein motion
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q_21 and interviews with the teacher.
6.9.1 Findings:
The teacher said it was good that the molecules that do not undergo reactions remain still. No students reacted to this.
Q_21 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
“You could easily tell when proteins were changing. A nice and slow pace when the proteins moved. You could tell what was happening.” (st. 12)
6.9.2 Discussion:
The results from the study indicated that most students had no problems interpreting biochemical reaction mechanisms visualized in the animations. This might not have been possible, if I had made all the molecules move about in the cell. Another option would have been to move all unimportant molecules very slow while the ones that undergo reactions move fast. But this might give rise to misconceptions. The voiceover would probably have to comment on the movements of protein molecules for correct interpretation of the animations.
6.10 (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations
Students' ideas in this category are based on their answers to Q21.
6.10.1 Findings:
Five students reported that visualization of every intermediate reaction provided an overview of signal transduction chains. Two students said that the animations helped understanding the lectures and gave a complementary image. Two other students said that it would have been easier to understand the animations if they had had more lectures before. One student reported that the animations helped memorizing processes. The teacher said that the animations were more useful than he had expected. He was impressed by the students' level of knowledge in the student interviews.
Q21 Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
“You can see how the proteins interact; the chain in the cell goes from A, B, C and so on. It helped understanding the lectures.” (st. 2)
“Every intermediate reaction was described which support understanding of the whole process.” (st. 9)
“You get a more real image of all these proteins with strange names” (st.1)
“To see what happens – sticks in one’s memory. Increases understanding, gives a complementary image.” (st. 3)
“Great/visually appealing and clear animations – you get an understanding of how everything works in the cell.” (st. 8)
“Good illustration with the images and you get an overview of the mechanisms involved.” (st. 10)
“Great, animation helps with understanding.” (st. 11)
6.10.2 Discussion:
An environmental or internal signal can be multiplied and processed through signal transduction chains. Then, a regulatory action can take place, for example, at the transcriptional level through activation or repression of gene expression or at the translational level through alternative splicing or posttranslational modification. Regulation and information flow, at all levels in the cell, is structure and time-dependent. 3D-animation can show how molecular structure and interactions change over time and has potential for teaching life science concepts. Dynamic visualization makes memorization of biochemical processes easier (O’Day, 2007). The results from the current study indicate that 3D-dynamic visualizations are useful for teaching life science concepts and can serve as a complement to lectures. They are useful for visualizing continuous time-dependent processes like signal transduction chains. This is in line with previous research on the use of computer animation for teaching life science.
7. Findings and discussion (data from Questionnaire 1 and student interview 1)
7.1 Question 1: Describe the steps of the process when a signal is transferred from the outside of the cell until the cell response.
7.1.1 Findings:
The expected answer to the question was to describe the activation of the receptor in the cell membrane and the successive signal transduction chain that ultimately leads to activation of target proteins, which directly mediates the cell response. The students had problems with identifying signaling steps after the receptor's activation. Many students did not mention the signal transduction chain or the activation of target proteins. Most students correctly describe the activation of the receptor in the plasma membrane and some describe how activation of the receptor transmits the signal to the cell interior.
7.1.2 Discussion:
Many students did not identify the signaling steps after activation of the receptor. This may be due to the lack of pictures of intracellular signaling steps in the questionnaire. The questionnaire only included pictures of the receptor in the plasma membrane that gets activated by an extracellular molecule. Many students correctly describe this event but do not make the connection between receptor activation and the consequent signal transduction chain.
With access to the animations during filling out the questionnaire the students might have identified and described signaling events after the receptor's activation. Now the students had to rely on their memory. Some might have forgotten the specific sequences in the animation that illustrated signal transduction steps. Since the students had no lectures in signal transduction before filling out the questionnaires they could not make a connection between the animations and lectures. More zoom effects that provided an overview of the complete process might have been beneficial.
7.2 Question 2: Write down every class of target protein you know.
7.2.1 Findings:
The expected answer is to mention general classes of target proteins like gene regulatory proteins and components in metabolic pathways or the cytoskeleton. The students had problems with naming target proteins. Some students provided specific names of proteins as answers. During the whole class group discussion after the animations one student mentioned DNA-polymerase. This is indeed the ultimate target protein since it directly affects cell behavior.
7.2.2 Discussion:
The students' difficulties with naming target proteins might have had a number of reasons. The questionnaire did not include any pictures for this question.
The target proteins were depicted in animation 1 and were not labeled with text. Some target proteins were only mentioned by the voiceover and not shown in the animation. As concluded in section 6.7 the combination of animations and voiceover has increased value compared to voiceover alone.
**7.3 Question 3:** Write the correct number beside the pictures (pictures of different classes of proteins). Every picture can only have one number. The proteins (numbered 1 to 3) are arranged according to alphabetical order.
**7.3.1 Findings:**
To correctly answer the question the students had to combine the pictures of proteins with the appropriate protein names and descriptions of protein function. The students had general problems correctly assigning the right name and description to the right protein picture. The students' problems were general in the sense that no specific categories of incorrect answers could be identified.
**7.3.2 Discussion:**
Due to the importance of protein function for systemic function and signal transduction this is an essential question. The shapes of individual protein molecules in the animation were designed to facilitate understanding of their function. For example a protein molecule that holds another one in place had a tongs-like shape. But perhaps, it would have been beneficial to use more symbols to indicate functional and structural relationships. The motion of the molecules in the animation may have been clarifying for the students, because motion can illustrate function. But since the students lacked access to the animations when completing the questionnaires, the impact of motion on the students' answers was not completely measured.
Understanding function through structure is a primary goal of structural biology. But this is not always simple, partly because a biologically useful definition of the function of a protein molecule requires a description at several different levels. To the biochemist, function means the biochemical role of an individual protein. If it is an enzyme, function refers to the reaction being catalyzed. If it is a signaling protein, function refers to the interactions of the protein molecule with other molecules in the signaling pathway and the signal transduction reactions that it catalyzes. To cell biologist, function includes these roles, but will also encompass the cellular roles of the protein molecule. Because the function of proteins can be described at different levels the naming and classification of proteins according to function may be complicated and this may have affected the outcome of the question.
**7.4 Question 4:** What happens to signaling protein 2 that enables it to bind to the PTB-domain of protein 1?
**7.4.1 Findings:**
The correct answer is that signaling protein 2 is phosphorylated by the catalytic protein kinase domain of protein 1. Most students provided the correct answer.
But the answers indicated that some students may not have realized that the phosphate group itself in this case provides the complementary fit. Some may have only realized that the phosphorylation triggers a conformational change, which is indeed true.
7.4.2 Discussion:
The outcome of this question would probably have been different with a questionnaire including pictures of the phosphorylated molecule interacting with the interaction domain that recognizes the phosphorylated structure. But the high frequency of correct answers indicate that 3D-animations are useful for visualizing time-dependent, multi-step biochemical processes like the assembly of macromolecular complexes.
7.5 Question 5: Interaction domains of the same type, for example, the SH2-domains on signaling protein 1 and the adaptor-protein, seldom bind to the same protein. Explain!
7.5.1 Findings:
The correct answer is that interaction domains of the same type have small differences in amino-acid sequence that makes the surface structure slightly different. This facilitates specificity of interaction partners. The students had general problems answering this question. The students' problems were general in the sense that no specific categories of incorrect answers could be identified. Many students simply did not answer the question at all.
7.5.2 Discussion:
A more detailed visualization specifically illustrating the differences in amino-acid sequence may have helped. Now the difference in amino-acid sequence was only mentioned by the voiceover. The illustration of surface structure differences with proteins depicted as compact bodies was insufficient. It can be concluded that specific concepts require specific illustrations. Access to the animations would probably have been beneficial, since one sequence illustrated how the amino-acid sequence of proteins facilitates flexible binding and induced fit.
General findings, questionnaire 1
The students had problems with concepts which are only mentioned and not shown in animations, like for example target proteins and the impact of differences in amino-acid sequence on protein structure.
One data collection mistake was conducted; the students should have had access to computers with the animations when answering the questionnaires.
8. General discussion and implications
The main results of the study, that is, the contribution of layout-issues to understandability and usefulness of the animations, are summarized in figure 5.
**Answers to research questions**
The connection between a layout-issue and category of understanding is indicated by a line. Crossed over lines indicate that there is a connection between the layout-issue and category of understanding but the current study failed to address this connection completely. In figure 5, this relates to the lack of access to animations when students answered questionnaires, as explained below. The inherent properties of all animations, that is, their capacity to visualize continuous processes and mediate understanding of life science concepts is illustrated in a separate box up to the right in figure 5.
The categories of understanding deals with more complex issues from left to right in figure 5. For example, systemic function is a more complex issue than identification of molecules. Good, medium and low understanding of specific issues is indicated by a green, blue and red light bulb respectively. Basic understanding, which is illustrated by a box to the left in figure 5, in this context means understanding of the animations themselves. Students have to be able to identify molecules at hand, see the physical boundaries between them and realize where specific processes take place. If any of these requirements is missing students will not be able to correctly interpret every aspect of the animations and their understanding of the biochemical content (protein function and systemic function) will be reduced.
The identification of molecules at hand is mostly related to labeling of molecules but to some extent also protein shape and protein motion. The results from questionnaire 2 (layout-issues) indicated that the students missed labels in animation 2 that introduces different classes of signaling proteins. Since they could not always identify the molecule at hand their understanding of the biochemical content, in this case protein function, were lessened. This is indicated by a blue light bulb beside the category protein function in figure 5. This finding is supported by the students' general problems with Q13 (students' knowledge).
Knowledge of where in the cell specific biochemical processes are located is another requirement for basic understanding of the animations. Localization was facilitated by zoom effects. Differentially colored and shaped molecules, helped with distinction between molecules. All in all two of the three requirements for basic understanding were present, which in figure 5 is indicated by two green light bulbs and one red in the box of basic understanding. Since the basic understanding was not complete this affected the students understanding of protein function. To fully comprehend these animations students have to climb a step-ladder, where each step represents one level of understanding. Each level is built from prior understanding. Lacking basic understanding due to missing labels (indicated by a red light bulb beside the category identification in figure 5) affected understanding of protein function. Deficient understanding of protein function will affect comprehension of systemic function negatively, which in figure 5 is indicated by red light bulbs beside systemic function concepts. Thus basic understanding has affected understanding of an advanced concept like systemic function.
Protein function is also connected to protein shape (cf. Kozma, 2003). The protein shape was of importance in Q15 where students had problems because the proteins were depicted as compact bodies. This is confirmed by results from category (h) protein shape in questionnaire 2 and student interview 2, where it was reported that illustration of the amino-acid sequence facilitated understanding of protein and systemic function.
Both protein function and systemic function is connected to protein motion (NSF, 2001). In figure 5, the lack of access to animations when students answered questionnaires, is indicated by crossing over of the two lines from the layout-issue protein motion. The lack of motion (lack of access to animations) probably had an impact on the students' ability to answer questions regarding protein function and systemic function. This could help explain difficulties with question Q13 and Q11 which dealt with protein function and systemic function respectively. This is confirmed by results from the categories (i) protein motion and (j) 3D-dynamic visualizations in questionnaire 2.
The first research question was formulated as follows: to what extent do the issues of layout contribute to students' understanding of the animations and the biochemical content? As concluded above comprehension of the animations can be regarded as a step-like process. The basic understanding of both the animations themselves and their biochemical content is facilitated by the layout-issues label, color and zoom. Protein shape and protein motion directly affect the understandability of the biochemical content.
The second research question was related to the usefulness of the animations in a learning environment. Animations have to be understandable to be useful. They might not be useful even if they are understandable, but understandability is a basic requirement that facilitates usefulness. The results from the study indicate that these 3D-animations are useful for teaching life science concepts and can serve as a complement to lectures. They are useful for visualizing continuous time-dependent processes like signal transduction chains. This is in line with previous research on the use of computer animation for teaching life science. As stated in section 6.10, the teacher thought the animations were useful. Results from the study indicated that they could have the function as a memorization aid. This is supported by literature (Goldstein et al., 1982; Blake, 1977; O’Day, 2007). They might also be used to provide an overview over biochemical processes (cf. Kraidy, 2002). These animations could be useful for self-studying and for repetition of life science concepts, which is supported by previous research on the usefulness of the animations in life science (O’Day, 2006; McClean, 2005).
I think at least animation 3 or a similar animation should be included in life science teaching in general and signal transduction teaching in particular. In my opinion the most important concept in signal transduction is the relationship between structure and information flow in the cell. 3D-dynamic visualizations may facilitate understanding of this relationship. The usefulness of these animations stem from the fact that the complexity of life phenomena and the dynamic nature of biomolecular processes may turn plain text into an inadequate learning tool.
**Revisions**
The results from the study indicated that there were difficulties in the animations due to bad design choices. A number of revisions that would probably improve the understandability and usefulness of these and other animations are suggested. This includes revisions for study design. In my opinion the needed revisions are:
- Molecule labels for all important molecules.
- Visualization support to all voiceover.
- More detailed introduction to target proteins.
- The sequence of amino-acids should have been visualized in the scene illustrating differences between interaction domains of the same type.
- The students should have had access to the animations when completing the questionnaires.
The first round of animations and the test of the students' actual knowledge were performed before there had been any lectures. This study design focuses on the usefulness of the animations as an introduction to signal transduction. If no second questionnaire had been distributed, no measure of the value of the animations as a complement to lectures would have been achieved. But since questionnaire 2 did not include a test of the students' knowledge, the measure of the value of the animations as a complement to lectures, is merely based on their opinions.
One possible study revision is thus to include a second test of the students actual knowledge. Another option would have been to separate the students into different groups with different study designs, to facilitate a comparison between the usefulness of the animations as an introduction and complement to lectures.
**Implications**
A number of implications follow from results of the study. These might be used to aid design of other animations in life science in general and signal transduction in particular.
- The study reinforces the need to use visualizations in life science teaching.
- In the design of animations, care has to be taken with layout-details even though they might seem unimportant.
- Basic understanding of the animations is fundamental for understanding of advanced concepts. In the design phase of producing animations this should be kept in mind.
- A central concept in a field requires a thorough explanation.
- Specific concepts require specific illustrations.
- Labeling of molecules is important to facilitate identification of them.
- Zoom effects can be used as a means to help with localization of processes.
- Different colors can be used to facilitate distinction between molecules.
- The use of multimedia can be restricted. Sometimes more is less. The connection between image and text should be logical and clear.
- Visualization of 3D-structure of molecules provides an understanding of molecule and systemic function.
- Leaving out background scenery makes the animations clear.
- Unrealistic visualizations can be useful for teaching specific concepts.
- The level of realism of different factors in animations, like molecule speed and distances, has to be set to strike a balance between conceptual understanding and scientific correctness.
- The students should have access to animations during the data collection phase of studies, if the purpose is not to study specific aspects of memorization mechanisms.
- The design of the study has to be carefully selected in order to get the sought data. This step requires thorough planning.
Future directions
The evolution of modern cell biology tools, such as advanced electron microscopy methodologies, has allowed for ever improving structural and functional characterizations of the cell.
Biologists are also beginning to probe the dynamics of macromolecules in new ways. It is now possible to examine directly how a protein’s conformational flexibility affects its function during catalysis (Henzler-Wildman et al., 2007). Moreover, increased processing speed of computers and new algorithms are beginning to address the behavior of larger molecular assemblies over longer timescales (Maragakis et al., 2008; Sotomayor and Schulten, 2007; Karplus and Kuriyan, 2005).
The insights emerging from structural cell and molecular biology call for more sophisticated visual renderings. Until now, we have used mostly static representations of proteins outside of their cellular context that lack a critical layer of kinetic information. Proteins are dynamic and shape-shifting and constantly explore their surroundings. Their association and dissociation from each other involve a range of conformational states that are critical to their function. There is a need to incorporate this information into workable models that can be communicated to others.
Because the effect of a single bond rearrangement can influence the structure of an entire protein complex, we face the task of depicting a wide continuum of scale. This property sometimes calls for mixed visual metaphors (such as a sticks and balls model surrounded by a semitransparent surface mesh).
Many people are astounded by the fact that so few genes can build such a complex organism as the human and that there seems to be no relation between genome size and the apparent complexity of an organism in terms of its intelligence. But many might forget that there are many copies of the genomes in a multi-cellular organism, one in each cell. Emergent properties arise when all copies of the genome in an organism interact. It is the level of complexity in the interaction between all copies of the genome that specify the complexity of the organism. Perhaps the greatest challenge so far in life science is the modeling, and prediction of all cell behavior. But the even greater challenge of modeling and predicting the behavior of the whole organism is the next step and 3D-animation might be a valuable tool for this daunting task.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the students and the teacher that took part in the study. The teacher was also my supervisor regarding the scientific content in the animations. Thank you Jonny, this study would not have been possible without you. I also want to thank my supervisors regarding didactic issues of the thesis. Thank you Onno and Michal, this thesis would not have been finished without you. I would like to thank everyone that contributed to this thesis, including Lena Tibell, Trevor Andersson, Carl-Johan Rundgren and others that do research within the field of life science visualizations. I would like to thank my friend Andreas for giving discussions about the nature of life from a physicist’s point of view. Last I would like to thank my family for providing me a room during the two summers dedicated to getting into 3ds Max.
References
Alberts, B., Johnson, A., Lewis, J., Raff, M., Roberts, K., Walter, P. (2002). Molecular biology of the cell. New York: Garland Science.
Blake, T. (1977). Motion in instructional media: some subject-display mode interactions. *Perceptual and Motor Skills*, 44, 975-985.
Ellis, J.D. (1984). A rational for using computers in science education. *The American Biology Teacher*, 46, 200-206.
Galitski, T. (2004). Control of yeast filamentous-form growth by modules in an integrated molecular network. *Genome Research*, 14, 380-390.
Goldstein, A., Chance, J., Hoisington, M., and Buescher, K. (1982). Recognition memory for pictures: dynamic vs. static stimuli. *Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society*, 20, 37-40.
Henzler-Wildman, K.A., Thai, V., Lei, M., Ott, M., Wolf-Watz, M., Fenn, T., Pozharski, E., Wilson, M.A., Petsko, G.A., Karplus, M., et al. (2007). *Nature*, 450, 838–844.
Hmelo, C.E., Holton, D.L., & Kolodner, J.L. (2000). Designing to learn about complex systems. *Journal of the Learning Sciences*, 9, 247-298.
Hull, T.L., Anderson T.R., & Grayson, D.J. (2002). Student difficulties with a diagram of the complement pathways in the immune system. Paper presented at the proceedings of the tenth annual conference of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology, Durban.
Karplus, M., and Kuriyan, J. (2005). Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA 102, 6679–6685.
Kozma, R. (2003). The material features of multiple representations and their cognitive and social affordances for science understanding. *Learning and Instruction*, 13, 205-226.
Kozma, R., Chin, E., Russel, J. & Marx, N. (2000). The roles of representations and tools in the chemistry laboratory and their implications for chemistry learning. *The Journal of the Learning Sciences*, 9 (2), 105-143.
Kraidy, U. (2002). Digital media and education: cognitive impact of information visualization. *Journal of Educational Media*, 27, 95-106.
Maragakis, P., Lindorff-Larsen, K., Eastwood, M.P., Dror, R.O., Klepeis, J.L., Arkin, I.T., Jensen, M.Ø., Xu, H., Trbovic, N., Friesner, R.A., et al. (2008). *Journal of Physical Chemistry B*, 112, 6155–6158.
Marks, G.H. (1982). Computer simulations in science teaching: an introduction. *Journal of Computers in Mathematics and Science Teaching*, 1, 18-20.
Mayer, R. E. (1997). Multimedia learning: are we asking the right questions? *Educational psychologist*, 32(1), 1-19.
Mayer, R. E. (1989). Systematic thinking fostered by illustrations in scientific text. *Journal of Educational Psychology*, 81 (2), 240-246.
McClean, P., Johnson, C., Rogers R., Daniels, L., Reber J., Slator, B.M., Terpstra, J., White, A. (2005). Molecular and cellular biology animations: development and impact on student learning. *Cell Biology Education*, 4, 169-179.
McClean, P., Saimi-Eidukat, B., Schwert, D., Slator, B., & White, A. (2001). Virtual worlds in large enrollment biology and geology classes significantly improve authentic learning. In: selected papers from the 12th International Conference on College Teaching and Learning (ICCTL-01). April 17-21, 2001, ed. Jack A.
Chambers. Jacksonville, FL: Center for the Advancement of Teaching and Learning, 111-118.
National Science Foundation (NSF). (2001). Molecular visualization in science education. Report from the molecular visualization in science education workshop. NCSA Access Center. Arlington, VA: National Science Foundation.
O’Day, D.H. (2007). The value of animations in biology teaching: a study of long-term memory retention. *Life Sciences Education*, 6, 217-223.
O’Day, D.H. (2006). Animated cell biology: a quick and easy method for making effective, high-quality teaching animations. *Life Sciences Education*, 5, 255-263.
Petsko, G.A., & Ringe, D. (2004). Protein structure and function. London: New Science Press Ltd.
Prinz, S., Avilla-Campillo, I., Aldridge, C., Srinivasan, A., Dimitrov, K., Siegel, A.F., Hull, T.L. (2003). Students' use of diagrams for the visualization of biochemical processes. Unpublished Master of Science Thesis, University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg.
Rotbain, Y., Marbach-Ad, G., & Stavy, R. (2006). The effect of bead and illustration models on high school student achievement in molecular genetics. *Journal of Research in Science Teaching*, 43, 500-529.
Rundgren C.J. (2006). Meaning-making in molecular life science education-upper secondary school students' interpretation of visualizations of proteins. Linköping University, Faculty of Educational Sciences, Sweden.
Schnotz, W., & Bannert, M. (2003). Construction and interference in learning from multiple representation. *Learning and instruction*, 13, 141-156.
Sekular, R., & Blake, R. (1985). Perception. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Sotomayor, M., and Schulten, K. (2007). Science, 316, 1144–1148.
Tsui, C. Y., & Treagust, D. (2004). Motivational aspects of learning genetics with interactive multimedia. *The American Biology Teacher*, 66, 277-285.
Wu, H.K., Krajcik, J.S., & Soloway, E. (2001). Promoting understanding of chemical representations: Students' use of visualization tool in the classroom. *Journal of Research in Science Teaching*, 38, 821-842.
Appendix
Questionnaire 1
Question 1: Describe the steps of the process when a signal is transferred from the outside of the cell until the cell response.
Question 2: Write down every type of target protein you know.
Question 3: Write the correct number beside the pictures (pictures of different classes of proteins). Every picture can only have one number. The proteins (numbered 1 to 3) are arranged according to alphabetical order.
Question 4: What happens to signaling protein 2 that enables it to bind to the PTB-domain of protein 1?
Question 5: Interaction domains of the same type, for example, the SH2-domains on signaling protein 1 and the adaptor-protein, seldom bind to the same protein. Explain!
Questionnaire 2
Question 1: Write down 3 things you liked about the movie.
Question 2: Were there unclear parts in the movie?
Question 3: What did you think about the appearance of the proteins?
Question 4: Would you like to change the voiceover? If so, how?
Question 5: Do you want more text in the movie?
Question 6: What parts were too fast? Which parts were too slow?
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Building Communities through Sport
Planning Toolkit
Community Sport for Children and Youth
Working with Communities to Develop Sport Activities
Acknowledgements
The development of *Planning Community Sport – Planning Toolkit* has been made possible by and Sask Sport Inc and Saskatchewan *in motion*.
We would like to recognize the following contributors and/or resources adapted with permission for the toolkit.
- Building Sport Communities Workbook – Susan E. Vail, Ph.D., Associate Dean, Student & Curricular Affairs, Faculty of Health, York University, Toronto, Ontario
- Aboriginal Sport Circle (Coach Workbook, Aboriginal Coaching Manual)
- Canadian Sport for Life
- Aboriginal Children’s Sport Participation in Canada – Leanne C. Findlay and Dafna E. Koehn, Health Analysis and Measurement Statistics Canada
- Northern Sport, Culture and Recreation District (Program Planning Template)
# Table of Contents
| SECTION | PAGE |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|------|
| Why a Toolkit for Planning Community Sport? | 2 |
| Where can I get help with this Toolkit? | 2 |
| Aboriginal Community Sport Grant | 3 |
| How to use the Toolkit - 4 Steps to Success | 4 |
| Canada’s Long Term Athlete Development Model | 5 |
| Glossary of Terms | 8 |
| Resources to Support You | 9 |
## APPENDICES
A. Step 1 Worksheet - Understanding Needs & Determining Priorities | 15 |
B. Step 2 Worksheet - Designing Your Sport Program | 21 |
C. Step 3 Worksheet - Delivering Your Sport Program | 28 |
D. Step 4 Worksheet - Evaluating, Celebrating & Sustaining Your Sport Program | 31 |
---
**If I play sport...**
- I will have more self-confidence;
- I will be happier and healthier;
- I will respect myself and others;
- I will develop positive relationships with friends and leaders;
- I will learn to be strong.
(Team Spirit Aboriginal Girls in Sport)
Why a Toolkit for Planning Community Sport?
*Community Sport for Children and Youth Planning Toolkit* is a resource to help communities build and maintain active sport programs for children and youth. Sport can be a significant part of community unity and provides benefits such as healthy lifestyles, self-discipline, and positive self-esteem for individuals.
The toolkit is designed to help communities determine, develop, provide, and evaluate their sport program needs so that more children and youth are active in sport for life. The workbook follows a community development approach to assist with creating your community sport programs.
This toolkit focuses on communities and helping leaders build on their strength to offer quality sport programs for Aboriginal children and youth. The *goals* are to:
- increase the number of Aboriginal children and youth playing sport;
- increase the numbers of volunteers available to organize, coach, and assist with sport programs;
- encourage organized sport programs that are developmentally appropriate for children and youth; and,
- encourage partnerships within the community and with other communities to organize leagues, tournaments and competitions.
Where can I get help with this Toolkit?
Within Saskatchewan, a strong sport system exists to help your community with its sport development plans. The contact for Sask Sport Inc. is listed below. In addition, Districts for Sport, Culture and Recreation, are available to assist you with this workbook.
**Sask Sport Inc.**
Joe Daniels, Community Sport Consultant
(3060 780-9310 or email: email@example.com
| Districts for Sport, Culture and Recreation | Phone Number |
|--------------------------------------------|--------------|
| Northern Sport, Culture and Recreation District | (306) 425-3127 |
| Lakeland District for Sport, Culture and Recreation | (306) 953-1623 |
| Rivers West District for Sport, Culture and Recreation | (306) 822-3030 |
| Saskatoon Sport Council | (306) 975-0830 |
| Prairie Central District for Sport, Culture and Recreation | (306) 554-2414 |
| Parkland Valley Sport, Culture and Recreation District | (306) 782-3353 |
| ReginaSport District | (306) 780-9274 |
| South West District for Culture, Recreation and Sport | (306) 629-3217 |
| Southeast Connection Sport, Culture and Recreation District | (306) 429-2205 |
For more information on the Saskatchewan Districts for Sport, Culture and Recreation, please visit [www.sasksport.sk.ca/districts.php](http://www.sasksport.sk.ca/districts.php)
Aboriginal Community Sport Grant
Where can I get funding assistance?
The Aboriginal Community Sport Grant Program (ACSGP)
The purpose of the Aboriginal Community Sport Grant Program (ACSGP) is to provide greater sport participation and development opportunities for Aboriginal youth in Saskatchewan, especially youth living in urban, rural, on-reserve, isolated and northern communities.
Eligible communities can access the grant program, which is funded by Sport Canada Aboriginal Participation and the Saskatchewan Lotteries Trust Fund for Sport, Culture and Recreation. The grant is designed to support the development and implementation of community sport programs. For eligibility requirements, refer to the program guidelines and/or contact a support organization listed above or in Appendix A. Completing this workbook and the worksheets will assist you with the grant application process for this grant as well as other funding programs.
There are many other funding programs that support sport development for communities, such as:
- Saskatchewan Lotteries Community Grant Program
- Urban Aboriginal Community Grant Program
- KidSport™
- Aboriginal Coaches and Officials Program
- True Sport Foundation at http://www.truesportfoundation.ca/en/home
For more information on these programs and more please visit www.saskaboriginalresources.ca
"It's important to be physically active because you can feel good about yourself, like knowing you are in tip-top shape and you don't get tired as easy as you used to. It just makes you feel good, your self esteem."
Alwyn Piche, Volleyball Athlete, La Loche
Alwyn is an elite athlete. In 2005, he competed with Team Canada at the World Volleyball Championships in Algiers, Algeria. He believes that "it takes complete dedication and desire to be where you want to be." He also volunteers his time to coach volleyball during the school year and instructs other youth at volleyball clinics.
How to Use This Toolkit - 4 Steps to Success
Introduction
The toolkit contains four steps needed to plan an effective sport program. These steps will help you identify and prioritize your needs, design your sport program, deliver the program, and evaluate success. Each step will guide you through the community sport planning process, providing direction and tips along the way. The questions and information provided in each of the worksheets will assist you in creating a sport plan for your community. When working through the worksheets ensure you are getting feedback from the people in your community who will be involved in the sport program.
TIP: Contact one of the support people listed on page 3 for help at anytime. The worksheets will provide examples and/or tips to help you. You may want to photocopy the worksheets so that you always have a “master” or blank copy on hand.
Step 1 - Understanding Needs & Determining Priorities
The first step begins by talking with the children and youth, parents, coaches, volunteers, and members of the community. Their input will help to determine the needs and priorities of your community sport program. Step 1 asks you identify the population of children and youth, community assets and strengths, barriers to participating in sport, sport program needs or desires, and benefits of sport for the children and youth. In this step, you will also set your community sport vision, brainstorm program ideas, and prioritize sport programs to develop in your community. You will use the Step 1 Worksheet to assist you in this process.
Step 2 - Designing Your Sport Program(s)
Step 2 helps you to plan developmentally appropriate sport. The worksheets provided will help you to use Canada’s Long Term Athlete Development Model (LTAD) found in the following pages. Upon completing the step two worksheets you will have the blueprint needed to complete a successful sport season. This ensures that programs are organized and that they provide opportunities for many children and youth to enjoy developmental sport programs.
Step 3 - Delivering Your Sport Program(s)
Step 3 assists you in the delivery of sport programs in your community. The step provides guidelines for keeping the community and parents involved and informed, maintaining records of participation, and recognizing and celebrating your success. In this step, consistency and commitment is very important to keep children and youth participating and having fun.
Step 4 - Evaluating, Celebrating & Sustaining Your Sport Program(s)
Step 4 involves measuring the success of your sport program and celebrating your community accomplishments. It also outlines plans to ensure continued sport program development, ways to maintain sport programs, and methods to nurture sport in your community. During the evaluation, it is important to involve program participants, including athletes, coaches, officials, parents and organizers, as well as those who help out. Planning for the future of the program is also important, including how to continue the program from year to year and how to secure the necessary funding. You will use the Step 4 Worksheet to help you with this step.
Canada’s Long Term Athlete Development Model
What is Developmentally Appropriate Sport?
Children go through many different stages of growth and development on the way to becoming adults. Parents, care-givers, coaches and community leaders should become familiar with the stages and the differing needs at each stage, in order to provide developmentally appropriate sport programs for children in their communities.
What are the stages of Long Term Athlete Development?
| Active Start (0-6 yrs) | Fundamentals (Male 6-9yrs) (Females 6-8yrs) | Learning to Train (Male 9-12yrs) (Females 8-11yrs) | Training to Train (Male 12-16yrs) (Females 11-15yrs) |
|-----------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Children should learn fundamental movement skills through play based activity. The foundation is laid for healthy growth, confidence and enjoyment for being active | Children continue to build overall movement and motor skills Skill development should be well structured, positive, and fun | Children are developmentally ready to acquire the general sport skills that are the building blocks of athletic development | Focus on building an aerobic base, speed and strength. Further develop and consolidate sport skills Competition to test athletes’ skills, with focus on continued improvement, not just ‘winning’. |
What should be provided at each stage of the Long Term Athlete Development Model?
| Active Start (0-6 yrs) | Fundamentals (Male 6-9yrs) (Females 6-8yrs) | Learning to Train (Male 9-12yrs) (Females 8-11yrs) | Training to Train (Male 12-16yrs) (Females 11-15yrs) |
|-----------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Unstructured active play for at least 60 minutes and up to several hours per day Organized, structured physical activity for at least 30 minutes, up to 60 minutes a day Provide physical activity everyday without excuse Focus on basic movement skills, such as running, jumping, throwing and catching Toddlers and preschoolers should not be inactive for more than 60 minutes at a time, except when sleeping | Practice and master fundamental movement skills, such as running, jumping, tumbling, throwing, before sport specific skills are introduced Encourage participation in a wide range of sports, not just one or two. Emphasize the ABCs of Athleticism: agility, balance, coordination and speed Introduce basic flexibility exercises | Further develop all fundamental movement skills and teach general overall sport skills Apply a ratio of 70 percent training (practices) to 30 percent competition (games). Children should be participating in three or four different sports throughout the year. Choose sports they enjoy and are likely to experience success in Encourage unstructured play and allow children to have fun. | Youth should narrow their participation to two sports Apply a ratio of 60 percent training to 40 percent competition Make aerobic and flexibility training a priority |
What is needed from the community at each stage of the Long Term Athlete Development Model?
| Active Start (0-6 yrs) | Fundamentals (Male 6-9yrs) (Females 6-8yrs) | Learning to Train (Male 9-12yrs) (Females 8-11yrs) | Training to Train (Male 12-16yrs) (Females 11-15yrs) |
|------------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Parental or primary care giver involvement | Parents or primary care giver involvement | Parents or primary care giver involvement | Parents or primary care giver involvement |
| Play leaders | School involvement | School involvement | School involvement |
| Basic equipment such as, playground or space at home | Volunteers | Trained Coaches | Trained Coaches |
| Emotional and mental support through encouragement | Fundamental movement skills training | Officials | Officials |
| | Trained coaches | Volunteers and organizers | Volunteers and organizers |
| | Equipment, facilities and support | Community Leaders | Community Leaders |
| | Emotional and mental support through encouragement and guidance | Equipment, facilities and support | Equipment, facilities and support |
| | | Some travel for games and competitions | More travel for games and competitions |
| | | Emotional and mental support through encouragement, mentorship, and guidance | Emotional and mental support through encouragement, mentorship, and guidance |
Who can support your community sport development plan at each stage?
| Active Start (0-6 yrs) | Fundamentals (Male 6-9yrs) (Females 6-8yrs) | Learning to Train (Male 9-12yrs) (Females 8-11yrs) | Training to Train (Male 12-16yrs) (Females 11-15yrs) |
|------------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Parents or primary caregivers | Parents or primary caregivers | Parents or primary caregivers | Parents or primary caregivers |
| Daycares | Teachers | Teachers | Teachers |
| Preschools | Community Leaders | Coaches | Coaches |
| Community Leaders | Districts | Leaders | Leaders |
| Districts | | Community Leaders | Provincial Sport Governing Bodies |
| | | Provincial Sport Governing Bodies | Tribal Council Coordinators |
| | | Tribal Council Coordinators | Districts |
Examples of Canada’s Long Term Athlete Develop Model in Action...
| Active Start (0-6 yrs) | Fundamentals (Male 6-9yrs) (Females 6-8yrs) | Learning to Train (Male 9-12yrs) (Females 8-11yrs) | Training to Train (Male 12-16yrs) (Females 11-15yrs) |
|-----------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------|
| Running around the playground – active play | Learn-To programs in any number of sports. | Sport teams or programs such as softball, soccer, basketball, etc | Sport teams or programs such as athletics, football, water polo, etc |
| Parents and children kicking a ball together in the park | Bike riding | Structured activities with guidance and correction | Structured sport activities with guidance and correction |
| Dancing around the living room | Gymnastics, swimming, skating or the “Run, Jump, Throw” programs | Competitions that don’t focus solely on winning | Athletes play to win and do their best but the major focus is training as opposed to competition. |
| A beginner gymnastics class | A quality Phys. Ed. program at school | Quality Phys. Ed program at school | Quality Phys. Ed program at school |
**Note:** Canada’s Long Term Athlete Development model is a guide to help communities with designing and offering developmentally appropriate sport and recreation programs for children and youth. Many things should be considered in providing appropriate sport programs, including children’s physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual needs.
For further information on Canadian Sport for Life and the Long Term Athlete Development Model go to [www.canadiansportforlife.ca](http://www.canadiansportforlife.ca)
Glossary of Terms
**Aboriginal:**
A collective term that includes First Nations (both status and non-status), Inuit and Métis people.
**First Nations:**
Registered First Nations who possess a Status Indian card and are registered through Indian Affairs Canada.
**Métis:**
Aboriginal people who are distinct from Indian and Inuit and are a descendant of those Métis who received or were entitled to receive land grants and/or Scrip under the provision of the *Manitoba Act, 1870* or the *Dominion Lands Act*, as enacted from time to time; or a person of Aboriginal descent who is accepted by the Métis Nation and/or Métis community.
**Vision:**
A desired outcome that inspires, energizes and helps to create a mental picture of the target.
**Outcomes:**
Expected results of the project which can be used to measure its success.
**Assets:**
A useful or valuable quality, person, or thing.
**Resources:**
People, materials, technologies, money, etc., that are required to implement strategies or processes. The costs of resources are often shown in the form of a budget.
**Barriers:**
A limit or boundary of any kind.
**Sustainability:**
A process or state that can be maintained at a certain level indefinitely.
**League:**
An association of sports teams that organizes matches for its members.
**Club:**
In sport, a group that has been formed by individuals motivated by a common interest and a desire to participate. A club may be entry level, developmental, high performance, recreational or any combination of these elements.
**Tournament:**
A sporting competition in which contestants play a series of games to decide the winner.
**Intramural:**
Involving only students at the same school or college.
Resources to Support You
1. Great Resource Guides
The following resources are available by contacting Sask Sport Inc. - www.sasksport.sk.ca or by email at firstname.lastname@example.org or by phone at (306) 780-9300.
**Community Resource Guide**
www.saskaboriginalresources.ca
This guide contains an overview of sport, culture and recreation “global” organizations and is a resource to assist in the development and implementation of sport, culture and recreation programs in a community.
**Children in Sport – A Resource Manual for Sport Leaders**
www.sasksport.ca
The purpose of this resource manual is to encourage and assist provincial sport governing bodies, recreation associations and community groups to take a leadership role in developing age-appropriate activities for children that focus on fun and teach basic skills. This approach fosters the overall development of the children involved, allowing them to maximize the many benefits that sport provides.
**Children in Sport – An Orientation Guide for Sport Leaders**
www.sasksport.ca
This Orientation Guide features a variety of resource materials including a skills resource manual, video and booklet.
The following are available to purchase from the Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport - www.cces.ca or email: email@example.com or (613) 521-3340 or 1-800-672-7775 or fax (613) 521-3134.
**Fair Play – It’s Your Call – A Resource Kit**
This kit helps anyone working with children 8-14 years old and teaches that fair play is the only way to play. Each manual contains an introduction to fair play, fair play tips and tools, and creative ideas for building awareness about fair play. A brochure for parents is also included. Manuals can be purchased separately.
**Fair Play for Kids – A Handbook of Activities for Teaching Fair Play**
This resource includes more than 40 activities that teachers can use to teach children the importance of integrity, fairness and respect in sport and life. Intended for use with children 8-12 years old, the handbook includes worksheets and background information to support the student activities.
The following website is a great resource for templates, samples and forms:
www.sportengland.org/clubmark
Clubmark - Clubmark was introduced in 2002 by Sport England. One of its goals is to provide a focus around which all sport organizations involved in sport can come together to support good practice in sports clubs working with children and young people. Many of the resources and template online are ready to use, others, such as the Club Constitution requires Clubs to substitute their Club name and fill in the blanks. Some of these documents are pre-requisites for some grant schemes others simply help the club function on a higher level. These documents are intended to be working documents, please digest what they say and amend them to suit your clubs needs and intentions. Available are things like:
- Guidelines for dealing with an incident/accident
- Incident/accident report form
- Attendance register
- Task description: Head Junior Coach
- Task description: Assistant Junior Coach
- Risk assessment form
- Club partnership agreement
- Development plan
- Volunteer agreement form
2. Information on How to Form a Club
Each sport has its own unique way of developing into a club. The Saskatchewan Provincial Sport Governing Bodies are good resource to address the specific needs of each sport as it moves from a “learn-to” clinic through to a functioning club. See the Sask Sport Inc. website - www.sasksport.sk.ca for a list of PSGBs in Saskatchewan.
Sport Manitoba www.sportmanitoba.ca/downloads/How_to_Start_a_Club.pdf
The purpose of this resource is to provide leaders with a basic step-by-step guide to forming a sport club from scratch. From undertaking a community assessment to deciding on club structure, the information provided should help assist groups as they work towards developing a viable sport club that will serve the needs of the community in the years to come.
Sportweb www.sportweb.ca
SportWeb offers a selection of web based tools & products designed to improve efficiency and effectiveness of sport organizations. The tools are scalable which allows for systems to be built all at once or over time. They can enhance your ability to engage your membership and community as well as to connect with other components of the sport system.
Leisure Information Network (LIN) http://lin.ca/htdocs/index.cfm
The Leisure Information Network (LIN) website is dedicated to providing resources and sharing information on recreation, sport, culture and lifestyle enhancement. One article located on LIN pertaining to starting a club is produced by the Northwest Territories Municipal and Community Affairs and titled “Developing a Community Sport Association”. To access this article: Go to the LIN website, click on the “Recreation Database” button, click on “Keyword Search” and type in “Community Sport Association” and click “Search”.
3. Volunteer Online Training
Online Volunteer Training Centre www.otvc.sk.ca
This web-based training program is offered FREE to all Saskatchewan residents involved in the volunteer sector. It is a Sask Sport initiative and supported by the Canada Games Dreams and Champions Legacy Fund.
Participants will receive a user ID and password to gain access to all of the training courses offered. The Online Volunteer Training Centre will enable the registrant to access the training at their convenience and complete the training at their own pace. The courses are offered free of charge, therefore present an affordable alternative to formal workshops, seminars or classrooms, and increases accessibility to training opportunities, in particular to rural, northern or isolated communities.
4. Great Books to Read about Children in Sport
The following book is available from the Coaches Association of Saskatchewan - www.saskcoach.ca or phone (306) 780-9313.
Straight Talk about Children in Sport
By Janet LeBlanc and Louise Dickson
This is a “must read” book for everyone involved with children in sport. It is an easy-to-read, comprehensive book on how 6-12 year olds can get the most from their sport experience. It answers many questions for coaches, parents and administrators. How can sport be more fun? How can coaches and parents keep sport in perspective? When should children specialize? At what age should children become involved in competitive sport? Is there too much adult domination in children’s sport?
The following books are available to borrow from the Resource Centre of Sport, Culture, and Recreation - www.spra.sk.ca or by phone at 1-800-563-2555 or (306) 780-9424.
**Give Your Kids a Sporting Chance**
*By Kevin Spink*
This is an excellent, easy-to-read book on how parents can support their child’s sport experience in a positive manner. It has something to offer for parents of both aspiring athletes and recreational participants on how obvious and subtle off-field behaviours can enhance or have a negative effect on the child’s sport experience.
**Sport Parent**
*By Tom Hanlon*
A guide to help parents understand how to help their children gain the most from sport. It is part of the Sport Parent Education Program developed by the American Sport Education Program (ASEP).
**Parents Complete Guide to Youth Sports**
*By Nathan Smith, Ronald Smith, Frank Smoll*
Provides helpful information on parenting young athletes at all levels. It offers suggestions on what role parents should assume from entry level into sport to the elite level.
## 5. National Programs & Initiatives
Please visit the Sport Canada website at www.pch.gc.ca/progs/sc/multi-sport/index_e.cfm for an excellent list of national multi-service sport organizations such as:
- Aboriginal Sport Circle
- Canada Games Council
- Canadian Assoc. for the Advance of Women in Sport
- Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sports
- Canadian Olympic Committee
- Canadian Paralympic Committee
- Canadian Special Olympics
- Canadian Tire Foundation for Families
- Coaches of Canada
- ESTEEM Team
- Sport Information Resource Centre
- Sport Matters
- True Sport Foundation
6. Other Sport Initiatives and Supports
**Sport Medicine and Science Council of Saskatchewan**
www.smscs.ca
The Sport Medicine and Science Council of Saskatchewan provide professional sport consulting services to all levels of athletes within the province of Saskatchewan. The council is committed to the delivery of quality services in the targeted areas of Athletics Taping, Sport First Aid, Drug Education, Sport Nutrition, Mental Training, Exercise Physiology, Biomechanics, and Injury Care and Prevention. For more information on the costs of programs and services, contact the council at 1-888-350-5558.
**Long Term Athlete Development Model**
www.ltad.ca
This resource and website describes a 7-stage Canadian model of Long-Term Athlete Development (LTAD), a training, competition, and recovery program based on developmental age — the maturation level of an individual — rather than chronological age. It is athlete centred, coach driven, and administration, sport science, and sponsor supported. Athletes who progress through LTAD experience training and competition in programs that consider their biological and training ages in creating periodized plans specific to their development needs.
**Respect Ed for Sport, Culture & Recreation**
The goal of this program is “Supporting Participation – Free from Abuse and Harassment”. The program offers a number of services to sport, culture and recreation members, including: educational workshops on risk management, abuse and harassment; support for leaders, coaches and instructors; assistance in developing and implementing abuse and harassment policies; and response procedures at the grassroots level. For more information contact Michelle Dezell at (306) 975-0861 or email firstname.lastname@example.org.
**Preventing Sport-Related Injuries**
The following websites have information about preventing sport and recreation related injuries:
- Sport Medicine and Science Council of Saskatchewan
http://www.smscs.ca/services/firstaid/related.htm
- Nemours Foundation Kids Health for Parents
http://www.kidshealth.org/parent/nutrition_fit/fitness/sports_safety.html
- Australian Sport
http://www.ausport.gov.au/fulltext/2000/vic/spifs.asp
- Sports Injury Info
http://www.sportsinjuryinfo.com/
- Safe Kids USA
http://www.usa.safekids.org/tier2_rl.cfm?folder_id=178
High Five
HIGH FIVE® is a quality standard of Parks and Recreation Ontario designed to support the safety, well-being and healthy development of children in recreation and sport programs. We do this by providing parents and professionals with tools, training and resources that promote and support the principles of healthy child development. We have also developed the HIGH FIVE® Quality Assurance Process - a unique accreditation system for recreation and sport programs.
Everybody Gets to Play
The goal of Everybody gets to play™ is to enhance the quality of life of all children and youth living in poverty by increasing access to and participation in recreation opportunities. Visit this website for research and facts about poverty in Canada, the health and social consequences of poverty, and how recreation can improve the lives of kids, families and communities. There are resources to help you build partnerships in your community and plan effective action, workshops that help you build skills, raise awareness and mobilize your community, and success stories about programs that have already made a difference.
Canada’s Physical Activity Guides
Available from Health Canada at 1-888-334-9769 or www.healthcanada.ca/paguide
Canada’s Food Guide for First Nations, Inuit and Métis people
Available from Health Canada at 1-866-225-0709 or www.healthcanada.gc.ca/foodguide
“It’s very rewarding, helping kids out and volunteering my time. There is a real need for Aboriginal coaches and officials out there, and it’s an opportunity to get involved with your community.”
Morris Pasap, Head Coach
Fort Qu’Appelle Selects Bantam Boys Softball
Appendix A
Step 1 - WORKSHEETS
Understanding Needs and Determining Priorities
A) Identify the Children and Youth in your Community
How many children and youth does your community have in each stage of LTAD?
TIP: Your school or community census is the best source of information for the section or check with Statistics Canada at www.statcan.ca (home address) or call 1-800-263-1136.
| Stage | Male (0-6yrs) | Female (0-6yrs) |
|------------------------|--------------|-----------------|
| Active Start | | |
| Fundamentals | | |
| Learning to Train | | |
| Training to Train | | |
B) Identify your community’s assets and strengths
Take an inventory of your community - talk to schools, youth and community people and recreation departments. Identify what programs are currently provided for children and youth.
In what sport programs do the children and youth in your community currently participate? (Include gender and season)
Example: Hockey League - primarily males - fall/winter/spring
What types of support do you currently have in your community to assist in the development of structured sport programs? (Such as coaches, volunteers, facilities)
Example: Certified Wrestling Coach, Track, Arena
C) Identifying the gaps
The steps above provide information about the ages of children and youth, as well as the supports in your community. Please identify the following to better understand what sport program is needed by children and youth in your community?
TIP: Are sport opportunities provided for all children and youth? Are girls involved in community programs? Do the children and youth have several program options?
Looking at the population of children and youth that you have identified above, what age group would benefit the most from additional sport programming? Why?
Looking at the population of children and youth that you have identified above, what gender(s) would benefit the most from additional sport programming? Why?
Is your community using all the supports available? (i.e. is your school gym open after hours, do parents help out in your community, do you have trained coaches in your community, etc.)
D) Identify the barriers that prevent children and youth in your community from participating in sport
Discovering barriers that exist within your community will help you to address them. For example, if some families face financial problems, a possible solution would be to either access or start a KidSport™ program to help with the costs involved with the sport.
| Barriers | How can they be addressed? |
|-------------------------------------------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Example: Currently, we do not have trained coaches in the community. | We can access the Aboriginal Coaches and Officials program to train community members that can help out. |
NOTE: The following example will help you identify the barriers and provide solutions:
| Potential Barrier | Possible Solution |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| We are having trouble using the toolkit | • Contact the District or the person listed on page 3 of the workbook for help at anytime. |
| We don’t know how to involve more community partners | • Community partners can come from all over the community, and may or may not be sport enthusiasts.
• Partners may include the school(s), recreation departments, other community clubs and groups, health, justice, and businesses. They may help you with access to youth, volunteers, funding, promotion, and facilities and equipment.
• Consider why each partner would want to be involved (i.e. to provide help, to help promote, to provide equipment, etc.) and how the program benefits their needs (i.e. youth staying in school). Then ask or sell them on these reasons! |
| We don’t know how to involve the children and youth in the planning | • Ask the children, youth, and family members what they want and what their barriers are for participating in sport. Go to the children and youth directly (at the youth centre, school, store, wherever they hang out!) They will appreciate being asked and that leaders want to provide them with sport opportunities. |
| There are no trained coaches in our community to lead sports programs | • Access the Aboriginal Coaches and Officials program to train caregivers, parents, and retired athletes. |
| We don’t have enough people to help out with our sport programs | • Ask parents, caregivers, and community members to help out. Sometimes the person just needs to be personally asked!
• Food brings people together! Include snacks or a meal with meetings, etc. |
| We don’t have enough money | • Eligible communities can access the Aboriginal Community Sport Grant
• There are other funding programs that could support your sport development plans. Visit www.saskaboriginalresources.ca |
| Issue | Solutions |
|----------------------------------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| We organize sports but the children and youth don’t show up | • Be sure it is a sport they are interested in and that the sport is |
| | developmentally appropriate. |
| | • Find out why they are not attending, maybe they need a ride. |
| | • Promote the opportunity and what is important to them (i.e. chance to |
| | be with friends, play in tournaments, etc.). |
| | • Go to the school or youth centre to recruit participants. |
| | • Be consistent! Cancel as little as possible. Make it fun! |
| We don’t have a facility to play in | • Can the sport be played where you have access now (modified)? i.e. |
| | outdoor rink |
| | • Ask a neighbouring community to use their facility. |
| | • Can you set up a partnership agreement to use facilities in the |
| | community? (i.e. The school at no cost) |
| | • Is it a scheduling problem? Can you meet with the school or community |
| | recreation to get access? |
| We don’t have all the equipment we need | • Can you host a community fundraiser to get the equipment? |
| | • Can someone in the community help you get the equipment/school |
| | • Access a Kidsport™ program or consider starting the program in your |
| | community |
| | • Check with the provincial sport governing body or District to see |
| | if they can help you find equipment |
| | • Check to see if there are other grants or businesses that might want |
| | to sponsor you to purchase equipment |
| We don’t have a league to play or know where we can play other teams | • Contact your Sport, Culture and Recreation District to help connect you |
| | with other community leagues and/or teams to participate/compete against, |
| | or to develop a league |
| | • Contact the provincial sport governing body (i.e. Saskatchewan Soccer |
| | Association) to see what clubs, leagues, etc. are near you |
| We don’t know how we can travel to other communities or areas to | • Ask for help! Find out if the recreation department, community or |
| participate/compete | school has a van you could use. Are parents and family members willing |
| | to drive the participants? |
| | • Ensure that you have considered the funds you need to travel (i.e. gas, |
| | etc.). |
| | • Ensure that you have considered safety and insurance for your travel |
| | needs. |
| The parents don’t want to get involved | • Recruit parents, older siblings, and other family members to help as |
| | coaches, managers, drivers, record keepers, etc. Try and define what |
| | you need ahead of time, and communicate the specific task required to |
| | those helping out. |
| | • Thank and recognize your helpers for their support! |
| We want to encourage the children and youth to eat healthy. Who can | • Talk with a nutritionist, health promotion worker or public health |
| help? | nurse in your community for information and ideas. |
| | • Access the Canada’s Food Guide for First Nations, Inuit and Métis |
| | people from Health Canada |
| How can we keep the program going every year | • When community support is solid, a program can usually keep going from |
| | year to year. |
| | • Ensure the community sees the value in the program(s) for the children |
| | and youth |
| | • Try to have money budgeted for the sport every year, i.e. through the |
| | community or by fundraising. |
| | • When a program is well organized and consistent, participation is less |
| | likely to drop off. |
E) Identify your community sport needs
Is it a sport that is currently provided in your community but needs more structure? It is important to talk to the children and youth about their needs.
| Sport: | How was it identified as a need? |
|--------|---------------------------------|
| Example: Wrestling | We have a certified coach and the youth have expressed an interest. |
F) Below is a list of the top ten benefits of sport. Please use this list to identify the top three benefits that you want for the children and youth of your community, and why they are important for your community.
1) Keeps children and youth active
2) Fosters positive youth development
3) Enhances academic achievement
4) Teaches positive values and skills
5) Promotes positive lifestyle choices
6) Provides positive role models
7) Enhances mental health
8) Builds social capital (friendships, networks, and fun)
9) Contributes to quality of life in Saskatchewan communities
10) Renews Aboriginal Culture
TIP: Healthy communities are important for all Saskatchewan people and sport plays a critical role in creating healthy communities. Positive sport programming and participation contributes to the physical, emotional, and mental development of children and youth.
| Benefit: | Why is this benefit important to your community? |
|----------|-----------------------------------------------|
| | |
| | |
| | |
F) Create a vision for children and youth’s sport development in your community
Is it a sport that is currently provided in your community but needs more structure? It is important to talk to the children and youth about their needs.
What is your vision for sport in your community? What do you want it to look like?
Imagine your community 5-10 years from now.
H) Create a list of sport program ideas and set your sport program priorities
Generate ideas of sports that will meet community needs, utilize the resources available in the community, and provide new opportunities for the children and youth in your community. Involve as many people as possible and be creative. After you have generated your list of sport program ideas, the next step is to decide which sports will be priority for your community. Select the sport program that would best meet the needs of children and youth in your community and that can be provided with the resources available to you (on the worksheet, use the column on the far right to rank your priorities).
TIP: Consider the following questions to help your community determine its priorities:
- Did the children and youth identify the sport as a need?
- Are there other teams within your community or other communities that can participate in the sport through tournaments and leagues?
- Does your community have the facilities needed to provide the sport?
- Are you providing programs throughout the year?
| Sport | Stage of LTAD | Age | Gender | Season | Priority |
|----------------|-------------------|-------|--------|--------------|----------|
| Example: Table Tennis | Learning to Train | 8-11 | Female | Fall/Winter | 1 |
Appendix B
Step 2 - WORKSHEETS
Designing Your Sport Program
A) Support Needed
Which sport will your community develop?
Is the sport program new or existing?
☐ New sport program OR ☐ Existing sport which will be further developed (explain):
Who have you identified to support the sport program?
(i.e. people to help out, school, District, Provincial Sport Governing Body, etc.)
B) Participants
Who is the sport program going to support
☐ Both males and females ☐ Males ☐ Females
What age(s) will the participants be?
How many children and youth will participate?
How will your program recruit participants?
C) Developmentally Appropriate Sport
What stage of the Long Term Athlete Development Model will your community implement to meet the needs and priorities of children and youth in your selected sport?
TIP: Use the “Developmentally Appropriate Sport” information provided in the toolkit on page 7.
☐ Active Start ☐ Fundamentals ☐ Learning to Train ☐ Training to Train
What do you need to do in order to provide the sport program at this stage?
(i.e. try to access the sport specific Long Term Athlete Development for your sport. It will assist you in determining program priorities such as, skills needed and training requirements for athletes at a given stage. For example a Learning to Train soccer program would provide the following:
1) Equal playing time for all players to try all team positions
2) A focus on developing speed, flexibility and skills
3) A season that lasts 16-20 weeks)
D) Season
During what months will the program run?
How many weeks will the program run?
E) Practices
How many times per week will the team practice?
How long will each practice be?
F) Leagues and Competitions
Will the sport program be part of a league, if so which one?
Will the team participate in competitions, if so how many and where?
G) Facility
Where will the team practice?
Does your community have free access to the facility?
H) Coaches
How many coaches will the sport program need?
How will you recruit coaches?
TIP: The key role of the coaches is to help children and youth learn to love the game. Parents, older youth, teachers, and community leaders are all potential coaches.
Do your coaches require training?
TIP: The Aboriginal Coaches and Officials Program can help. For contact information go to www.saskcoach.ca
I) Officials
Will you need officials for the program?
How will the program recruit officials?
Do they require training?
TIP: The Aboriginal Coaches and Officials Program can help. For contact information go to www.saskcoach.ca
J) People to help out
How many people will you need to help out with the program?
(example: drivers, fundraising initiatives, coaching, etc.)
How will your program recruit people to help you?
TIP: When asking people to help, be specific about the job that needs to be done.
Will any training be required to ensure that the people helping you are supported?
(Example: the on-line volunteer training center at www.ovtc.ca has a fundraising course that can support your needs)
K) Safety
What measures will you take to ensure the safety of the participants?
(Example: Emergency Action Plan, insurance, equipment safety checks, etc.)
TIPS: Check with the provincial sport governing body, your community’s recreation department, and community schools, to discover the safety measures they use that can assist you.
The Sport Medicine and Science Council of Saskatchewan provides professional sport consulting services to all levels of athletes in areas such as sport first aid, injury care and prevention. For more information visit www.smscsqlx.sasktelwebhosting.com
Do you have liability insurance?
Where can you get this insurance?
TIP: Becoming a member of a PSGB will include liability insurance for the coach and athletes. Most memberships range from $5-40 per person. You also benefit in other ways. For a list of benefits, visit the Sask Sport website at www.sasksport.sk.ca
L) Nutrition and Health
What will the community do to encourage healthy eating and healthy living?
You may want to talk with a nutritionist, health promotion worker, or public health nurse in your community for information and ideas.
TIPS: The Canada Food Guide for First Nations, Inuit and Métis people from Health Canada is a valuable resource available at 1-866-225-0709 or by email at www.healthcanada.gc.ca/foodguide
The Sport Medicine and Science Council of Saskatchewan provides professional sport consulting services to all levels of athletes in areas such as sport nutrition and mental training.
M) Equipment
What equipment will be needed to run the program?
Does the community already own this equipment?
What equipment will have to be purchased?
N) Transportation
How will the participants get to practices, games, etc?
Does the community have access to vans or buses to transport the participants?
If transportation is needed, do you have volunteers to transport the participants?
O) Budget Summary
| Income: | Amount | Follow-up Actual |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------|-----------------|
| Saskatchewan Lotteries | $ | $ |
| Fundraising | $ | $ |
| Cash Donations/sponsorships | $ | $ |
| In-kind contributions (non-cash – please list) | $ | $ |
| Other sources (please list from Table 1 below) | $ | $ |
| 1. | $ | $ |
| 2. | $ | $ |
| 3. | $ | $ |
| **Total Income** | $ | $ |
| Expenditures: (identify in-kind expenditures with an asterisk*) | Amount | |
|------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------|-----------------|
| Facilities | $ | $ |
| Equipment Costs | $ | $ |
| Travel costs | $ | $ |
| Training/Development Costs | $ | $ |
| Other direct related expenditures (please list): | $ | $ |
| 1. | $ | $ |
| 2. | $ | $ |
| 3. | $ | $ |
| 4. | $ | $ |
| 5. | $ | $ |
| **Total expenditures** | $ | $ |
| Surplus/deficit without Community Sport Grant funding | $ | $ |
| Requested Grant Amount | $ | $ |
Appendix C
Step 3 - WORKSHEETS
Delivering Your Sport Program
A) Support Needed
List who will support you to deliver your sport program?
(Example: coaches, officials, helpers, fundraisers, etc.)
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
Identify the role for each person listed above will have in the sport program?
(Example: coach will plan and deliver practices, helpers will chaperone children and youth, etc.)
B) Parents and Caregivers
How will your sport program involve the parents, family members, or caregivers?
TIP: Encourage parents to watch practices, to help out as drivers or chaperones, and to encourage their child’s sport participation.
How will your sport program keep parents informed?
TIP: Parents need to know your coaching philosophy and how their children are progressing in the sport program. Try holding an information meeting at the start of the season and follow-up with regular letters sent home with the children.
How will your sport program ensure parents are aware of fair play and how to be positive sport parents?
TIP: Provide parents with the Long Term Athlete Development parents guide which can be found by visiting www.ltad.ca
C) Record Keeping
How will you keep records on your sport program?
(Example: attendance/participation, code of conduct forms, incident/accident reports)
TIP:
At minimum the coach should know each child’s name, address, and parent or caregiver contact information.
D) Recognition and Celebrating Success
How will you recognize your athletes, coaches, volunteers, etc and celebrate your community sport success?
TIPS:
Don’t wait until the end of the program to recognize and celebrate your successes! Little things can be done along the way like thank yous, announcements to recognize participants, and community recognition suppers or events.
Ideas include certificates of participation/achievements, community recognition night(s), suppers/feasts, awards programs, etc.
| Sport Program: (Example: name of sport) |
|---------------------------------------|
| Number of athletes involved in each age and gender group: |
| Number of coaches: | Number of officials: | Number of people who helped: |
| When did the program take place (season)? |
| Time(s)/Duration (i.e. 2/wk for 60 minutes): |
| Brief description of the sport program: |
| Did your program go as planned? Please explain. |
| Did the program meet the needs and benefits you wanted for the community’s children and youth? |
Describe the program successes:
Describe the challenges you may have encountered. Remember, challenges can help us discover a new way to do things and improve our programs.
Recommendations - Describe what will happen with the program during the next year/season? What changes will be made, if any?
How will you ensure your program will run next year?
Where will you get the funding? Will you have the same coaches and volunteers?
Other comments/notes:
IT'S MORE THAN A GAME
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Are you aware of the havoc endocrine disruptors are having on your health?
Our Endocrine System
The endocrine system is a collection of glands that regulate important bodily functions such as growth, metabolism & sexual development. The glands produce chemicals called hormones which are released directly into the bloodstream, where they travel to the target organs upon which they act. Each hormone shape is specific to the target cell it affects (a lock and key system) binding to the hormone receptors on the cells.
Endocrine disruptors
What are endocrine disruptors?
Every day we are being exposed to chemicals that are commonly found in our everyday household products, these chemicals are called endocrine disruptors, they have a similar structure to our body’s hormones and they can interfere with the body signaling pathways. They mimic our bodies own hormones. (Brownstein, 2012).
Health Concerns
Exposure to these chemicals has been linked to breast cancer, prostate cancer, worldwide increase in thyroid dysfunction, fertility issues and neurodevelopmental disorders in children and wildlife.
Dr. David Brownstein, M.D., one of the foremost American practitioners of conventional as well as holistic medicine says, “I have no doubt that one of the underlying reasons we are seeing such an epidemic of thyroid problems is due to the toxic load of chemicals including endocrine disruptors”. (Brownstein, 2011).
A recent report by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Health Organization (WHO) concluded that many common chemicals are disrupting the human hormone system and could have significant health implications. The report is titled, “State of the Science of Endocrine Disrupting Chemicals”. You can download this report by clicking on the following link: http://www.who.int/ceh/publications/endocrine/en/
The study calls for more research on endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDC’s). They are found in many common household and industrial products. In fact, there are over 800 known endocrine disrupting chemicals present in our environment and have been detected in human urine on nearly all people tested. There are some strong data sets (e.g. for PCBs, lead and methylmercury) showing that environmentally relevant developmental exposures to these EDCs and potential EDCs have caused cognitive and behavioural deficits in humans. (WHO/UNEP, 2013).
EDC’s disrupt the hormonal system. They can cause cancer, birth defects, lower the IQ in infants as well as cause developmental disorders in children. You can see the effect of EDC’s on our youth. Girls are developing secondary sexual characteristics at earlier and earlier ages. Furthermore, young girls are starting to menstruate at a much earlier age compared to 20 years ago. Both early breast development and early onset of menses increases a girl’s lifetime risk of developing breast cancer. (Brownstein, 2011).
EDCs have the capacity to interfere with tissue and organ development and function, and therefore they may alter susceptibility to different types of diseases throughout life. This is a global threat that needs to be resolved. (WHO/UNEP, 2013). In New Zealand metabolic disorders are of particular concern - the report highlighted that obesity, diabetes and metabolic syndrome are due to disruption of the energy storage–energy balance endocrine system and thus are potentially sensitive to EDCs.
The most common ways we are exposed to EDC’s is through packaging
- BPA
- Triclosan
- Phthalates
- Polybrominated diphenyl ethers and polychlorinated biphenyls (PDBEs) and PCBs
Bisphenol A (BPA) is a chemical used to produce polycarbonate plastics. This type of plastic is used as it is strong, light and see through. Epoxy resins are also used as an adhesive and can be found in a variety of consumer products such as:
- Baby bottles
- Compact discs (CD’s)
- Dental sealants
- Food containers
- Water bottles
BPA’s are found in many other products such as floor coverings, enamels, varnish, nail polish and cash register receipts. What can we do about this problem? As high as 90% there are over 800 known EDC’s in our environment but we can help protect our families by reducing exposure to these chemicals helping to lower the health risks.
If you look closely at most plastic products —including containers —you will find a triangle with a number in the middle. These numbers indicate what the plastic is made of, and whether or not the product is “safe” to recycle. But they will also tell you if the plastics contain endocrine disruptors, such as bisphenol A (BPA), triclosan, and phthalates.
Recycling codes 3 and 7 are more likely to contain phthalates and/or bisphenol A. Plastics coded 1 or 5 may be safer. However, there may be other components that are endocrine disrupters.
It is my opinion that it is best to avoid food in a plastic container, if possible. Glass or ceramic containers are much safer. It is also important that you never heat food in a container labelled with a 3 or 7, because it will cause more phthalates to be released. In fact, you should never heat any food in a plastic container.
For more information on how to understand the plastic identification codes in New Zealand and how to recognize the plastics that are hazardous to you as well as tips on cutting down on your plastic use read the following articles:
Plastic Recycling Guide
http://www.recycle.co.nz/edit/ftpuploads/157090999_Plastics%20Recycling%20Guide%20by%20Type.pdf
How to Recognize the Plastics That are Hazardous to You
http://articles.mercola.com/sites/articles/archive/2013/04/11/plastic-use.aspx
As a naturopath I advocate that “fresh & natural is best” you just can’t beat homemade wholesome organic foods and beverages. Of course they do take longer to prepare but with some organisation this can be achieved and certainly worth the effort.
Written by Juelle Hunt
(BNatMed) Naturopath &
Medical Herbalist
Revitalize Naturopathic Healthcare
www.revitalizehealth.co.nz
Disclaimer
The Naturopathic and natural health information contained on this in this article is for EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES only and does not mean to replace medical advice, diagnosis or treat any disease. We do not assume any liability for the use of any information contained in this publication.
References:
Brownstein, D (2012). Natural Way to Health vol 5 issue 5. http://w3.newsmax.com/newsletters/brownstein/issues/hormones052/brownstein_hormones052_43.pdf
Brownstein, (2012). Plastics to avoid. Newsmax.com. http://news.max.tv/1QbMercola. How To Recognize the Plastics That Are Hazardous to You?. Retrieved March 20, 2012, from http://articles.mercola.com/sites/articles/archive/2013/04/11/plastic-use.aspx
Plastics New Zealand (2013), The Plastic Identification Code. http://www.plastics.org.nz/documents/plasticcode-7.pdf
WHO (World Health Organization)/UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme) 2013. The State-of-the Science of Endocrine Disrupting Chemicals – 2012 (Bergman Å, Heindel JJ, Jobling S, Kidd KA, Zoeller RT, eds). Geneva: UNEP/WHO. Available: http://www.who.int/ceh/publications/endocrine/en/index.html
MEET CHEF Kevin Blakeman
A Sustainable Chef who has worked at the Houses of Parliament, England cooking for the Prime Minister and the Queen to name a few.
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Chapter 6
Actions to Promote Educational Success
Having grown up in the ‘30s and early ‘40s in New York City, I never saw a prostitute or witnessed drug activity. My wife and sister as teenagers could ride the subways late at night and walk home in safety.
From the United States Information Agency comes this report about effects of the Great Depression. “In October 1929 the stock market crashed, wiping out 40 percent of the paper values of common stock. Even after the stock market collapse, however, politicians and industry leaders continued to issue optimistic predictions for the nation’s economy. But the Depression deepened, confidence evaporated and many lost their life savings. By 1933 the value of stock on the New York Stock Exchange was less than a fifth of what it had been at its peak in 1929. Business houses closed their doors, factories shut down and banks failed. Farm income fell some 50 percent. By 1932 approximately one out of every four Americans was unemployed.”¹
Some like to blame poverty as a cause of our social problems. In the midst of the great poverty of the Great Depression, the public school teachers
rated the top seven disciplinary problems in 1940 as: talking out of turn, chewing gum, making noise, running in the hall, cutting in line, dress code violations, and littering. Fifty years later when our country was much more prosperous, these were the top public school disciplinary problems: drug abuse, alcohol abuse, pregnancy, suicide, rape, robbery, and assault. What happened?
The permissive, “do-what-you-want” philosophy of moral relativism permeated our educational system. As a substitute teacher in 27 different public schools, I witnessed firsthand the fear of children sitting in these permissive, undisciplined jungles. From the 1940s to now, everything has changed. Now in the smallest towns doors must be locked, and it’s unsafe for women to be out alone at night.
Those believing in moral relativism refuse to provide positive training for children. They have their buzzwords: they’re for children’s rights and tolerance. They teach children there are no moral absolutes and they should choose their own way. Then we wonder why so many choose destructive paths for themselves and for society.
What is the key to turning America around and bringing back civility and common sense standards of morality? One of the major keys is to insist that our children attend schools that implement programs promoting character which leads to educational success.
The educational crisis facing America today is a philosophical crisis: should the inherent values of our educational system be based on moral relativism that there are no absolutes, or should our educational system be based on America’s historical value system? There are four main crisis areas facing schools: educational, disciplinal, racial, and moral. The key to success in each of these areas has to do with which value system is chosen.
What would happen if educational leaders would declare from America’s heritage this value from the Declaration of Independence?
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.
As a consequence of our Constitution that all men are created equal, regardless of your color or background, all students must behave and respect every teacher and student in their desire of life, liberty and pursuit of happiness.
Could you envision the transformation of our schools if there would be a sign over every school entrance: “Once you enter these doors, we will not
tolerate misbehavior!” Everything would be done to help misbehaving students, but those refusing to change—reform school.
I’m not endorsing carrying a bat and clobbering any kid who disobeys. That’s how opponents would like to paint those believing in discipline. But proper discipline creates a loving atmosphere that refuses to tolerate misbehavior so that all students can receive the best education. Fair, firm, and loving discipline works wherever it’s applied: classrooms, schools, families, or businesses. Effective discipline needs all three. Eliminate any one of these three principles of fair, firm, or loving, and discipline will be ineffective.
Some may ask, “Why are you so strong on discipline?” I’m strong on discipline because I’ve witnessed firsthand as a substitute teacher the frustration of teachers and the fear of children sitting in undisciplined classrooms. I’ve documented in my book, *Schools in Crisis: Training for Success or Failure?* the ruinous effect that undisciplined schools have on children’s educational experience. In undisciplined schools might makes right, and bullies become the leaders.
It’s the same in the home. With 14 grandchildren I get many opportunities to watch them. Children demand justice. If Zachary acts as a bully and grabs a toy from his brother Nathan, Nathan will yell, “That’s my toy!”
Nathan is right to object. If I act as a loving grandpa, I’ll demand justice that each child must respect the rights of others. I’ll tell Zachary, “No, you can’t take a toy from Nathan.” And if Zachary does this again, I will punish him and put him in timeout. Zachary will learn that in grandpa’s house bullying will not be tolerated. If I don’t intervene and demand justice, then the rule of the jungle will prevail—the weak will be exploited by the strong. This will cause constant friction.
It’s the same with schools. All the lofty goals of leaving no child behind can never be achieved unless schools are disciplined. Effective education is only possible in a disciplined atmosphere. Others may contend, “You’re much too hard. What about children’s rights?” That’s exactly the problem. What about the rights of the innocent children being deprived of a proper education? What about the right of not being abused by bullies? Put yourself into the shoes of those who are bullied.
Listen to how it affected Erika Harold, who was chosen Miss America. Harold has been so affected by bullying that she goes on speaking tours telling about her experience of being bullied in ninth grade. “It started out with people calling me names, and then it got worse,” Harold said. “They threw things at me, they vandalized my house, and they sang nasty songs about me in school hallways and classrooms. It got so bad that I felt like I was in danger physically.”
What about Miss America’s rights when she was bullied in ninth grade? Fight Crime: Invest in Kids, a national advocacy group that consists of over 2,000 law enforcement officers and victims of violence, reports that each year for children in grades six through ten nearly one in six, or 3.2 million, were victims of bullying and 3.7 million were bullies. Of those labeled as bullies in grades six through nine, nearly 60 percent of the boys were convicted of one crime by the time they reached 24. Those bullied, the report stated, citing U.S. and European studies, are five times more prone to be depressed and more likely to be suicidal.\(^3\) A study by Vanderbilt University estimates that each high-risk juvenile that is saved from a life of crime would save the country from $1.7 to $2.3 million.\(^4\) What would happen if all schools would implement a fair, firm, and loving discipline policy?
Governor of Arkansas, Mike Huckabee, points out in his book, *Character Is the Issue*, the consequences of lack of values:
If Arkansas is going to be the great state that it can be and must be, we must put Arkansas first in underscoring responsibility. I believe we focus so many times only on revenues. Today I’ll offer a new paradigm of government, suggesting that maybe we’ve misplaced priorities, believing that what we do with
the cash is more important than what we do with character. Let me be blunt and say that all the problems we face in our society are not monetary. Quite a few are moral.
We’re going to be criticized for even suggesting that is really the core of the problem. But my friends, I’d rather be criticized for being honest with the real problems than for ignoring them. And I submit to you today that falling test scores, illegitimacy, drug and alcohol dependence, crime, and domestic violence are really symptoms of a crisis of integrity far more than just a crisis of cash....
Our rate of illegitimacy in Arkansas is too high. The fact is that 88 percent of the women who have a child out of wedlock and never finish high school will end up in poverty. And we will end up paying for them in welfare benefits. Interestingly enough, only 8 percent of women who finish high school, get married, and have a baby after the age of 20 will ever be in poverty. It seems to me that if we want a 92 percent success rate in dealing with some of the problems, let’s make sure that our students finish school, let’s make sure that they understand the responsibilities of a marriage, and let’s make sure that they understand the responsibilities of bringing a child into this world. And that involves dealing with character.
A young male is twice as likely to be involved in criminal activity if he has no father in the home and three times as likely to be involved in criminal activity if he comes from a neighborhood where the majority are single-parent families. It’s costly, my friends, when we ignore this issue....
It can cost us as much as $40,000 a year to take care of one juvenile who has fallen into delinquency....The cost of the state courts in the past decade has risen from $6.2 million to $17.2 million. The more crime we have, the more prison beds we have to create at a cost of about $22,000 per bed—$77 million more in prison expenditures in the past decade. All of that is money that ought to be, could be, should be going for better education, for better highways, for a better atmosphere that we could live in...The sad thing is that as long as we continue to spend money addressing the symptoms rather than addressing the root cause, we may always be thinking that it’s just a matter of money when the truth is that it is also the matter of us taking the leadership and believing that integrity is important and it’s got to start somewhere.\(^5\)
Are we getting the picture of the great social cost for lack of character? Money that could be spent for bettering the life of citizens must be spent on those
who have not been trained in character.
In the early 1980s, two social scientists advocated what became known as the broken-window theory. They claimed that if a broken window was not fixed in a neighborhood, other windows in the neighborhood would likewise be smashed. Why? It sent a message that no one cared. This produced further vandalism and criminal-minded individuals would be attracted while law-abiding citizens would leave. The key was to immediately fix the broken window. Charles Colson in his book, *How Now Shall We Live?* cites what happened when New York City implemented the broken-window theory:
In the early 1990s, New York Police Chief William Bratton took the broken-window theory to heart and persuaded New York’s newly elected mayor and tough ex-prosecutor Rudolph Guiliani to give the theory a try. The order went out to police in Precincts 69 and 75 and to Brooklyn, where Officer Sal was stationed, to ‘fix broken windows’—that is, to arrest petty offenders and clean up the neighborhoods. The police adopted a policy of zero tolerance for any violation of public order, and in the process they soon discovered that there is indeed a ‘seamless web’ between controlling petty crime and restraining major crime. Whereas before they had ignored turnstile
jumping at subways, officers now nabbed the offenders, who, as often as not, turned out to be muggers. Whereas before they had turned a blind eye to minor traffic violations, they now stopped all traffic violators, which often led to the discovery of drugs and guns in the cars. They chased away loiterers and panhandlers, many of whom were drug dealers looking for a sale. In three years in Precinct 75, once one of the most dangerous places in America, the number of homicides dropped from 129 to 47.\textsuperscript{7}
How many school problems would evaporate if administrators would insist that every student respects the rights of others and if “zero tolerance” would be implemented for misbehavior? That would send a strong message about the character virtue of respecting others.
Schools should also provide programs that every child, regardless of race or color, has the opportunity to achieve his or her fullest constitutional right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Standards for each grade should be implemented, materials should be provided that teach and encourage children to reach their full potential, and teachers should be evaluated on their teaching.
Those opposed to such programs would like to portray this as being judgmental and as forcing
one’s beliefs on children. They present themselves as champions of being nonjudgmental and of supporting individual liberty. It’s the exact opposite—this method creates an environment where *all* children can be taught the values of how they can become successful and enjoy their full liberty. Those opposed to training children in proper behavior, in their perverted view of liberty, allow children in undisciplined schools and permissive learning environments to fall further and further behind. The result? Today, America ranks close to the bottom in the industrialized world in educational achievement.
Here are four keys to successful schools:
1. **Educational:** Insist that every child receive a proper education by providing appropriate teaching materials for every grade, eliminating automatic promotion, administering standards for every grade, and evaluating teachers.
2. **Disciplinal:** Insist that every school provide a disciplined learning environment so children are protected and can receive a proper education.
3. **Racial:** Create a learning atmosphere that treats all races the same, and provide resources so all children can reach their full potential.
4. **Moral:** Reject moral relativism by
providing textbooks that teach the values that built our nation, and promote virtues that help children develop successful habits.
I could go into much detail about the educational, disciplinal, racial, and moral solutions. I addressed these issues in detail in the 335-page book I wrote: *Schools in Crisis: Training for Success or Failure?* The book is available free on our website.\(^8\) The book provides many principles for successful schools that are still applicable.
Our Founding Fathers built this nation because they believed in values. They did not believe in moral relativism. My hope is that Americans will wake up and return to our constitutional heritage. Imagine what would happen if educational leaders would implement these four steps for successful schools across America. I know there are strong forces opposed to these common-sense methods. It’s much easier to take a permissive hands-off policy and let schools and children find their own way. Concerned individuals must insist that something be done that American schools can once again become models of achievement and promote the values that made our nation successful.
**Schools Making a Difference**
But there are schools, principals, and teachers who
believe in values, and they are making a difference. Trevor Armbrister, in “Principals of Success,” reports that *Reader’s Digest* visited four schools “where inspired leadership, innovative programs and old-fashioned values have resulted in small miracles of achievement.” Here’s one report:
The 1650 students at Bennett-Kew and Kelso elementary school in Inglewood, Calif., are predominantly Hispanic and African American. Most of them are poor, and about half speak English as a second language. Still, they performed almost as well as affluent counterparts....
It wasn’t always this way. When Ichinaga became principal of Bennett in 1974, the school, near Los Angeles International Airport, was in chaos. There were few textbooks and no defined curriculum. Students did their own thing—and scored at the third percentile on state reading tests. According to Ichinaga, teachers shrugged, as if to say, “What did you expect?”....
Ichinaga, who grew up in Hawaii, found a kindred spirit in Marjorie Thompson, a transplanted Kentuckian and principal of nearby Kelso Elementary. Together they rebelled against low expectations and fashionable educational trends.
Resisting efforts to “dumb down” what they taught, both principals instituted a rigorous core curriculum centered on reading, writing and math. Convinced that reading was the critical skill for their kids, Ichinaga and Thompson began using a structured, phonics-based language-arts program called Open Court. The results have been impressive....
Ichinaga and Thompson also said no to social promotions, meaning they wouldn’t allow failing kids to move automatically to the next grade....
It took years, but many Californians have come to agree that Ichinaga and Thompson were right about a lot of things. That includes former state school superintendent Bill Honig, who was calling the shots when “whole language” was adopted. “Many kids never learned to read,” he says. “To the extent whole language stood in many teachers’ minds for not teaching [basic] skills, it caused a lot of harm.”9
Notice these two principals “rebelled against low expectations” to “dumb down” the curriculum and instituted the time-tested method of phonics to teach reading. They also rejected the easy route of social promotions and applied “old-fashioned values” with a belief that all kids can learn.
In *A Gift of Character: The Chattanooga Story*, Dr. Philip Fitch Vincent, Nancy Reed, and Dr. Jesse Register relate what happened when the Hamilton County School District, with 44 elementary schools, 15 middle schools, 10 high schools, and 9 special schools integrated character education into the school curriculum.
Before a character education program was implemented, they wanted to reject the failures of values clarification that morals are relative and the weaknesses of the self-esteem movement that promotes false hopes. The authors stated: “We must instill in students a knowledge and love of the good. We must develop rules and procedures to insure a good climate for learning. In short, a school must have standards, and values clarification provides none.” Then the authors pointed out: “Next in training, we addressed the false promise of the self-esteem movement as a means to help students develop civic and virtuous traits. We recognized that *feeling* good is not the same as *being* good.”\(^{10}\) The school district established these principles:
1. Establishment of Rules and Procedures for behavior.
2. Cooperative Learning where students work together.
3. Teaching for Thinking so students use reasoning skills to develop character.
4. Reading for Character where students read
literature “that is worth reading and that provides strong examples of good character.”
5. Service Learning where students are encouraged to help others both within and outside the school.\(^{11}\)
They enlisted the representatives of the community and businesses, and sent 800 letters to ministers and religious youth leaders of various faiths inviting them to a meeting to discuss the district’s character initiative. They provided training for superintendents and their representatives, principals, guidance counselors, and teachers. Schools were encouraged to develop their own character education programs. The reports received from elementary, middle, and high schools showed some schools with a decrease in office referrals and suspensions up to 300%; less fighting, stealing, and other violent offenses; more lost items returned; and students eager to help teachers and others.
A school stated in its report: “Character education is not presented as a separate subject for our children to learn. The message of this curriculum is integrated throughout the day by all of the employees of the school, and our children are reminded of the character traits everywhere they go. Teachers include discussions and activities about character in every academic subject from reading to math to social studies.”\(^{12}\)
This is an important point to those supporting character education. Character education should not be just an isolated lesson on a certain character trait;
character education should be a program that infiltrates the entire curriculum.
Another school noted: “We integrated character education into every aspect of our school. This integration included curriculum, music, guidance, library, cafeteria, physical education, programs, discipline plans, newsletters, and PTO meetings. Guest speakers have come, and entire assemblies have been devoted to character.”\(^{13}\)
Character education works when proper values are stressed. Tim Stafford, in “Helping Johnny Be Good,” reports that San Marcos Junior High won the California Distinguished School Award. Ten years ago the school had a crisis: more than one out of five girls were pregnant. To counter this, San Marcos Junior High began a comprehensive character education program, including one of the first abstinence-based sex education programs and the “How to Be Successful” program. These programs were successful. Pregnancies decreased dramatically even though the student population increased. Skeptical teachers were won over after they witnessed the fruits of success from these programs.\(^{14}\)
*U.S. News & World Report* in “Morality goes to schools” states about character education: “There’s no shortage of compelling testimonials. ‘It’s like night and day’ at the 30 Dallas public schools that instituted Character Counts! five years ago, says Linda Jones, who oversees the project at the Dallas Independent
School District. ‘The whole emotional atmosphere of the building changes. It becomes a kinder, gentler place.’ Other schools have seen fights and suspensions plummet.”\textsuperscript{15}
In “Character Education Is Back in Our Public Schools,” Michael Josephson reported that “South Dakota State University surveyed 7,000 to 8,000 students and concluded” that Character Counts “helped cut crime, drug use, drinking, and other socially harmful activities sharply.”\textsuperscript{16}
\section*{Actions by Educators}
There are administrators, principals, guidance counselors, librarians, and teachers who believe in our heritage and value system and are alarmed at the deterioration of our schools. Individually they often feel helpless to change the entrenched relativistic bureaucracy. John Leo, in \textit{U.S. News & World Report}, states this chilling fact: “A study by the Public Agenda research group found that only 7 percent of education professors think teachers should be conveyers of knowledge; 92 percent believe teachers should just ‘enable students to learn on their own.’ Hymowitz thinks anticulturalism explains why bad schools fight so tenaciously to hold on to failed programs: They are more deeply interested in ideology than in results.”\textsuperscript{17}
Yes, in spite of documented failure, there are powerful forces who cling to their ideology of
advocating the permissive route of leaving students to learn on their own and opposing teaching children successful values. Nevertheless, administrators, principals, guidance counselors, librarians, teachers, and parents need to speak out boldly and implement principles of educational success and moral virtues, even if it’s just locally in their class or school. There are numerous resources for character education. At our website is information about character education organizations under “Free Resources.” In addition, educators and concerned individuals need to become active and write to their organizations and other institutions when they promote values they deem inappropriate. We must let our voices be heard.
**Actions by Parents**
One of the most important things parents can do is to discipline their children and train them in positive values, and not simply rely on the schools to do the job for them. Parents need to have moral standards and teach them to their children. Above all, parents need to “walk the talk.” Children will imitate us regardless of how much we teach them otherwise. Today, parents must be extremely careful they don’t succumb to the deadly moral standards that are so popularized on TV, in music, children’s magazines, and our present culture of letting children be free to
develop their own values. Children need guidance; wise are those parents who supervise their children, provide positive materials, and take time to teach them successful virtues.
Parents need to be concerned that the schools their children attend support character education. If they don’t, become an active voice for character education: encourage the librarian to purchase character-building books, become active in PTA, speak to the principal, and write to the superintendent. Let your voice be heard.
**Men and Women of Action**
What transpires in schools has repercussions far beyond classrooms; it affects every aspect of our national life. Every culture to survive must transmit its beliefs and values to the next generation. America, particularly the schools, has seriously departed from our historical beliefs and values and embraced an alien philosophy causing a crisis in our society.
Governor Mike Huckabee in his book, *Character Is the Issue*, stated:
There’s a continuing debate about why American society has renounced its traditional standards of integrity. Many people agree that as a nation we once recognized a common standard and that somehow we’ve drifted away
from it. The “right thing” today is subjective, which has caused problems with everything from discipline in the schools to pornography on the Internet.
How did we move in one generation from a society with a shared, confident sense of right to a society of relativism and moral decay?
**No Single Answer**
The first step to answering that question is to admit there isn’t just one answer….If any force is going to overcome a free, prosperous country like America, it won’t happen all at once. America has a solid foundation of liberty, personal dignity, and opportunity. Anybody can rise above his social circumstances. There’s no caste system. You don’t have to be a member of nobility to get ahead.
The only way to destroy something with that kind of foundation is to chip away at it, one value at a time. Take away its heart and essence. Bring doubt to what used to be confidence, denial to what used to be faith, death to what was life. I think that is what has happened.
Contrast that of the Great Depression with the generation of today. During the Depression, people were poor, hungry, and out of work. Yet they didn’t engage in the kind of gang violence
we have in our schools today. Students weren’t killing each other for a pair of shoes. Crime could easily have been justified by saying, “I’m hungry, and I don’t have as much as you; therefore, I have a right to take what I can get.” Dishonesty was still considered wrong, and thieves were despised.\textsuperscript{18}
Then Governor Huckabee pointed out, “Public officials and the policies they set show how far we have drifted, one tiny step at a time.”\textsuperscript{19} That’s the key to bringing America back to its foundational strength, “one step at a time,” even if they are tiny steps.
Governor Huckabee put his words into action. He instituted character education in public schools to teach children “age-old manners such as manners and respect for others.”\textsuperscript{20}
What we have in America today is a clash of worldviews. We constantly witness the polarization in the arts, politics, business, media, and education. Do we believe in the moral absolutes that America was founded upon or moral relativism? For a bright future for America, both economically and socially, we need to return to our foundational roots and restore the principles that made our nation successful. Since our nation’s future will be largely determined by how the upcoming generation is taught, an important place to start is by training our children with positive values.
I urge everyone to become involved in the education of children. It has been said, “What you put into the school will appear in the life of the people of the next generation.” We must provide children with an education in keeping with the standards that have made our nation successful. We should never forget the future pain and suffering these children will encounter because of the destructive effects of their inadequate moral learning experience.
I want to also stress the social and economic impact when character is not a national priority. Taxpayers must pay billions of dollars because of lack of character training resulting in drug abuse, assault, robbery, rape, venereal diseases, illegitimate children, alcohol abuse, and other socially harmful activities. Money that could be much better spent on improving education, building safer highways, and providing better health care for the masses. Who will arise to call America back to her foundational strengths? The issues are clearly marked; the lines are drawn.
There is hope. On September 11, 2001, terrorists, in hopes of discouraging Americans, targeted our nation and with four planes flew into the World Trade Center, The Pentagon, and crashed into an open field and within a few hours murdered over 3,000 innocent people. That tragic event brought a new awakening to Americans. There is good and evil, and we as Americans have a value system that we’re willing to defend. Nine days after the terrorists attack, President George W. Bush, addressing a Joint Session of the U.S. Congress put out this challenge:
Americans are asking: What is expected of us? I ask you to live your lives, and hug your children....I ask you to uphold the values of America, and remember why so many have come here. We are in a fight for our principles, and our first responsibility is to live by them.
Let’s hug our children and join the fight to uphold the values of America. We must not become discouraged over the entrenched bureaucracy or by their favorite attack of labeling opponents as bigoted and intolerant. We must not tolerate the idea that teaching character is unacceptable. Every small step in the right direction is a victory.
There is hope as parents, teachers, librarians, principals, superintendents, and those in authority insist our moral heritage and its values are taught in our schools. Everyone needs to be on the offensive and reject the relativistic philosophy; the future of our nation hinges on the values of its children.
Let each of us take the mantle of responsibility to transform American education into a system producing educated, moral citizens. Our action or inaction will determine what happens to our great nation. | <urn:uuid:e3b83dc9-62dd-4415-967b-72d80c6e0dea> | CC-MAIN-2022-27 | http://www.advancepublishing.com/Character_Under_Attack/Character%20Under%20Attack%20Chapter%206.pdf | 2022-06-25T14:16:25+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656103035636.10/warc/CC-MAIN-20220625125944-20220625155944-00105.warc.gz | 66,287,651 | 6,243 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998308 | eng_Latn | 0.998764 | [
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Providence Christian School of Texas Class Six Summer Reading Assignment 2022
NOTE: Both portions of this assignment are due the first day of school.
Banner in the Sky:
Your first novel for Class Six will be Banner in the Sky by James Ramsey Ullman, a fabulous story about a young boy with an almost impossible dream. Please read the following edition and bring it to school on the first day of class:
Ullman, James Ramsey. Banner in the Sky. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1988. ISBN: 978-0-06-447048-3
As you read, make observations about Rudi, the main character, recording meaningful quotations from the text on the chart provided in this packet. These quotes might be something Rudi says, does, or thinks; they might also include what another character says about him or comments the narrator makes. Remember that the quotes you select should reveal Rudi's character qualities, and you should not repeat any qualities. Remember too, that not all aspects of a person's character are positive. Choose examples that show positive and negative characterisitics. Each quote should reveal something different about Rudi. Be sure to put quotations in quotation marks, indicate the speaker of a direct quotation, and include the page number for each quote! In the "Commentary" column, offer thoughts regarding what the quote reveals to you about Rudi's character. Record a minimum of ten quotes. Select quotes from various chapters rather than from only one part of the book.
Adam of the Road:
For your second summer reading assignment, read Adam of the Road by Elizabeth Janet Gray. You will enjoy this book about the Middle Ages. Please read the following edition and bring it to school on the first day of class:
Gray, Elizabeth Janet. Adam of the Road. New York: Puffin Books, 1942.
ISBN: 978-0142406595
While reading, please record meaningful quotations on the chart provided in this packet. Pretend you are a historian and you are on the hunt for historic details that tell you about life in thirteenth-century England. Remember that the quotes you select should reveal various aspects of the culture of the Middle Ages, and you should not repeat any aspects of culture. Each quote should reveal something different about the Middle Ages. These aspects of culture include occupations, apparel, housing arrangements, religious preferences and practices, beliefs, superstitions, and major events. Be sure to put quotations in quotation marks, indicate the speaker of a direct quotation, and include the page number for each quote! In the "Commentary" column, offer thoughts about what the quote reveals to you about the culture of the Middle Ages. Record a minimum of ten quotes. Select quotes from various chapters rather than from only one part of the book.
NOTE: Please see the grading rubric on the last page of this packet for information about how the assignment will be graded.
Providence Christian School
Summer Reading Assignment 2022 Class Six Banner in the Sky
Page
Meaningful Quotation
36
"Rudi talked on. About the north face, about the west ridge, the southwest ridge. He talked quietly and thoughtfully, but with deep inner excitement, for this was the first time in his life that he had been able to speak to anyone of these things which he had thought and studied for
so long…"
Commentary
Here the author demonstrates Rudi’s passion. Although he does not seem to be interested in some of the things other boys care about, he is deeply passionate about climbing the Citadel, which illustrates his fervor for his life’s mission.
Page
Meaningful Quotation
___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________
Commentary
_________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________
Page
Meaningful Quotation
___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________
Commentary
_________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________
Page
Meaningful Quotation
___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________
Commentary
_________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________
Providence Christian School
Summer Reading Assignment 2022 Class Six Adam of the Road
Commentary
As the author's description of Roger implies, evidently there were different classes of minstrels in the Middle Ages – some poorer than others.
Page
Meaningful Quotation
___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________
Commentary
_________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________
Page
Meaningful Quotation
___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________
Commentary
_________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________
Page
Meaningful Quotation
___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________
Commentary
_________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________
Providence Christian School Summer Reading 2022 Class Six Grading Rubric
| Criterion | Points Possible |
|---|---|
| Neatness | 5 |
| Grammar/Spelling | 5 |
| Completeness: 10 meaningful quotations with commentary for Banner in the Sky; 10 meaningful quotations with commentary for Adam of the Road | 40 |
| Appropriateness: Quotations and commentary from Banner in the Sky deal with Rudi’s character; quotations and commentary from Adam of the Road deal with the culture of the Middle Ages | 40 |
| Variety: Each commentary from Banner in the Sky reveals different traits about Rudi, and each commentary from Adam of the Road reveal different aspects related to the Middle Ages. | 10 | | <urn:uuid:f3fc30f2-7fde-4d8b-9c9b-e91581cbac30> | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | https://resources.finalsite.net/images/v1652290948/pcstxorg/claphjinfiienb18byyy/Class-Six-Summer-Reading-2022.pdf | 2023-03-31T03:29:22+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296949533.16/warc/CC-MAIN-20230331020535-20230331050535-00595.warc.gz | 555,589,506 | 1,169 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.916322 | eng_Latn | 0.982046 | [
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4.6 Case study 6 (CS6 Germany)
In this case study, a cohort of lower second level students was introduced to inquiry by considering the collision of an egg as a model for crash test investigations. The skills chosen for assessment were developing hypotheses, planning investigations and working collaboratively, which were assessed formatively during the class. The teacher used observation and classroom dialogue to evaluate performance, and used the "traffic light cups" method for ensuring adequate support was provided, as needed.
(i) How was the learning sequence adapted?
The Collision of an egg SAILS inquiry and assessment unit was implemented in full; the learning sequence followed the steps described in the unit with no modifications. The main idea of the lesson was that the students should plan and carry out their own crash-‐test investigations.
The teacher started the learning sequence with a picture of a car crash test and asked the students to describe the picture under energy aspects. The students were not in agreement if a hard or a deformable crash zone of a car would be a better protection for the passengers during a crash. Therefore the teacher described the use of eggs as objects for the crash test studies. After a discussion in classroom the students named two main variables in an experimental approach with egg crash test. First, the drop height of the egg and, second, variation of the ground on which the egg drops (e.g. a steel pot or a container with feathers) were mentioned. In the approach a variation of the ground was seen as an easy changeable equivalent to a variation of components of the crash zone of a car. In addition other variables in the experimental approach like the side of the egg that should point down were discussed. The research question that rose out of the initial part of the lesson was written at the white board: What is the maximum drop height before the egg breaks for different surfaces that the egg drops on?
(ii) Which skills were to be assessed?
The following skills were assessed in this case study:developing hypotheses,planning investigations and working collaboratively (debating with peers). Assessment opportunities included teacher observation and feedback, evaluation of student artefacts and self-‐assessment.
The teacher used different formative assessment methods to provide feedback to the students. During the inquiry process the teacher used a method called "traffic light cups." The methodological approach allows students to indicate their need for help during practical work by using different coloured cups (red cup: we need help urgently, yellow cup: we need help but have some time, green
cup: no problems). This method is intended to facilitate focused and purposeful feedback by the teacher.
In addition the teacher tried to give feedback on the observations he made during the lesson concerning difficulties in the experimental approach. At the end of the lesson a self-‐evaluation sheet was planned (Table 1). The teacher wanted to get information about students' perception of the inquiry. He wanted to know how each student valued his own role in the group work. Additionally the teacher planned six multiple-‐choice questions to get feedback about students' understanding about the physical concept of energy.
Table 1: Self-‐assessment card for assessment of planning investigations
(iii) Criteria for judging assessment data
The teacher tried to get and to give feedback by the methods described previously. The assessment focused mainly on the inquiry skillplanning investigations. The teacher described following learning goals as essential:
* Control of variables in their planning of the investigation
* Formulating testable hypothesis (developing hypotheses
)
* Carrying out at least one experimental approach
* Communicate adequately in the groups (working collaboratively)
* Reflect about their individual working process.
(iv) Evidence collected
Teacher opinion
The teacher described that the students had difficulties during the first phase of their investigations because many questions only arose while the students were doing their inquiry. For example some additional variables (e.g. "we have to make an agreement: when do we declare an egg broken?") appeared during the experiment and the students needed help in deciding how to proceed with their inquiry. The teacher described that he enjoyed seeing how students realised how complicated a simple investigation can get and how many decisions and agreements have to be made in the research community when comparison of different approaches is required.
He also found that the "traffic light cup" assessment tool did not work as planned. During the first part of the investigation too many students had questions, thus this specific method offered no advantage.
At the end of the investigation the teacher reported that all students managed to carry out their investigation but he had to give a lot of support. He reported that the students were not used to working in such an open inquiry situation and had many questions. As the inquiry was planned for 90
minutes he had no time left at the end of the lesson to discuss the multiple choice questions or do the self-‐evaluation with the students.
Observer notes
A graduate student was observer at the lesson. He described that the initial part of the lesson where students discussed about the car crash test was fruitful in terms of the inquiry skill planning investigations but took a lot of time. The discussion raised many questions and difficulties that had to be discussed and as a result no other assessment tools could be included due to time constraints. At the end of the lesson the observer noted that a recap of the initial considerations of energy aspects at the car crash-‐test was not included. He reported that due to the lack of time the teacher decided to focus on a metacognitive discussion about the procedure of planning and carrying out an investigation. The control of variables was discussed intensively in the course of the inquiry activities.
(v) Use of assessment data
The teacher planned to ask six multiple-‐choice questions to get feedback about students' understanding about the physical concept of energy (see example in Figure 1). This would be combined with the student self-‐assessment to evaluate their learning during this activity. However, teacher did not have sufficient time to carry out this further assessment.
Choose the correct statement:
A) As the drop height of the egg gets higher, the kinetic energy of the egg at point of impact gets larger.
B) The kinetic energy is independent of the drop height.
C) The kinetic energy is independent of the potential energy.
D) As the drop height gets smaller, the kinetic energy of the egg at point of impact gets larger.
Figure 1: Example of a multiple-‐choice question for student feedback
(vi) Advice for teachers implementing the unit
Although the unit runs well, the teacher gave some advice for new teachers who want to do this unit with his adaptions:
* Do not underestimate the difficulties in the experimental set-‐ups
* It could be wise to give a bit more guidance in the phase planning of the experiments especially for bigger groups
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Mosaic Unit
Introduction
Mosaic is a tremendously versatile medium. There is no need to have drawing or artistic ability to enjoy it. Several other disciplines can be integrated to mosaic, most notably math and geometry.
CA Artist Connection
Oakland and Richmond mosaic artistDaud Abdullah recognized this appeal, and has been making public art for the last ten years. HisTreasure Box Academy teaches people of all ages to create mosaics that become part of Richmond's streets and parks.
Social Justice Concepts
Art should "shift the way we think about the world," but how to do this in a way that isn't prescriptive or worse, considered propaganda? In an art class, you can show the work of artists who have done just that, by making us think about social justice issues. The work of painterJack Whitten, who worked with mosaic-‐like textures, evoked just that type or reaction.
Children's Literature Connection
A is for Activist is the rare ABC book you can use with all ages because of its topic, how people disrupt hegemony. It normalizes such activities in a world where conformism is the norm.A is for Activist can be tied to all sorts of media by asking your adult students to create art that visualizes ways in which we can change the world, by asking teens to make a mosaic showing ways to disrupt injustice, and by asking children to make an image of one way their neighborhood can become a better place for everyone.
Duration for Adults: One or several sessions depending on available time.
Adult Objectives: Make a plan for a small mosaic prior to working on a piece.
Duration for Teens: One or two sessions. Teen Objectives: Complete a small free-‐form or planned mosaic during class.
Duration for Children: This lesson can be easily carried out over several sessions. Child Objectives: Complete a small free-‐form mosaic during class, or a mosaic based on a teacher provided structure.
Jack Whitten, Black Monolith, II: Homage To Ralph Ellison The Invisible Man, 1994. Image licensed for non-commercial reuse.
Source: http://rebecasartclasses/classes/calcreate
General Preparation
Prototype: Motivate your students by making a larger, exciting mosaic to show, with the exact materials the students will use. Do it several days prior to class so the glue is dry before you bring it to your class.
For the lesson itself: Small scavenged pieces of plastic, EVA foam, seeds, pieces of sticks, sea glass, and any other small, lightweight, colorful materials that can be glued to a piece of cardboard. Several pieces of cardboard for each student. School glue, small cups for glue, tongue depressors
(optional), and heavy duty, round paper dishes or flat containers for the pieces.
Materials Prep
Your students might have made mosaic before, but it is always important to have patterns available for those who tell you they don't have any ideas, blank surfaces for those who would be bored by completing a teacher-‐provided pattern, and a planning template for those who worry they might "mess up." Make sure you have enough pieces! This is a very engaging lesson and it is not messy, but requires a lot of scavenging and prep on your part for children to remain engaged. Plan to spend a couple of hours looking for materials and cutting up larger pieces. Get enough flat trays or dishes for each child to have access to at least one tray. Some teachers mix a variety of pieces on each tray or dish and others like to keep each type of material in separate trays. Most important: find a way of quickly storing everything at the end of class.
Source:
Procedure for Children
Before the lesson, scope out the storage space where you will be setting the mosaics to dry. After everyone places their name on the back of the piece of cardboard they will be using, begin by showing 2-‐3 images of ancient mosaics, but don't go overboard on the historical background. It is not even necessary to teach the kids the ancient name for these pieces,tesserae. Talk about the materials that were used in the past versus those available today, and move to show the prototypes you made in advance. Spend less than five minutes on this part. The definition of mosaic for children is, "a painting made with many pieces that came from other things."
The first demo should be "how to use school glue in a responsible manner." Whether you give them a bottle or a cup, demonstrate how much glue to use to glue the pieces down to the cardboard. Also, let them know they will not be able to wash their hands until the end of the lesson. Students who need to use the bathroom should always be able to go, but sending multiple children to the sink every time they have a little glue on their hands is logistically challenging.
Allow your students to have an initial, exploratory session making a simple, unplanned mosaic, with the understanding that the second mosaic almost always tends to be planned in some way. Once they are ready to plan a more ambitious piece, you can give them their second demo, "how to plan your mosaic," and show them tools or resources they can use.
Procedure for Teens and Adults
As artists, we sometimes forget not everybody is "visual." Teens and adults understand mosaic is an ancient technique and while you are talking about it some are thinking of ideas to put in practice. But most need help visualizing the possibilities of the medium. You can help them get ideas by showing them several 5-‐10 images of mosaics made with a variety of materials. You can use a projector, flash an ipad or show images mounted on board.
Some students might be afraid of "ruining" a mosaic board. You can scaffold the experience for them by giving them a board that already has some kind of pattern or simple line image on it that they can follow in order "to practice." This lowers their anxiety and gets them to feel successful enough to take some risks on their next mosaic. You might want to do this with the whole group, depending on how things look.
Allow your students to have an initial, exploratory session making a simple, unplanned mosaic, with the understanding that the second mosaic almost always tends to be planned in some way. Once they are ready to plan a more ambitious piece, you can give them their second demo, "how to plan your mosaic," and show them tools or resources they can use.
Discussion for Children
Viktor Lowenfeld is the author of Creative and Mental Growth,a book that became the bible of art educators after WWII. He wrote that "the goal of introducing children to the world of art is to help them to become perceptive and sensitive viewers of the works of art they will encounter in their lives." If this is true, that means the best time to see
more mosaic images is after the lesson ends, when children have had their first experience with the medium. Lowenfeld recommends follow-‐up questions like "What do you see that makes you say that?" or "What makes you think that?" in order to validate the children's observations and "allow the children to support or revise their answers based on their observations of the work." If you would like more details on his methods, readLooking at and Talking About Art With Kids, a PDF available on the web.
Discussion For Teens
Mosaic works as a "soft" introduction to abstraction for teens in that most of the
images produced by your students will bear some resemblance to things that can be recognized, but are, at the same time, abstract compositions with flat colors and a hierarchy of shapes. Out of Viktor Lowenfeld's extensive bank of questions, I have pulled out the ones one might use to look at abstract or semi-‐abstract works:
* What is the first thing you notice in this mosaic? Why do you think it stands out?
* What else do you see in this mosaic?
* What can you tell me about the colors in this mosaic?
* How would you describe the shapes in this mosaic?
* Why do you think [classmate's name] chose this design?
* What will you remember about this mosaic?
Rather than rush through this reflective examination of what was produced in your class, announce that you will devote it the time it deserves during the following session, then carry through with your promise. The answers to some of these questions could be written on a post-‐it as a warm-‐up, but at least a couple should be for the whole group so that students benefit from hearing what their classmates think.
Discussion With Adults
Those who did not go to college, or those who studied something other than liberal arts might feel out of their element. Lower the affective filter by saying that art is often a non-‐verbal experience, therefore we look inward and pay close attention to the sensations, memories or feelings a piece brings up. Ask them to support their insights with observations by asking open ended-‐questions "how do you know that?" "what clues do you see in this mosaic that give you that idea?" or "what do you see that makes you say that?"
Another way to bridge this gap is to help your students focus on form, color, line, texture, pattern, composition and process by asking specific questions that require them to observe their classmates' work. When you do this, it is good to ask the students to preface every observation with the stem "I noticed." This stem helps us stay away from value judgments and focuses us on what we actually observe: "I noticed each tree was a dot of green."
The expectation of discussing their classmates' mosaic might make some people slightly uncomfortable because some designs made in your class will be a bit abstract. When there is nothing to identify, some people get confused.
Sometimes I ask the students to interview each other. The way I like to do this is to ask the student who made the piece we will be discussing to respond to questions her classmates have written on index cards. The
Source: http://rebecasartclasses/classes/calcreate
student read the question out loud and then responds. The first time, I give them a bank of questions to choose from, so they can get the hang of crafting art-‐related questions:
* If you are finished how could you tell you were done?
* What is the mood of your mosaic?
* How did you decide on this idea? Walk me through your process?
* What about these colors made you use them in your piece?
* What was easy and what was hard about making this piece?
* Now that you are done what are you happy with?
* How did you like mosaic as a medium? | <urn:uuid:8baf2094-d0c5-492a-9ef8-502d8bb82bb2> | CC-MAIN-2020-45 | http://rebecasartclasses.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Mosaic-Unit.pdf | 2020-10-28T08:33:04+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-45/segments/1603107897022.61/warc/CC-MAIN-20201028073614-20201028103614-00313.warc.gz | 87,514,208 | 8,355 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998099 | eng_Latn | 0.998913 | [
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Kasie Baker and Cece Missik
Creative Project 1
Practice Exam: Unit 1
1. Bruce Banner was working on a new drug. He makes 13 pills and needs to know the amount of iron in each. If the chemical equation begins with .359 g of Fe2O3, which has a molecular mass of 159.69 g, what is the average mass of iron in each pill?
19.3 mg or .0193 g
2. Dr. Henry McCoy (aka Beast) is hard at work in the lab trying to isolate the mutation responsible for mutants' powers. Unfortunately, the scale he is using was damaged during the Brotherhood's latest attack, so it is .03 g off.
a) What type of error is this? Systemic error
While preparing a solution, Dr. McCoy adds 1.5+ .03 g of NaCl to 100 mL of water.
b) What is the molarity of this solution? What is the absolute and percent relative error associated with this molarity?
1.5g NaCl*(1 mol/58.44g)/.1L=.257 M molarity .03 g NaCl*(1 mol/58.44g)/.1L=.005 M absolute error .005M/.257 M *100=1.95% percent relative error
3. The average height of a super villain is 6'3", with a standard deviation of 2.5".
a) Doctor Doom is 6'7". How many standard deviations away from the mean is this? Does this value lie within 95.5% of the area under a Gaussian curve?
6'7"-‐6'3"=4"
4"/2.5"=1.6 standard deviations away
This value does lie within 95.5% of the area under the Gaussian curve as it is within 2 standard deviations
b) Magneto is 6'2". How many standard deviations away from the mean is this? Does this value lie within 68.3% of the Gaussian curve? 6'2"-‐6'3"=-‐1"
-‐1"/2.5"=.04 standard deviations away
This value does lie within 68.3% of the area under the Gaussian curve as it is within a standard deviation of the mean
c) Galactus is 28'3". How many standard deviations away from the mean is this? Does this value lie within 99.7% of the Gaussian curve?
28'3"-‐6'3"=22'
22'/2.5"=8.8
No, because this value is more than 3 standard deviations away
4. Reed Richards and a team of S.H.E.I.L.D. scientists are using different methods to determine the concentration of adamantium in some samples obtained from a raid on a HYDRA base. SHIELD wants to use the cheapest, but still accurate, method.
Table 1
‐
| Sample number | Method 1-‐ Richards (µL/mL) | Method 2-‐SHEILD scientists (µL/mL) | Difference (x-‐x) i |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 20.5 | 20.3 | .2 |
| 2 | 19.3 | 16.9 | 2.4 |
| 3 | 17.0 | 18.6 | -‐1.5 |
| 4 | 18.9 | 19.6 | 0.7 |
| 5 | 20.1 | 19.9 | .2 |
| Average | 19.2 | 19.1 | 0.12 |
| Standard Deviation | 1.32 | 1.36 | 1.46 |
a) How could SHIELD determine whether or not the two methods produce different results?
They could use the student t-‐test, specifically case 3, which is a paired t-‐ test for comparing individual differences
b) Calculate the t value for this data tcalculated= .1839
c) The ttable value for a 95% confidence interval and 4 degrees of freedom is 2.776. Based on this, and your answer to part b, do these methods generate statistically different results?
No, as the t calc is less than the t table.
d) The method used by Dr. Richards costs $20 to analyze one sample, but it takes 24 hours to get results. The method used by SHIELD scientists costs $30 to analyze one sample, but it only takes 12 hours to get results back. Which method should SHIELD use, and explain your reasoning.
There isn't really a wrong answer for this one; it's just a chance to use your critical thinking skills.
Dr. Richards' method is cheaper, which makes it a better choice financially, however, the SHEILD scientists' method gets results back in half the time, and is not that much more expensive. If there were time constraints it might be better to use that method.
5. Peter Parker is working in the lab and trying to identify the concentration of a solution. Peter has worked with this solution before and he knows that the matrix does not affect the absorbance of the solution.
a) What method should he use, a calibration curve, standard addition, or an internal standard and why.
A calibration curve would be a reasonable choice for this situation, as there is not interference from the matrix and the exact composition of the
solution is known.
b) Peter analyzes a sample of an unknown concentration and finds it to have an absorbance of .205. What is the concentration of this sample? .026 M
6. Norman Osborn is working on creating a new goblin serum so that he can defeat Spider-‐Man once and for all. It's important for him to make sure that the instruments are all functioning properly, as an improperly mixed serum could have disastrous effects. Every 10 samples, Osborn runs a method blank. What is this an example of?
Calibration check
7. Before creating Captain America, Dr. Abraham Erskine created some ineffective serum, as the concentration was too high. Out of the four doses they were 4%, 4.5%, 4.2% and 4.3% over what they should be. This outcome was very _____ but not very
_____.
Precise, accurate.
8. Dr. Hank Pym is researching the long-‐term effects of using Pym particles. He initially developed use objectives and specifications, after which he conducted his experiment. What part of the quality assurance process comes next? Assessment
9. Tony Stark was working with a solution he created based on the element vibranium. During his experiment he took a calibration curve. Tony's result for r^2 was .689, does that seem reasonable? Why or why not?
No, because the r^2 value should be greater than or equal to .995 | <urn:uuid:c6fe6713-13e4-4214-bf8e-c79986351fcf> | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | https://analyticalchem.community.uaf.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/313/2013/09/Practice-Exam-1b.pdf | 2021-12-07T03:22:18+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964363332.1/warc/CC-MAIN-20211207014802-20211207044802-00577.warc.gz | 170,174,341 | 4,546 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.997421 | eng_Latn | 0.997856 | [
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The ancient club and ball game of crosse survives in the border region of Belgium and France.
Geert and Sara Nijs discuss its history.
The last surviving relative of Scottish golf is *jeu de crosse*. Crosse is mentioned under the name *choule*, together with the games of *mail* and *colf* in practically every book on the history of golf. Though *mail* and *colf* died ages ago, *crosse* is still being played by a few hundred *crosseurs* in the Belgian-French border region. The game is very ancient and was mentioned as long ago as the early fourteenth century.
**The Game**
Today the game is still played on wasteland and pastures. *Crosseurs* play with clubs (*croses*), consisting of a wooden shaft with a metal head (Fig. 1). The head ingeniously combines two strike faces in one: a *plat* face (long iron in golf) for distance and a *pic* face (short iron in golf) for difficult lies. With these clubs *crosseurs* hit an elliptical wooden ball, called a *choulette* towards a target – a metal plank, called a *planchette* measuring 180 cm high and 20 cm wide (Fig. 2).
*Crosse* is a team sport (two against two). One team, the *chouleurs*, tries to reach the target within a pre-determined number of strokes. The other team, the *déchouleurs*, tries to prevent that by hitting the ball away from the target. The teams hit the *choulette* in turn. The *chouleurs* hit three times, followed by only one hit from the *déchouleurs*.
**St Anthony, patron saint of crosseurs**
As good Catholics, the *crosseurs* found themselves a patron saint, namely St Anthony the Great. At the
---
**Fig. 1.** The *crosse* has an ashwood shaft and a forged iron head with two strike faces. The elliptical *choulette* is made of hornbeam and measures 4.4 x 3.6 cm. The weight is approximately 28 grams. The surface of the *choulette* has five shallow grooves to improve flight characteristics. Distances of over 100 metres can be reached. On the Belgian side of the border, *crosseurs* experiment with nylon *choulettes*, with which distances of over 200 metres can be achieved.
**Fig. 2.** The *planchette* as used on most *crosse* fields is 180 cm high and 18-20 cm wide. Originally, a hole, a door, a wall, a tree or whatever was used as a target.
end of the 14th century, a hermit lived in the woods near the village of Havré, about ten km east of Mons (Bergen) in Wallonie, the French-speaking part of Belgium. He lived close to a small chapel, probably built in the 10th or 11th century, devoted to St Anthony the Abbot (also called ‘The Hermit’ or ‘The Great’). At that time people visited or made pilgrimages to the chapel to pray for protection, especially against the plague and other diseases. We have not found any evidence that in that time, there were crosseurs who participated in these pilgrimages.
In 1387 AD, an epidemic of a severe contagious skin disease called ‘dry gangrene’ broke out. Many people went on a pilgrimage to the small chapel of St Anthony to pray for protection against this disease.
After several miraculous cures the church authorities made the pilgrimage official. On the 30th October 1389 AD, Pope Clemens VII gave permission to the Lord of Havré, knight Gérard d’Enghien, to build a larger chapel to St Anthony. This was built between 1406 and 1409 AD (Fig. 3).
**Crosse on feast days**
In the Middle Ages, work on the land during the summer left little time for relaxation. In winter, there was more time available for other activities. Pilgrimages to the Chapel at Havré were usually held on Sundays during the winter. These religious feasts had also a profane side. When the ceremonies in and around the centre of worship had finished, people came together for the fair, to play games, to meet each other and to eat, to drink and to sing. These feasts became major occasions for playing the game of *crosse*. The main pilgrimage in which thousands of believers participated was held on the 17th of January, the name day of St Anthony, or on the previous or following Sunday.
At the beginning of the pilgrimage the pilgrims would assemble in the centre of Mons and leave the city, making their way through the fields towards the chapel of their patron saint, with beating drums and flying colours, praying and singing. Their banners, scarves, sashes and cockades identified the various estates and villages of the crosseurs (Fig. 4). Every *crosseur* proudly carried his *crosse* over his shoulder.
After the religious celebrations, attending the mass, kissing relics and singing religious songs, they also played the game in the fields around the Chapel, using the Chapel door as the final target (Fig. 5). The crosseurs also probably played ‘target crosse’ and ‘longest drive’. The *jeu de crosse* pilgrimage became so popular that in the beginning of the fifteenth century a certain Raoul de Longherowe, an old
---
**Fig. 3.** The life-size statue of St Anthony in the chapel at Havré, worn out by the time but still worshipped, as the candles and flowers show. When the crosseurs went on the pilgrimage to the chapel at Havré, a crosse (club) was placed in the right hand of the patron saint.
**Fig. 4.** The standard of one of the oldest crosse societies in Wallonie: the Royal Crosseurs Society of St Georges from the village of Erquelinnes. Such standards were probably carried when the crosseurs marched to the tournament fields.
knight of the order of St Anthony, received approval to open a tavern in the vicinity of the Chapel. This house still exists under the name of La Longue Roie, although it is no longer a tavern. There is still a small niche above the door, nowadays containing, instead of St Anthony the Abbot, the statue of St Anthony of Padova, the saint you pray to when you cannot find your golf ball in the rough. When the games finished at sunset, medals were awarded to the most powerful and skilled players. Crosseurs then returned to Mons with the victors proudly wearing the medals on their chest. A brass band or a group of tambours accompanied them with lighted torches. The first stop for many was the tavern of Raoul de Longherowe, where they celebrated the day’s play.
The crosseurs passed through the streets of Mons, shouting: ‘Vive Saint-Antoine’. They stopped at the tavern Chez l’Borgne in the Rue de Basse. Behind the window of the tavern a relief of St Anthony was placed with two lighted candles. It can still be seen in the Musée Folklorique in Mons; sadly, the tavern no longer exists. The conclusion of the day consisted of a traditional meal of rabbit, sprinkled with lots of beer. Weekly donations provided throughout the year gave sufficient money for such a festive day. They sang the centuries old song:
| A Saint Antoine | On the day of St Anthony |
|-----------------|--------------------------|
| On va crocher | We are going to play |
| | crosse |
| Avec une soule et un macquet | With a ball and a club |
| Vive St Antoine | Long live St Anthony |
During and after the tournament, incidents occurred and fights regularly broke out. Council and church authorities had to interfere. In a text from 1478, authorities warned that measures would be taken to prevent this bad behaviour. In the registry of the bailiff of Havré, dated 1775, the authorities expressed their concern about the farmers breaking the Chapel windows and decided that crosseurs should no longer play with iron crosses but that only wooden macquets should be used.
**End of the feast days**
According to local historians, St Anthony is the patron saint of all crosseurs since the jeu de crosse pilgrimage started at Havré. Today, in the Chapel of Havré nothing reminds us of its remarkable jeu de crosse history. It is a pity that such a tradition, kept alive for hundreds of years, has vanished forever. The surroundings of the Chapel have changed so dramatically that it is hardly possible to imagine how crosseurs went on a pilgrimage to St Anthony.
Fig. 5. The door of the chapel of St Anthony was the final target for the crosseurs. It is not clear if this door is the original from the 15th century. The wood does not carry any damage from the impact of the many choulettes.
Fig. 6. The old tavern in the neighbourhood of the chapel, built by Raoul de Longherowe in the 15th century, still exists. In the small niche above the entrance a small statue of St Anthony is placed. | <urn:uuid:d81fbd0e-4ec5-4926-bb8b-27b178967f40> | CC-MAIN-2020-16 | https://ancientgolf.dse.nl/pdfs/ttg032008.pdf | 2020-04-08T21:44:53+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-16/segments/1585371824409.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20200408202012-20200408232512-00491.warc.gz | 330,792,098 | 1,968 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998524 | eng_Latn | 0.998553 | [
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Illinois ELA Assessment
Practice Item Answer Key
Grade 8 - Online and Text-to Speech
The following pages include the answer key for all machine-scored items, followed by a sample response for the hand-scored item.
− The rubrics show sample student responses. Student responses other than that shown in the rubric may earn full or partial credit.
− Which responses to hand-scored items receive full or partial credit will be confirmed during range-finding (reviewing sets of real student work)
− If students make a computation error, they can still earn points for reasoning or modeling.
| Item | | | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Number | | | |
| 1. | Row 1: Row 2: Row 3: | Her eagerness to participate | |
| | | Her ability to think quickly | |
| | | Her changed view of animals | |
| 2. | | | |
| 3. | | | |
| 4. | | | |
| 5. | | | |
| 6. | from “Mira on the Ice” | | |
| | from “The Beadwork” | | |
| | Column 1: Column 2: | | Memoir with reflection |
| | | | Describes the character’s observations while learning |
| 7. | | | |
1
| 8. | Part A: C Part B: A |
|---|---|
| 9. | Part A: C Part B: A |
| 10. | Paragraph 5 phrase: handed down in their families |
| 11. | Part A: B Part B: B |
| 12. | Part A: A Part B: C |
| 13. | Drop Down 1: should have option 2 chosen. |
| | Drop Down 2: should have option 3 chosen. |
| 14. | Part A: B Part B: D |
| 15. | Part A: A Part B: C |
| 16. | Part A: C Part B: B |
| 17. | Part A: B Part B: C |
| 18. | Column 3 should be selected for |
| | Column 2 should be selected for row 2 |
| | Column 1 should be selected for row 3 |
| 19. | Part A: B Part B: C, D |
| 20. | Open Ended |
| #7 & 20 | |
|---|---|
| Open | |
| Ended | |
| | Reading Comprehension and Written Expression |
2
2
| 3 | | The student response to the prompt is characterized by all or most of these criteria: • shows comprehension of ideas stated explicitly or inferentially in the passage by providing a mostly accurate explanation (G3) or analysis (G4–10) • responds to the prompt and provides mostly complete development of the claim or topic that is mostly appropriate to task, purpose, and audience • uses mostly clear reasoning supported by appropriate text-based evidence in development of the claim or topic • uses good organization, with mostly clear and coherent writing • establishes and maintains a style that is mostly effective |
|---|---|---|
| 2 | | The student response to the prompt is characterized by all or most of these criteria: • shows basic comprehension of ideas stated explicitly or inferentially in the passage by providing a generally accurate explanation (G3) or analysis (G4–10) • responds to the prompt and provides some development of the claim or topic that is somewhat appropriate to task, purpose, and audience • uses some reasoning and text-based evidence in the development of the claim or topic • is somewhat organized, with somewhat coherent writing • has a style that is somewhat effective |
| 1 | | The student response to the prompt is characterized by all or most of these criteria: • shows limited comprehension of ideas stated explicitly or inferentially by providing a minimally accurate explanation (G3) or analysis (G4–10) • responds to the prompt and provides minimal development of the claim or topic that is limited in its appropriateness to task, purpose, and audience • uses limited reasoning and text-based evidence • uses limited organization and coherence • has a style that is minimally effective |
| 0 | | The student response to the prompt is characterized by all or most of these criteria: • shows no comprehension of ideas and provides an inaccurate explanation (G3) or analysis (G4–10) or no explanation or analysis • is undeveloped or inappropriate to task, purpose, and audience • uses little to no text-based evidence • lacks organization and coherence • has an inappropriate style |
| | Knowledge of Language and Conventions | |
| Score | | Description |
3
3
4
4 | <urn:uuid:8848fffb-2e48-4323-b053-7a97b1b5da95> | CC-MAIN-2025-08 | https://il.mypearsonsupport.com/resources/practice-tests/ElaAnswerKeys/Key_Global%20PIB%20PT%20ELA%20Grade%2008%20online.pdf | 2025-02-15T03:17:35+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2025-08/segments/1738831951942.61/warc/CC-MAIN-20250215022347-20250215052347-00413.warc.gz | 275,213,011 | 1,084 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.994735 | eng_Latn | 0.993832 | [
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Population Information for Seabirds
| | Location | | Species | | 1987 | | 1999 | | 2000 | 2002 | | | 2003 | | | 2005 | | | 2006 | | | 2007 | | | 2008 | | 2009 | | 2010 | | 2011 | | 2012 | | 2013 | 2014 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Les Etacs Ortac | | Gannet (Morus bassanus) | | 2391 1985 | | 3450 2500 | | - - | | - - | | - - | | | 4862 2547 | | | - - | | | - - | | | - - | | - - | | - - | | 5765 2120 | | - - | | - - | | |
| | Coque Lihou | | Shag | | 80 | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 77 | 66 |
| | Little Burhou | | (Phalacrocorax aristotelis) | | 8 | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 35 | 36 |
| | Burhou | | | | 6 | | 47 | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | 19 | | | 21 | | 19 | | 24 | | 23 | | 20 | | 21 | 14 |
| | Alderney | | | | 31 | | 160 | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 18 | 51 |
| Burhou | | Puffin (Fratercula arctica) | | 210 | | 180 | | | | - | | - | | | 120 | | | 127 | | | 114 | | | 132 | | - | | 153 | | 160 | | 176 | | 168 | | |
| | Burhou | | Storm Petrel | | - | | - | | 2,800 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | - |
| | | | (Hydrobates pelagicus) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Burhou | | Herring Gull (Larus argentatus) | | 70 | | 125 | | | | - | | - | | | 202 | | | 110 | | | 148 | | | 164 | | 52 | | 85 | | 73 | | 5 | | 18 | | |
| Alderney | | | | 96 | | 285 | | | | - | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | |
| | Burhou | | Lesser BBG | | 105 | | 313 | | | - | | | - | | | 1103 | | | 936 | | | 994 | | | 1001 | | 640 | | 1074 | | 1236 | | 991 | | - | 1392 |
| | | | (Larus fuscus) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | Alderney | | | | 13 | | 70 | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | 315 |
| Burhou | | Great BBG (Larus marinus) | | 22 | | 27 | | | | - | | - | | | 18 | | | 18 | | | 16 | | | 17 | | - | | 23 | | 23 | | 4 | | 1 | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | - By w | | - hat pe | | | - rcenta | | | - ge has | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Alderney | | | | 5 | | 21 | | | | - the | | Pu- ffin | | | po- pul | | | atio- n | | | | | - | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | |
| | Alderney | | Fulmar | | 53 | | 50 | | | -in c | r | e | as- e | d | f | ro-m | 2 | 0 | 05- t | o | | | 26 | | 20 | | 38 | | 34 | | 16 | | 34 | | 29 | 29 |
| | | | (Fulmarus glacialis) | | | | | | | 201 | | 2? How | | | much | | | has it | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | Platte Saline | Ringed Plover (Charadrius hiaticula) | Ringed Plover | | - | | - | | | d- e | c | re | as- e | d | f | ro-m | 2 | 0 | 12- t | o | | | - | | 1 | | 3 | | 5 | | 3 | | 2 | | 2 | 4 |
| | Clonque | | | | - | | - | | | - | | | - | 2 | 0 | 14? - | | | - | | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | 2 |
| | Houmet des Pies | | Common Tern | | 18 | | 20 | | | - - | | | - | | | 15 | | | - | | | 11 | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 5 | | 14 | 25 |
| | | | (Sterna hirundo) | | - | | - | | | | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | | | | - | | - | | - | | - | | | | | |
Productivity Information for Seabirds - Values given relate to number of successfully fledged chicks per nesting site
If there were 14 Shag nests in 2014 that produced 0.21 chicks each, how many chicks were raised in 2014?
| | Species | | 2005 | | 2006 | | 2007 | | 2008 | | 2009 | | 2010 | | 2011 | | 2012 | | 2013 | 2014 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Gannet | | - | | - | | 0.80 | | 0.88 | | - | | 0.62 | | - | | - | | 0.52 | | |
| | Shag (Coque Lihou) | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 0.69 | 0.62 |
| Shag (Little Burhou) | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 0.74 | | |
| | Shag (Burhou) | | - | | - | | - | | 0.14 | | 0.21 | | - | | - | | 1.24 | | 0.57 | 0.21 |
| Shag (Alderney) | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 1.00 | | |
| | Puffin | | 0.64 | | 0.61 | | 0.63 | | 0.65 | | - | | 0.66 | | 0.66 | | - | | - | 0.36 – 0.60 |
| Fulmar | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 0.47 | | 0.53 | | - | | 0.56 | | 0.52 | | |
| | Ringed Plover (Platte Saline) | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 0.66 | | 0.20 | | 0.00 | | 0.00 | | 1.50 | 1.00 |
| Common Tern | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | - | | 0.57 | | | | <urn:uuid:d557b786-74c6-47b1-880a-80479cd3e9bb> | CC-MAIN-2021-21 | https://www.teachingthroughnature.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Population-Productivity-Tables.pdf | 2021-05-14T11:29:41+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-21/segments/1620243990449.41/warc/CC-MAIN-20210514091252-20210514121252-00601.warc.gz | 1,023,088,708 | 2,852 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.996644 | eng_Latn | 0.996644 | [
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Night of the Twisters
The next hour or so
Define in your journal
1. Boomerang
2. Miraculously
3. Haphazardly
4. Barricaded
5. Partition
6. Hoist
7. Probing
8. Threshing
9. Wrenched
11. Wail
12. Rubble
13. Frantically
14. Hulking
15. Helter-‐skelter
16. Welt
17. Hypothermia
18. Clincher
19. Armory
10. Racked
Read pages 61-‐85
Answer the following questions in your journal.
1. How did Arthur describe the mess the tornado had made of the house?
2. Why did the boys know that they had to get out of the basement?
3. Who found the boys in the basement?
4. Why did Dan feel better when he learned that the whole neighborhood was gone?
5. How did Dan compare the neighborhood to a nightmare?
6. Where was Mrs. Hatch when the tornado hit?
7. Why did Mrs. Hatch let the three young people rescue Mrs. Smiley?
Prediction:
How will the young people rescue Mrs. Smiley?
Complete the Character Chart. | <urn:uuid:bc287621-2956-4e9a-853a-c0fec84802f3> | CC-MAIN-2018-09 | http://linfield5.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/Night-of-the-Twisters-next-hour-or-so.pdf | 2018-02-24T02:11:43Z | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-09/segments/1518891815034.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20180224013638-20180224033638-00064.warc.gz | 223,107,838 | 652 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.997536 | eng_Latn | 0.997536 | [
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10.—Area and Population of Canada by Provinces and Electoral Districts, 1921, 1911 and 1901.—concluded.
| Electoral Districts | Land area in sq. miles | Population, 1921 | Increase (+) or Decrease (−) |
|---------------------|------------------------|-----------------|-------------------------------|
| | | Total | Per square mile | 1911 | 1901 | 1921 over 1911 | 1911 over 1901 |
| Alberta—concluded— | | | | | | | |
| Red Deer | 13,431-84 | 40,629 | 3-69 | 37,507 | 7,568 | 12,122 | 29,939 |
| Strathcona | 5,309-09 | 42,520 | 8-01 | 28,355 | 12,635 | 14,165 | 15,720 |
| Victoria | 6,386-45 | 50,739 | 8-88 | 38,316 | 8,851 | 18,423 | 29,465 |
| British Columbia | 353,416-00 | 524,582 | 1-48 | 392,480 | 178,657 | 132,102 | 213,823 |
| Burrard | 620-79 | 69,922 | 112-63 | 48,493 | 1,267 | 21,429 | 47,226 |
| Cariboo | 164,693-50 | 39,834 | 0-24 | 26,541 | 29,155 | 13,293 | − |
| Comox-Alberni | 18,227-48 | 32,009 | 1-75 | 19,739 | 8,444 | 12,270 | 11,295 |
| Fraser Valley | 304-95 | 28,811 | 94-48 | 22,645 | 8,219 | 6,166 | 14,426 |
| Kootenay East | 13,367-11 | 19,137 | 1-43 | 22,486 | 8,446 | −3,329 | 14,020 |
| Kootenay West | 12,979-11 | 30,502 | 2-35 | 28,373 | 23,516 | 2,129 | 4,857 |
| Nanaimo | 2,717-00 | 48,010 | 17-67 | 31,878 | 22,293 | 16,132 | 9,585 |
| New Westminster | 6,102-41 | 45,982 | 7-54 | 29,384 | 14,855 | 16,598 | 14,529 |
| Skeena | 123,896-14 | 28,934 | 0-23 | 22,685 | 13,013 | 6,249 | 9,672 |
| Vancouver Centre | 5-73 | 60,879 | 10,624-60 | 60,104 | 27,010 | 775 | 33,094 |
| Vancouver South | 32-24 | 46,137 | 1,431-04 | 20,446 | 1,520 | 25,691 | 18,926 |
| Victoria | 7-50 | 38,727 | 5,163-60 | 31,660 | 20,919 | 7,067 | 10,741 |
| Yale | 10,462-06 | 35,698 | 3-41 | 28,066 | 3 | 7,632 | − |
1 By map measurement for provinces and electoral districts.
2 Includes Yale District.
3 Included in Cariboo District.
11.—Population of Cities and Towns having over 5,000 inhabitants in 1921, compared with 1871-81-91-1901-11.
Note.—The cities and towns in which a Board of Trade exists are indicated by an asterisk (*). In all cases the population is for the city or town municipality as it existed in 1921.
| Cities and Towns | Provinces | Population |
|------------------|-----------|------------|
| | | 1871 | 1881 | 1891 | 1901 | 1911 | 1921 |
| *Montreal | Quebec | 115,000 | 155,238 | 219,216 | 328,172 | 490,504 | 618,506 |
| *Toronto | Ontario | 59,000 | 96,198 | 181,215 | 209,892 | 381,833 | 521,893 |
| *Winnipeg | Manitoba | 241 | 7,985 | 25,639 | 42,340 | 138,085 | 179,087 |
| *Vancouver | British Columbia | − | − | 13,709 | 27,010 | 100,401 | 111,217 |
| *Hamilton | Ontario | 26,880 | 36,661 | 48,959 | 52,634 | 81,969 | 114,151 |
| Ottawa | “ | 24,141 | 31,307 | 44,154 | 59,928 | 87,062 | 107,843 |
| *Quebec | Quebec | 59,699 | 62,446 | 63,680 | 68,500 | 78,710 | 95,193 |
| *Calgary | Alberta | − | − | 3,876 | 4,302 | 6,476 | 6,305 |
| *London | Ontario | 18,000 | 26,266 | 31,977 | 37,976 | 48,300 | 60,959 |
| *Edmonton | Alberta | − | − | 4,176 | 31,063 | 55,821 |
| *Halifax | Nova Scotia | 29,582 | 36,100 | 38,437 | 40,832 | 46,519 | 58,372 |
| *St. John | New Brunswick | 41,325 | 41,353 | 39,179 | 40,711 | 42,511 | 47,166 |
| *Victoria | British Columbia | 3,270 | 5,925 | 16,841 | 20,919 | 31,660 | 38,727 |
| *Winnipeg | Ontario | 4,253 | 6,561 | 10,322 | 12,153 | 17,829 | 38,591 |
| Regina | Saskatchewan | − | − | 2,249 | 30,213 | 34,432 |
| Brantford | Ontario | 8,107 | 9,616 | 12,753 | 16,619 | 23,132 | 29,440 |
| Saskatoon | Saskatchewan | − | − | 113 | 12,004 | 25,739 |
| Verdun | Quebec | − | − | 296 | 1,898 | 11,629 | 25,001 |
| Hull | “ | 3,800 | 6,890 | 11,264 | 13,993 | 18,222 | 24,117 |
| Sherbrooke | “ | 4,432 | 7,227 | 10,110 | 11,765 | 16,405 | 23,515 |
| Sydney | Nova Scotia | − | 1,480 | 2,427 | 9,909 | 17,723 | 22,545 |
| Three Rivers | Quebec | 7,570 | 8,670 | 8,334 | 9,981 | 13,691 | 22,367 |
| Kitchener | Ontario | 2,743 | 4,054 | 7,425 | 9,747 | 15,196 | 21,763 |
| Kingston | “ | 12,407 | 14,091 | 19,263 | 17,961 | 18,874 | 21,753 |
| Sault Ste. Marie | “ | 879 | 780 | 2,414 | 7,169 | 14,920 | 21,092 |
| Peterborough | “ | 4,611 | 6,812 | 9,717 | 12,886 | 18,360 | 20,994 |
| Fort William | “ | − | − | 3,633 | 16,499 | 20,541 |
| St. Catharines | “ | 7,864 | 9,631 | 9,170 | 9,946 | 12,484 | 19,881 |
| Moose Jaw | Saskatchewan | − | − | 1,558 | 13,823 | 19,285 |
| Guelph | Ontario | 6,878 | 9,890 | 10,537 | 11,496 | 15,175 | 18,128 |
| Westmount | Quebec | 200 | 884 | 3,076 | 8,856 | 14,579 | 17,593 |
| Moncton | New Brunswick | 600 | 5,032 | 8,762 | 9,026 | 11,345 | 17,488 |
| Glace Bay | Nova Scotia | − | − | 2,459 | 6,945 | 16,562 | 17,007 |
| Stratford | Ontario | 4,313 | 8,239 | 9,500 | 9,959 | 12,946 | 16,094 |
| St. Thomas | “ | 2,197 | 8,367 | 10,366 | 11,485 | 14,054 | 16,026 |
| Lachine | Quebec | 1,696 | 2,406 | 3,761 | 6,365 | 11,688 | 15,404 |
| Brandon | Manitoba | − | − | 3,778 | 5,620 | 13,839 | 15,397 |
| Port Arthur | Ontario | − | − | 3,214 | 11,220 | 14,886 |
| Sarnia | “ | 2,929 | 3,874 | 6,692 | 8,176 | 9,947 | 14,877 |
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Parent Teacher Volume: Section II: Pitch Names and Finger Relationships Information and Introduction
Section II contains lessons introducing the music alphabet conceptually and in written letter form. The lessons help the student make the connection from finger numbers to alphabet names and the names of the sounds each finger can produce. This process of recognizing a visual symbol and then reacting to it helps to establish a basic process in sight-‐reading. We begin with alphabet symbols or letters they know as a first step to recognizing pitch and pitch relationships. This section is a vital part of reading preparation and transition to reading visual symbols.
Lesson 6a: Introduces the music alphabet.
Lesson 6b: Introduces the letter names in connection with fingers on the A string.
Lesson 6b Practice: Suggests games and exercises to affirm finger to alphabet sound knowledge for this section.
Lesson 6c: Contains a set of sequenced games to establish and reinforce finger with alphabet name of the sound produced in first position. It also contains rising vertical letter ladders for the A string for visual recognition and physical action games.
Lesson 7a: Introduces the letter names in connection with fingers on the D string. Letter ladders for the D string notes follow.
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WORK UNIT
LIFE SKILLS PERFORMANCE OBJECTIVES
LEVEL:
150
WORK UNIT GOAL
After completing the unit lifeskills objectives, students will demonstrate their ability to access and navigate an aspect of the employment system using level appropriate language skills.
LIFESKILLS PERFORMANCE OBJECTIVES:
1. Given visuals of occupations, identify job titles, tasks, tools, and location.
2. Write and speak about present and past employment, including job titles, tasks, locations, and length of employment. State future job goals.
3. Ask questions and report info about hours, duties, salary, and benefits.
4. Read and answer questions about simplified job postings. Conduct simple job search including online. Write and speak about findings.
5. Complete simplified job application, including present and past job titles, tasks, locations, and length of employment.
6. Demonstrate ability to use office technology and follow instructions. Ask for clarification.
7. Given workplace safety signs or emergency procedures, follow safety instructions.
8. List good work habits. Identify good work habits, including calling in a schedule change.
9. Given visuals and texts of work-related scenarios, answer simple questions about basic rights and responsibilities of employees and employers in the U.S.
Project covering multiple objectives: REEP Lesson Plan Level 100/150 Job-specific vocabulary, dialogues, and problem solving
Culminating Assessment Activities: 150: Accessing Job Information
| | | Ventures 1 Add-Ventures Multilevel Worksheets (1st ed.) Unit 8 (Lesson B) Workplace Plus 1 (1st ed.) Unit 1 (p. 14-17); Unit 10 (p. 122-127, 130) REEP Lesson Plan Level 150: Past & Present Jobs, Job Goals REEP Lesson Plan Level 150: Job titles and tasks through short stories TESOL Techniques: Timeline |
|---|---|---|
| Seek Info: self: What are my hours? What are the job duties? What is the salary? What are the benefits? Report Info: I have 2 weeks vacation. I have 5 sick days. I start work at 8 am. | Software: All-Star 1, Unit 10 | All-Star 1 (2nd ed.) Unit 10 (Lesson 2) All-Star 1 workbook (2nd ed.) Unit 10 (Lesson 2) Collaborations Beginning 1 (1st ed.) Unit 4 (Lesson 1, 2, 3, 4, 6) Downtown 1 (1st ed.) Chapter 3 (Lesson 3) Future 1 (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lesson 4, 6) |
| Structures: Wh-questions Simple present | | Future 1 workbook (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lessons 4, 5&6) Going Places 1 (1st ed.) Unit 12 (p. 79-80) Survival English 2 (2nd ed.) Unit 9 (Jobs 7, 8, 9) Student generated questions |
|---|---|---|
| Sample Vocabulary: Experience preferred p/t, f/t, ref req, | Job Ads Quiz Finding a Job website REEP Lesson Plan: Level 100/150 Work Tech Module: Job Search | All-Star 1 (2nd ed.) Unit 10 (Lesson 2) All-Star 1 workbook (2nd ed.) Unit 10 (Lesson 2, review) Excellent English 1 (1st ed.) Unit 9 (Lesson 6) Future 1 (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lesson 4, 6) Future 1 workbook (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lesson 4) Future 1 Multilevel Communicative Activities Book (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lesson 6) Oxford Picture Dictionary Classic Classroom Activities, Unit 11 (p. 170-171) Stand Out 1 (2nd ed.) Unit 7 (Lesson 2, review) |
| | | Stand Out 1 Grammar Challenge (2nd ed.) Unit 7 (Challenge 2) Survival English 2 (2nd ed.) Unit 9 (Jobs 2, 3, 4, 5) |
|---|---|---|
| Sample Vocabulary: Name Address Social Security Number Emergency Contact From 1996 to 2000 | REEP Lesson Plan: Level 100/150 Work Tech Module: Job Applications Software:All-Star 1 Unit 10 (Work); Oxford Picture Dictionary Interactive Online Applications Sample Pair or small group project: Online form generators: Google docs;Surveymonkey, Microsoft Forms REEPworld Work Unit REEPworld Student Links page | All-Star 1 (2nd ed.) Unit 10 (Lesson 6) All-Star 1 workbook (2nd ed.) Unit 10 (Review and assessment) Excellent English 1 (1st ed.) Unit 9 (Lesson 7) Future 1 (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lesson 4) Future 1 workbook (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lessons 8&9) Future 1 Multilevel Communicative Activities Book (1st ed.) Unit 12 (Lesson 9) Survival English 2 (2nd ed.) Unit 9 (Jobs 4) Ventures 1 (1st ed.) Unit 8 (Lessons E, F) Ventures 1 Add-Ventures Multilevel Worksheets (1st ed.) Unit 8 (Lesson F) |
| | Software: All-Star 1, Unit 10 (Read and Write) | |
|---|---|---|
| Request clarification: Please show me. I don't understand. Seek/report info: What's this machine for? How do you turn the machine on? Press the red button. This is a computer/fax machine. etc. Structures: Imperatives Wh-questions | Students take photos of workplace technology on their phones and seek clarification and explain them in class. See REEP Video Smartphones in Adult ESL Instruction: Picture Prompts and Review Learning Chocolate Category: Jobs | Going Places 1 (1st ed.) Unit 25 (p. 153-155) Oxford Picture Dictionary (2nd ed.) Unit 9 (p. 170-171, 182-183) Teacher and student generated material using standard office equipment and technology. |
| Sample Vocabulary: Caution Hazardous materials Danger | Students take photos of workplace signs on their phones and seek clarification and explain them in class. See REEP Video Smartphones in Adult ESL Instruction: Picture Prompts and Review | Oxford Picture Dictionary (2nd ed.) Unit 9 (p. 179) English Works DVD #10: Safety on the job |
| Asking for feedback: Is this ok? Express condition: I can't come to work today. I'm sorry. I'm still sick. My daughter is sick. I will be late. I had a flat tire. Structures: Simple present, future, questions Negatives: can't | | (Lesson 7) Going Places 1 (1st ed.) Unit 24 (p. 151); Unit 25 (p. 157-158) Oxford Picture Dictionary (2nd ed.) Unit 9 (p. 174) Stand Out 1 (2nd ed.) Unit 7 (Lesson 5, review) Stand Out 1 Grammar Challenge (2nd ed.) Unit 7 (Challenge 5) Student generated list REEP Lesson Plan Levels 150/200 Lesson Plan: Good Work Habits |
|---|---|---|
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Section-I: General Aptitude
Email: firstname.lastname@example.org,Website: www.engineeringolympiad.in
1.
2
(x-1)
- 2
(x-4)
= 7(2
11
), what is x?
(A) 9
(B)11
(C)13
(D)15
2. Length of a rectangle increases by 20%, while its breadth reduces by 10%. Find the percentage change in its perimeter.
(A) 10% increase
(B) 8% increase
(C) 5% increase
(D) Can't say
3. In a group, average weight of the females was 60kgs. The average weight of the entire group was twice as close to the average weight of the men as it was to the average weight of the women. What percentage of the group were women?
(A) 40
(B) 33.33
(C) 50
(D) 66.67
4. Govind decided to walk down the escalator of a shopping mall. He found that if he walks down 25 steps, he requires 15 seconds to reach the bottom. However, if he steps down 13 steps, he requires 24 seconds to reach the bottom. Find out the height of the stairway in steps.
(A) 30
(B) 40
(C) 45
(D) 50
5. Taps A and B, operating simultaneously, can fill a certain tank in 72 min; Taps A and C, operating simultaneously, can fill the tank in 90 min; and Taps B and C, operating simultaneously, can fill the tank in 2 hours. How many hours does it take Taps A, B, and C, operating simultaneously, to fill the tank ?
(A) 1/3
(B) 1
(C) 2/3
(D) 5/6
6. A customer at Paradise hotel calculates his tip by adding a constant amount to another sum that is directly proportional to the total bill for the meal. If the total bill for his meal had been 100/- greater, the customer would've calculated a tip of 60/-. If the total bill for his meal had been 150/- less, the customer would've calculated a tip of 40/-. If his total bill for the meal was 600/- what will be the amount of his tip?
(A) 48
(B) 56
(C) 52
(D) 50
7. There are five hotels in a line. If 4 men go into a hotel at 11 am, then what will be the probability that each go into a different hotel?
(A) 124 125
(B) 24 125
(C) 42 125
(D) 48 625
8. In a class of 40 students, 12 enrolled for both English & German. 22 enrolled for German. If students of class enrolled at least one of the subjects, then how many students enrolled for only English & not German?
(A) 30
(B) 12
(C) 18
(D) 40
9. Mr. Vikas buys some apples at 8 per rupee from one trader and a similar quantity at 5 per rupee from another trader. He mixes both the varieties and sell the whole at 9 per rupee. What is the profit or loss percentage that he makes?
(A) 31.62 % Profit
(B) 31.62 % Loss
(C) 46.25 % Profit
(D) 46.25 % Loss
10.
| AGE Group Type of program | 15-20 | 21-30 |
|---|---|---|
| Daily Serials | 6 | 4 |
| Comedy | 7 | 5 |
| Singing/dancing | 6 | 12 |
| Devotional | 1 | 4 |
| News | 2 | 3 |
| Sports | 9 | 3 |
| Quiz | 2 | 2 |
| Total | 33 | 33 |
What percentage of respondents aged 21-30 indicated a favourite program other than singing/dancing?
(A) 36 %
(B) 46 %
(C) 64 %
(D) 60 %
11. Analogy
AESTHETICS : BEAUTY ::
(A) ethics: etiquette
(B) epistemology : knowledge
(C) theology: morals
(D) rhetoric : reasoning
12. Choose the appropriate antonym for the word ABOMINATE
(A) loathe
(B) despise
(C) adore
13. Choose the sentence that is grammatically correct:
(A) The serving bowl or the plates go on that shelf
(B) The serving bowls or the plate go on that shelf
(C) The serving bowl or the plate go on that shelf
(D) The serving bowls or the plates goes on that shelf
14. The management of the company had cordially invited its staff for the 25 th Anniversary function.
Choose the best conclusion:
(A) The company is going to wind-up the next year
(B) It is mandatory for all the staff to attend the function
(C) The management of the company is spend-thrift
(D) The company is well-established
(D) abhor
15. Find out the error part in the given sentence Ram is junior / than shyam / and Ram is / older than shyam
(A) (B) (C)
(D)
16. Find the proper meaning of the words given in bold letters. After working for years in the same company, Ramu decided to Jack it all.
(A) Continue (B) Change
(C) Stop
(D) Cheat.
17. Urban services have not expanded fast enough to cope up with urban expansion. Low investment allocations have tended to be underspent. Both public and private infrastructure quality has declined. The impact of the environment in which children live and the supporting services available to them when they fall ill, seem clear. The decline in average food availability and the rise in absolute poverty, point in the same unsatisfactory directions.
Choose the weakest statement related to the above passage
(A) Though adequate provisions of funds were made but they were received under spent
(B) Low cost urban housing is on the priority
(C) There is nothing to boast about urban services
(D) Birth rate is higher in urban areas than in rural areas
18. Sentence completion
Data concerning the effects on a small population of high concentrations of a potentially hazardous chemical are frequently used to ------- the effects on a large population of lower amounts of the same chemical.
(A) verify
(B) redress
(C) predict
(D) realize
19. Select the best alternative for the underlined part:
Currently 93,250,000 billion barrels a year, world consumption of oil is rising at a rate of 3 percent annually.
(A) world consumption of oil is rising at a rate of
(B) the world is consuming oil at an increasing rate of
(C) the world's oil is being consumed at the increasing rate of
(D) the rise in the rate of the world's oil consumption is
20. False currency is being supplied to India through buses that run between India and Pakistan.
Find out the course of action to be taken.
(A) The govt. should ban the buses
(B) The govt. should change the currency
(C) The govt. should strengthen the vigilance
(D) Indian govt. should warn the Pakistan govt.
Section-II: Technical
1. If an activity has its optimistic, most likely and pessimistic times as 2, 3 and 7 respectively, then its expected time and variance are respectively
(A) 3.5 and 5/6
(B) 5 and 25/36
(C) 3.5 and 25/36
(D) 4 and 5/6
2. A load perpendicular to plane of handle is applied at free end as shown in figure. Value of shear force, bending moment, and torque at the fixed ends respectively are
(A) 500 N, 350 N m, 300 N m
(B) 500 N, 300 N m, 350 N m
(C) 500 N, 350 N, 300 N
(D) None of these
3. What would be expectation of number of failures preceding the first success in an infinite series of independent trials with constant probability of success p?
(A)
1 p (B) 1 q (C) q p
(D) None of these
4. A rectangular beam is 200mm wide and 400mm deep upto the centre of reinforcement. Find the minimum reinforcement required, if it has to resist a moment of 40kN-m. Assume M-20 grade of concrete and Fe 415 grade steel.
(A) 473mm 2
(B) 571mm
2
(C) 603mm 2
(D) 701mm 2
5. A circular column of 500mm diameter is subjected to an axial load of 1600 KN under service load and live load. It has unsupported length of 3m effectively held in position at both ends but not restrained against rotation. Using M20 concrete and Fe415 steel area of longitudinal steel required will be
(A) 2 2423.4mm
(B) 2 2516.7mm
(C) 2 2647.3mm
(D) 2 2728.5mm
6. A bed of sand consists of three horizontal layers of equal thickness. The value of permeability 'k' for the upper and lower layers is 2 1 10 cm sec and that for the middle layer is 1 10 cm sec .The ratio of permeabilities in the horizontal direction to that in the vertical direction is?
(A) 1.4
(B) 2.8
(C) 1.8
(D) 2.4
7. A test plate 30 cm square, settles by 12 mm under a load of 4.5 kN in a sandy soil. By how much will a footing 2m 2m subjected to a load of 200 kN settle?
(A) 36.3 mm
(B) 20.87 mm
(C) 75.75 mm
(D) 18.15 mm
Email: email@example.com,Website: www.engineeringolympiad.in
8. If acceleration due to gravity is given by 'g' & viscosity as ' ', then the ratio between Reynolds Number (Re) and Froude Number r F will be
(A) 2 g L
(B) 3 2 g L
(C) 3 2 g L
(D) 3 2 2 g L
9. Evaluate xy x y dxdy taken over the area between y = x 2 and y = x.
(A) 0
(B) 2/56
(C) 1/56
(D) 3/56
10. The peak of flood hydrograph due to 3-h duration isolated storm is 3 320 m / s . The total depth of rainfall is 5.6 cm and average infiltration loss is 0.2 cm/hour. The area of catchment is given as 2 500 Km and hydrograph due to 1 cm, and DR may be approximated as triangle. (Assume constant base flow of 3 20 m / s ). Peak of 3-h unit hydrograph is 3 in m / s
(A) 3 42 m / s
(B) 3 50 m / s
(C) 3 55 m / s
(D) 3 60 m / s
11. Consider the following data:
i. Field capacity of soil = 27%
ii. Permanent wilting soil = 14%
iii. Density of soil = 1.5g/cm 3
iv. Effective depth of root zone = 75cm
v. Daily consumptive use of water for the given crop = 11mm.
vi. Assume readily available moisture be 80%.
Find the depth of water available for evapo-transpiration.
(A) 19.7 cm
(B) 15.2 cm
(C) 11.7 cm
(D) 9.2 cm
12. The following observations were made on a 4% dilution of wastewater.
D.O. of the aerated water used for dilution = 3mg/l
(D.O.) of the diluted sample after 5 days incubation = 0.8 mg/l
D.O. of original sample = 0.6mg/l
Assuming that the de-oxygenation co-efficient at test temperature is 20 o C, the BOD of 5 days of the sample will be
(A) 45.3mg/l
(B) 64.2mg/l
(C) 52.6mg/l
(D) 34.7mg/l
13. On a hilly road of single lane, curve has to be set out using ruling radius with e=0.07 and f=0.15. For design speed of 60km/hr, the value of extra widening required at the curve is.
[Assume length of wheel base of longest vehicle is 6m]
(A) 0.613 m
(B) 0.696 m
(C) 0.718 m
(D) 0.732 m
14. The iterative root of 2 f x 3x 2x 1 using Newton Raphson method is
(A) 2 n n 1 n 3x 1 x 6x 2
(B) 2 n n n 1 n 9x 4x 1 x 6x 2
(C) 2 n n 1 n 3x 1 x 6x 2
(D) 2 n n n 1 n 9x 4x 1 x 6x 2
15. The following notes refer to reciprocal levels taken with one level:
| | P |
|---|---|
| P | 1.884 |
| Q | 0.848 |
Distance between P and Q = 1200 m
Reduced level of P = 130.428
The difference in elevation between P and Q will be
(A) 0.863m
(B) 0.859m
(C) 0.745m
(D) 0.789m
16. A smooth 2 kg collar C shown in figure is attached to a spring having a stiffness k = 3 N/m and an un-stretched length of 0.75 m. If the collar is released from rest at A, then the normal force of the rod on the collar at the instant y = 1 m is
(A) 0.9 N
(B) 2.5 N
(C) 7.8 N
(D) 5.3 N
17. In a continuous flow of settling tank 3 m deep and 60 m long, what flow of velocity of water would you recommend for effective removal of 0.025 mm particles at o 25 C ? The specific gravity of particles is 2.65, and kinematic viscosity for water may be taken as 2 0.01cm sec.
(A) Flow velocity should not be less than 0.0562 cm sec
(B) Flow velocity should not be more than 0.0562 cm sec
(C) Flow velocity should not be less than 1.35 cm sec
(D) Flow velocity should not be more than 1.35 cm sec
18. What is the ratio of 1 2 K to K for flow occurring through two different soil media shown in the figure below when the head loss across 1 L is 25% of that across 2 L .
(A) 4
(B) 5
(C) 6
(D) 7
(B) 3 4x y ln x c 3
(D) 3 2 4ln x y x c 3
20. A frame ABCD is shown in figure:
If the final moment at B is 100 kN m, then the moment developed at end A is
(A) 23KN-m
(B) 24KN-m
(C) 25KN-m
(D) 26KN-m
21. A stressed block gave the following results:
Major principal strain, e
4
1
3.24 10
Minor principal strain, e
2
Poisson's ratio, 0.25
Modulus of elasticity E
11
2 10
N m
The respective principal stresses are:
(A) 2 2 75.95 MN m & 44.59 MN m
(B) 2 2 120.22 MN m &91.80 MN m
(C) 2 2 88.25 MN m & 70.19 MN m
(D) 2 2 60.10 MN m &35.0 MN m
22. A jet of water of diameter 5 cm strikes a curved plate at its centre with a velocity of 25 m/s. The curved plate is moving with velocity of 10 m/s in the direction of jet. The jet is deflected through an angle of 160 . Find the power of jet in kW.
(A) 13.5
(B) 6.75
(C) 17.2
(D) 8.55
23. A reinforced concrete pile weighing 50kN is driven by drop hammer weighing 100kN and having effective fall of 0.75 m. The average set per blow is 1.6cm. Total temporary elastic settlement is 1.5 cm. For coefficient of restitution of collision to be 0.25, then the ultimate bearing capacity of pile will be (By Hiley formula)
(A) 2500 KN
(B) 2400 KN
(C) 2300 KN
(D) 2200 KN
24. A rectangular channel of base width 5m is carrying discharge of 3 15 m / s at a depth of 3m. The flow is stopped suddenly due to complete closure of gate at the downstream. The height in meters of surge produced is
(A) 0.35m
(B) 3.4m
(C) 0.26m
(D) 0.57m
1.28 10
4
25. 2 x y 0 y xe dxdy ___________.
(A) 0.5
(B) 1
(C) 1.5
(D) 2
26. A old survey map plotted to scale of 100 m to 1cm has shrunk so that the line originally 30 cm long is now 29.5 cm. A planimeter measures the area of the map as 2 200 cm , the true area of the field is
(A) 2.068 Km 2
(B) 2.456 Km 2
(C) 2.310 Km 2
(D) 2.215 Km
2
27. A pump delivers water from a tank P, water surface elevation is 100.00 m, to a tank Q water surface elevation = 180.00 m. The function pipe is 100 m long and 50 cm diameter, f = 0.025. The delivery pipe is 1000 m long and 30 cm diameter, f = 0.020. If the head discharge relationship for the pump is given by 2 P H 120 1200 Q then what is the discharge in the pipeline?
(A) 3 0.08 m s
(B) 3 0.14 m s
(C) 3 0.32 m s
(D) 3 0.74 m s
28. An RCC beam of breadth 250mm mm and effective depth 450mm is subjected to factored shear force of 150kN and a factored torque of value 10KNm. The design shear strength as per IS 456:200 is 0.4MPa. The shear force to be taken by stirrup is
(A) 214 KN
(B) 200 KN
(C) 135 KN
(D) 169 KN
29. A slow sand filter consisting of sand bed, having sand particles size 0.45 mm diameter and specific gravity 2.70, porosity 0.50 and depth 65 cm is subjected to back wash so that expansion will be 60%. Compute the back wash water rate.
2 2
Assume, 1.3 10
cm / sec
(A) 2.5cm / sec
(B) 2.67 cm / sec
(C) 3 cm / sec
(D) None of these
30. The speed density relationship for a particular road was found to be U 72.63 0.42 K where U is the speed in kmph and ‘K’ is the density of vehicles per Km. what is the density of road (vehicles/Km), at which traffic volume will be maximum?
(A) 86.46
(B) 114.58
(C) 162.34
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Animal ABC Handwriting Pack
Our Animal ABC handwriting pages are great for children who are beginning to write on their own.
Children trace the letters, and then try out their own in the blank spaces provided. Each worksheet features upper and lower case lettering practice, as well as four early reader words with pictures.
Aardvark
A A A A
A A A A
A A
a a a a
a a a a
a a
Bear
B B B B
B B B
B B
b b b b
b b b
b b
Camel
Deer
D D D
D D
d d d
d d
d
Elephant
E E E
E E
E
E E E
E E
E
Fox
F F F
F F
F
F F F
F F
F
Giraffe
Hippo
Indian Rhinocerus
-2 → ____
1 ↓ 1 •
3 → ____
Jelly Fish
Kangaroo
K K K
K K
K
K K K
K K
K
Lion
Moose
M M M
M M
M
m m m
m m
m
Newt
N N N
N N
N
n n n
n n
n
Opossum
Porcupine
P P P
P P
P
P P P
P P
P
Racoon
R R R
R R
R
R R R
R R
R
Squirrel
S S S
S S
S
S S S
S S
S
Tiger
- 2 →
- 1
- 1
- 2
Urchin
U U U
U U
U
U U U
U U
U
Vulture
V V V
V V
V V V
V V
V
Wolf
W W W W
W W
W
W W W
W W
W
X-ray Fish
X X X
X X
X
X X X
X X
X
Yak
Y Y Y
Y Y
Y
Y Y Y
Y Y
Y
Zebra
Z Z Z
Z Z
Z
Z Z Z
Z Z
Z
Thanks again for Subscribing!
Be sure you visit our website for free printables and resources.
Alphabet Printables
Early Reader Printables
Math Printables
Phonics Printables
Sight Word Printables
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SNC1D -‐ Grade 9 Science, Academic
Overall Expectation:
A1. demonstrate scientific investigation skills (related to both inquiry and research) in the four areas of skills (initiating and planning, performing and recording, analysing and interpreting, and communicating);
Specific Expectations:
A1.6 gather data from laboratory and other sources, and organize and record the data using appropriate formats, including tables, flow charts, graphs, and/or diagrams
A1.7 select, organize, and record relevant information on research topics from various sources, including electronic, print, and/or human sources (e.g., Statistics Canada publications, NASA or EnerGuide websites, personal interviews), using recommended formats and an accepted form of academic documentation A1.8 analyse and interpret qualitative and/or quantitative data to determine whether the evidence supports or refutes the initial prediction or hypothesis, identifying possible sources of error, bias, or uncertainty
Overall Expectation:
B2. investigate factors related to human activity that affect terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems, and explain how they affect the sustainability of these ecosystems;
Specific Expectations:
B2.2 interpret qualitative and quantitative data from undisturbed and disturbed ecosystems (terrestrial and/or aquatic), communicate the results graphically, and, extrapolating from the data, explain the importance of biodiversity for all sustainable ecosystems [PR, AI, C] and/or,
B2.5 analyse the effect of human activity on the populations of terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems by interpreting data and generating graphs (e.g., data from Statistics Canada, Parks Canada, and other websites on: the concentration in water of chemicals from fertilizer run-‐off and their effect on the growth of algae; stressors associated with human use of natural areas, such as trampled vegetation, wildlife mortality from motor vehicles, and the removal
of plants, animals, and/or natural objects; suburban developments and their impact on the food supply for animals such as foxes and racoons) [PR, AI, C]
SNC1P -‐ Grade 9 Science, Applied
Overall Expectation:
A1. demonstrate scientific investigation skills (related to both inquiry and research) in the four areas of skills (initiating and planning, performing and recording, analysing and interpreting, and communicating);
Specific Expectations:
A1.6 gather data from laboratory and other sources, and organize and record the data using appropriate formats, including tables, flow charts, graphs, and/or diagrams
A1.7 select, organize, and record relevant information on research topics from various sources, including electronic, print, and/or human sources (e.g., Statistics Canada publications, NASA or EnerGuide websites, personal interviews), using recommended formats and an accepted form of academic documentation A1.8 analyse and interpret qualitative and/or quantitative data to determine whether the evidence supports or refutes the initial prediction or hypothesis, identifying possible sources of error, bias, or uncertainty
Overall Expectation:
B2. investigate some factors related to human activity that affect terrestrial or aquatic ecosystems, and describe the consequences that these factors have for the sustainability of these ecosystems; Specific Expectations:
B2.3 compile and graph qualitative and quantitative data on organisms within an undisturbed or disturbed ecosystem (terrestrial or aquatic) (e.g., nematode and earthworm populations in soil or compost; bird populations during migration or winter feeding; tadpole and mosquito larvae populations in a local pond) [PR, AI, C] and/or,
B2.5 analyse the effect of factors related to human activity on terrestrial or aquatic ecosystems by interpreting data and generating
| The “traditional” classroom practice and approach to the learning goals | Providing data to students about specific situations (some examples below). Students graph the data and answer a series of questions requiring interpretation of the data. Completed work is handed in to the teacher for feedback and/or taken up as a class. Examples: • wolf population and deer population over time • moose-‐vehicle accidents and moose population over time • water quality indicators (chemicals) over time or in a variety of locations human population density vs. small animal population density (squirrels, racoons, etc.) |
|---|---|
| SAMR: Substitution | Students use TinkerPlots to graph the data provided and answer a series of questions about the relationships found in the given data. Different student graphs and conclusions are shared with the class through the u se of a projector. |
| SAMR: Augmentation | Students use TinkerPlots to graph data and create a report within TinkerPlots to communicate their findings. Instead of answering a series of questions leading students through data analysis, students communicate their findings to an audience of their peers. Reports are shared with the class digitally or by printing them. |
| SAMR: Modification | Provide students with a large set of data with multiple indicators (example: PWQMN Data, which includes data about water quality testing from different stream stations all over Ontario). Different groups of students pose different questions and use TinkerPlots to manipulate and analyze the data to answer their questions. Questions could include “how does latitude/time of year impact metal concentration/dissolved oxygen level of water?”. Students present their findings to the class, including their data analysis. This activity allows students to pose their own inquiry questions and then see how each group used TinkerPlots to analyze the data through presentations. |
Redefinition
Provide students with a large set of data with multiple indicators (example: wolf population, deer population, climate data, plant growth data, etc. over time). Different groups of students pose different questions and use TinkerPlots to manipulate and analyze the data to answer their questions. Students create digital presentations to share their findings to a class blog or website. These digital presentations could include recorded presentations, infographics or screen captures of their data analysis using TinkerPlots. This work can now be shared with a wider audience including collaborations with other classes, environmental advocates, politicians or scientists.
Option 2: Inquiry-‐Driven
With guidance, students pose a question they have about human impact on an ecosystem. For example: "how does the latitude of a stream water testing location impact the metal concentration/pH?" or, "how does wildlife-‐vehicle accidents impact wildlife populations?". Students gather data through research and use TinkerPlots to analyze the data. Students create digital presentations to share their findings to a class blog or website. These digital presentations could include recorded presentations, infographics, videos or screen captures of their data analysis using TinkerPlots. This work can now be shared with a wider audience including collaborations with other classes, environmental advocates, politicians or scientists.
Notes:
* this activity will have students practice the skill of searching databases for data (may require scaffolding for some)
* possible data resource for this example: PWQMN Data.
Option 3: Global Collaboration Inquiry
Data is collected globally and collaboratively by students about water quality. Students create a google spreadsheet (or google form) to collect data about locations and water quality from around the world. Data collected could include: air temperature, water temperature, date, latitude, longitude, local population density, pH, species present, etc. This data set is then imported into TinkerPlots for analysis as a class or in small groups. As students find regions around the world/county/province/country with higher or lower pH levels, they could interview students from that area about local geography, industry, waste control methods, etc. Using research and through interviewing students from those areas, students could develop theories explaining the increase or decrease in pH levels along with ideas for improving or stabilizing water quality. Students' final product would include data from their survey (analyzed in TinkerPlots), a discussion about the impact of human activity on that aquatic ecosystem and suggestions for possible stabilization or improvement of water quality (including the barriers to those solutions).
Notes:
* A project like this would require the teacher be connected to a professional learning network of other educators, allowing them to gather data from different locations. These professional learning networks could be developed informally through social networks like Twitter, or through an organization such as iEARN, CurioCity or TakingITGlobal.
* If students in other countries did not have access to pH testing equipment, students in Canada could help them create their own indicators or by sending them pH paper.
* Adaptations include: gather data from local areas vs. globally (example: all over Simcoe County, all over Ontario or throughout Canada)
* Students may have to combine data sources such as the population of an animal and the average temperature for a season in a particular region
Other Data Sources:
‐
* Transport Canada (wildlife-‐vehicle accidents): http://www.tc.gc.ca/eng/motorvehiclesafety/tptp147981289.htm
* Wolves and Moose of Isle Royale: http://www.isleroyalewolf.org/data/data/home.html
Considerations for Digital Citizenship:
‐
* Stats Canada: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/startdebuteng.html
‐
* Canada Climate Data:http://climate.weather.gc.ca/
*
Environment Canada Data:
http://www.ec.gc.ca/scitech/default.asp?lang=En&n=EE731FE
6-‐1
* York University (information and links to data and statistics): http://researchguides.library.yorku.ca/content.php?pid=2278 95&sid=1894134
* Environment Canada Ecological Monitoring: http://www.ec.gc.ca/faunesciencewildlifescience/default.asp?lang=En&n=B0D89DF11
‐
* WWF Polar Bear FactSheet: http://www.wwf.ca/conservation/species/polar_bear_factshe et.cfm
* Students will need to be aware of proper sourcing for data used.
* If images, music or screen captures are used to create presentations, students will need to be able to properly find and provide attribution for media licensed through creative commons.
* This activity will provide a great base for practicing the skill of evaluating information sources found on the Internet.
* Searching databases effectively is a skill that could be developed through this activity.
Posting presentations on a class or school blog or website and collaborating with experts, other students, environmental advocates or politicians online will provide opportunity for the practical application of digital safety and privacy concerns. | <urn:uuid:5ab761fd-2f50-4e70-a8fe-336a3b4aa0e0> | CC-MAIN-2018-13 | https://www.osapac.ca/samr/pdf/SAMR-G9TinkerPlotsCalder.pdf | 2018-03-24T02:01:30Z | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-13/segments/1521257649627.3/warc/CC-MAIN-20180324015136-20180324035136-00776.warc.gz | 827,806,207 | 6,337 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.974071 | eng_Latn | 0.987101 | [
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STRANDS AND STANDARDS FLORICULTURE & GREENHOUSE MANAGEMENTCTE Logo
Cour Course Descrip se Description
Students will develop knowledge and skills related to the floriculture industry. Floral design and greenhouse operations and management will be the primary units of study. Students will be prepared to create floral arrangements, produce commercial plant species in a controlled environment, and manage commercial and experimental greenhouse operations.
i
i
i
ADA Compliant: September 2021
STRAND 1 TRAND 1
Student will participate in personal and leadership development activities through the FFA.
Standard 1
Student will use communication skills to effectively communicate with others.
* Understand and follow verbal and written instructions for classroom and laboratory activities.
* Understand when it is appropriate to listen and to speak.
* Will practice communication skills through public speaking using one or more of the following activities: memorized speech, prepared speech, extemporaneous speech, parliamentary practice, group presenta tion, or serving in a leadership capacity.
Standard 2
Student will effectively use teamwork to respectfully work with others.
* Lead a group discussion or serve in a leadership capacity.
* Identify and understand different roles in working with a team.
Standard 3
Student will use critical thinking and problem-solving skills.
* Develop a solution to address the problem.
* Analyze the cause of the problem.
* Implement the plan.
* Evaluate the effectiveness of the plan.
Standard 4
Student will be dependable, reliable, steady, trustworthy, and consistent in performance and behavior.
* Prioritize, plan, and manage work to complete assignments and projects on time.
* Set and meet goals on attendance and punctuality.
Standard 5
Student will be accountable for results.
* Use reflection to describe what was learned, what went well, what could have been improved, and what are the implications to the learning process.
* Use an achievement chart for activities and behaviors in class that encourages a personal evaluation of classroom performance.
* Track and communicate progress toward completion of assignments and projects.
Standard 6
Be familiar with the legal requirements and expectations of the course.
* Demonstrate workplace ethics, e.g., fair, honest, disciplined.
* Be familiar with the course disclosure statement and all requirements for successful completion of the course.
Performance Skills
* Student will practice communication skills through public speaking using one or more of the following activities: memorized speech, prepared speech, extemporaneous speech, parliamentary practice, group presentation, or serving in a leadership capacity.
STRAND 2 TRAND 2
Student will participate in work-based learning activities through the Supervised Agricultural Experience (SAE) Program.
Standard 1
Student will demonstrate employability skills.
* Identify appropriate CTE Pathway for selected career choice.
* Use a career search network to find career choices.
* Prepare for entry into the work force by completing one of the following: list of required skills needed for a career choice, a resume including a list of demonstrated skills, a cover letter or letter of applica tion, a job application, or participate in an actual or simulated job interview.
Standard 2
Student will participate in a work-based learning experience outside the classroom.
* Foundational SAE: Career exploration and planning, employability skills for college and career readi ness, personal financial management and planning, workplace safety, and agricultural literacy.
* Student will plan and implement a Supervised Agricultural Experience Program:
* Immersion SAE: Ownership/entrepreneurship, placement/internship, research, school-based enter prise, and/or service-learning experiences.
Standard 3
Student will develop a job portfolio specific to their selected SAE/WBL experience.
* Student will keep a personal record/journal/log of their SAE/WBL experience; including pictures, finan cial records or log of their hours, skills learned, goals, reflection, etc.
Performance Skills
* Student will keep a personal record/journal/log of their SAE/WBL experience; including pictures, finan cial records or log of their hours, skills learned, goals, reflection, etc.
STRAND 3 TRAND 3
Students will demonstrate floral design techniques.
Standard 1
Identify common plant materials used in floral design.
* Identify common foliage used in floral design.
* Identify common cut flowers used in floral design.
* Identify common live plants used in floral design.
Standard 2
Care for fresh flowers and foliage
* Describe the causes of deterioration and death of flowers (e.g., ethylene gas).
* Explain the basic care requirements of cut flowers (e.g., water, light, temperature).
* Describe the steps of effective conditioning of flowers and foliage.
* Explain the importance of using floral preservatives.
Standard 3
Identify floral design tools and supplies.
3]Page • Recognize and describe floral design supplies.
* Identify common tools used in floral design.
Standard 4
Explain the principles and elements of floral design.
* Analyze the principles of floral design.
* Discuss the history and influence of different styles of design on the floriculture industry.
* Examine the concept of proportion and scale.
* Describe how rhythm is applied in floral work.
* Explain how the concept of balance is applied to floral design.
* Explain how the principles of dominance and focal point are used in floral design.
* Explain how space and depth enhance floral design.
* Describe the major flower forms used in floral design.
* Assess the importance of texture in floral design.
* Explain basic geometric designs.
* Evaluate the influences of color on floral work.
Standard 5
Design floral arrangements using the principles and elements of design using at least four of the following indicators.
* Design bud vase arrangements.
* Design corsages and boutonnieres.
* Design vase arrangements.
* Design holiday arrangements.
* Design centerpieces.
* Design wedding pieces.
* Design color bowls and hanging baskets.
* Design sympathy arrangements.
* Design arrangements using everlasting flowers.
* Create bows and/or accessories appropriate for the design.
* Prepare a potted plant with foil.
Performance Skills
* Student will design and make four of the following floral arrangements; bud vase, center piece, holiday arrangement, wedding arrangement, sympathy arrangement, color bowl, or hanging basket using the principles and elements of design.
* Student will design and make corsages and boutonnieres.
STRAND 4 TRAND 4
Students will demonstrate greenhouse crop production techniques.
Standard 1
Describe greenhouse structures.
* Review considerations for greenhouse frameworks.
* Differentiate greenhouse designs.
* Identify and describe greenhouse glazing materials.
* Describe greenhouse bench options.
* Describe the functions of the headhouse.
* Identify and operate supplemental lighting systems.
Standard 2
Explain greenhouse climate control.
* Contrast major greenhouse cooling and ventilation systems.
* Describe methods of heating greenhouse structures.
* Discuss how energy curtains and a shade cloth are used to maintain greenhouse temperatures.
* Analyze greenhouse climate controls.
Standard 3
Describe automated greenhouse systems.
* Identify automated systems for moving plants in the greenhouse.
* Assess automated planting systems.
* Compare automated watering-systems.
Standard 4
Examine the components and properties of growing media.
* Describe the functions of growing media.
* Describe the components of growing media.
* Determine desirable properties of growing media
* Evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of soilless media.
Standard 5
Investigate chemical characteristics of growing media.
* Test and interpret the pH level of various growing media.
* Demonstrate proper techniques for sampling growing media.
Standard 6
Supply nutrients to greenhouse crops.
* Describe pH and how it is modified.
* Explain plant nutrition.
* Describe the components of a fertilizer.
* Explain the methods of applying fertilizers to horticulture crops.
Standard 7
Explain the effects of light, temperature, air, and water on plant growth.
* Describe the influence of temperature on greenhouse crops.
* Examine the effect of light on greenhouse crops.
* Explain how watering practices influence greenhouse crop production.
* Explain the effect of oxygen and carbon dioxide on photosynthesis and plant growth.
Standard 8
Identify and explain the functions of plant growth regulators.
* Examine commercial uses for plant growth regulators.
* Compare the functions of plant hormones.
Standard 9
Propagate floriculture and greenhouse crops.
* Explain pollination, cross-pollination, and self-pollination of flowering plants.
* Compare and contrast sexual and asexual reproduction.
* Diagram the process of plant fertilization.
* Describe the process of seed germination.
* Explain the importance of seed viability and vigor.
* Explain the conditions required for seed germination.
* Demonstrate techniques for sowing seed.
* Demonstrate techniques used to propagate plants by cuttings, division, separation, and layering.
* Describe optimal conditions for asexual propagation.
* Transplant greenhouse plant materials.
* Compare and contrast plants that are either monocots or dicots.
* Compare and contrast annual, biennial, and perennial plants.
Standard 10
Grow greenhouse crops.
* Explain the importance of proper spacing of greenhouse crops and recommended spacing practices.
* Plan a growing schedule to maximize the production of the greenhouse facility.
* Select the appropriate container and medium for a greenhouse crop.
* Describe disbudding procedures.
* Explain the purposes for pinching greenhouse crops and the techniques used.
* Demonstrate proper watering techniques.
* Demonstrate production of bulb crops.
* Demonstrate production of potted flowering crops.
* Demonstrate production of bedding plants.
* Demonstrate production of foliage plants.
Standard 11
Discuss pest management techniques.
* Explain best management practices while maintaining environmental integrity.
* Identify categories of pests (e.g., weeds, insects, fungi, etc.).
* Discuss alternative pest control techniques.
* Explain integrated pest management (IPM).
* Demonstrate safe practices in selecting, applying, storing, and disposing of chemicals.
Performance Skills
* Perform typical plant maintenance including, transplanting, watering, pinching, and disbudding.
* Propagate plants using both seed and cuttings.
* Develop a growing schedule to maximize the production of a greenhouse facility.
* Student will prepare greenhouse plants for sale.
STRAND 5 TRAND 5
Students will explain floriculture and greenhouse business concepts.
Standard 1
Price floral design work and greenhouse crops.
* Assess typical pricing strategies.
* Calculate the costs for floral arrangements and greenhouse crops.
* Calculate mark-up.
Standard 2
Prepare floriculture work and greenhouse crops for sale.
* Clean plants and containers.
* Decorate plants and containers.
* Attach price tags and care instructions.
Standard 3
Explain the basics of marketing in the floriculture and greenhouse industry.
* Recognize ways of maintaining and increasing the effectiveness of horticultural business displays.
* Display floriculture materials and greenhouse crops for sale.
* Recognize how advertising is used.
* Use proper telephone techniques.
* Complete sales tickets.
* Describe effective packaging and delivery.
* Describe the impact of the international flower market on the floriculture industry.
Standard 4
Describe floriculture business management.
* Recognize costs related to production.
* Differentiate the types of floriculture and greenhouse businesses.
* Analyze the importance of marketing, promotion, and sales.
Performance Skills
* Student will calculate mark-up.
* Student will calculate the cost of floral arrangements and greenhouse crops.
* Student will prepare floriculture/greenhouse crops for sale.
Skill Certification Test Points by Strand
i
Test Name
Test #
Number of Test Points by Strand
Total Points
Total Quest ons
1 2 3
4 5
6 7
8 9 10
Floriculture & Grn Mg 130 | <urn:uuid:272f6ba9-03c2-425c-a022-1f3dc8ae711a> | CC-MAIN-2024-22 | https://www.schools.utah.gov/cte/_cte/strands/FloricultureGreenhouseManagement.pdf | 2024-05-18T01:05:52+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-22/segments/1715971057216.39/warc/CC-MAIN-20240517233122-20240518023122-00256.warc.gz | 908,600,271 | 2,369 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.975847 | eng_Latn | 0.985291 | [
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HUHR/1601/4.1.2/0031
ECOTOP 2
Angol nyelvű ökoturisztikai szöveggyűjtemény
Készítette: Vadász Péter
Traditional multi-tasking
Seumas McSporran is a very busy man. He's 60 and has thirteen jobs. He is a postman, a policeman, a fireman, a taxi driver, a school-bus driver, a boatman, an ambulance driver, an accountant, a petrol attendant, a barman and an undertaker. Aso, he and his wife, Margaret, have a shop and a small hotel.
Seumas lives and works on the island of Gigha in th west of Scotland. Only 120 people live on Gigha buti n summer 150 tourists come by boat every day. Every weekday Seumas gets up at 6 am. and makes breakfast for the hotel guests. At 8 am. he drives the island's children to school. At 9 am. he collects the post from the boat and delivers it to all the houses on the island. He also delivers the beer to the island's only pub. Then he helps Margaret in the shop.
He says: 'Margaret likes being busy, too. We never have holidays and we don't like watching TV. In the evenings Margaret makes dinner and I do the accounts. At 10 pm. we have a glass of wine and then we go to bed. Perhaps our life isn't very exciting, but we like it.'
Getting around Somogy
Lake Balaton, which is about 70 kms long, is on the norther border of Somogy county. Siófok is a big town which is situated on the east end of the lake in the upper right corner of Somogy. Another important town halfway on the southern shore is Balatonlelle. Kaposvár, the county capital, is about 50 kms south of Balatonlelle and about 20 kms far from the eastern county border. The river Dráva (Drava) flows along the southern border dividing Hungary and Croatia. Barcs is along the river about 20 kms from the bottom right corner of Somogy. Two main roads cross Somogy: Road 61 goes through Kaposvár and cuts it from west to east. Road 67 connects Kaposvár and Balatonlelle Other important towns are Nagyatád and Marcali. If you drive from Kaposvár about 30 kms along road 67 and head north and drive another 20 kms, you will find Marcali. If you do the same but after 30 kms you head south and drive 20 kms, you'll find Nagyatád. Somogy can be divided into 4 big areas: Zselic, is situated south of Kaposvár. Inner Somogy lies on the west between the Drava and Marcali. Outer Somogy is in the east between Kaposvár and Siófok. There is a wide lane along lake Balaton which is called Balaton Basin.
We are living faster but are we living better?
Not long ago people believed that in the future we would work less, have more free time, and be more relaxed. But sadly this has not happened. Today we work harder, work longer hours, and are more stressed than ten years ago. We walk faster, talk faster, and sleep less than previous generations. And although we are obsessed with machines which save us time, we have less free time than our parents and grandparents had. But what is this doing to our health? An American journalist James Gleick in a new book Faster: the acceleration of just about everything, says that people who live in big cities arre suffering from 'hurry sickness'- we are always trying to do more things in less time. As a result, our lives are more stressful. He says that if we don't slow down, we won't live as long as our parents. For most people, faster doesn't mean better.
Examles:
Most people don't have enough time to read the newspaper articles, they only read the headlines. Newsreaders also speak faster than 10 years ago.
One-Minute Bedtime Stories are shorter versions of traditional stories for busy parents to save time.
When you listen to answerphone messages you can use a 'quick playback' function to listen to people faster because we have no time to listen to messages with normal speed.
We spend less time to look at pictures in a gallery than ten years ago. The time spent in front of a picture went down from 10 seconds to 3 seconds.
Baseball became a boring and long sport because it is slow. Nowadays people prefer fast and dynamic sports like basketball.
We spend more and more time in our cars which makes our journey very slow. Driving is the only thing we do slower than 10 years ago.
Are you aware of the environment? Then you should have a modern home which respects the environment. Such a home should be equipped with the latest energy-saving technology so as to contribute to a less polluted world.
If our home is well designed and well insulated, it will be less energy wasteful. But how can you achieve this? By having a home with a good number of energy saving facilities such as efficient and non-polluting central heating and solar water heater to save energy and money. Insulated walls and double glazed windows can also prevent heat from being wasted. In this way, it can have the suitable insulation and an environmentally friendly heating system.
Finally, high-technology equipment, like computer-controlled appliances and state-of-the-art devices, like energy efficient light bulbs, can make it easier to run and more economical to maintain.
Recycled accomodation
Joanne Ussery, 54, from Mississipi is a big favourite with her grandsons because she lives on a junk jet plane. Her home is an abandoned Boeing 727, so a visit to grandma is very special.
Joanne's front door is at the top of the plane's steps, but you don't need a ticket or a passport when you visit her. There are three bedrooms, a living room, a modern kitchen and a luxury bathroom. The bathroom is in the cockpit with the bath under the windows. Next to this is Joanne's bedroom in the first class sction of the plane. Then there's the living room with 4 emergency exit doors, which she opens on hot summer evenings. On the wall there's a photo of the plane flying from Florida to the Caribbean. There are also four toilets, all with a 'No Smoking' sign.
'The plane is 27 years old and it's the best home in the world.' says Joanne. 'It has all the things you want in a home, a telephone, air-conditioning, a cooker, a washing machine, even a dishwasher. It's always very warm, even in winter, and it's very big, 42 metres long. My grandchildren love running up and down. And my friends love parties here, but there aren't any flight attendants to serve them their drinks!'
The plane cost Joanne just $2000. 'Next time,' she says, ' I want a Boeing 747, not a 727, because they have an upstairs and downstairs, and I want to go upstairs to bed!'
Getting off the beaten track
Back in the 1980s and early 1990s, when Africans first realised that tourism might be a way out of poverty, they built big concrete hotels on the beaches of Kenya, South Africa and other countries. For some time numerous charter flights came from Germany and Italy. Tourists hoping to see lions in nature reserves - but also expecting to enjoy the comforts of home - packed into overcrowded resorts that were trying to look like the Mediterranean.
That was then. Fortunately, a new kind of travel is in fashion now. Today's tourists are leaving the European-style hotels for more authentic experiences, like horseback-riding through the bush. Sitting by the fire at night after a typical dinner of meat stew, pumpkin leaves and wild spinach, they listen to the local Xhosa people telling folk stories. This experience is not offered by a multinational tour operator but by the Xhosa themselves, through a small, locally run firm called Amadiba Adventures. The money they earn will provide the Xhosa tour guides with an income two or three times the average local wage.
In many ways, this off-the-beaten-track holiday represents the future of global tourism. Despite difficulties, international and domestic tourism is expected to grow fast over the next two decades. Rise in global wealth, improving transport technology, cheaper flights and the use of thr internet will make it possible for more people around the world to travel than ever before.
Future tourists will also want to do different things. The standard two-week sun-and-sea beach holiday is going to become less popular. Shorter but more varied trips will be seeked for causing the rapid development of adventure travel, ecotourism, cultural tours, spa holidays, cruises an sports vacations in distant locations. Local goverments and firms are trying hard to satisfy this new demand for individual experiences which offers them to make huge profits from tourism.
The right food for you
You need to eat the right food. Carbohydrates give your body energy, fibre helps to move food through your stomach and intestines. Brown bread and brown rice have lots of fibre. Fruit and vegetables also have fibre and vitamins that help you to stay healthy.
Proteins help your muscles to grow. Meat, fish and eggs have proteins. Dairy food like milk, yoghurt and cheese have proteins, fat and calcium. You need calcium for healthy bones and iron for healthy blood. Meat, eggs and green vegetables have iron. You should know how much of different type of food you should eat. Don't eat food with too much sugar, fat and salt. You need a little fat to stay healthy but too much fat can make you overweight. Too much sugar and salt is unhealthy, too. Sugar is also harmful to your teeth.
Around the world, people eat differently to stay healthy. What sort of foods are you familiar with?
In Japan, people eat lots of rice, vegetables and fish. These all have lots of fibre and vitamins and don't contain too much fat. In countries near the Mediterranean Sea, people consume a lot of bread, salad and fruit. They use olive oil and tomatoes for making salads and for cooking. Scientists think that olive oil and tomatoes help people to stay healthy.
In Peru and Bolivia, people eat lots of fruit and vegetables. Some people eat rice or quinoa seeds with meat and potatoes. Quinoa has lots of proteins, fibre and iron.
Food around the world
For 99% of human history, people took their food from the world around them. They ate all that they could find, and then moved on. Then about 10,000 years ago, or for 1% of human history, people learned to farm the land and control their environment.
What do we eat? The kind of food we eat depends on which part of the world we live in, or which part of the country we live in. For example, in the south of China they eat rice, but in the north they eat noodles. In Scandinavia, they eat a lot of herrings, and the Portugese love sardines. However, in Central Europe, away from the sea, people don't eat so much fish, they eat more meat and sausages. In Germany and Poland there are hundreds of different kinds of sausages.
How do we eat? In North America, Australia and Europe there are two or more courses to every meal and people eat with knives and forks. In China there is only one course, all the food is together on the table, and they eat with chopsticks. In parts of India and the Middle East people use their fingers and bread to pick up the food.
Where does our food come from? Nowadays it is possible to transport food easily from one part of the world to the other. We can eat what we like, when we like, at any time of the year. Our bananas come from the Caribbean or Africa, our rice comes from India or the USA; our strawberries come from Chile or Spain. Food is very big business but people in poor countries are still hungry, and people in rich countries still eat too much.
Life in a cold country
Sweden is very cold in winter, sometimes as cold as -26 ⁰C and of course when you go out you wrap up warm, but inside, in the houses, it's always very warm, much warmer than the average. Swedish people always complain that when they visit England the houses are cold even in a good winter. In Sweden the houses are much better insulated than in Britain and they always have the heating on very high.
As for the darkness, around Christmas time, in December there is only one hour of daylight- so you really look forward to the spring. Winters are a bit depressing but in summer, from May to July the sun never sets, sometimes it's still light at midnight. At this time the Swedes start work earlier and leave at about two or three in the afternoon so that they can enjoy long summer evenings. The houses usually have a sauna and most people have a country cottage to get back to nature at weekends. They are quite pimitive lacking basic things like running water or flushing toilets, except saunas. Saunas with a swim in the lake are the favourite past times.
UNIT 10
Pedalling water
In many parts of the world farmlands are supplied with water through irrigation systems so that crops can be grown. Irrigation is necessary in parts of the world where rainfall is low or it is restricted to certain months of the year.
The treadle pump is an effective and environmentally friendly technology used in many areas of Africa and Asia to lift water from shallow aquifers or canals. It costs about the quarter of the price of a motorized pump and costs less to operate. The operator uses the body weight and leg muscles in a walking movement to pump the water. The pump can lift from a depth of up to 7 meters and produce between 3,500 and 5,000 liters of water per hour. It does not require a great deal of effort, so can be operated by anyone in the family from children to grandparents. It is ideally suited to areas where water table is at a high level. The treadle pump can provide water for up to 0.5 hectares of land and is very suitable for most small farmers who cultivate less than this.
For many farmers these low-cost irrigation pumps have removed their reliance on a single crop, allowing them to grow more crops out of season. They can obtain higher yields and grow highervalue crops such as fruits and vegetables. This technology is helping the poorest in the world escape poverty and become more entrepreneurial.
UNIT 11
Polish tradition
Nowy Swiat, which means New World is Warsaw's famous shopping street. An incredible 14,000 Poles walk down here every hour. It is a lovely place to shop. The pavements are very wide. There are statues, palaces, attractive town houses, exclusive cafés and top-class restaurants. The buildings aren't too high. They look old, but in fact the whole city was rebuilt after World War II. There aren't any billboards or neon lights. There isn't any lod music and there aren't many tourists. People think that Polish shops have nothing to sell, so nobody comes shopping here. The world doesn't know about this paradise for shoppers-yet.
It is now possible to buy almost everything in Warsaw. Polish manufacturers are now producing high quality goods. They are good because they are not mass produced for world consumption. Nowy Swiat has a lot of small shops, specialist shops and chic shops. It hasn't got the huge department stores that sell the same things everywhere. If you want an exclusive hand-made suit, Nowy Swiat is the place to go. It isn't cheap, you will pay up to Ł1000. At Désa, a famous antique shop, a desk costs Ł5000 and a 19th century icon is Ł200. Leather goods such as handbags, purses, coats and belts are relatively cheap. Cepelia specializes in folk art and small boutiques sell hand-made man's wear and woman's wear. Cafés have a lively atmosphere where well-known Poles meet. The frozen yoghurt, home-made ice-creams are excellent and the doughnuts are delicious.
All in all, Warsaw is different from other world cities. Shops are unique and traditional sellers sell locally made goods instead of global products. A historic tradition remained here and this gives it a perfect charm.
UNIT 12
Canada geese
They can be seen and heard in many areas of British Columbia. They usually stay until November or December before flying south for the winter in search of warmer climates. Canada geese have black heads, tails, necks and feet and white feathers on their heads. Their lifespan is quite long, ranging from twenty or thirty years. While Canada gees tend to produce young at the age of early age of three, females are known to reproduce up to the age of twenty, laying four to seven eggs each spring.
Canada geese have very strong family relations, both parents tend to their young for nearly a year. Families stay together until the time comes to return to the breeding areas. It is only at this time that the geese must go their separate ways. Because Canada geese are a national symbol, it is illegal to harm them in any way. This policy has actually resulted in an overpopulation of the birds. For example it is not uncommon to see a family of Canada geese walking around on highways.
UNIT 13
Budapest
Budapest has a population of over 2 million people. One in every five Hungarians lives there. The river Danube devides the city into two parts. On the west bank there are the woods and hills of Buda and the old town. On the east bank there is the bigger and modern Pest, the business and shopping centre. From Buda there are wonderful views of Pest and the river. Six bridges join the two parts.
For nearly thousand years Buda and Pest were two towns. Then in 1873 they joined and became one city. Until 1939 Budapest was one of the most important cultural capitals of Europe. Then world War II started. In 1945 the city was in ruins and the Communists took control. In 1956 the people tried to free themselves. They pulled down a statue of Stalin and fought the soldiers but they failed. Communist rule did not end until 1989.
Today Budapest is very unusual because it has two completely different parts. You can choose the peace and quiet or the excitement of Pest, where there are theatres, restaurants, bars and shops. The public transport is one of the best and the cheapest in the world. You can travel easily by bus, underground, taxi but driving isn't a good idea because there are not many car parks. Most cars are old, so pollution is a serious problem.
The healthiest thing to do in the city is to visit one of the thirty spa baths and swimming pools. The mineral waters in Budapest are famous and a very popular way to relax.
UNIT 14
Greenhouse
For many gardeners there are few things as rewarding as growing your own food; it always seems to taste better and nothing beats the sense of satisfaction. The greenhouse offers many possibilities for growing vegetables that could not be grown otherwise.
Lettuces sown in November may be grown under glass in time for an early spring salad. In much the same way, many herbs can be grown in pots over the winter, allowing you the luxury of fresh cooking ingredients all year!
The greenhouse comes into its own, however, with what might be called the 'hothouse crops: peppers, aubergines, tomatoes and cucumbers which cannot be grown outdoors in the British climate.
A real model
The Suntrap Greenhouse model DL 125 is a high quality greenhose which comes equipped with two sliding doors and a window in the roof to allow air movement. The shelves inside can be moved to accomodate different sizes of plants.
Aluminium parts meain it is light and easy to assemble. It can be free-standing or placed against a wall as required.
UNIT 15
The mass exodus to the country
Over the last 10 years, there has been a significant change in where people choose to live in the UK. The growing trend is towards country living with an increase of 28% in people giving up the city hub for an urban retreat.
There are many reasons for this shift, such as better health and less crime, but the major desire is an escape from the rat race and all that comes with it. It is true to say that urban residents are under terrible stress and depression. This is mainly because of missing leisure time which is a result of work commitments and financial difficulties. The relative simplicity of country life is the opposite of this high-pressure living. No surprise, it has an effect to this growing trend. A decent family home in a village was far less than its urban equivalent. Hoewever, this is no longer the case. They are almost the same value.
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Parent & Family Workshops
enACT We make a dramatic difference!
Each customized workshop encompasses the needs of parents, guardians and caregivers to address specific issues related to family communication.
Workshop Topics
For more than twenty years ENACT has been a pioneer in the development of social emotional skill-building with students. Guided by extensive research and evaluation of our signature technique, our teaching artists use role-play and interactive drama to teach social emotional learning to effect positive change and increase understanding and awareness in parent-child relationships.
Positive Parent-Child Relationships
Helping Your Child Succeed In School
Using reflective role-play, parents/caregivers will gain tools to model appropriate behavior and communication at home.
Being a Positive Role Model
Communication is the Key
Healthy and clear communication is essential to building positive relationships. Families will work experientially using role-play to identify effective methods for improving their speaking and listening skills.
Meeting Your Child Halfway
Using theater games and interactive role-play, this workshop helps participants recognize and understand their own feelings when dealing with an issue and teaches them how to successfully use negotiation and compromise.
Walking in Their Shoes: Understanding Your Child
Parents/caregivers will glimpse into the world from their child's perspective through specifically designed scene work. Our faciliation techniques are used to illustrate the importance of empathy in building strong, healthy relationships with children.
We Need to Talk: Addressing Difficult Issues
Parents/caregivers will practice healthy and effective ways to talk to their children about sensitive subjects.
Every Day Counts
Parents/caregivers will explore positive ways to encourage their children to want to be successful in school.
Following Through: Lowering Resistance to Commitment
Using interactive scene work, parents/caregivers will review successful ways to redirect students' resistance to commitment and encourage them to meet their obligations in and out of school.
Positive Parent-Teacher Communication
Parents/caregivers will use scene-work to illustrate the importance of parent-teacher collaboration in advancing student achievement.
630 Ninth Avenue, Suite 305 | New York, NY 10036 | 212-741-6591 | www.enact.org
enACT
Workshop Topics continued
Parenting 101
Parents/caregivers will learn that talking about their feelings concerning change and transition is the best way to get and give support.
Adjusting to Change: Coping with Transition
Becoming a Positive Member of Your School Community
Parents/caregivers will understand the importance of being involved in their child's school and education and discuss the obstacles that may prevent them from doing so.
Take a Step Back: Analyzing a Problem Efficiently
To analyze a problem and make decisions, parents/ caregivers will test new techniques through interactive role-play and discussion.
Ways to Manage Stress and Managing Anger
Combining interactive role-play, breathing, meditation and yoga principles, parents/caregivers will learn new ways to manage their own levels of stress, anger and frustration.
Managing Anger and Frustration
Parents/caregivers will use interactive role-play to learn healthy and constructive ways to deal with their own anger and frustration.
Hot Topics
Teaching artists will model and share techniques for building trust to help children openly discuss the pressures of joining a gang.
Establishing Trust: Talking about Gangs
Raising a Responsible Digital Citizen
Parents/caregivers will learn to better understand the technology their children are using and develop proactive methods for dealing with cyberbullying.
JOIN NOW!
Partner Project of Fund For the City of New York
Join our Parent Advisory Committee to share your opinions and impact the work of ENACT!
ENACT is a designated NYC Dept. of Education approved vendor of services to all NYC public schools under code FUN022000 using contracts QR898OW, QR920AB, and QR891DM. Our programs have been funded through, but not limited to, Title I, Title IV, Attendance Improvement/Dropout Prevention (AIDP), Tax Levy, Extended School Day/School Violence Prevention (ESD/SVP), and ARRA.
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- Match graphemes for all phonemes
- Read accurately by blending sounds
- Read words with very common suffixes
- Read contractions & understand purpose
- Read phonics books aloud
- Link reading to own experiences
- Join in with predictable phrases
- Discuss significance of title & events
- Make simple predictions
Writing
- Name letters of the alphabet
- Spell very common 'exception' words
- Spell days of the week
- Use very common prefixes & suffixes
- Form lower case letters correctly
- Form capital letters & digits
- Compose sentences orally before writing
- Read own writing to peers or teachers
- To write their full name correctly
- To utilise key words in the classroom to assist with writing
- To follow the modelled sentence structure where appropriate in lessons.
- To write using the pre-cursive script, beginning to join if ready
Mathematics Number/Calculation
- Count to / across 100
- Count in 1s, 2s, 5s and 10s
- Identify 'one more' and 'one less'
- Read & write numbers to 20
- Use language, e.g. 'more than',
- 'most'
- Use +, - and = symbols
- Know number bonds to 20
Science Biology
- Identify basic plants
- Identify basic plant parts (roots, leaves, flowers, etc.)
- Identify & compare common animals
- Identify & name basic body parts
- Working scientifically delivered throughout the year using the following knowledge units:
- add and subtract one-digit and
- two-digit numbers to 20, including zero
- Solve one-step problems, including
- simple arrays
Geometry & Measures
- Use common vocabulary for
- comparison, e.g. heavier, taller,
Chemistry
- Distinguish between objects & materials
- Identify & name common materials
- Describe simple properties of some materials
- Compare & classify materials
Physics
-
- Observe weather associated with changes of season
PSHE:
- Understand what healthy lifestyles are
- Recognise likes and dislikes
- Recognise which house hold products could be harmful
- Know how to keep safe
- To learn about themselves
- Understand the local area
- To recognise what is fair and unfair
Grammar
- Leave spaces between words
- Begin to use basic punctuation: . ? !
- Use capital letters for proper nouns.
- Use common plural & verb suffixes
Communication
- Listen & respond appropriately
- Ask relevant questions
- Maintain attention & participate
- To comprehensively speak in full sentences
- To begin to know and use terminology: verb, adjective,
connective/conjunction.
Art & Design (KS1)
- Use a range of materials
- Use drawing, painting and sculpture
- Develop techniques of colour, pattern, texture,
- line, shape, form and space
- Learn about range of artists, craftsmen and
- designers
- Use a variety of tools and techniques including different brush sizes and types.
- Mix and match colours to artefacts and objects.
- Print with a range of hard and soft materials, e.g. corks, pen barrels, sponge.
- Make simple marks on rollers and printing palettes. Take simple prints, i.e. mono-printing.
- Create images from a variety of media, e.g. photocopies material, fabric, crepe paper, magazines etc.
- Match and sort fabrics and threads for colour, texture, length, size and shape.
- Explore ideas using digital sources, i.e. internet, CD-ROMs. Record visual information using digital cameras, video recorders.
Design & Technology (KS1)
Geography (Y1)
- Design purposeful, functional & appealing products for a target audience
- Generate, model & communicate ideas
- Use range of tools & materials to complete practical tasks
- Evaluate existing products & own ideas
- Build and improve structure & mechanisms
-
- Understand where food comes from
- full, longest, quickest
- and 3-d shapes
- Begin to measure length,
- capacity, weight
- Recognise coins & notes
- Use time & ordering vocabulary
- Tell the time to hour/half-hour
- Use language of days, weeks,
- months & years
- Recognise & name common 2-d
History (KS1)
- Order & arrange objects
- Describe position & movement,
- including half and quarter turns
Fractions
- Recognise & use ½ & ¼
- Use and apply these skills in a variety of situations
Physical Education (KS1)
Key Concepts
- Changes in living memory (linked to aspects of
- national life where appropriate)
Key Individuals
- Lives of significant historical figures,
- including comparison of those from
- different periods
- Significant local people
Key Events
- e.g. Bonfire night
- Events of local importance
- Name & locate the four countries and capital cities of the
- United Kingdom using atlases & globes
- identify seasonal / daily weather patterns in
- the UK and the location of hot and cold areas of the world
- Use basic geographical vocabulary to refer to local & familiar features
- Use four compass directions & simple vocab
Modern Languages
Religious Education
Not required at KS1
- Continue to follow locally-
- agreed syllabus for RE
- Precious Things
- Myself
- Our World
Music (KS1)
- Sing songs
- Play tuned & un-tuned instruments musically
- Listen & understand live and recorded
- music
-
- Make and combine sounds musically
- Master basic
- movement, e.g. running, jumping, throwing,
- catching, balance, agility and co-ordination
- Participate in team games
- Perform dances using simple movement
- Perform a variety of movements for different purposes
- Utilise music in different aspects of PE
- Begin to explore outdoor education as part of Curriculum Enhancement.
- Take part in an annual Sports Day
Computing (KS1
- Understand use of algorithms
- Write & test simple programs
- Use logical reasoning to make
- predictions
- Organise, store, retrieve & manipulate data
- Communicate online safely and respectfully
- Recognise uses of IT outside of school
- Record information using a variety of programmes
- Experiment with different types of visual-media and multi-media
- Search for and retrieve information safely from the internet
- Develop phonics until decoding
- secure
- Read common suffixes
- Read & re-read phonicappropriate
- books
- Read common 'exception' words
- Discuss & express views about
- fiction, non-fiction & poetry
- Become familiar with & retell
- stories
- Ask & answer questions; make predictions
- Begin to make inferences
Mathematics
Number/Calculation
- Know 2, 5, 10x tables
- Begin to use place value (T/U)
- Count in 2s, 3s, 5s & 10s
- Identify, represent & estimate numbers
- Compare / order numbers, inc. < > =
- Write numbers to 100
- Know number facts to 20 (+ related to 100)
Science
Biology
- Differentiate living,
- dead and non-living
- Growing plants (water, light, warmth)
- Basic needs of animals & offspring
- Simple food chains & habitats
Chemistry
- Identify and compare uses of different materials
- Compare how things move on different surfaces
PSHE:
- Understand what healthy lifestyles are
- Understand safe use of medicines
- To understand importance of maintaining personal hygiene
- To know how to keep safe
- Consider good and bad feelings
- To understand different types of teasing and bullying
- To understand process of growing from young to old
- To understand responsibilities
Writing
- Spell by segmenting into phonemes
- Learn to spell common 'exception' words
- Spell using common suffixes, etc.
- Use appropriate size letters & spaces
- Develop positive attitude &
- stamina for writing
- Begin to plan ideas for writing
- Record ideas sentence-bysentence
- Make simple additions & changes
- after proof-reading
- To spell key words in-line with learning topics
- To begin to group writing into sections.
- To write for different purposes.
- To write fiction, non-fiction and poetry.
- To begin to join letters from pre-cursive to cursive script.
- Use x and ÷ symbols
- Recognise commutative property
- of multiplication Geometry & Measures
- Know and use standard measures
- Read scales to nearest whole unit
- Use symbols for £ and p and
- add/subtract simple sums of less
- than £1 or in pounds
- Use and apply these skills in a variety of situations
Grammar
- Use . ! ? , and '
- Use simple conjunctions
- Begin to expand
- noun phrases
- Use some features of
- standard English Communication
- Articulate & Justify answers
- Initiate & respond to comments
- Use spoken language to develop
- Understanding
- To more comprehensively know and use terminology: verb, adjective, adverb,
connective/conjunction.
Art & Design (KS1)
- Use a range of materials
- Use drawing, painting and sculpture
- Develop techniques of colour, pattern, texture,
- line, shape, form and space
- Learn about range of artists, craftsmen and
- designers
- Experiment with tools and techniques, e.g. layering, mixing media, scrapping through.
- Identify primary colours by name – mix primary shades and tones.
- Build repeating patterns and recognise pattern in the environment.
- Experiment with constructing and joining recycled, natural and manmade materials.
- Create, select and use textured paper for an image.
- Apply decoration using beads, buttons, feathers, etc.
- Create fabrics by weaving materials, i.e. grass through twigs.
-
Use basic selection and cropping tools.
Design & Technology (KS1)
- Design purposeful, functional & appealing
- products for a target audience
- Generate, model & communicate ideas
- Use range of tools & materials to
- complete practical tasks
-
Evaluate existing products & own ideas
- Build and improve structure & mechanisms
-
- Understand where food comes from
- Tell time to the nearest 5 minutes
Fractions
- Identify & sort 2-d & 3-d shapes
- Identify 2-d shapes on 3-d surfaces
- Order and arrange mathematical objects
- Use terminology of position & movement
- Find and write simple fractions
- Understand equivalence of e.g.
- 2/4 = 1/2
Data
- Interpret simple tables & pictograms
- Ask & answer comparison questions
- Ask & answer questions about totalling
History (KS1) Key Concepts
Physical Education (KS1)
- Changes in living memory (linked to aspects of national life where appropriate)
Key Individuals
- Lives of significant historical figures,
- including comparison of those from different periods
- Significant local people
Key Events
- e.g. Bonfire night
- Events of local importance
- Master basic
- movement, e.g. running, jumping, throwing, catching, balance, agility and co-ordination
- Participate in team games
- Perform dances using simple movement
- Swimming proficiency at 25m (KS1 or KS2)
- Perform a variety of movements for different purposes
- Utilise music in different aspects of PE
- Begin to explore outdoor education as part of Curriculum Enhancement
- Take part in a weekly swimming lesson.
- Take part in an annual Sports Day
Geography (Y2)
- Name & locate world's continents and oceans
- Compare local area to a non-European country
- Use basic vocabulary to describe a less familiar area
- Use aerial images and other models to create simple plans and maps, using symbols
- Use simple fieldwork and observational skills to study the immediate environment
Modern Languages
Religious Education
Not required at KS1
- Introduce French during the Summer term
Computing (KS1)
- Understand use of algorithms
- Write & test simple programs
- Use logical reasoning to make
- predictions
- Organise, store, retrieve & manipulate data
- Communicate online safely and respectfully
- Recognise uses of IT outside of school
- Record information selecting a suitable programme from a variety of programmes
- Experiment with different types of visual-media
and multi-media for different purposes
- Search for and retrieve information safely from the internet, begin to question the reliability of sources.
- Continue to follow locally-
- agreed syllabus for RE
- Special Days
- Special People
- Special Books
Music (KS1)
- Sing songs
- Play tuned & un-tuned instruments musically
- Listen & understand live and recorded
- music
- Make and combine sounds musically
- To learn how to read musical notation.
- To learn how to play the recorder.
- Use knowledge to read 'exception'
- words
- Read range of fiction & nonfiction
- Use dictionaries to check meaning
- Prepare poems & plays to perform
- Check own understanding of reading
- Draw inferences & make predictions
- Retrieve & record information from non-fiction books
- Discuss reading with others
Writing
- Use prefixes & suffixes in spelling
- Use dictionary to confirm spellings
- Write simple dictated sentences
-
Use handwriting joins appropriately
- Plan to write based on familiar
- forms
- Rehearse sentences orally for
- writing
- Use varied rich vocabulary
- Create simple settings & plot
- Assess effectiveness of own and others' writing
Design & Technology (LKS2)
- Use research& criteria to develop and design products which are fit for purpose
- Use annotated sketches and prototypes to explain ideas
- Evaluate existing products and improve own work
- Use mechanical systems in own work
- Understand seasonality; prepare & cook mainly savoury dishes
Mathematics Number/Calculation
and missing number problems
- Learn 3, 4 & 8x tables
- Secure place value to 100
- Mentally add & subtract units, tens or hundreds to numbers of up to 3 digits
- Written column addition &
- subtraction
- Solve number problems, including
- multiplication & simple division
Science Biology
- Plants, incl. parts,
- lifecycle and requirements for life
- Animals: skeletons & nutrition Chemistry
- Classification of rock types
- Simple understanding of fossilisation Physics
- Sources of light; shadows & reflections
- Simple forces, including magnetism
- Working scientifically delivered throughout the year using the following knowledge units :
Biology
- Plants and Animals including humans. Physics
- Forces, Magnets and Magnetic Materials, Light Chemistry
- Rocks
- Use commutativity to help calculations
Geometry & Measures
- Measure & calculate with metric measures
- Measure simple perimeter
- Add/subtract using money in context
Grammar
- Use range of conjunctions
- Use perfect tense
- Use range of nouns &
- pronouns
- Use time connectives
- Introduce speech punctuation
- Know language of clauses Communication
- Give structured descriptions
- Participate activity in conversation
- Consider & evaluate
- different viewpoints
Art & Design (LKS2)
- Use sketchbooks to collect, record and evaluate
- ideas
- Improve mastery of techniques such as drawing,
- painting and sculpture with varied materials
- Learn about great artists, architects & designers
- Experiment with different effects and textures including blocking in colour, washes, thickened paint creating textural effects.
- Create printing blocks and repeat patterns.
- Plan, design and make models from observation or imagination.
- Join clay adequately and construct a simple base for extending and modelling other shapes.
- Experiment with a range of collage techniques such as tearing, overlapping and layering to create images and represent textures.
- Use a variety of techniques, e.g. printing, dyeing, weaving and stitching to create different textual effects.
- Record and collect visual information using digital cameras and video recorders.
- Present recorded visual images using software e.g. Photo story, PowerPoint.
PSHE:
Geography (LKS2)
- To understand that some drugs are illegal
- To understand strategies for keeping physically and emotionally safe
- To work collaboratively
- To be aware of different types of relationships between friends and families
- To reflect and celebrate achievements
- To learn about the role of money
- To realise consequences of anti-social behaviour
- To learn about enterprise ad skills that can make someone 'enterprising'
- Use Roman numerals up to XII; tell time
Fractions & decimals
- Calculate using simple time problems
- Draw 2-d / Make 3-d shapes
- Identify and use right angles
- Identify horizontal, vertical, perpendicular and parallel lines
- Use and apply these skills in a variety of situations
Data
- Interpret bar charts & pictograms
History
British History (taught chronologically)
- Stone Age to Iron Age Britain, including:
- hunter-gatherers and early farmers
- Bronze age religion, technology & travel
- Iron age hill forts
Broader History Study
- A local history study, e.g.
- A depth study linked to a studied period
- A study over a period of time
- A post-1066 study of relevant local history World War 2 to link in with English Units of work.
- Use & count in tenths
- Recognise, find & write fractions
- Recognise some equivalent fractions
- Add/subtract fractions up to <1
- Order fractions with common denominator
- Locate world's countries, focussing on Europe & Americas focus on key physical & human features
- Study a region of the UK (not local area)
- Use 8 points of compass, symbols & keys
- Describe & understand climate, rivers, mountains, volcanoes, earthquakes, settlements, trade links, etc.
-
- Use fieldwork to observe, measure & record
Modern Languages (LKS2)
- Listen & engage
- Ask & answer questions
- Speak in sentences using familiar vocabulary
- Develop appropriate pronunciation
- Show understanding of words & phrases
- Appreciate stories, songs, poems & rhymes
- Broaden vocabulary
- Begin speaking Spanish as the familiar vocabulary
Physical Education (LKS2)
Religious Education
- Continue to follow locally-
- agreed syllabus for RE
- Journeys
- Right and Wrong
- Creation and the environment
Music (LKS2)
- Use running, jumping, catching
- and throwing in isolation and in combination
- Play competitive games, modified as appropriate
- Develop flexibility & control in gym, dance & athletics
- Compare performances to achieve personal bests
- Swimming proficiency at 25m (KS1 or KS2)
- Perform a variety of movements for different purposes
- Utilise music in different aspects of PE
- Begin to explore outdoor education as part of Curriculum Enhancement
- Take part in a weekly swimming lesson.
- Take part in an annual Sports Day
- Use voice & instruments with increasing accuracy, control and expression
- Improvise & compose music
- Listen with attention to detail
- Appreciate wide range of live & recorded music
- Begin to develop understanding of history of different musical cultures and backgrounds
Computing (LKS2)
- Design & write programs to achieve specific
- goals, including solving problems
- Use logical reasoning
- Understand computer networks
- Use internet safely and appropriately
- Collect and present data appropriately
- Record information carefully selecting a suitable programme from a variety of programmes
- Use different types of visual-media and multi-media for different purposes
- Search for and retrieve information safely from the internet, begin to ask more questions to determine the reliability of sources.
- Secure decoding of unfamiliar
- words
- Read for a range of purposes
- Retell some stories orally
- Discuss words & phrases that
- capture the imagination
- Identify themes & conventions
- Retrieve & record information
- Make inferences & justify
- predictions
- Recognise a variety of forms of poetry
-
- Identify & summarise ideas
Writing
- Correctly spell common homophones
- Increase regularity of handwriting
- Plan writing based on familiar forms
- Organise writing into paragraphs
- Use simple organisational devices Proof-read for spelling & punctuation errors
- Evaluate own and others' writing
- Read own writing aloud
PSHE:
- To understand how alcohol and tobacco could damage their health
- To understand how to keep physically and emotionally safe
- To differentiate between the terms 'risk, danger and hazard'
- To understand concept of keeping something confidential
- To develop their understanding of good feelings and bad feelings
- To learn about the role of money
- To appreciate the range of national, regional, religious and ethnic identities in the United Kingdom
- To develop a sense of identity and think about what they would like to do in the future.
- To understand the importance of relationships with a variety of people in your life i.e. family, friends, school, work.
Mathematics
Number/Calculation
- Multiply & divide mentally
- Identify acute, obtuse & right angles
- Know all tables to 12 x 12
- Secure place value to 1000
- Use negative whole numbers
- Round numbers to nearest 10, 100 or 1000
- Use Roman numerals to 100 (C)
- Column addition & subtraction up to 4 digits
- Use standard short multiplication Geometry & Measures
- Compare 2-d shapes, including quadrilaterals & triangles
- Find area by counting squares
- Calculate rectangle perimeters
- Estimate & calculate measures
Science Biology
- Changes of state
- Classify living things animals/ humans
- Digestive system & teeth
- Food chains
- Environmental Change – human/ environmental factors.
- Chemistry
- Working scientifically delivered throughout the year using the following knowledge units: Biology
- Animals, including Humans, Environmental change and Living Things in their Habitat.
Physics Electricity and Sound
Chemistry States of Matter
Art & Design (LKS2)
- Use sketchbooks to collect, record and evaluate ideas
- Improve mastery of techniques such as drawing,
- painting and sculpture with varied materials
- Learn about great artists, architects & designers
- Create different effects and textures with paint according to what they need for the task.
- Mix colours and know which primary colours make secondary colours.
- Create repeating patterns. Print with two colour overlays.
- Create surface patterns and textures in a malleable material.
- Use paper Mache to create a simple 3D object.
- Use collage as a means of collecting ideas and information and building a visual vocabulary.
- Develop skills in stitching, cutting and joining.
- Experiment with colours and textures by making an appropriate choice of special effects and simple filters to manipulate and create images for a particular purpose.
- Cross curricular links to Ancient Egypt, Ancient China and Boudicca.
- Children explore art and design from a different country/
culture.
Design & Technology (LKS2)
Computing (LKS2)
- Design & write programs to achieve specific goals, including solving problems
- Use logical reasoning
- Understand computer networks
- Use internet safely and appropriately
- Collect and present data appropriately
- Record information carefully selecting a suitable programme from a variety of programmes for different purposes
- Use different types of visual-media and multi-media for different purposes, begin evaluating the impact of something that has been produced
- Search for and retrieve information safely from the internet, begin to know which sources are more reliable for retrieval of information.
Geography (LKS2)
- Use research& criteria to develop and design products which are fit for purpose
- Use annotated sketches and prototypes to explain ideas
- Evaluate existing products and improve own work
- Use mechanical systems in own work
- Understand seasonality; prepare & cook mainly savoury dishes
Fractions & decimals
- Identify symmetry
- Use first quadrant coordinates
- Introduce simple translations Data
- Use bar charts, pictograms & line
- graphs
- Use and apply these skills in a variety of situations
History
- The water cycle
- Temperature including negative numbers
- Data handling
- Physics
- Sound as vibrations
- Electricity: simple circuits & conductors
British History (taught chronologically)
- Roman Empire & impact on Britain:
- Julius Caesar's attempted invasion
- Roman Empire & successful invasion
- British resistance, e.g. Boudicca
- Romanisation of Britain Broader History Study
- Earliest ancient civilisations, i.e.
- Ancient Sumer;
- Indus Valley;
- Ancient Egypt; or Shang Dynasty of Ancient China
- Recognise tenths & hundredths
- Identify equivalent fractions
- Add & subtract fractions with common denominators
- Recognise common equivalents
- Round decimals to whole numbers
- Solve money problems
- Locate world's
- countries, focussing on Europe & Americas Asia & Africa focus on key physical & human features
- Study a region of the UK (not local area)
- Use 8 points of compass, symbols & keys
- Describe & understand climate, rivers, mountains, volcanoes, earthquakes, settlements, trade links, etc.
-
- Use fieldwork to observe, measure & record
Modern Languages (LKS2)
- Listen & engage
Religious Education
- Ask & answer questions
- Speak in sentences using familiar vocabulary
- Develop appropriate pronunciation
- Show understanding of words & phrases
- Appreciate stories, songs, poems & rhymes
- Broaden vocabulary
- Develop Spanish as the familiar language
Physical Education (LKS2)
- Continue to follow locally-
- agreed syllabus for RE
-
Births and beginnings
- Special Books
- Special Places
Music (LKS2)
- Use running, jumping, catching and throwing in isolation and in combination
- Play competitive games, modified as appropriate
- Develop flexibility & control in gym, dance & athletics
- Compare performances to achieve personal bests
- Perform a variety of movements for different purposes and audiences
- Utilise music to develop different aspects of PE
- Take part in an annual Sports Day
- Use voice & instruments with increasing accuracy, control and expression
- Improvise & compose music
- Listen with attention to detail
- Appreciate wide range of live & recorded music
- Begin to develop understanding of history of different musical cultures and backgrounds
- To learn how to play a range of drums and recite different beats and rhythms.
Grammar
- Use wider range of conjunctions
- Use perfect tense appropriately
- Select pronouns and nouns for clarity
- Use & punctuate direct speech
- Use commas after front adverbials Communication
- Articulate & justify opinions
- Speak audibly in Standard English
- Gain, maintain &
- monitor interest of listeners
- Apply knowledge of morphology & etymology when reading new words
- Reading & discuss a broad range of genres & texts
- Identifying & discussing themes
- Make recommendations to others
- Learn poetry by heart
- Draw inference & make predictions
- Discuss authors' use of language
- Retrieve & present information from non-fiction texts.
-
- Formal presentations & debates
Writing
- Secure spelling, inc. homophones, prefixes, silent letters, etc.
- Use a thesaurus
- Legible, fluent handwriting
- Plan writing to suit audience & purpose
- Develop character, setting and atmosphere in narrative
- Use organisational & presentational features
- Use consistent appropriate tense
- Proof-reading
-
- Perform own compositions
PSHE:
- To understand the pressure to behave in a certain way
- To recognise their increasing independence
- To understand about people who are responsible for helping them
- To be aware of different relationships – families, friends, civil partnerships, marriage.
- To understand how to make informed choices
- To recognise different responsibilities towards the environment
- To begin to understand laws and rules that protect them,
- To understand illegal and legal drugs
Mathematics
Number/Calculation
- Secure place value to 1,000,000
- Use negative whole numbers in context
- Use Roman numerals to 1000 (M)
- Use standard written methods for all four operations
-
- Confidently add & subtract mentally
Science Biology
- Life cycles of plants
- Use vocabulary of prime, factor & multiple
- Multiply & divide by powers of ten
- Use square and cube numbers Geometry & Measures
- Convert between different units
- Calculate perimeter of composite shapes & area of rectangles
- Estimate volume & capacity
- Identify 3-d shapes
- Introduce gravity, resistance & mechanical forces
- & animals (inc. mammal, insect, bird, amphibian)
- Describe changes as humans develop & mature
- Chemistry
- Classify materials according to a variety of properties
- Understand mixtures & solutions
- Know about reversible changes; identify irreversible Physics
- Understand location and interaction of Sun, Earth & Moon
- Working scientifically delivered throughout the year using the following knowledge units: Biology
- Animals including humans, Living Things in their Habitat and Life Cycles. Physics
- Earth and Space and Forces. Chemistry
- Properties and Changes of Materials.
Grammar
- Use expanded noun phrases
- Use modal & passive verbs
- Use relative clauses
- Use commas for clauses
- Use brackets, dashes
- & commas for parenthesis Communication
- Give well-structured explanations
- Command of Standard English
- Consider & evaluate different viewpoints
- Use appropriate register
- Measure & identify angles
- Understand regular polygons
- Reflect & translate shapes
Data
- Interpret tables & line graphs
- Solve questions about line graphs
History
British History (taught chronologically)
- Anglo-Saxons & Vikings, including:
- Roman withdrawal from Britain; Scots invasion
- Invasions, settlements & kingdoms
- Viking invasions; Danegald
- Edward the Confessor
Broader History Study
- Ancient Greece, i.e.
- A study of Greek life and achievements and their influence on the western world… linked to English units
Art & Design (UKS2)
- Use sketchbooks to collect, record, review, revisit & evaluate ideas
- Improve mastery of techniques such as drawing, painting and sculpture with varied materials
- Learn about great artists, architects & designers
- Develop a painting from a drawing.
- Carry out preliminary studies, trying out different media and materials and mixing appropriate colours.
- Create printing blocks by simplifying an initial sketch book idea.
- Shape, form, model and construct from observation or imagination.
- Use recycled, natural and man-made materials to create sculptures.
- Add collage to a painted, printed or drawn background.
- Use fabrics to create 3D.
- Use different grades of threads and needles.
- Record, collect and store visual information using digital cameras, video recorders.
- Present recorded visual images using software e.g. Photo story, PowerPoint.
Design & Technology (UKS2)
- Use research& criteria to develop and design products which are fit for purpose and aimed at specific groups
- Use annotated sketches, cross-section
- diagrams & computer-aided design
- Analyse & evaluate existing products and improve own work
- Use mechanical & electrical systems in own products, including programming
- Cook savoury dishes for a healthy & varied diet
Fractions
- Compare & order fractions
- Add & subtract fractions with common denominators, with mixed numbers
- Multiply fractions by units
- Write decimals as fractions
- Order & round decimal numbers
- Link percentages to fractions & decimals
- Use and apply these skills in a variety of situations
Computing (UKS2)
- Design & write programs to solve problems
- Use sequences, repetition, inputs, variables and outputs in programs
- Detect & correct errors in programs
- Understand uses of networks for collaboration & communication
- Be discerning in evaluating digital content
- Record information carefully selecting a suitable programme independently, depending on the purpose
- Use different types of visual-media and multi-media for different purposes, evaluate the impact of something that has been produced by others or yourself
- Search for and retrieve information safely from the internet, begin to share which sources are more reliable for retrieval of information.
Geography (UKS2)
- Name & locate counties, cities, regions & features of UK
- Understand latitude, longitude, Equator, hemispheres, tropics, polar circles & time zones
- Study a region of Europe, and of the Americas
- Understand biomes, vegetation belts, land use, economic activity, distribution of resources, etc.
- Use 4- and 6-figure grid references on OS maps
- Use fieldwork to record & explain areas
Modern Languages (UKS2)
Religious Education
- Listen & engage
- Engage in conversations, expressing opinions
- Speak in simple language & be understood
- Develop appropriate pronunciation
- Present ideas & information orally
- Show understanding in simple reading
- Adapt known language to create new ideas
- Describe people, places & things
- Understand basic grammar, e.g. gender
- Begin speaking Arabic as the familiar language.
Physical Education (UKS2)
Music (UKS2)
- Use running, jumping, catching and throwing in isolation and in combination
- Play competitive games, applying basic principles
- Develop flexibility & control in gym, dance & athletics
- Take part in Outdoor & Adventurous activities
- Compare performances to achieve personal bests
- Perform a variety of movements for different purposes and audiences
- Utilise music to develop different aspects of PE
- Take part in an annual Sports Day
- Perform with control & expression solo & in ensembles
- Improvise & compose using dimensions of music
- Listen to detail and recall aurally
- Use & understand basics of staff notation
- Develop an understanding of the history of music, including great musicians & composers
- Continue to follow locally-
- agreed syllabus for RE
- Signs and Symbols
- Special Places
- Initiation rights
- Read a broad range of genres
- Recommend books to others
- Make comparisons within/across books
- Support inferences with evidence
- Summarising key points from texts
- Identify how language, structure, etc.
contribute to meaning
- Discuss use of language, inc. figurative
- Discuss & explain reading, providing reasoned justifications for views
PSHE:
- To understand illegal and legal drugs
- To understand school rules about health and safety
- To understand strategies for keeping physically and emotionally safe – including online
- To resolve differences
- To understand that differences and similarities arise from a number of factors including age, sex, gender, identity and disability
- To explore and critique how the media present information
- To understand what being part of a community means
- To research, discuss and debate topical issues
Mathematics Number/Calculation
Algebra
- Secure place value &
- rounding to 10,000,000, including negatives
- All written methods, including long division
- Use order of operations (not indices)
- Identify factors, multiples & primes
- Solve multi-step number problems
- Introduce simple use of unknowns
- Geometry & Measures
- Confidently use a range of measures & conversions
- Calculate area of triangles/ parallelograms
- Use area & volume formulas
- Classify shapes by properties
Science Biology
- Classification,
- Evolution & Adaptation Physics
- including microorganisms
- Health & Lifestyles, incl. circulatory system
- Light & Shadows; the eye
- Forces, including gravity
- Electricity: investigating circuits
- Know and use angle rules
- Translate & reflect shapes, using all four quadrants Data
- Use pie charts
- Calculate mean averages
Art & Design (UKS2)
- Use sketchbooks to collect, record, review, revisit & evaluate ideas
- Improve mastery of techniques such as drawing, painting and sculpture with varied materials
- Learn about great artists, architects & designers
- Create imaginative work from a variety of sources, e.g. observational drawing, themes, poetry, music.
- Mix and match colours to create atmosphere and light effects.
- Be able to identify primary, secondary, complementary and contrasting colours.
- Work into prints with a range of media, e.g. pens, colour pens and paints.
- Plan a sculpture through drawing and other preparatory work.
- Produce intricate patterns and textures in a malleable media.
- Use different techniques, colours and textures etc. when designing and making pieces of work.
- Use collage as a means of extending work from initial ideas.
- Experiment with batik techniques.
- Experiment with a range of media to overlap and layer creating interesting colours and textures and effects.
- Be able to import an image (Scanned, retrieved, taken) into a graphics package.
- Understand that a digital image is created by layering.
- Create layered images from original ideas (sketch books etc.)
Design & Technology (UKS2)
- Use research& criteria to develop and design products which are fit for purpose and aimed at specific groups
- Use annotated sketches, cross-section
- diagrams & computer-aided design
- Analyse & evaluate existing products and improve own work
- Use mechanical & electrical systems in
- own products, including programming
- Cook savoury dishes for a healthy & varied diet
Fractions, decimals & percentages
- Compare & simplify fractions
- Use equivalents to add fractions
- Multiply simple fractions
- Divide fractions by whole numbers
- Solve problems using decimals & percentages
- Use written division up to 2dp
- Introduce ratio & proportion
- Use and apply these skills in a variety of situations
History
Geography (UKS2)
- Name & locate counties, cities, regions & features of UK
- Understand latitude, longitude, Equator, hemispheres, tropics, polar circles & time zones
- Study a region of Europe, and of the Americas
- Understand biomes, vegetation belts, land use, economic activity, distribution of resources, etc.
- Use 4- and 6-figure grid references on OS maps
- Use fieldwork to record & explain areas
Modern Languages (UKS2)
Religious Education
- Listen & engage
- Engage in conversations, expressing opinions
- Speak in simple language & be understood
- Develop appropriate pronunciation
- Present ideas & information orally
- Show understanding in simple reading
- Adapt known language to create new ideas
- Describe people, places & things
- Understand basic grammar, e.g. gender
- Develop Arabic as the familiar language
Physical Education (UKS2)
British History (taught chronologically)
- An extended period study, e.g.
- The changing power of monarchs
- Significant turning points in British history
- Crime & punishment
- Leisure
Broader History Study
- Non-European society, i.e.
- Islamic civilization, including Baghdad
- Mayan civilization
- Benin (West Africa)
- Tudor History…linked to Shakespeare unit of work.
Music (UKS2)
- Use running, jumping, catching and throwing in isolation and in combination
- Play competitive games, applying basic principles
- Develop flexibility & control in gym, dance &
- athletics
- Take part in Outdoor & Adventurous activities
- Compare performances to achieve personal bests
- Perform a variety of movements for different purposes and audiences
- Utilise music to develop different aspects of PE
- Take part in an annual Sports Day
- Perform with control & expression solo & in ensembles
- Improvise & compose using dimensions of music
- Listen to detail and recall aurally
- Use & understand basics of staff notation
- Develop an understanding of the history of
- music, including great musicians & composers
- To use different parts of your voice to sing in tune.
Writing
- Use knowledge of morphology & etymology in spelling
- Develop legible personal handwriting style
- Plan writing to suit audience & purpose; use models of writing
- Develop character & setting in narrative
- Select grammar & vocabulary for effect
- Use a wide range of cohesive devices
- Ensure grammatical consistency
Grammar
- Use appropriate register/ style
- Use the passive voice for purpose
- Use features to convey & clarify meaning
- Use full punctuation
-
Use language of subject/object
Communication
- Use questions to build knowledge
- Articulate arguments & opinions
- Use spoken language to speculate,
- Hypothesise & explore
- Use appropriate
- register & language
Computing (UKS2)
- Design & write programs to solve problems
- Use sequences, repetition, inputs, variables and outputs in programs
- Detect & correct errors in programs
- Understand uses of networks for collaboration & communication
- Be discerning in evaluating digital content
- Comprehensively record information carefully selecting a suitable programme independently, depending on the purpose
- Comprehensively use different types of visual-media and multi-media for different purposes, evaluate the impact of something that has been produced by others or yourself
- Comprehensively search for and retrieve information safely from the internet, begin to share which sources are more reliable for retrieval of information.
- Continue to follow locally-
- agreed syllabus for RE
- Sacred Writings
- Special People
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NACAC - North American Council on Adoptable Children | nacac.org
In My Skin
By Justice Stevens
Justice Stevens was adopted transracially with his sister. He shares his thoughts below about how the transracial placement affected him and what his parents did—and do—that help.
When I was eight I was transracially adopted. My parents are white and I'm Black. We lived in a small white suburban town. The number of Black kids in the town you could count on two hands. I didn't realize or pay attention to the fact that I was Black unless I was faced with racism, which came not just from kids, but adults as well. The racism I faced from adults (teachers, bus drivers) was when I went to them for help when kids called me the "N" word, and it was made clear that it wasn't an important issue to them.
It confused me to not know why the adults didn't take a stand against the racism I faced. It was painful as well. One thing always stuck with me, and that's when I was faced with racism, my parents stood against people who looked like them to protect me. It was important for me to see that as a child. I needed to know that my parents felt my pain, even though they would never be in my shoes. I needed to know that my feelings were validated, and that what I was facing was wrong.
Growing up I had prominent Black role models. One was my mom's co-worker named Celeste. I loved Celeste's energy and fashion style. She would do my and my sister's hair. My mom drove us to Boston to Celeste's house so she could braid our hair in the latest styles. To drive all the way to Boston, for us to have our hair done by Celeste was important to me! No offense to my mom, but I wasn't nervous any time Celeste did my hair. I thought, "She's Black, so she'll know exactly what to do to my hair!" I remember Celeste talking about the newest trends, movies, and music. I paid attention to how her decor was in her house, what type of shows or movies she watched, how she parented her son. Celeste was so cool in my eyes because in my mind that's who I was going to be when I was older, so I felt I had to pay attention to how she was. I felt I had to mimic her.
Another role model was my mom's friend Harriet, who was raising her granddaughter. Harriet had lived through the civil rights movement and experienced segregation. I always enjoyed listening to her stories. My mom always says that Harriet is her mom, and Harriet treated my mom like a daughter. They could talk about the struggles Harriet faced, even though my mom is white.
It's important that my parents embraced Black friends, and had Black friends who turned into family. It was important to see my white mom listen attentively, and have painful conversations with people like Harriet when they spoke about the injustice they faced. It was also important to see my mom have the conversations with Black people about their triumphs like when Harriet spoke about being involved in civil rights—being on the forefront for change and equality for African Americans.
My parents always had pictures of African Americans in the house and paintings by African Americans, even to this day even though my siblings and I haven't lived at home for many years. They brought our culture into the home.
Learn More
Education Tip Sheets
Birth Family Connections and
Openness
Childhood Trauma
Disabilities and Challenges
Disabilities and Challenges Links
Food and Nutrition Grief and Loss Parenting Strategies Transracial Parenting
I think it's very important to also touch on how the birth kids or siblings of a different race can be affected by transracial adoption. When I was 14, my biological sister Tanya (14); my brother Max, who was 13 and is my parents' birth son; and my younger brother Melvin, who was 7 at the time and is Black all went to a camp in Roxbury, near Boston. Most of the campers were African American. I thought this was going to be fun, but I didn't have a good experience. Tanya and I were treated different—as if we weren't cool enough. The kids judged us for not knowing our culture. Max was embraced because it was expected that he didn't know "how to be Black." Melvin started to change how he talked, and started to use more slang. I started to resent Max because in my eyes he was more Black than me even though he was white—he listened to rap music and was into urban culture, and I couldn't handle it. I felt that it was so easy for him to be part of something I tried so hard to be part of that was a part of me.
But Max always stuck up for us. He was the cool white boy so when he stuck up for us, the kids backed down pretty quickly. It was automatic that Max stuck up for us because we were his siblings. Max lived in New Orleans for many years in a predominately Black neighborhood. He gravitates towards the African American community, that's where he feels he belongs. As an adult I embrace it, I'm proud of him. I love that he loves my culture, and I'm prouder that he also speaks out against the injustice we face. He had gone against people he's known his whole life to defend the African American community. I'm proud that he's my brother.
With the police brutality going on in the world, I am proud to say "Black lives matter" and to stand with my people. I'm prouder that my parents do also. They stand up to injustice, even if they have to take on people they've known for a long time. This is important for me to see and will always be important to me. My parents aren't afraid to stand up and stand by the side of African Americans and our struggles. They know that it's a real issue we face, I face, my Black siblings face every day. My parents say that white privilege exists. They don't water down what the people who look like them do to me or people who look like me.
My advice for transracial adoptive parents is to always stand up for what is right because your kids will be watching and they won't forget a single thing. Don't ever say you understand what it's like or what it must be like because you don't and you can't. Be by their side while they struggle with their identity and long for acceptance because it will happen. Listen to them—both what they say and what they are showing you through their actions. It will be ugly, scary even, but don't give up. Stay on the journey with them, let them know that you're there every step of the way. Some things you can guide, others you can't, and you have to be okay with that. It's critical that you allow them to express who they feel they are, or what makes them feel in touch with their roots, even if it makes you uncomfortable. It's going to be overwhelming at times, but you will all come out the other side enlightened.
You all will learn from each other. There will be a light at the end of the tunnel. It will all be worth it.
Related
Transracial Adoption: Love Is Just the Beginning February 13, 2007 In "Parenting"
The Personal is Political: Racial Identity and Racial Justice in Transracial Adoption
November 5, 2018
In "Featured"
Categories: Parenting, Transracial,
Youth, Youth Stories
Published: September 17, 2020
Adoption & Sibling Relationships: What Children Have Taught Me February 9, 2008 In "Birth Family Connections"
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Managing Stormwater in Allenstown
ISSUE IXI| SPRING 2024
Stormwater, or runoff, is the water that flows as a result of rain or snowmelt. Stormwater travels across pavement and other surfaces collecting sediment, chemicals, and pollutants, including but not limited to motor oil, gasoline, lawn chemicals, pet waste, and deicing chemicals. It can carry these harmful pollutants directly into waterways, contaminating water used for drinking, recreation, and for local wildlife.
Residents of Allenstown enjoy the benefits of the town's location along the Merrimack and Suncook Rivers and it is of the utmost importance to maintain the quality of these waters to the highest standards. There are many steps that the town and residents can take to protect waterways and drinking water. This flyer is just one in a series about how residents and business owners can do their part. Read on to learn more.
Proper Sediment and Erosion Control Management
Sediment is the primary pollutant of concern associated with construction site stormwater runoff. Sediment-polluted stormwater can cause physical, chemical, and biological damage to waterways. Construction and site preparation can stir soil erosion, resulting in water pollution from runoff and an overabundance of nutrients and sediment in nearby water systems. The influx of nitrogen in water results in eutrophication, which leads to overgrowth. Too much sediment in water causes turbidity, which makes the water cloudy.
Understand Procedures Necessary for Compliance
Work with the municipality to understand what is required before, during, and after development to mitigate sediment runoff and erosion around the site.
Use Tools to Manage Sediment and Erosion
Use blankets, mulch, silt socks, tackifiers, or other tools to reduce and eliminate erosion on sloped sites.
Photo of Unsafe Dumpster: State of Georgia
Schedule Projects Strategically
Choose a time of year that the erosion potential is relatively low. In New Hampshire, there is no dry season, but fall has lower average precipitation than other seasons.
Stage Construction
Avoid areawide clearance of construction sites. Plan and stage land disturbance activities so that only the area currently under construction is exposed. As soon as the grading and construction in an area are complete, the area should be stabilized.
By clearing only those areas immediately essential for completing site construction, buffer zones are preserved and soil remains undisturbed until construction begins. Physical markers, such as tape, signs, or barriers, indicating the limits of land disturbance, can ensure that equipment operators know the proposed limits of clearing. .
Clear Essential Areas Only
Leave any areas not essential to construction undisturbed. Physically mark off these areas.
Locate Potential Nonpoint Pollutant Sources Strategically
Material stockpiles, borrow areas, access roads and other land-disturbing activities can often be located away from critical areas such as steep slopes, highly erodible soils, and areas that drain directly into sensitive waterbodies.
Route Construction Traffic to Avoid Existing or Newly Planted Vegetation
Where possible, construction traffic should travel over areas that must be disturbed for other construction activity. This practice will reduce the area that is cleared and susceptible to erosion. .
Intercept Runoff and Convey it to a Permanent Channel or Storm Drain
Earth dikes, perimeter dikes or swales, or diversions can be used to intercept and convey runoff above disturbed areas. An earth dike is a temporary berm or ridge of compacted soil that channels water to a desired location. A perimeter dike/swale or diversion is a swale with a supporting ridge on the lower side that is constructed from the soil excavated from the adjoining swale (Delaware DNREC, 1989). These practices should be used to intercept flow from denuded areas or newly seeded areas to keep the disturbed areas from being eroded from the uphill runoff. The structures should be stabilized within 14 days of installation. A pipe slope drain, also known as a pipe drop structure, is a temporary pipe placed from the top of a slope to the bottom of the slope to convey concentrated runoff down the slope without causing erosion (Delaware DNREC, 1989).
Seed and Fertilize
Seeding establishes a vegetative cover on disturbed areas. Seeding is very effective in controlling soil erosion once a dense vegetative cover has been established. However, often seeding and fertilizing do not produce as thick a vegetative cover as do seed and mulch or netting. Newly established vegetation does not have as extensive a root system as existing vegetation and therefore is more prone to erosion, especially on steep slopes. Care should be taken when fertilizing to avoid untimely or excessive application. Since the practice of seeding and fertilizing does not provide any protection during the time of vegetative establishment, it should be used only on favorable soils in very flat areas and not in sensitive areas.
Stockpile Topsoil and Reapply to Revegetate Site
Photo of silt sock—State of Pennsylvania
Because of the high organic content of topsoil, it cannot be used as fill material or under pavement. After a site is cleared, the topsoil is typically removed. Since topsoil is essential to establish new vegetation, it should be stockpiled and then reapplied to the site for revegetation, if appropriate. Although topsoil salvaged from the existing site can often be used, it must meet certain standards and topsoil may need to be imported onto the site if the existing topsoil is not adequate for establishing new vegetation.
Photo of Undamaged silt fence—State of Pennsylvania
Additional Resources:
UNH Facilities SWMP—https://www.unh.edu/sites/default/files/departments/facilities/ swmp-unh-2020_update.pdf
Town of Allenstown, New Hampshire—https://www.allenstownnh.gov | <urn:uuid:1e804053-91f4-431f-bbd1-2c139fe50d83> | CC-MAIN-2024-30 | https://thinkbluesuncook.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/ALL-Spring-Proper-Sediment-and-erosion-control-management-practices.pdf | 2024-07-21T21:37:50+00:00 | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-30/segments/1720763517796.21/warc/CC-MAIN-20240721213034-20240722003034-00132.warc.gz | 497,181,419 | 1,194 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.995065 | eng_Latn | 0.995407 | [
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Instructions
* Fill in the boxes at the top of this page with your name, centre number and candidate number.
* Use black ink or ball-point pen.
* Answer either Question 1(a) or Question 1(b) and either Question 2(a) or 2(b), and Question 3.
* You must not use a dictionary.
* Answer the questions in the spaces provided – there may be more space than you need. • Write your answers in full sentences.
Information
The marks for each question are shown in brackets
– use this as a guide as to how much time to spend on each question
* The total mark for this paper is 60. ·
– you should spend approximately 15 minutes on the translation question.
Advice
* Read each question carefully before you start to answer it. • Check your answers if you have time at the end.
Turn over
Use of Chinese Characters
All questions are printed twice, once in English and traditional/full characters and once in English and simplified characters. Questions in English and traditional/full characters begin on page 3. Questions in English and simplified characters begin on page 11. You may work from whichever version you wish. Please indicate which set of questions you intend to work from by putting a cross in one box below.
| TRADITIONAL/FULL 繁體字 |
|---|
| SIMPLIFIED 简体字 |
*P70831A0220*
繁體字
TRADITIONAL/FULL CHARACTER VERSION
(Simplified Character Version begins on page 11)
*P70831A0320*
Turn over
TRADITIONAL/FULL CHARACTERS
Choose either Question 1(a) or Question 1(b).
If you choose Question 1(a) put a cross in the box.
Cultural life
1 (a) Your Chinese friend, Da Ming, has written to ask about young people's lives in the UK.
Write a reply to Da Ming.
You must refer to the following points:
*
a film you watched recently
* your opinion about watching films online
* your reading habits
* your plans for next weekend.
Write approximately 80–110 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for an informal email.
(20)
*P70831A0420*
TRADITIONAL/FULL CHARACTERS
If you choose Question 1(b) put a cross in the box . Holidays
1 (b) A magazine wants to know about young people's opinions on holidays.
Write an article for the magazine.
You must refer to the following points:
* what you did on your last holiday
* describe the journey
* your opinion about going on holiday with friends
* where you would like to go on your next holiday.
Write approximately 80–110 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for an informal article.
(20)
(Total for Question 1 = 20 marks)
*P70831A0520*
Turn over
TRADITIONAL/FULL CHARACTERS
Choose either Question 2(a) or Question 2(b).
If you choose Question 2(a) put a cross in the box . Friendship
2 (a) A local youth club is looking for stories about friendship to be published on their website.
Write an article to interest the website's editor.
You must refer to the following points:
* describe your best friend
* how you recently spent time with your friend
* how you will use technology to stay in touch with friends in the future
* your opinion on what makes a good friend.
Justify your ideas and your opinions.
Write approximately 130–180 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for a formal article.
*P70831A0620*
(28)
*P70831A0720*
Turn over
TRADITIONAL/FULL CHARACTERS
If you choose Question 2(b) put a cross in the box .
Playing your part
2 (b) An environmental charity is looking for Chinese-speaking volunteers to help at an international exhibition.
Write a letter to convince the charity that you are suitable.
You must refer to the following points:
* why you want to help
* what you have done in the past for your local environment
*
your opinion on why it is good for young people to volunteer
* what good cause(s) you want to support in the future.
Justify your ideas and your opinions.
Write approximately 130–180 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for a formal letter.
*P70831A0820*
(28)
*P70831A0920*
Turn over
TRADITIONAL/FULL CHARACTERS
Further study
3 Translate the following passage into Chinese.
I like sport. Apart from having tennis lessons at school, I also attend competitions at weekends. In the future, I want to go to university in America because there are many good training centres there.
(12)
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(Total for Question 3 = 12 marks)
TOTAL FOR PAPER = 60 MARKS
*P70831A01020*
简体字
SIMPLIFIED CHARACTER VERSION
(Traditional/Full Character Version begins on page 3)
*P70831A01120*
Turn over
SIMPLIFIED CHARACTERS
Choose either Question 1(a) or Question 1(b).
If you choose Question 1(a) put a cross in the box . Cultural life
1 (a) Your Chinese friend, Da Ming, has written to ask about young people's lives in the UK.
Write a reply to Da Ming.
You must refer to the following points:
* a film you watched recently
* your opinion about watching films online
* your reading habits
* your plans for next weekend.
Write approximately 80–110 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for an informal email.
(20)
*P70831A01220*
SIMPLIFIED CHARACTERS
If you choose Question 1(b) put a cross in the box . Holidays
1 (b) A magazine wants to know about young people's opinions on holidays.
Write an article for the magazine.
You must refer to the following points:
* what you did on your last holiday
* describe the journey
* your opinion about going on holiday with friends
* where you would like to go on your next holiday.
Write approximately 80–110 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for an informal article.
(20)
(Total for Question 1 = 20 marks)
*P70831A01320*
Turn over
SIMPLIFIED CHARACTERS
Choose either Question 2(a) or Question 2(b).
If you choose Question 2(a) put a cross in the box Friendship.
2 (a) A local youth club is looking for stories about friendship to be published on their website.
Write an article to interest the website's editor.
You must refer to the following points:
* describe your best friend
* how you recently spent time with your friend
* how you will use technology to stay in touch with friends in the future
* your opinion on what makes a good friend.
Justify your ideas and your opinions.
Write approximately 130–180 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for a formal article.
*P70831A01420*
(28)
*P70831A01520*
Turn over
SIMPLIFIED CHARACTERS
If you choose Question 2(b) put a cross in the box
. Playing your part
2 (b) An environmental charity is looking for Chinese-speaking volunteers to help at an international exhibition.
Write a letter to convince the charity that you are suitable.
You must refer to the following points:
* why you want to help
* what you have done in the past for your local environment
* your opinion on why it is good for young people to volunteer
* what good cause(s) you want to support in the future.
Justify your ideas and your opinions.
Write approximately 130–180 characters in Chinese.
Use language appropriate for a formal letter.
*P70831A01620*
(28)
(Total for Question 2 = 28 marks)
*P70831A01720*
Turn over
SIMPLIFIED CHARACTERS
Further study
3 Translate the following passage into Chinese.
I like sport. Apart from having tennis lessons at school, I also attend competitions at weekends. In the future, I want to go to university in America because there are many good training centres there.
(12)
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(Total for Question 3 = 12 marks)
TOTAL FOR PAPER = 60 MARKS
*P70831A01820*
BLANK PAGE
*P70831A01920*
BLANK PAGE
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Down but not out:
After staging an incredible comeback in the 1990s, the woylie population is again plummeting. What has gone wrong for this embattled native marsupial?
by Samille Mitchell and Adrian Wayne
solving the mystery of the WOYLIE POPULATION CRASH
n 1996 the recovery of the woylie (Bettongia penicillata) was hailed a resounding success. Populations of this native marsupial had recovered to the extent it was removed from both State and Commonwealth threatened species categories—the first species in Australia to be delisted. Scientists and managers congratulated each other on the success of recovery programs and conservationists rejoiced—finally a good news story amid a sad chapter for many native animals battling predation by introduced animals and habitat loss. On the back of its success, the woylie achieved iconic status and became the 'pin-up' for conservation efforts around Australia. It also acted as a flagship for the achievements of the Department of Environment and Conservation's (DEC's) Western Shield conservation program (see 'Bouncing Back: Western Shield update', LANDSCOPE, Spring 1998). I
But the success story was not to last. In 2001 an alarming chapter was starting to develop. Woylie numbers began plummeting. Consequent research found they had crashed by 93 per cent at Dryandra, 95 per cent in the Upper Warren River Catchment east of Manjimup and 97 per cent at
Batalling east of Collie—devastating blows to once vibrant populations (see 'Bountiful Batalling', LANDSCOPE, Winter 2004). Woylie numbers had only remained intact in relatively small and isolated populations. Overall, the number of woylies across the country had plunged between 70 and 80 per cent between 2001 and 2006. And where the declines occurred they were rapid—numbers reduced from 25 to 95 per cent each year. Such was the blow to woylie populations that it was re-listed in WA as endangered (more specifically, as Schedule 1 fauna: rare
12
Landscope or likely to become extinct) in January this year. Puzzled and alarmed, scientists could only wonder what on earth had gone wrong.
Joining forces
So drastic was the decline that a host of different organisations joined forces to determine a cause for the decline and, hopefully, start preventative action. Together these groups—DEC, Murdoch University, the Australian Wildlife Conservancy (AWC) and Perth Zoo—set to work on the Woylie Conservation Research Project. The project is focused on understanding the declines in the Upper Warren region and has three main components. Firstly, it combined existing datasets into a single database containing 25,479 woylie research and monitoring records spanning 33 years. This helped to characterise the patterns in population change, examine whether demographic changes were associated with woylie declines and thrash out any other circumstantial evidence or clues as to 'who dunnit'.
Previous page
MainWoylie feeding on fungi.
Photo – Jiri Lochman
Above Preparing a sand-pad used to monitor predator and woylie activity by detecting their footprints. Photo – Marika Maxwell/DEC
LeftReleasing a woylie.
Photo – Adrian Wayne/DEC
Right
Photo – Ann Storrie
Woylie feeding.
Secondly, the project closely monitored Upper Warren fauna to build on, enhance and coordinate previously independent existing studies to provide information on population changes at the regional scale, while also collecting information on demographics, health, disease, diet and genetics.
And thirdly, the project established a population comparison study designed to work out which factors could be associated with the population crash. Six populations became the core focus of the work, each at different stages of decline. They included the AWC-managed Karakamia Wildlife Sanctuary (see 'Karakamia Sanctuary', LANDSCOPE, Summer 1997-1998), which supports the last remaining highdensity woylie population in Western Australia, the last three remaining areas in the Upper Warren still supporting healthy woylie populations and two other areas in the Upper Warren that provide examples of populations that have currently or recently declined. The study had five main lines of enquiry— woylie density and demographics, woylie survival and mortality, predators, resources and disease.
Aside from the core group of collaborators, individuals from the South Australian Government, The University of Western Australia, Manjimup Aero Club, Data Analysis Australia and the University of Adelaide have lent a hand. More than 85 people have been involved and contributions by volunteers have also been extremely important—more than 123 individuals have collectively contributed more than 500 days and 4,000 hours of volunteer service so far. But what has their work unearthed?
What's to blame?
Although it's too early to point the finger at a definite source, early results are providing some clues and paving the way for future works. The study so far has indicated that habitat loss and change is probably not to blame, nor fire or human interference.
What's a woylie?
The woylie is a native Australian marsupial that resembles a miniature kangaroo and is about the size of a rabbit. It once occurred across much of southern and central Australia but land clearing and feral predators reduced its range to pockets in the south-west. Successful translocations have enabled woylies to re-establish elsewhere in Australia where feral predators are intensively controlled or absent (such as islands).
The woylie lives in forest and woodland areas with sufficient undergrowth to provide cover and nesting sites, as well as some open areas for feeding. This nocturnal animal is very important to forest and woodland ecosystems. By feeding on above-ground mushrooms but particularly below-ground fungi (i.e. native truffles) as well as seeds, the woylie plays an essential role in spreading these plants and fungi throughout the ecosystems in which they live. While commercially important to industries such as sandalwood harvesting, it is the woylie's ecological role in spreading mycorrihizal fungi that is especially important. Mycorrihizal fungi have important symbiotic relationships with trees and plants (helping them to access much-needed nutrients). By helping spread these fungi, the woylie helps keep the forests and woodlands healthy and productive.
The woylie is also one of Australia's natural 'earth movers'. While digging for its food, each woylie moves about five tonnes of soil a year. This helps in nutrient recycling, reducing fire risk (by burying leaf litter cover as it digs) and creating nutrient-rich seed beds for plants to germinate. It also influences the way water percolates into the soil.
Female woylies usually give birth to their first young when they are 170 to 180 days old and continuously produce subsequent young about every 100 days thereafter for the rest of their life (about four to six years). Like kangaroos, woylies can carry a pouch young ('joey') while having an embryo in suspended animation in the womb, awaiting birth. Joeys live in the pouch for about 100 days before leaving to make room for the next young. Having left the pouch, joeys share their mother's nest and spend several more weeks at their mother's side being weaned, before becoming fully independent and sexually mature. If a female woylie is threatened, she may sometimes eject the young from her pouch, allowing predators to make an easy meal of it, while she makes a quick escape. While this may seem harsh, such behaviour makes good biological sense. The mother already has an embryo 'in waiting' and it is better that she survive to breed another day, rather than die along with her offspring.
Climate change and extreme weather events may be associated with woylie declines at Venus Bay Peninsula in South Australia, where populations have also crashed, and cannot yet be ruled out as a factor in WA.
Foxes are unlikely to be the main culprit in the Upper Warren region given that, during the project, foxes only accounted for 15 per cent of the predators or scavengers associated with observed woylie deaths. In addition, none of the mortalities at the Balban study site in the Upper Warren (which underwent a decline during the study of more than 80 per cent in 12 months)
Landscope 13
AboveWandoo woodland in Dryandra
Photo – Marie Lochman supports a woylie population.
Right The common native truffle Hysterangium sp. forms part of the woylie diet.
Photo – Richard Robinson/DEC
was attributed to foxes. However, a parallel research program lead by DEC Senior Research Scientist Nicky Marlow in Dryandra and Tutanning has shown foxes to be a real problem in these areas.
The research in the Upper Warren has shown that the decline involves increased mortality rates of adult woylies and, although it appears woylies continue to breed despite the decline, it remains unknown at this stage how many young survive through to adulthood.
So what is to blame? Multiple interactive factors are probably responsible. Predators and scavengers, especially cats, have been associated with almost all observed woylie deaths in the Upper Warren. While in stable populations this is likely to be the usual fate of the old, the weak and the unlucky, it seems no woylies are safe in those populations in decline. This may be due to an increase in predators but there is some evidence that disease
14 Landscope
may be the main culprit. While some of the key evidence remains elusive at this stage (not helped by predators and scavengers eating the woylies and all the evidence of disease along with it), some key suspects have been identified—namely two parasites called Toxoplasma and Trypanosoma. Together these parasites have proven a particularly devastating mix for other species. The same may be true in this case. Other stresses that help trigger the diseases, or different diseases altogether, may also be involved. While there are some very tantalising clues that have already been unearthed, more is needed to get to the bottom of this mystery.
Understanding disease
Disease is a primary threat associated with at least 11 per cent of declining vertebrate species. The Tasmanian devil is threatened by a facial tumour disease, Chytridimycosis attacks many frog species and koalas are often stricken with Chlamydia. In addition, western barred bandicoots battle against the Papilloma virus and Gilbert's potoroos can become infected with Treponema (similar to human syphilis).
BelowWoylies.
Photo – Sallyanne Cousans
Wildlife diseases can also pose significant human health issues, by potentially transferring from animals to humans. Avian influenza, SARS, salmonella and Ross River virus are just some examples of this. Surprisingly little is known about the present disease status of WA's native fauna, including the woylie, let alone what implications there may be for humans.
The Woylie Disease Reference Council was established with experts in their field from Murdoch University and Perth Zoo. This highly talented group is charged with the task of trying to understand what diseases woylies may have and, more importantly, what role they may play in the current woylie decline.
Where to from here?
Equipped with such findings, key players met at a major symposium and workshop at Murdoch University in February this year to discuss the problem. Environment Minister David Templeman, WA Chief Scientist Lyn Beazley and DEC Director General Keiran McNamara attended, as well as experts from around Australia and as far away as New Zealand and Canada. As well as sharing their findings, participants considered the priorities and worked out how best to respond to the situation based on the current evidence.
Given the rapid and substantial decline, it is clear that researchers and conservation managers need to build on the achievements of the initial rapid response to give the woylie the best chance of a full recovery. The chances of solving this mystery are immeasurably greater while the declines are occurring and the culprits are still at the 'crime scene'.
Despite the unknowns, people working on the project remain quietly confident about the woylie's future. Armed with this optimism, they are faced with the task of rallying further financial support from government and non-government sectors. With such resources and hard work, scientists remain hopeful the latest chapter in the woylie story will conclude with a happy ending.
Subfossil evidence
Historical distribution
Current distribution
Perth
●
Brief history of woylie distribution and abundance
1800s The woylie is distributed across much of southern and central Australia.
1960s Only three remnant woylie populations remain—Dryandra, Tutanning and Upper Warren. The rest have succumbed to the effects of land clearing and feral animal predation.
1970s Isolated increases in woylie populations start in response to fox control and translocations.
1996 The Department of Conservation and Land Management begins its Western Shield conservation program, targeting foxes and resulting in more woylie translocations.
1996 Woylie populations have recovered to the extent they are de-listed from State and Commonwealth endangered and threatened species lists.
2001 Woylie populations start to decline at Dryandra.
2002 Populations start to decline in the Upper Warren and Batalling.
2008 The woylie is re-listed as endangered in Western Australian.
Samille Mitchell is a LANDSCOPE Editor and Department of Environment and Conservation (DEC) Publications Officer. She can be contacted on (08) 9389 8644 or by email (firstname.lastname@example.org).
Adrian Wayne is the DEC Research Scientist leading the efforts of the Woylie Conservation Research Project. He can be contacted on (08) 9771 7992 or by email (email@example.com).
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Intervention Name:
Schema-‐Based Instruction / Schema-‐Broadening Instruction (SBI) Multiplicative Schemas (Multiplication and Division)*
Common Core State Standards Domain Areas: (check all that apply)
X
X
X
Setting: (checkallthatapply)
FocusArea: (checkallthatapply)
Whole-‐class
Small-‐group
Individual
Acquisition
Fluency
Generalization
X
X
X
X
X
X
Function of Intervention:
Aschema is a way to organize or pattern information within a structured framework of known and unknown information. Within word-‐problem work, the learner identifies the type of problem (i.e., schema), which lends itself to solving the problem using a given organizational pattern.
The main focus of Schema-‐Based Instruction or Schema-‐Broadening Instruction (SBI) is to teach word-‐problem solving using identification of a problem schema, representation using diagrams or equations to represent the schema, and solving the word problem. Scaffolding of student learning is provided throughout.
Brief Description:
Within each unit:
Schema instruction phase-‐Each type of problem (equal group, multiplicative compare, and combinations) is introduced through explicit instruction and requires students use schematic diagrams or equations, which help students understand the structure of the story problem.
Example for Equal Group: There are three shelves on Sarah's bookshelf. She has a total of 39 books on the bookshelf. If each shelf has the same number of books, how many books are on each shelf?
Problem solution phase-‐Follow-‐up lessons teach students to solve story problems using a four-‐step checklist: FOPS
___ F -‐ Find the problem type
___ O -‐
Or ganize
the information in the problem using a schematic diagram or equation
___ P -‐Plan to solve the problem
___ S -‐ S
olve the problem
With mastery of the strategy, use of schematic diagrams are faded in favor of equations for each type of problem.
Group Number in each group Product (unknown)
See below for more examples.
Procedures:
* Duration: Students work on lessons utilizing SBI for 50 to 60 minutes each day, although some lessons may be as short as 30 minutes (Jitendra, 2007).
* Teacher training:Teachers must be familiar with the instructional scripts for each of the three problem types. It is recommended that teachers assign partners prior to instruction in efforts to maximize time on-‐task; change partners regularly, and monitor partner discussions and work.
* Instructional practices: Teachers should monitor use of checklist and schematic diagram for proper use and
application. Teacher differentiation of lessons is recommended (e.g., more directed instruction, examples, opportunities for response) according to student needs.
* Monitoring system:Progress monitoring assessment is recommended every 1 to 2 weeks in addition to ongoing informal assessments and observations. Students should be able to independently verbalize understanding of problem-‐solving steps and schematic diagrams prior to fading of checklists and diagrams.
Critical Components (i.e., that must be implemented for intervention to be successful):
Teacher scripts are intended to be followed as a framework for language and instruction, allowing teachers the liberty to provide additional scaffolding, explanations, or elaboration when necessary. Assessment should be criterion-‐based and assess the content that students are expected to learn to ensure mastery (Jitendra, 2007).
Critical Assumptions (i.e., with respect to prerequisite skills):Language contributes to the ability to solve mathematic stories or word problems; consequently students should be able to read and understand the word problem prior to learning to apply the problem-‐solving strategy. Equally important, students must have ample time to master new skills. Students who have been taught (but not mastered) multiple problem-‐solving strategies may confuse components. Therefore it may be best to teach a strategy (such as SBI) that allows for multiple opportunities to apply and generalize learned skills (Jitendra, 2007).
Materials:
Teacher script
Schematic diagrams
FOBS checklist (available in Jitendra, 2007)
Multiplicative Examples:
Each example demonstrates a one-‐step Multiplicative (multiplication or division) story problem.
Equal Groups:
In an equal-‐groups problem, you have a group or set within a word problem and an equal number within each group. In an equal-‐groups problem, the unknown can be (a) the groups, (b) number in each group, or (c) the product.
For example:
(Multiplication) Alex has 6 boxes of crayons. Each box contains 12 crayons. How many crayons does Alex have?
___ F -‐ Find the problem type: In the problem, each box of crayons contains 12 crayons, since Alex has 6 boxes of crayons, he has 6 equal groups of 12.
___ O -‐Organize the information in the problem using the schematic diagram: Since we are finding the final value by showing a specific number of equal groups, we can set the problem up like this: (see below)
___ P -‐Plan to solve the problem: 6 x 12 = ?
___ S -‐ Solve the problem: 6 x 12 = 72
*product not known
Variations of the problem:
(Partition Division)
Alex has 72 crayons he distributes equally into 6 boxes. How many crayons are in each box?
6 x ? = 72
(Measurement Division)
Alex has 72 crayons in total. There are 12 crayons per box. How many boxes of crayons does Alex have?
? x 12 = 72
*Please note, with both the partition division and measurement division problems, students set up the word problem using the schematic diagram or equation. Students then use multiplication or division to solve for missing information in the diagram or equation.The underlying schema of the word problem is the same in multiplication and division.
Multiplicative Compare:
In a comparison problem, a set (number) is multiplied a number of times for a product. In comparison problems, the unknown can be (a) the set (b) the number of times, or (c) the product.
For example:
(Multiplication) William walked 3 miles. Logan walked 4 times as many miles as William. How many miles did Logan walk?
___F
-‐
Find the
problem type:
In the
problem, we
know the
distance that
William walked
and how
many times
that
distance Logan walked. This is a comparative problem because we have the set number (miles William walked) and the number of times that Logan walked that distance. We use this information to find out how many miles Logan walked.
___ O -‐Organize the information in the problem using the schematic diagram: In order to find out how many miles Logan walked, we multiply the set number by a number of times to find the product, as indicated below:
___ P -‐Plan to solve the problem: 3 x 4 = ?
___ S -‐ Solve the problem: 3 x 4 = 12 miles
Variations:
(Partition Division)
Logan walked 12 miles. He walked 4 times as many miles as William. How many miles did William walk?
(Measurement Division)
William walked 3 miles, and Logan walked 12 miles. How many times as many miles did Logan walk than William?
3 x ? = 12
Combinations:
In a combinations problem, there is a number of items that are multiplied by another number of items to determine the product, the unknown can be (a) the first set, (b) the second set (or sequential sets after that), or (c) the product.
For example:
(Multiplication) Josie is packing her suitcase to go visit her grandparents. She has 5 pairs of shorts. She has 7 different tops. How many different outfits can she wear if she wears one pair of shorts with one shirt at a time?
___ F -‐ Find the problem type: In this problem we have two different sets (number of shorts and number of tops) and we have to find out how many combinations we can make using the sets.
___ O -‐Organize the information in the problem using the schematic diagram: Since we know the values of the two sets, we multiply them to determine the product, or number of combinations.
___ P -‐
Pl an
to solve the problem: 5 x 7 = ?
___ S -‐ Solve the problem: 5 x 7 = 35
References:
Fuchs, L. S., Seethaler, P. M., Powell, S. R., Fuchs, D., Hamlett, C. L., & Fletcher, J. M. (2008) Effects of preventative tutoring on the mathematical problem solving of third-‐grade students with math and reading difficulties. Exceptional Children, 74,155-‐173.
Fuchs, L. S., Zumeta, R. O., Schumacher, R. F., Powell, S. R., Seethaler, P. M., Hamlett, C. L., & Fuchs, D. (2010). Enhancing second graders' word-‐problem solving and emerging knowledge of algebra with schema-‐broadening instruction: A randomized control study.Elementary School Journal, 110,440-‐463.
Jitendra, A. (2007).Solving math word problems: Teaching students with learning disabilities using schema-‐based Instruction.Austin TX: Pro-‐Ed.
Jitendra, A. K., Rodriguez, M., Kanive, R., Huang, J., Church, C., Corroy, K. A., & Zaslofsky, A. (2013). Impact of small-‐ group tutoring interventions on mathematical problem solving and achievement of third-‐grade students with mathematics difficulties.Learning Disability Quarterly, 36(1), 21-‐35.
Kintsch, W., & Greeno, J. G. (1985). Understanding and solving word arithmetic problems. Psychological Review, 92, 109129.
‐
*Information and Examples for additive SBI (addition and subtraction) are available in a separate EBI Network brief. | <urn:uuid:2c93aa78-b81f-46de-9a5d-d8de7a9b9ac6> | CC-MAIN-2019-09 | http://ebi.missouri.edu/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/EBI-Brief-Template-Schema-Based-Instruction-multiplication-FINAL1.pdf | 2019-02-23T21:23:15Z | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-09/segments/1550249550830.96/warc/CC-MAIN-20190223203317-20190223225317-00243.warc.gz | 81,336,997 | 7,066 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.923447 | eng_Latn | 0.986918 | [
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Mga Talang Pangkultura mga Manlalakbay Travelers
Have you been to the Philippines? What were your impressions?
Today, travelers to the Philippines can use the internet and look up travel blogs that give reviews on the islands, tips on where and where not to go for travel, and advice on safety. For example in recent years, bloggers had been writing about ferry trips along the Pasig River, until the ferry service was discontinued in December 2010. At http:// www.ambot-ah.com/about/, the blogger writes:
Unfortunately, during the last decades of the 20th century, it (referring to Pasig river) has become Manila's dumping site for trash and raw sewage. If you ask Filipinos their impression of Pasig, they would tell you that it is "mabaho" (foul smelling) and "puno ng basura" (full of trash). I was surprised to find out how the Pasig River has changed these past few years. Although still relatively dirty, it did not give off foul odors as I have expected.
But what about foreigners who traveled to the Philippines during the Spanish and American colonial periods? Two interesting accounts are those of Paul P. de la Gironiere, (1797–1862) and Mary Fee, one of the first American public teachers to come to the Philippines. What was Pasig River like based on the accounts of Gironiere and Fee?
In Adventures of the Philippine Islands or Adventures in the Philippines, originally written in French in 1854, Gironiere writes: *
On a third side, the military town is separated from the trading town by the river Pasig, upon which are seen all the day boats laden with merchandise, and charming gondolas conveying idlers to different parts of the suburbs, or to visit the ships in the bay.
Gironieer also wrote about houses built along the river (33):
The newest and most elegant houses are built upon the banks of the river Pasig. Simple in exterior, they contain the most costly inventions of English and Indian luxury. Precious vases from China, Japan ware, gold, silver, and rich silks, dazzle the eyes on entering these unpretending habitations. Each house has a landing-place from the river, and little bamboo palaces, serving as bathing-houses, to which the residents resort several times daily, to relieve the fatigue caused by the intense heat of the climate.
Lesson 07_Culture Notes.indd 1
11/24/14 4:43 PM
More than five decades later, Mary Fee, in A Woman's Impressions on the Philippines (Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1910) wrote (45):
We were familiar with the magazine illustrations of the Pasig long before our pedagogic invasion of Manila, but we were unprepared for the additional charm lent to these familiar views by the play of color. The shipping was as we had imagined it—large black and gray coasters in the Hong-Kong and inter-island trade, a host of dirty little vapors (steamers) of light tonnage, and the innumerable cascos and bancas. The bancas are dug-out canoes, each paddled by a single oarsman. The casco is a lumbering hull covered over in the centre with a mat of plaited bamboo, which makes a cave-like cabin and a living room for the owner's family. Children are born, grow up, become engaged, marry, give birth to more children—in short, spend their lives on these boats with a dog, a goat, and ten or twelve lusty game-cocks for society.
Today, a century later, there is a campaign to relocate homes built along the river in an effort to clean up and rehabilitate the river. Gironiere and Fee's accounts, however, continue to remind us how the river was effectively used for transport in the past and the many possibilities the river could yet be.
Should you be interested in reading further on travelers' accounts of colonial Philippines, both books are available online through http://www.gutenberg.org.
Lesson 07_Culture Notes.indd 2
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Plant Nutrition
Question Paper 7
Time Allowed:
42 minutes
Score:
/35
Percentage:
/100
Save My Exams! – The Home of Revision
For more awesome GCSE and A level resources, visit us at www.savemyexams.co.uk/
1 Ahmed entered a very dark room. His irises responded by changing the pupil size and gradually he could see shapes of objects in the room. Dust in the air made him sneeze. Suddenly the door slammed shut, causing his heart beat to speed up. He switched on the light to find the door and he grabbed the door handle……
(a) Complete the table by stating two voluntary actions and two involuntary actions described in the text above.
[4]
[2]
[1]
(b) Actions are caused by the stimulation of effectors.
(i) Name the two different types of effector in the body.
1.
2.
(ii) State the type of neurone that stimulates effectors.
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(c) Plants also respond to stimuli such as light.
(i) State the name of the response of plants to light.
[1]
Ahmed was provided with several young plant shoots and a sample of auxin.
(ii) Describe an experiment he could carry out to show that auxin causes bending of a shoot.
[4]
(iii) Explain the mechanism that results in a shoot bending towards light.
[3]
(d) Synthetic plant hormones behave in a similar way to auxins. Describe how synthetic plant hormones are effective as weedkillers.
[2]
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2 Crop production in many areas of the world needs the application of large volumes of water. However, when the water evaporates from the soil, traces of salts are left behind. After several years, the soil becomes too salty for most plants to grow in it.
(a) (i) State three functions of water in plants.
1.
2.
3.
[3]
(ii) With reference to the water potential gradient, explain why plants may die when grown in salty soil.
[3]
(b) Some plants are able to pump salts out of their roots.
(i) Name the process plants could use to pump salts out of their roots.
[1]
(ii) Suggest how the process named in (i) could affect the rate of growth of the plants if the process was operating all the time.
[2]
(iii) Plants need mineral salts for normal, healthy growth. Complete the table by naming two minerals that plants need and stating their functions.
iner mineral
function
1
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(c) An article in a school science magazine stated, ‘Many plants contain genes which enable them to pump salts out of their roots. These genes can be made more active by genetic engineering, enabling the plants to remove salts before the plants are damaged.’
Explain whether you think that the process described in the article above is an example of genetic engineering.
[3]
(d) Some scientists believe that washing the salts out of the soil using even more water is a better alternative to genetic engineering.
State two problems that could be caused by washing the soil with extra water.
1.
2.
[2]
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BEST OF LUCK
START
Narrations
"I have read a new novel by R.K. Narayan", Said Monika
"Do you wish to open an account", The manager asked the customer
"He said, "Bravo! Well Done".
Articles
We buy ………. Oil by the litre.
……….. Great Shakespeare committed grammatical errors.
........... Rich should help the poor.
Modals
She expects that her son ……..return.
She advised that I ……… curtail expenditure.
She ……. Not have left alone as it was raining heavily.
Change the Voice
1. He encourages me.
2. Please come soon.
3. It is impossible to do.
Use the correct verb given in the bracket.
More men than one …… absent today. (be)
Neither of the two boys …….. Done it. (be)
What evidence …….. these acts? (be)
Questions are taken from March 2019 Sr. Sec Board Examinations. SET A
Created by Ajay Kumar Lecturer in English (GSSS KAIRU)
BEST OF LUCK
START
Narrations
1. "I have read a new novel by R.K
"Do you wish to open an account", The manager as
"He said, "Bravo! Well Done".
boy.
Articles
We buy ………. Oil by the litre
……….. Great Shakespeare commit
........... Rich should help th poor.
Modals
She expects that her son ……..return.
She advised that I ……… curtail expenditure.
She ……. Not have left alone as it was raining heavily.
Change the Voice
He encourages me.
1. me.
2. Please come soon.
3. It is impossible
Use the correct verb given in the bracket.
More men than one …… absent today. (be)
Neither of the two boys ……. Done it. (be)
What evidence …….. thes (be)
Questions are taken from March 2019 Sr. Sec Board Examinations. SET A
Created byAj Lecturer i Lecturer in English (GSSS KAIRU)
BEST OF LUCK
START
Narrations
"I have read a new novel by R. Narayan", Said M
2. “
a customer " The child asked.
3. "He said, "Bravo! Well Done".
Articles
tre
1 W li .
2. …
committed grammati cal errors.
……. Hospital.
........... Rich should help t
Modals
1. She expects that her s ……..return
2. S
expenditure. ……… get late. (will/should)
She ……. Not have left alon was raining heavily. (could/will)
Change the Voice
.
1 H There is nothing to lose.
.
2 P Shall I eat the fruit.
It is impossible to do.
Use the correct verb given in the bracket.
1. More men than one …… absent today.
2. N
Mone it. (be) …… recently taken place. (has/have)
What evidence …….. these acts? (be) (was/were)
Sr. Sec Board Examinations.
Questions are taken from March 2019 SET A Creat ar
Ajay Kum Le Ajay Kumar Lecturer in English (GSSS KAIRU)
BEST OF LUCK
START
Narrations
"I have read a new novel by R.K. Narayan", Said Monika
"Do you wish to open an accoun c by said.
t", The manager asked the ustomer
"He said, "Bravo! Well Done". water."
Articles
1. We buy ………. Oil by the litre .
……….. Great Shakespeare committed gra
........... Rich should help th poor.
Modals
She expects that her son ……..return. (can/might)
She advised that I ……… curta expenditure.
She ……. Not have left alo was raining hea
Change the Voice
1. He encourages me.
2. Please come
3. It is impossible to do.
Use the correct verb given in the bracket.
More men than one …… absent today.
Neither of the two boys Done it.
What evidence …….. these acts? (be)
Questions are taken from March 2019 Sr. Sec Board Examinations. SET A
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William Shakespeare's
MACBETH
adapted by
Clive Duncan
www.facebook.com/ViennasEnglishTheatreSchooltours
www.schooltours.at
Author's Note
Macbeth was written and first performed in the summer of 1606 for King James 1 st of England and Scotland, and his guest, King Christian 4 th of Denmark. Writing for the King, Shakespeare drew together themes he hoped would please; the play's story borrows from two Scottish legends – the secret murder of King Duff, and the killing of Duncan, in battle, by Macbeth. James 1 st was a direct descendant of Banquo, he was interested in witches and witchcraft and had written books about it. Shakespeare knew the King didn't like long plays, so he kept it short (the original play is just over 2000 lines). A year before this play was performed the big news in England was the Gunpowder Plot – a failed attempt, by Jesuits, to blow up the Houses of Parliament, followed by the trial and public executions of the plotters. Treason and rebellion would have still been fresh in the mind. Shakespeare combines all these elements to give us a dark story of power, temptation and murder – a tragedy typical of its time.
But this play is different from other Jacobean Tragedies. The audiences in Shakespeare's day enjoyed Tragedy – the more dead bodies at the end of the play the better they liked it. They even used special effects – pig's blood squirted from an animal's bladder was a favourite! The more evil and cold-hearted the villains, the more the audience would cheer (or boo). We still like this kind of story today; Quentin Tarantino is a master of it, many computer games involve "killing" enemies accompanied by lively sound effects. How this play differs is that Macbeth is not an evil person. At the start of the play we see a good man loyally fighting for his King, but temptation, greed and opportunity drag him down. Macbeth knows the difference between right and wrong – he is frightened by his own actions, suffers guilt afterwards and, in the end, loses everything. Whilst playing to his audiences' desire for blood and destruction, Shakespeare gives more – a study of evil, a psychological thriller, which still fascinates after four hundred years.
In its original form the play lasts two and a half hours, it has thirty characters, the text contains many words no longer in use and has sentence structures that, although understandable, isn't how English is spoken today. To be able to bring this play to you from Vienna in a small touring van, perform it within an hour and in a language that is not your native tongue means making alterations if we want you to enjoy it! I've viewed these changes not as problems, but as an aid to making the story as clear as possible and to give the production a style in which to tell the story. I've removed everything from the play that isn't part of the main story-line. Thirty different characters in a play can be confusing, we spend much of the time working out who is who whilst missing the story, so I've reduced it to nine to be shared between four actors. Having some of the characters hooded, or faceless, lets us focus on the main players and adds to the theme of the Fates working against Macbeth. The idea of having the witches masked is to set them apart from the "real" people in the
play. Shakespeare never uses the word "witch" in the text, but refers to them as "weird sisters". Weird, which we now use to mean odd or strange, comes from a word meaning fate or destiny – these three are from a different, supernatural, world. I've replaced the words that are no longer in use (i.e. gouts of blood becomes drops of blood), and simplified some of the language and sentence structures (i.e. "Say to the King the knowledge of the broil as thou dids't leave it" becomes "Tell the King what happened in the battle"). However, much of what you will read or hear in this version is untouched Shakespeare and is written in blank verse (the rhythm is iambic pentameter – five beats of ten syllables with the stress on the second syllable – try saying: de-dum de-dum de-dum de-dum de-dum! – put the stress on: dum – it's like a heartbeat). I've kept this for any changes that I've made so that the language will flow more easily. Although this rhythm won't be obvious when you hear the play spoken, the beat of the lines creates tension in the same way the beats in music do. It's like rap though the rhythm isn't as strong.
If you enjoy reading and watching this play have a look at the original version. You can download it on http://the-tech.mit.edu/Shakespeare/
Clive Duncan
Characters in the play:
Duncan
King of Scotland
Malcolm
his son
Macbeth Lady Macbeth
Thane¹ of Glamis, later Thane of Cawdor, later King of Scotland his wife
Banquo
a Thane (Lord)
Macduff
Thane of Fife
Three witches
Lords and servants
Note: This version of Shakespeare's Macbeth has been adapted for four actors. To keep the story of the play as clear as possible, in both reading and watching, only the names of the main characters are used – the other characters, of lesser importance, are called Lord or Servant, etc.
__________
5
MACBETH adapted by Clive Duncan from William Shakespeare
SCENE ONE
Music.
Four actors come into the acting area. One puts on the crown and the other three stand in attendance.
The actor playing the king removes the crown and lies down, to be covered by a cloth. Another actor stands in his place. The crown is placed on his head, a sword placed in one hand, an orb² in the other.
BANQUO (narrating)
When one king dies, another takes his place. Often his son, if not, a man we trust. All this is natural – the country's safe. But when a king is murdered, stabbed to death, After the shock and funeral there is A scrabble³ for the throne. It must be filled. But how to choose the best man for the job? Fear and suspicion 4 fills up every thought Turning friends to enemies, brother against Brother. Who killed the king? And why? Surely To make a vacancy 5 for the top job – The hand which grabs the crown wielded 6 the knife. And so it was with this king, here – Macbeth. This once brave man, my friend, noble Macbeth. Ha! this power-grabbing tyrant! Murderer! He cut down anybody in his way, Including me. Oh yes, including me, His closest friend – we'd fought a war together – I died, face down, throat cut, in a ditch. Excuse my bitterness – betrayal 7 hurts. This ancient story should hold meaning for you; Change blades 8 for bullets, kings for presidents,
_________
2 a small globe with a cross on the top, carried at a coronation (Kugel, Ball)
3 rough struggle or fight
4 Misstrauen, Verdacht
5 to create an opening
6 held, used
7 Verrat
8 swords
Swap courts for boardrooms, gold and land for oil, Then look around – the story keeps repeating – For every powerful man who's grown rich You'll find the innocents face down in a ditch.
The tableau changes –Macbeth exits. The dead king gets up and sits on the throne.
BANQUO (narrating)
So, the good king Duncan, king of Scotland, Well loved, a father figure to us all, Is attacked by Norway, hungry for his land. A call to arms sees every single Scot Defend his king and country with his life...
Sounds of a battle. Two soldiers take up swords and fight – a short, brutal fight. One is getting the better of the other when a third intervenes 9 and saves the soldier on the ground. He receives a wound in doing so. The second soldier flees. The first soldier helps the third soldier…
MALCOLM Thank you, my friend, you've saved my life.
SOLDIER
T'was nothing.
MALCOLM The king, my father, will be pleased with your
Act of bravery. Come, I'll take you to him.
Malcolm helps the soldier to the king.
DUNCAN
Who is that wounded man?
MALCOLM A soldier, sir,
Who risked his life for me. My thanks again.
Tell the king the story of the battle.
SOLDIER
The odds were stacked against us.
10
The enemy
Had mercenaries
11
from the Western Isles
12
But brave Macbeth, a courageous man indeed,
Cut through the crowd, making a bloody path
Which led right to their captain; then, with his sword,
Slit
13
him from the stomach to the chin,
Chopped
14
off his head and stuck it on a pole
_________
9 comes in between
10 chances of winning were minimal
11 hired soldiers
12 The Hebrides (and possibly Ireland)
13 cut (with a long, straight, narrow cut)
14 hacked, cut
DUNCAN
SOLDIER
DUNCAN
The enemy were frightened and they ran.
He had the help of Cawdor and his men.
The king of Norway made them turn and fight;
The thane of Cawdor is a traitor, Sir.
And when this happened, what did your captains do?
He's turned against his country and his king.
Macbeth and Banquo – did they fight or run?
No mercy to the enemy. To keep it short;
They fought! They fought like twenty men, and showed
We won the battle!
Macbeth and Banquo are to be rewarded.
Great news! Well done – and thanks.
Cawdor's fighting for the other side;
For this treason 15 , I sentence him to death
MALCOLM Leave it to me, father, I'll see it done.
And give his lands and castle to Macbeth.
DUNCAN
What he has lost, honest Macbeth has won.
BANQUO (narrating)
A national hero. He had saved the day.
Honest Macbeth – he was, and Scotland's son.
But another fight was starting for Macbeth;
And Fate put three sisters in our way. Oh 17
Each day we pray – lead us not into temptation 16 ,
Temptresses all. Though not what you are thinking...
Discordant music. The actors put on masks to become the three weird sisters 18 .
FIRST WITCH When shall we three meet again,
In thunder, lightning, or in rain?
SECOND WITCH When the hurly-burly’s 19 done,
When the battle's lost and won.
THIRD WITCH Before the setting of sun.
FIRST WITCH Where the place?
SECOND WITCH Upon this heath.
THIRD WITCH Here we will meet Macbeth.
FIRST WITCH Where have you been, sister?
SECOND WITCH Killing swine.
20
_____________
15 Hochverrat
16 Versuchung (from the Lord's Prayer)
17 women who tempt (usually in a sexual sense)
18 strange women; (in Anglo-Saxon mythology) goddesses of destiny, able to predict the future
19 noise and confusion of battle (Wirrrwarr, Wirbel)
20 the death of pigs was popularly attributed to witches in Shakespeare's day
FIRST WITCH
ALL
THIRD WITCH
FIRST WITCH
FIRST WITCH
THIRD WITCH
And you, little sister?
The weird sisters, hand in hand,
Shhh! Macbeth comes.
Travellers of the sea and land,
Three to yours and three to mine
21
Peace! the spell is cast.
So we go around, around.
And three again, to make up nine.
22
They giggle and run away to hide. Enter Macbeth and Banquo.
BANQUO
How much further is it?
MACBETH It's been a foul 23 day, though victory was sweet.
The Third Witch jumps up – Banquo is startled
24
Witch appears from where she was hiding.
and draws his sword. The First
BANQUO
What are these!
25
They're not local. Escaped Norwegian prisoners!?
They look so old and withered and so wild.
Do you speak English? Can you understand me?
I'm not quite sure but I think they're women;
The witches put their fingers to their lips.
BANQUO
MACBETH
They're very hairy – makes it hard to tell.
Speak, if you can: what are you?
THIRD WITCH
FIRST WITCH
FIRST WITCH
Welcome, Macbeth! Thane of Cawdor!
Welcome, Macbeth! Thane of Glamis!
Welcome, Macbeth, who shall 26 be king one day!
Don't tell me you're afraid of this good news?
Macbeth backs away.
What are you? Fortune tellers? Hey! Please can
What about me? No, please don't leave me out;
BANQUO
You read my palm 27 ? You promise him great things,
If you really can see the future and
28
Give me my horoscope – I'm Capricorn.
Read the fate that’s hanging in the stars
Welcome!
Welcome!
Welcome!
_________
21 the numbers 3 and 9 were considered magic numbers in the 16 th c.
22 destiny has been fixed through our magic
23 'foul' refers to both awful weather and the fierce battle that day
24 taken aback, suddenly shocked
25 verwelkt, eingeschrumpft
26 'shall'( rather than 'will') implies a future determined by some higher authority
27 the underside of my hand (to tell my fortune)
28 destiny (Schicksal)
THIRD WITCH
FIRST WITCH
Lesser than Macbeth, and greater.
Not so happy, yet much happier.
Fate is mischievous 33 and will give you trouble.
Resist temptation, keep away from evil.
34
My debt to you is more than I can pay. To be allowed to fight for king and Scotland Is the only wage 40 I ask for. Welcome.
MACBETH
DUNCAN
You have done well for me and I’ll make sure That you’ll do well by me. And Banquo here, As brave as all the rest, let me embrace 41 you And hold you to my heart.
BANQUO
With pleasure, your highness.
DUNCAN
Sons, kinsmen
42
, thanes;
Thanks to the courage of my warriors here
Norway is defeated, Scotland's safe.
To be safer still I think it would be wise
To name the king who'll follow on from me.
I have decided that when I am dead
Malcolm, my eldest son, inherits
43
the crown,
I make him now the Prince of Cumberland.
Malcolm kneels before his father, who dubs him
44
with a sword.
That's not the only honour I'll award;
For nobleness, like burning stars, shall shine
On all who've earned it.
To Macbeth I'll go to Inverness,
To stay with you, Macbeth, my trusted friend.
MACBETH You honour me greatly, and I must ask
To leave here right away; I'll ride straight home
To make the preparations and give
My wife these joyful news.
DUNCAN
My worthy Cawdor!
The King, Banquo and the lord exit.
MACBETH
Malcolm, the king’s son, is standing between Me and the crown. I must remove this prince Or my ambition fails. Stars, hide your fires, Do not light up my black and deep desires.
Macbeth exits.
__________
40 reward
41 hug (umarmen)
42 blood relatives
43 receives (by legal succession)
44 touches his shoulders, to name him Prince
SCENE TWO
Banquo enters carrying a letter.
BANQUO (narrating)
He and his wife are made for one another;
Macbeth rides hard for home with his great news.
They are a match, a pair, a golden couple.
Enter Lady Macbeth – she snatches the letter from him and begins to read it.
They say behind each great man stands a woman; Oh, she's behind him, guiding every move, For only with his fame can she be famous, And only with his wealth can she be rich, But without her he'd be neither rich or famous; In this house she's the boss as you will see. Here's a letter he wrote after the battle Telling her of the witches' prophecy 45 . And with his words, Macbeth plants a seed Which will grow into ambition or greed.
LADY MACBETH (reading) "They met me after we had won the battle and called me Thane of Cawdor and said I would be king. When I tried to question them they vanished into thin air. Then came word from the king, who called me Thane of Cawdor! I think they have supernatural power and can see into the future. I have written to you straight away, my dearest wife, that you may see what greatness is promised us. Keep this secret for now."
You were already Glamis and now you're Cawdor. You could be king, as well, if you had guts 46 . But you're too soft, too gentle in your mind To do what must be done. You want great things, You have ambition, but you are not ruthless 47 . You'll play rough, but do not like to cheat. O, let me whisper to you in your ear; The courage of my tongue will teach you how To boldly 48 take away the royal crown.
______________
45 what they predicted as the future
46 the courage
47 i.e. you show too much pity and compassion
48 bravely, courageously
Enter a servant excitedly.
SERVANT
The king comes here tonight!
Is my husband with him? If this were true,
LADY MACBETH I don't believe it!
SERVANT
He'd have sent word so that I could prepare.
One of his men rode on ahead of him.
He did! He did, it's true: our thane is coming.
LADY MACBETH He brings great news. The raven croaks , announcing
49
Duncan's fatal
50
Come, you spirits – and fill my body full coming to my house.
With terrible cruelty! Make my blood ice!
51
Come to my woman's breasts and take my milk,
Harden my heart, and numb all of my senses.
And leave a liquid hatred in its place.
So I won't see the wound my sharp knife makes,
Come, thick night, like the blackest smoke of hell,
Or heaven see the wicked thing I do
And make me stop!
Great Glamis! Worthy Cawdor!
Your letter has pleased me more than I can say;
You shall be much greater than both of them!
My love, the future is ours for the taking!
52
My dearest love, Duncan comes here tonight.
He says until tomorrow.
LADY MACBETH And stays till when?
Enter Macbeth.
MACBETH
MACBETH
Your face, Macbeth, will give the game away!
LADY MACBETH Oh, may he never see another day!
We both know that the king must be dealt with.
But you must play the host and welcome him
You can leave all of the details to me.
With friendship, kindness and with deepest love;
53
Music announces the King's approach.
MACBETH Macbeth exits.
So no one sees the serpent about to strike.
We will speak later.
__________
49 krächzt (the raven was a traditional mediaeval symbol of ill-fortune)
50 foretelling death
51 dampen, paralyse
52 for us to seize
53 evil snake
Enter Duncan and Banquo. Lady Macbeth curtsies 54 . DUNCAN Where's the thane of Cawdor? We chased him all the way, but he rides well. His love for you made him ride faster – he Has won the race. My dearest lady… We are your guests tonight! Give me your hand And take me to your man, my brave Macbeth!
They exit leaving Banquo.
Music – a reel 55 – lively, rhythmical, suggesting a dance, a good time… BANQUO (narrating)
Good food and drink, music and lively dancing. All are happy. Except the host – Macbeth. The plans his wife has made move on too fast. He hesitates – he needs the time to think – He wants the crown – but murdering the king?
Enter Macbeth – he stops when he sees Banquo. Banquo bows 56 slightly and exits. MACBETH If we do this – this deed 57 – and that is it – The matter closed, finished – I would do it. If I knew that there'd be no consequence – The king is killed and then no further trouble – I'd take the risk. But bad deeds have a way Of plaguing 58 those who do them. He's here in trust; I am his cousin, subject and his host, I should shut the door against his murderer, Not use the knife myself. Besides, Duncan is So good a man, so loved, all of Scotland Would mourn 59 his passing and demand enquiries. Enter Lady Macbeth.
My dearest love. How's things? How is the king?
LADY MACBETH He's finished eating. Why have you left the table?
MACBETH Has he asked for me?
LADY MACBETH Do you not know he has?
MACBETH We will go no further with this business.
There is no need; I've just received promotion
60
__________
54 greets politely (knicksen)
55 lively Scottish dance music
56 bends his head (out of respect)
57 act
58 pestering, pursuing
59 lament, regret deeply
60 Beförderung
MACBETH
And everyone can see we're going places.
We will be patient and just wait awhile.
Was your ambition so drunk it fell asleep
LADY MACBETH What happened to the big ideas you had?
And wakes up now with a bad hangover?
62
You are so weak, you do not really love me!
Our future plans spewed up in sick and vomit?
You are a coward, you're not a real man!
MACBETH
You are afraid of your own dreams...
I dare do anything a man may do.
Be quiet!
There isn't a man alive who dare do more.
63
LADY MACBETH Why did you bother
64
When you said you'd do it you were a man.
to tell me your great plan?
And to be greater than a thane will make
The opportunity, you hesitate.
You much more of a man. Now chance provides
I know how tender it is to love a child;
65
And dashed
I would have plucked that baby from my breast
66
Have done to this.
its brains out, if I had sworn
67
as you
What if we fail?
Just play the soldier with the nerves of steel And we'll not fail. When Duncan is asleep I'll give to his two guards so much good wine They'll lose their minds and memory. When they are in A deep and drunken sleep outside his door, We'll do what we must to the sleeping king; And all the blame will fall upon his guards. Dear wife, give birth to men-children only, Your strength and courage and cunning 68 should make Nothing but males. If we cover those sleeping Guards with blood, and even use their daggers 69
LADY MACBETH We fail?
MACBETH
__________
61 we're a successful couple
62 thrown
63 would dare (Konjunktivform)
64 take the effort
65 pulled quickly
66 knocked
67 promised
68 cleverness, slyness
69 Dolche
61
For the murder, everyone will think that They have done it.
LADY MACBETH Of course – no doubt about it.
MACBETH All right, I will do what I have to do.
Let's go, we must pretend that all is well
And hide our wickedness behind our smiles.
The music stops.
They exit.
We hear night sounds – an owl hooting, the wind beginning to blow.
Enter Banquo.
BANQUO(narrating)
Enter Macbeth.
MACBETH
BANQUO
All is quiet in the castle of Macbeth. The fires burn low, the candles are blown out. I was weary 70 from the travelling and the war But could not sleep, so walked the battlements 71 . The night is dark and cold, the wind blows strong. A feeling in my bones says – something's wrong.
Who's there?
BANQUO
MACBETH
BANQUO
MACBETH
MACBETH
My friend, not yet asleep? The king's in bed.
A friend.
He is so pleased with you he sent me with
72
Most generous, although his visit here
This diamond as a present for your wife.
Is much more precious to me than any stone.
They were right about you...
I dreamt last night of the three weird sisters.
I'd forgotten them.
Perhaps we could discuss what they told us,
But if you have a moment or two to spare
I'd be grateful
73
BANQUO.
Sleep well!
Whenever you wish.
Banquo exits. Music.
The handle toward my hand? Come, let me hold you.
Is this a dagger which I see before me,
I cannot touch you and yet you are still there?
___________
70 tired
71 top platform of the castle
72 traditionally, a diamond was thought to be a lucky charm against witchcraft. Here it may seem ironic?
73 thankful
A bell rings.
How can I see you but I cannot feel you? You're false, a fake, a dagger of the mind, Coming from my fraught 74 imagination. I see you still, you are as real as this, My own dagger, this one I'm holding here. You point in the direction I am going, The same weapon I'm about to use, And on your blade and handle drops of blood, Which were not there before. You are not real!
Exit. Owl hoot.
I go, and it is done; the bell invites me. Don't listen, Duncan; for it is a knell 75 That is calling you to heaven or to hell.
Enter Lady Macbeth.
LADY MACBETH The wine that's made them drunk has made me brave,
Owl hoot.
What's put them out has given me fire.
What's that!
76
There's nothing to stop us. The drunken guards
It was an owl that shrieked. He's doing it.
Show disrespect with snoring
77
MACBETH
– I drugged their drinks.
LADY MACBETH Don't say they've woken up and he's not done it! The attempt on Duncan's life will see us hang. I left the daggers ready, he couldn't miss them. Had the king not resembled 78 my own father I would have killed him, myself...
(off)
Enter Macbeth.
MACBETH
Who's there? Who? What!
What happened!?
LADY MACBETH I heard the owl scream and the crickets
MACBETH
I have done the deed. Did you not hear a noise?
Did you not speak?
LADY MACBETH Now.
MACBETH
79
cry.
When?
As I came down?
___________
74 troubled
75 death-bell (Grabgeläut)
76 (schreien) an owl's shriek was supposed to announce a death
77 schnarchen
78 been similar to, looked like
79 (Grillen) crickets were also said to foretell death
LADY MACBETH Yes.
MACBETH(looking on his hands) This is a sorry sight.
80
MACBETH
LADY MACBETH A stupid thought, to say a sorry sight.
LADY MACBETH It's his son. MACBETH He laughed in his sleep, and then cried 'Murder!' And then Malcolm woke up. I stood and listened. He said his prayers and went to sleep again Then cried 'God bless us!' 81 and then said 'Amen'; Hearing his fear, I could not say 'Amen', 82 Why could I not say that word 'Amen'?
Whose room is next to the king?
LADY MACBETH Forget it now or it will make you mad. MACBETH I thought I heard a voice cry 'Sleep no more! Macbeth has murdered sleep'.
LADY MACBETH Who was it that cried out? My dear husband,
LADY MACBETH What do you mean? MACBETH It cried out 'Sleep no more!' to all the house. 'Glamis has murdered sleep, and therefore Cawdor Shall 83 sleep no more. Macbeth shall sleep no more.'
It won't do any good to think like this –
And wash away this blood from both your hands.
So foolishly of things. Go get some water,
Why did you bring these daggers from the place?
They must lie there. Take them back and smear
84
MACBETH
The sleeping guards with blood.
I am afraid to see what I have done.
I'll not go back.
I dare not look at him again.
85
Give the daggers to me.
LADY MACBETH Coward!
Lady Macbeth exits.
MACBETH
We hear knocking.
Who is that knocking? Why does every noise I hear frighten me? What hands are here? Ha! They pluck 86 out my eyes.
___________
80 sad, miserable, wretched
81 May God bless us! (Konjunktivform)
82 Inability to pray was regarded as a sign of being possessed by devils
83 is destined to (cf. 'will' would be only a general prediction)
84 cover, wipe (beschmieren)
85
86
Feigling pull (ausreißen)
Will all great Neptune's
87
Clean from my hands?
ocean wash this blood
him on, and it takes him off. It persuades him and disheartens him. Makes him stand to, and not stand to… 93
SEASON 12 Sept – 22 Oct 2016 ASO AS ASO
WOODY SEZ - The Life & Music of Woody Guthrie
S
AS
This musical celebrates a giant of American music, Woody Guthrie, known since the 1930s and '40s as "America's greatest folk poet". WOODY SEZ is a joyous, toe-tapping, and moving musical event, transporting the audience through the fascinating, beautiful, and sometimes tragic story of Woody Guthrie's life with over twenty-five of his most famous songs. The combination of the cast's infectious enjoyment, Woody's incredible journey, and a stirring mix of moving ballads and energetic foot-stompers make this a must see.
7 Nov – 22 Dec 2016
TWELFTH NIGHT by William Shakespeare
Duke Orsino is deeply in love with Lady Olivia, who is in mourning for her recently deceased brother and refuses to receive any messages from Orsino. Meanwhile, Viola is washed ashore following a shipwreck in which she believes her twin brother, Sebastian, has drowned. Disguising herself as a young man under the name Cesario, she enters the service of Duke Orsino and quickly finds her way into his favour. Orsino sends the "young man" to woo the Countess Olivia, much against Viola's will, for she has fallen in love with the Duke herself ….
16 Jan – 25 Feb 2017
SLEUTH by Anthony Shaff er
The ingeniously twisted plot is set in a cosy English country house owned by celebrated mystery writer, Andrew Wyke. The writer's home reflects his obsession with the inventions and deceptions of fiction and his fascination with games and game-playing. He lures his wife's lover, Milo Tindle, to the house under the pretence of welcoming Tindle's taking her off his hands. Wyke makes a proposal the young, penniless lover can't resist which sets off a chain of audacious bluffs and double bluffs with a chilling outcome.
13 March – 22 April 2017
OUTSIDE MULLINGAR by John Patrick Shanley
Family farms, feuds and fences have separated neighbours Rosemary and Anthony since childhood. The two eccentric introverts straddling forty have spent their entire lives in rural Ireland. Rosemary watches the years slip by whilst hoping for the painfully shy Anthony to notice something beyond a patch of grass. When his father threatens to disinherit him, not considering his son the right candidate to take over the family farm, Anthony discovers that the beautiful and tenacious Rosemary holds the key to his future. Their rocky journey to happiness is deeply moving and funny, whilst they try to overcome the biggest obstacle – themselves.
www.englishtheatre.at
2016/
17
28 April – 11 May 2017 VET'S YOUTH ENSEMBLE presents The Rock Musical RENT by Jonathan Larson
016/ 28 April – 11 May 2017 016/ 6 16 016/ 1 6
The Vienna's English Theatre Youth Ensemble was started in 2011 to serve as a practical training ground for young actors and actors in training interested in performing in English.
The Tony Award winning rock musical, RENT, deals with a group of aspiring artists living in New York City's East Village in the late 1980's; trying to survive and celebrate life under the shadow of poverty and the AIDS epidemic. A modern version of Puccini's opera "La Bohème", the story follows Mark, an aspiring filmmaker, and his friends, as they face the issues of everyday life in the artistic lower class, struggling to pay the rent while searching for love and happiness. Written by the talented young lyricist/musician Jonathan Larson, RENT was an instant Broadway sensation; winning a Pulitzer Prize in 1996, as well as a Tony Award for Best Musical.
12 – 14 May 2017
Best Improv in town!
ENGLISH LOVERS
Back by popular demand! Let the legendary, award-winning English Lovers amaze, amuse, excite, dazzle, daze and delight you & romp, stomp and vamp their way into your hearts again. They act, they sing, they dance, they mime and they rhyme – nothing is impossible for these accomplished improvisers! No two shows the same. Every night an adventure. Secure tickets fast to be transported into their magical world of spontaneous storytelling!
29 May – 8 July 2017
by James Sherman
BEAU JEST
Chicago resident teacher Sarah Goldman is a nice Jewish girl with a problem: her parents want her married to a nice Jewish boy. They have never met her boyfriend, the very un-Jewish WASP executive Chris. As the devoted daughter that she is, Sarah wants to make her parents happy and so she invents a perfect Jewish boyfriend, "Dr. David Steinberg". Before long she finds herself caught in her own net. So she decides to contact an escort service to send her a Jewish date to impersonate this fictional boyfriend during a family dinner. Instead, they send Bob Schroeder, an aspiring actor, who does indeed look the part but unfortunately is as 'goy' as her real boyfriend. Luckily he is a good improviser and knows FIDDLER ON THE ROOF by heart. Sarah's parents are enraptured, and soon, so is Sarah …
VIENNA'S ENGLISH THEATRE – 1080 VIENNA, JOSEFSGASSE 12 – 01-402 12 60-0
MACBETH
If I had died an hour before dawn broke, 96
Nothing will ever be the same again.
My life would have been blessed , but from this moment,
Life is worthless. Goodness itself is dead.
Somebody, help!
LADY MACBETH Help me from here, please!
Lady Macbeth is taken away.
Their hands and faces were all covered with blood;
MACDUFF
MACBETH The guards, in his bedroom, are the murderers.
So were their daggers, which, still bloody, I found
I got so angry that I've killed them both.
Upon their pillows. They stared, and were surprised.
The king's life should not have been trusted with them.
Here lay Duncan dead, and there, his murderers?
You've killed them both? But why did you do that?
I lost control of myself, but who can blame me?
We have to tell the prince his father's dead.
Anyone who loved the king would do the same.
Then let's meet to investigate
97
The guards, most like, were hired, so who's behind it?
this crime;
Whoever it is, they do not frighten me
MACDUFF
And I will fight against this evil treason.
MACBETH
And so will I.
We'll meet in the great hall in thirty minutes.
Let us get ready, then.
Exit Macbeth and Banquo.
MALCOLM What's wrong?
MACDUFF Your father's dead. Murdered.
MALCOLM Who did it?
MACDUFF His guards. By the look of it.
98
MALCOLM But why?
MACDUFF Who knows?
MALCOLM Where are they now?
MACDUFF Macbeth has slaughtered them.
99
MALCOLM This evil act is only the beginning.
My father dead and I stand next in line.
Why kill the king if not to get the crown?
Enter Malcolm.
_________
96 gesegnet
97 find out about, examine
98 As it seems.
99 killed them as if they were animals
MACDUFF
MACBETH
BANQUO
Which means my life’s not safe, or I am framed 100
To look responsible. Whichever way,
I have to leave.
MACDUFF Where will you go?
MALCOLM England.
Distance will keep me safe. For now, I don't
Know who to trust. For wherever I look
There's daggers in men's smiles.
MACDUFF Farewell, my lord.
They both exit.
SCENE THREE
We hear ceremonial music, strong and rousing. Macbeth enters with lords and Banquo. They crown him king.
BANQUO(narrating)
As the weird women promised; but I know
He has it now: King, Cawdor, Glamis, all
He played a dirty game. A good king dead,
He's guilty of the crime, and so the crown
And Malcolm fled – so everybody thinks
Falls neatly
101
What use's a gift which is not yours forever?
on Macbeth. But he wants more.
I was told my children would be kings;
This Macbeth knows and, cunning
If they were right with him, why not with me? 102
Knows what I'm thinking. I didn't see the danger:
as he is,
I was no more safe with him than a stranger.
Music as Lady Macbeth enters. She and Macbeth greet Banquo. 103
MACBETH Banquo – my most important ally…
LADY MACBETH And friend!
MACBETH Tonight we hold a special dinner, sir,
And you are invited.
BANQUO
I will be there.
MACBETH You ride this afternoon?
BANQUO
That's right, I do.
_________
100 set up, shown
101 conveniently
102 clever and sly
103 Verbündeter
MACBETH I needed some advice, but never mind,
We'll talk tomorrow. How far do you ride?
BANQUO
All afternoon.
LADY MACBETH Don't forget our dinner.
BANQUO
Don't worry, I'll be there.
MACBETH You've heard the news?
Wild rumours
104
come from England about me!
That murdering son denies his crime
105
and then...
But more tomorrow. Your son, he rides with you?
BANQUO MACBETH Exit Banquo.
He does, in fact, he's waiting for me now.
Ride well. Till seven o'clock tonight, farewell.
Exit Lady Macbeth.
Enter a lord
See to the preparations for tonight.
Getting the job is one thing, keeping it another. Is all this fate or is it my design 106 ? If destiny; the hags 107 who gave me this Promised Banquo a dynasty. I get A trinket 108 , he's happy ever after! For Banquo's children I have sold my soul, For them the gentle Duncan have I murdered, To make them kings, the seed of Banquo kings! That will not be. A gambler 109 may not hold The cards he wants, but knowing his opponent's Can help him win the game. Who's there?
.
LORD MACBETH
_________
104 false reports
105 says he is innocent
106 plan
107 ugly old women, witches
108 something only trivial, unimportant
109 a card-player
110 they would be against that
You remember what I told you yesterday? Have you thought more about what I have said? Banquo is your enemy, as is he mine, And every minute he grows more dangerous. I could, as king, make sure that he's removed, But he has friends and they'd object to that. 110 That's why I need your help. You have it, my lord. It must be done tonight, far from this castle, Make sure you do the job with no mistakes.
LORD
MACBETH
Exit lord.
Enter Lady Macbeth.
Banquo is off somewhere, but comes tonight.
Kill him, as well – do not let him escape.
His son is with him – this is most important –
No problem, sir. They won't be seen again.
It's done. And so is Banquo. 111 Friend, sleep tight. Your soul will fly to heaven – and flies tonight!
LADY MACBETH Have we risked everything for this? Gloom
112
Despair? You're the most powerful man in Scotland and
Yet you refuse to enjoy what victory brings.
Brooding on
You sit alone, feeling sorry for yourself,
113
Such memories should be buried with the dead!
the guilty things we've done.
What's done is done and should now be forgotten.
And now it waits, ready to strike back.
We have burnt the snake, not killed it;
A blade, a rope, poison – it is waiting;
The fear fills my sleep with terrible dreams.
Don't trust the food – the knock upon the door.
Oh! How I envy Duncan in his grave;
Nothing worries him now.
After life's hard work he sleeps well.
LADY MACBETH For heaven's sake
Calm down! And pull yourself together.
MACBETH I will, my love, and you must do so, too.
Cheer yourself up before the dinner tonight.
Remember Banquo, you must flatter
114
Smile, but don't let him see what you are thinking him.
We are not safe.
MACBETH
LADY MACBETH Stop this – and stop this now!
115
You know that Banquo and his son live.
O, my head is full of scorpions, dear wife!
LADY MACBETH But they cannot live forever, can they?
We'll receive news which makes us safe at last
MACBETH That's true. Be happy then. Before nightfall
LADY MACBETH What have you done?
_________
MACBETH You'll find out soon enough, and when you do,
111 i.e. done for, finished off
112 misery (Elend)
113 worrying about
114 schmeicheln
115 my mind is filled with conflicting thoughts
MACBETH
You'll cheer and clap my deviousness 116 , my love.
Music – lively and joyful, which continues through this and the next scene.
Exit Macbeth and Lady Macbeth.
Enter Banquo with his son.
Cunning Macbeth, I suspected nothing.
BANQUO (narrating)
From another place a lord enters.
I thought he brought a message from the king.
Even as my killer came towards me
The lord produces a knife.
I understood the treachery 117 of the man.
The blade flashed and in a single moment
The lord stabs 118 Banquo who sinks to his knees as his son enters.
Banquo's son runs and as the lord gives chase, Banquo holds on to him.
Run, boy, and save yourself! He'll kill you too!
Though I was dead I hoped to save my son.
119
forward.
The lord strikes Banquo with the knife again and Banquo releases his grip and falls
The lord exits.
As a table is set Banquo slowly gets to his feet.
And as my corpse 120 rolled deep into a ditch 121
BANQUO (narrating)
With no burial, prayers or ceremony,
Too soon for my spirit to find rest,
The party at Macbeth's began to swing.
I went along – an uninvited guest.
Banquo sits at the table, hooded 122 .
MACBETH Sit down, sit down, everyone is welcome.
LADY MACBETH I wish you welcome too, to all our friends.
MACBETH I'll sit here, in the middle, with my friends
And soon we will start a drinking game!
To the lord
There's blood upon your face.
Macbeth, Lady Macbeth and a lord come to the table.
_________
116 underhand dealing, trickery
117 Verrat
118 with a dagger
119 let's go
120 dead body
121 Graben
122 with a covering over his head
LORD
It's Banquo's then.
MACBETH And is he dead?
LORD
My lord, his throat is cut;
I saw to it, myself.
MACBETH Well done. Efficient.
And Banquo's son, you cut his throat as well?
LORD
We had a problem and the boy escaped.
MACBETH And now it starts again. All was perfect,
But now return those nagging 123 doubts and fears.
But Banquo's safe?
LORD
The bottom of a ditch.
His body is unrecognisable.
MACBETH Thank you for that. Banquo's young son is not
Yet dangerous. There's time.
LADY MACBETH My dear husband,
You must be first to drink.
MACBETH Must I? Of course –
Cheers, everyone!
They drink.
LORD
Your majesty, please sit...
Banquo removes his hood and sits in Macbeth's seat.
MACBETH The seat's taken…
The lord points to where Banquo sits.
LORD
This is your seat right here.
MACBETH Where?
LORD
Here, my lord.
Macbeth sees Banquo's ghost.
LORD
What's wrong, your majesty?
MACBETH Who is responsible for this?
LORD
For what?
MACBETH You cannot say I did this. Do not shake
Your ghostly head at me!
LORD
Stand up! The king's not well. Everyone stand!
All stand.
LADY MACBETH Please don't my friends, he often gets like this.
An illness from his childhood – just keep still.
It will soon pass – he'll be himself again.
Don't stare, it only makes him worse.
Ignore him and please eat!
To Macbeth
What's going on?
_________
MACBETH Either someone's playing a trick, or else
There's something evil – look!
You're paranoid 124 , calm down. Nothing's there.
LADY MACBETH There's nothing there!
This is like the imaginary dagger
You said led you to Duncan. Are you mad?
MACBETH
You're staring at a stool 125 !
O look! Look! There! What do you say?
See there, see there!
I know that you can nod, say something too!
He's gone, but I swear I saw him.
Banquo covers his head.
LADY MACBETH Saw who?
MACBETH
MACBETH I always thought that when you died – that's it!
I saw him in my seat.
The end. But no! The dead don't die – he's here.
LADY MACBETH Have you forgotten
Macbeth recovers himself and looks around...
That we have company?
MACBETH You must forgive me.
It's grief, from Duncan's death, it still affects me 126 .
There's nothing to worry about at all,
It's nothing. Don't be alarmed. Where's my glass?
And to our dear friend Banquo, who's not here,
I drink to you – my good companions,
I wish he was! To you, and him, good health!
127
Get away from me! Leave me alone!
They drink. Banquo reveals himself again.
You're dead. Throat cut and lying in a ditch!
Ah – come alive again, fight man to man
MACBETH
Those staring eyes are closed, they cannot see.
But do not send me ghosts, so everywhere
I look I see your face accusing me!
Banquo vanishes.
Get out of here!
Why, so, he's gone,
LADY MACBETH Good night everyone.
My friends – apologies.
_________
Don't wait to say good bye, but go at once.
124 suffering from a mental disorder that makes him feel persecuted
125 a chair without a back
126 influences
127 uncovers, shows
The lords exit.
MACBETH He's after blood. They say, blood will have blood.
MACBETH I see Macduff did not turn up tonight.
LADY MACBETH I've never been so embarrassed 128 in all my life!
What do you make of that?
129
LADY MACBETH Did you invite him?
I have spies everywhere – one's watching him.
I did; I'll find out why he did not come
MACBETH
I'll go tomorrow to the weird sisters;
I will destroy anyone who's against me!
They'll tell me more, I need to know the worst.
I am up to my neck in blood; I think
LADY MACBETH Oh go to bed. And try to sleep.
It's easier going on than turning back.
MACBETH These dreams
Which I'll grow out of – with each crime I commit.
And visions are just childish fears
Macbeth and Lady Macbeth exit.
We hear pipe
130
Enter Banquo.
music.
BANQUO(narrating)
The king is ill at ease – he does not sleep. He trusts no one and nobody trusts him. Like all dictators he'll only survive By removing any opposition And terrorising everybody else. His spies bring news of those who plot against him; He deals with those the way he dealt with me, But what he wants to know is very simple – Is Macbeth the winner in the end? So he returns to see those strange sisters, To ask them what the future holds in store. 131 If he can know the ending of the story He'll rewrite it – to make it end in glory.
Three of the actors put on masks to become witches.
_________
128 verlegen
129 How do you understand that?
130 Dudelsack, Scottish pipes
131 has in reserve for him
MACBETH
_________
132 long hard work
133 large metal pot for boiling liquids over a fire (Kessel)
134 slice of boneless meat
135 snake living in marshland
136 Wassermolch
137 Fledermaus
138 twin-tongue of a viper
139 Eidechse
140 young owl, Eule
141 magic charm
142 Stechen
143 supposedly a common belief among witches that itching thumbs foretold evil
144 watch out for
132
Third witch plays a pipe.
ALL
Double, double, toil and trouble;
Fire burn, and cauldron
133
bubble.
FIRST WITCH Fillet
134
of a fenny snake
135,
In the cauldron boil and bake.
SECOND WITCH Eye of newt136 and toe of frog,
Wool of bat 137 and tongue of dog. 138
THIRD WITCH Adder's fork and blind-worm's sting,
Lizard's
139
leg and owlet's
140
wing.
ALL
For a charm of powerful trouble,
Like a hell-broth boil and bubble.
FIRST WITCH
Peace. The spell
141
is made.
SECOND WITCH By the pricking 142 of my thumbs, Something wicked this way comes. 143
MACBETH
Enter Macbeth.
Don't let me stop whatever you were doing.
THIRD WITCH
What were you doing?
MACBETH
A deed without a name.
Ask.
FIRST WITCH
I command you to answer all my questions.
SECOND WITCH Demand.
MACBETH
We'll answer.
THIRD WITCH
FIRST WITCH
Tell me, then…
Listen, but say nothing.
We know what you want.
First witch holds up a sword.
Beware
Macbeth! Macbeth! Macbeth! Beware Macduff.
144
Whatever you are, thank you for this warning, the thane of Fife. That’s all. Enough.
You've read my fears.
SECOND WITCH Macbeth! Macbeth! Macbeth!
MACBETH Had I three ears I'd hear you.
SECOND WITCH Be ruthless
Second witch holds up a bloody baby doll. 145
, bold and strong.
MACBETH
No man born of a woman shall harm Macbeth.
No, I'll make sure I'm safe, he shall not live.
Then live, Macduff, I need not fear you.
Third witch holds up a branch.
146
Who plots, rebels, or where the traitors are.
THIRD WITCH Be lion-hearted , proud; and do not care
Macbeth shall never be defeated till
MACBETH
ALL
FIRST WITCH
Great Birnam Wood 147 has marched up to your castle.
Trees can't walk; without their roots they fall.
That will never be! Who can move the forest?
Macbeth is safe. But tell me one more thing;
Shall Banquo's children ever wear this crown?
MACBETH
Ask no more.
148
Show!
Tell me! Or curses will fall upon you!
SECOND WITCH Show!
The actor who plays Banquo removes his witch's mask and sits. The other two witches remove Macbeth's crown and place it on Banquo.
THIRD WITCH Show!
MACBETH You are too like the spirit of Banquo. Down!
small crown on its head.
The witches take the baby doll, wrap it up and put it on Banquo's knee. They place a
MACBETH You filthy hags! Why do you show me this?
MACBETH
Banquo laughs.
Third witch plays a pipe.
Horrible sight! Now, I see, it is true.
FIRST WITCH Yes, sir, all this is true.
MACBETH
The witches run off, laughing.
Enter a lord.
Where have they gone? Come back! Come back! Who's there?
MACBETH Did you see the weird sisters?
MACBETH
LORD
No, my lord.
LORD
I saw no one, my lord.
Did they not pass you?
_________
145 show no pity or compassion
146 courageous, bold, brave
147 a wooded hill near Dunkeld, 12 miles north of Perth. Macbeth's fort was at Dunsinane, some 10 miles away.
148 Flüche, Verwünschungen
_________
149 has escaped
150 put Malcolm on the throne, as is only right
151 fall, drop; lower himself
_________
152 clever, skilful
153 Flüchtlinge
154 frightened
155 defeat, conquer
156 happier, better
MALCOLM
MACDUFF
MALCOLM
We'll overlook 157 these minor faults of yours And focus on your better qualities...
Courage, strength and patience are nothing to me.
But I have none. Justice, truth and mercy,
If you think I am fit to be your king,
Fit to be king!
Let's go to Scotland now.
No, not to live. Your mother was a saint,
I'd pinned
Your father was the very best of men;
158
Scotland's finished. We will not meet again.
my hopes on you – a big mistake.
Macduff, enough of this charade 159 . You've passed
Macbeth has often tried to trap me and
My test. You are here for honest reasons.
So I must be cautious. What I have said
Still a virgin
About myself is all untrue; I am
160
I have never lost my faith in God,
, I do not want money,
These lies, about myself, are the first I've told.
England has given me ten thousand soldiers.
I am your king and ready for the fight.
You and I will march together.
Enter a lord.
MACDUFF Who's this?
LORD
Excuse my interruption – I bring news.
MALCOLM What has Macbeth done now?
LORD
My lord, my news
Is not for you but for Macduff.
MACDUFF What news?
LORD
There is no easy way to tell you this...
MACDUFF Tell me quickly – you must hold nothing back.
LORD
Your castle's been attacked, your wife and children
Have all been killed. To tell you how they died
Would be the death of you.
MALCOLM Is no one safe?
My friend, I have no words...
MACDUFF My children too?
LORD
Wife, children, servants, all that could be found.
MACDUFF I was not there to save them. My wife, too?
_________
157 forget about, ignore
158 put, placed
159 absurd game
160 someone inexperienced in life, (or sexually)
MALCOLM
MACDUFF
MALCOLM
They exit.
He has no children. All my little ones?
Did you say all? O, God! Did you say all?
Every single one and their mother?
Did heaven look down and leave them to their fate?
161
Let grief
Sinful Macduff, they died because of you!
162
Sharpen your sword. There is no time for grief.
turn to anger and let revenge
Oh, I'll grieve later
163
Just bring me face to face with him. And if
– I have work to do.
He wins the fight then God can forgive him.
If it's any comfort – Macbeth will fall.
Pipe music.
Banquo masked as a witch comes into the acting area playing a pipe. Lady Macbeth, in a nightgown, follows as if being drawn along by the music. She repeatedly washes her hands as if trying to remove stains 164 from her hands. Banquo stops playing and removes his mask.
BANQUO (narrating)
Whilst Malcolm mobilises English troops A gloom 165 falls on the castle of Macbeth. His friends slip quietly away and those Who stay, stay out of fear, not love. Even His wife, his partner, once, in crime, retreats 166 Into herself; she's lost in guilty dreams...
Banquo blows shrilly 167 on the pipe.
Sings:
In darkness let me dwell
168
The castle walls shall weep
169
LADY MACBETH Who would have thought the old man would have so much blood in him? It will not wash away. Will my hands never be clean? All the perfume in the world will not hide that smell!
_________
161 morally wrong (sündig)
162 (n.) great sadness at a death
163 (vb.) express my great sadness
164 dirty spots, marks
165 great darkness
166 turns, withdraws
167 sharply, piercingly
168 this echoes a line from a song , published in 1610, by the Elizabethan musician, John Dowland
169 cry tears
Our army is ready, it's time to move.
Enter Macbeth.
BANQUO
MACBETH
MACBETH
To keep me from my sleep Close all the shutters 170 tight To keep it black as night In darkness let me dwell.
Doctor, how is my wife? Not well. Her mind Is troubled with dark thoughts. Insomnia 171 Has exhausted 172 her, so when she sleeps She can't relax, so walks and talks, whispering All her guilty secrets. Cure 173 her of that!
Macbeth puts his hand over Lady Macbeth's mouth. 174
LADY MACBETH Where is Macduff's wife? Where are his children? Don't look so worried, my lord; Banquo is dead and buried, he cannot hurt you. A little water cleans us of this crime…to bed… to bed.
MACBETH
Doctor, can you not mend a broken mind,
Remove a heavy sorrow
Or take away a painful memory,
175
BANQUO
from the heart?
LADY MACBETH
You need a priest, church, confession, not me.
Medicine is useless; take her away.
(sings) In darkness let me dwell…
Lady Macbeth is led away by a lord.
MACBETH
MACBETH Where is my armour? I will put it on!
Banquo helps with Macbeth's armour.
He exits.
Let Malcolm come, I do not fear that boy; He was born of a woman – can't do me harm. Till Birnam wood has marched up to these walls I am the king, I am invincible 176 !
177
Music – martial drumbeats
Enter Malcolm, Macduff and a lord.
MALCOLM Where are we now?
_________
170 Fensterladen
171 sleeplessness
172 tired her out
173 heal
174 repair, restore
175 weight of unhappiness
176 I cannot be defeated!
177 warlike
MACDUFF
MALCOLM
MACDUFF
MALCOLM
They exit.
Birnam Forest. Ahead
Macbeth's castle. Between this wood and it
Get every man to cut himself a branch
Is open ground – dangerous to attack.
And hold it up in front of him. It will
178
From knowing how many soldiers we have.
Act as camouflage and stop the enemy
His plan will be to stay put
179
Lock himself in and wait for us to leave.
in his castle;
He's outnumbered, what else can he do?
180
And once we're in… Come on, it's time to move.
Enter Macbeth.
MACBETH
I would have fought and driven them all away.
Hang out our flags along the castle walls! Let them come. We can outlast 181 a siege 182 ; We'll watch them die of hunger and disease. If my soldiers had not deserted me
We hear a woman's cry.
Enter a lord.
LORD MACBETH
What's that? I have forgotten the taste of fear. There was a time when such a scream would have Me reaching for a sword; I've seen such blood And horror that nothing bothers 183 me now.
What was that cry?
_________
178 Tarnung
179 remain fixed
180 break, beat
181 last longer than, survive
182 Belagerung
183 troubles, worries
184 receive applause and make an exit
The queen is dead, my lord. She would have died tomorrow, or the next Day, or the next. Time ticks away leaving The dead behind it as it creeps along. She's gone. Our lives are brief; an actor in A play – dramatic scenes then take a bow 184 ; A tale, told by an idiot, full of Rage and despair – meaning very little.
But we've the strength to batter down his doors –
Macbeth exits.
Enter Malcolm and lord. Macduff removes the crown from Macbeth. Pipe music.
We hear drum beats.
Macduff puts the crown on Malcolm's head.
Two lords enter fighting. One of the lords escapes.
Enter Macbeth.
LORD
Stop! Who are you?
MACBETH You do not want to know.
LORD
Macbeth! I'm not afraid of you.
They fight and the lord is killed.
MACBETH He was born of woman.
Enter Macduff.
MACDUFF The noise was this way. Macbeth – where are you!
MACBETH The one man I was hoping to avoid.
Keep back, Macduff, my hands are stained
185
with too
Much blood of yours already.
MACDUFF No words, Macbeth.
Just this....
Macduff attacks Macbeth and they fight.
MACBETH You cannot win, Macduff, fight someone else!
My life is charmed
186
– no man born of woman
Will ever beat me.
MACDUFF Your charm is worthless.
I was not born. My mother died in labour
187,
My father cut me from her womb to save
_________
185 made dirty
186 protected by magic
187 while giving birth
MACDUFF Hail, king! For now you are. Scotland is free.
Hail, King of Scotland!
ALL
Hail, King of Scotland!
The picture freezes.
The End.
_________
188 soft, unimportant words/usually of love
1996/97 CRUSOE by Nicholas Allen, based on the novel by Daniel Defoe
1966 MAN OF DESTINY by George Bernard Shaw 1967 THE HAPPY JOURNEY by Thornton Wilder 1968 VILLAGE WOOING by George Bernard Shaw 1970 THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING EARNEST by Oscar Wilde 1971 THE GLASS MENAGERIE by Tennessee Williams 1972 MAN OF DESTINY by George Bernard Shaw 1973 LOVERS by Brian Friel 1973 AN INSPECTOR CALLS by J. B. Priestley 1974 THE HAPPY JOURNEY by Thornton Wilder 1975 OF LOVERS AND FOOLS, scenes from Shakespeare as arranged by Manfred Vogel 1976 A SLIGHT ACCIDENT by James Saunders LOOK BACK IN ANGER by John Osborne 1977 THE HAPPY JOURNEY by Thornton Wilder ARMS AND THE MAN by George Bernard Shaw 1978 FAMILY ALBUM by David Newby AN INSPECTOR CALLS by J. B. Priestley 1979 THE CANTERVILLE GHOST by Nicholas Allen, based on the story by Oscar Wilde ALL MY SONS by Arthur Miller 1980 THE HAPPY JOURNEY by Thornton Wilder MAN OF DESTINY by George Bernard Shaw 1981 FAMILY ALBUM by David Newby RELATIVELY SPEAKING by Alan Ayckbourn 1982 THE CANTERVILLE GHOST by Nicholas Allen, based on the story by Oscar Wilde A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS by Robert Bolt 1983 ROBIN HOOD by Nicholas Allen. An entertainment with music LOVERS by Brian Friel 1984 THE HAPPY JOURNEY by Thornton Wilder 1984/85 KING ARTHUR by Nicholas Allen. An entertainment with music THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING EARNEST by Oscar Wilde 1985/86 THE CANTERVILLE GHOST by Nicholas Allen, based on the story by Oscar Wilde THE GLASS MENAGERIE by Tennessee Williams 1986/87 SONGS AND DREAMS by Nicholas Allen SAME TIME, NEXT YEAR by Bernard Slade 1987/88 DICK WHITTINGTON AND HIS CAT by Sean Aita LOOK BACK IN ANGER by John Osborne 1988/89 THE WIDOW'S DIAMONDS by Nicholas Allen THE PRIVATE EAR by Peter Schaffer 1989/90 ROBIN HOOD by Nicholas Allen. An entertainment with music IN PRAISE OF LOVE by Terence Rattigan 1990/91 THE HAPPY JOURNEY by Thornton Wilder DANGEROUS OBSESSION by N. F. Crisp 1991/92 RICHARD THE LIONHEART by Nicholas Allen THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH by Sean Aita THE ZOO STORY by Edward Albee 1992/93 SONGS AND DREAMS by Nicholas Allen STAGE BY STAGE by Jennie Graham I OUGHT TO BE IN PICTURES by Neil Simon 1993/94 TREASURE ISLAND by Sean Aita SHERLOCK HOLMES INVESTIGATES by Ingrid Statman RELATIVELY SPEAKING by Alan Ayckbourn 1994/95 FAMILY ALBUM by David Newby FREDDY AND THE CLOVEN HOOF by Adam Bridges LOVERS by Brian Friel 1995/96 THE CANTERVILLE GHOST by Nicholas Allen DRACULA by Sean Aita MY CHILDREN! MY AFRICA! by Athol Fugard
THE GLASS MENAGERIE by Tennessee Williams
1997/98 HUCKLEBERRY FINN by Sean Aita
SUGAR AND SPICE by Philip Dart
ALL MY SONS by Arthur Miller
1998/99 THE SWORD AND THE CROWN by Sean Aita
BOTTLING OUT by Philip Dart
BUTTERFLIES ARE FREE by Leonard Gershe
1999/00 BANANAS by Sean Aita and Nicholas Allen
DANCE CLASS by Clive Duncan
THE BROWNING VERSION by Terence Rattigan
2000/01 AROUND THE WORLD IN 80 DAYS by Sean Aita
MILLENNIUM by Sean Aita
BLUE GIRL by Deborah Aita
2001/02 HOTMAIL FROM HELSINKI by Judy Upton
ROMY AND JULIAN by Clive Duncan
THE LAST YANKEE by Arthur Miller
2002/03 A PERFECT MATCH by Sean Aita
A DOG'S LIFE by Sean Aita
DANGEROUS OBSESSION by N.J Crisp
2003/04 STREETS OF LONDON by Sean Aita
WILD WEEKEND by Clive Duncan
BUTTERFLIES ARE FREE by Leonard Gershe
2004/05 THE CANTERVILLE GHOST adapted from Oscar Wilde by Clive Duncan
SUGAR AND SPICE by Philip Dart
MACBETH adapted from Shakespeare by Clive Duncan
2005/06 AROUND THE WORLD IN 80 DAYS by Sean Aita
ROMY & JULIAN by Clive Duncan
THIS LAND IS YOUR LAND a Woody Guthrie Folk Musicale devised by David M. Lutken
2006/07 REVOLTING BRITONS by Clive Duncan
DANCE CLASS by Clive Duncan
LOOK BACK IN ANGER by John Osborne
2007/08 VIRTUAL HEROES by Clive Duncan
WILD WEEKEND by Clive Duncan
PITCH BLACK by Clive Duncan
2008/09 PERFECT MATCH by Sean Aita
LITTLE GIRL LIES by Claudia Leaf
VIRGINS by John Retallack
2009/10 FAME GAME by Philip Dart
SACRIFICE by Claudia Leaf
MACBETH by William Shakespeare adapted by Clive Duncan
2010/11 ROB AND THE HOODIES by Sean Aita
ROMY & JULIAN by Clive Duncan
BUTTERFLIES ARE FREE by Leonard Gershe
2011/12 THE SWITCH by Philip Dart
DISCONNECTED by Adam Barnard
PITCH BLACK by Clive Duncan
2012/13 AROUND THE WORLD IN 80 DAYS by Sean Aita
JEKYLL'S POTION by James Cawood
A PICTURE by Clive Duncan
2013/14 VIRTUAL HEROES by Clive Duncan
POPULAR by Philip Dart
PRETTY SHREWD by Clive Duncan
2014/15 SPOOKED! by Sean Aita
DANCE CLASS by Clive Duncan
THE MAKEOVER by Clive Duncan
2015/16 THE FAME GAME by Philip Dart
UNDERCOVER STAR by Robin Kingsland
VIRGINS by John Retallack
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Gifted and Talented in Modern Foreign Languages
KS3
At Key Stage 3 pupils are encouraged to explore the world of languages as they develop linguistic skills and understanding of concepts that will be useful to them at key stage 4 and beyond.
Pupils learn either French or Spanish in Year 7 and are set according to ability for their lessons. In Year 8 our most talented linguists take on German as an additional language and they continue with both French/Spanish and German until the end of Year 9.
There is the opportunity for all pupils in Year 8 to participate in a languages trip and for pupils in Year 9 who learn German to take part in the German exchange. We highly recommend that all our Gifted & Talented linguists get involved with these activities in order to experience the foreign languages at first hand.
Gifted & Talented linguists in Year 8 are invited to participate in a termly G&T event which gives them the opportunity to further develop their knowledge of the French, German or Spanish language and also these countries cultures in an after school activity.
KS5
Pupils develop their language skills to a very high level when studying French or German at AS or A2. They are encouraged to think about complex global issues in the language of study and they are able to understand to a greater extent the nuances and subtleties of languages and communication.
All of our 6 th form linguists have the opportunity to interact with native speakers during their weekly sessions with our Foreign Language Assistants. They are also encouraged to assist the department by helping with Key Stage 3 lessons and any extra curricular activities, and in addition to this there are trips to Germany and France which they are encouraged to participate in.
KS4
At Key Stage 4 all pupils have the option to continue with either French or German. The large majority of our G&T pupils all do so and we also encourage them to consider continuing with both languages up to GCSE level.
G&T linguists are expected to achieve the highest grades in their speaking and writing coursework tasks as they are given the opportunity to show off their flare for languages. Alongside this, they are entered for the higher tier papers in their reading and listening exams.
Pupils studying a language in Year 10 are encouraged to take part in either the German exchange or the trip to Normandy to help further their linguistic skills.
Online resources:
www.lequipe.fr/ www.sport.de/
French/ German online sports newspaper www.allocine.fr/
www.filmstarts.de/
Latest film trailers in French/ German www.m6.fr/
www.surfmusik.de/
French/ German Music Channel www.linguascope.com/
Test your language ability at any level www.languagesonline.org.uk
Test your grammar ht
t
p://www.toondoo.com/
Write a comic strip and illustrate it www.bbc.co.uk/scotland/learning/bitesize/
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Kemp's P Kemp's Point oint
VVVVVolume 12, olume 12, olume 12, Number 2, Number 2, Number 2, F F Fall 2011 all 2011
News from the Univ News from the University ersity ersity of of of Wisconsin-Madison's Kemp Natur Wisconsin-Madison's Kemp Natur Wisconsin-Madison's Kemp Natural Resour al Resour al Resources Station ces Station
Mammalogy Mammalogy at Kemp Station at Kemp Station
by Christopher J. Yahnke, Associate Professor of Biology
Niche, a term used to describe the ecological and physiological parameters of a species, was first used in a 1917 scientific paper by Joseph Grinnell. Grinnell trained our country's first mammalogy students at the Museum of Vertebrate Zoology at UC Berkeley, the first natural history museum associated with a public university in the United States. One of Grinnell's students, E. Raymond and plenty of recreational breaks to cool off in the lake. Before dark we set live traps and game cameras, and after dark we census bats using acoustic monitoring equipment. Teams of students spend the week working together not just cooking and cleaning, but they work together in the classroom, the lab, and the field. In the field they solve problems like deciding where to place traps, how to
Hall, was among those who trained the next generation of mammalogists, including Charles Long, who came to the University of Wisconsin - Stevens Point, helped to establish its Museum of Natural History in 1966, and recently published The Wild Mammals of Wisconsin (2008). Now it is my responsibility to train a new generation of mammalogists in Wisconsin, and I recently discovered Kemp Natural Resources Station to be the best classroom in the state to do this.
partition the work to efficiently lay out trap lines and conduct trap checks, and discuss identifying mammals through signs like burrows, tracks, scat, rubs, or destroyed equipment (bears love crunching Sherman live traps – they smell like peanut butter but provide a disappointing payoff for the bear).
UW Stevens Point mammalogy student, Mike Spaight, enthusiastically displays the result of his trap check.
The data we're collecting will tell a story about the small mammal and bat communities at Kemp over time. Each summer we will set our trapping grids in the same two habitats; a relatively intact maple hemlock forest, and the blow down area that con- tains a ribbon of gnarly but tasty raspberries and a picturesque fern gully (I thought that was just an animated movie). In Wisconsin, mammalogists are documenting some significant species replacements in the northern part of the state. Southern flying squirrels are replacing northern flying squirrels, eastern chipmunks are replacing least chipmunks, meadow jumping mice are replacing woodland jumping mice, and white-footed mice are replacing woodland deer mice. Kemp is revealing this species replacement in its small mammal communities.
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There are two ways I teach mammalogy. Each fall I teach a traditional lecture/lab course for 75 biology and wildlife students at UW Stevens Point. While they learn a lot about mammals, it's hard to take 75 students out into the field to census mammals. Each summer I teach a field based course for 16 students, and it is in this course where students learn about being a mammalogist. A typical day starts with a trap check at 5:30 AM. After all the small mammals have been processed, a team of four students cooks breakfast and another team is assigned to clean up. During daylight hours, when most mammals are inactive, we have lectures and labs in the boathouse,
Reflecting Reflecting on the Season on the Season
By Tom Steele
It's a foggy, fall morning as I write this. There's a heavy dampness in the air and an early wave of color hangs from the trees. Most of our researchers and students are gone now. Although, there are still a few stragglers. Like late-migrating birds, they are busily wrapping up their fieldwork or squeezing in one more field trip. But overall it's quiet at Kemp and a marked change from the frenetic activity of just a few weeks ago.
The combination of fog, dampness and quietly falling leaves lends itself to reflection, and in my case, reflection about another field season that's in the books. And what a season it has been.
I am happy to report that research activity remains high at Kemp. Once again, we supported scientists literally from coast to coast. Our list of researchers included old friends from the University of Maryland whom we hadn't seen in years, and brand new scientists from Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California. Add to these dozens of researchers from throughout the Midwest and the result is a diverse group of scientists and science, all working to expand our knowledge about the world around us.
Our teaching program continues to thrive. This year Kemp hosted hundreds of students from around the state. And while their individual studies varied–from wildlife to forestry to ecometeorology–their experience didn't. Namely, critical, hands-on learning that is simply not possible in a campus classroom.
The Kemp Outreach Series flourished again this summer thanks to Karla's hard work. And it continues to attract new participants to the station. One program that particularly stands out was Scott Craven's wild game cooking class. It's safe to say that class was the tastiest outreach event we've held at Kemp in quite some time; we look forward to a second helping again next year.
mind are the Pavilion project and the Kemp Cloud/ Wireless project. The Pavilion project involves converting the station's 90-year-old carport into an attractive pavilion and outdoor classroom. To date, Gary has completely refurbished the pavilion interior with beautiful knotty pine paneling. The next step is to build a small addition (to store tables, chairs and audio-visual equipment) that matches the historical log construction. Tamarack trees at the Rhinelander Agricultural Research Station were harvested to serve as building materials. These logs were peeled and cut to match the half-log construction of the original structure. Check out the photo collage on Page 6 to see some of the steps in this process.
While the Pavilion project involves refurbishing the old, the Kemp Cloud/Wireless project involves adopting the new. Namely, extending wireless Internet connectivity across the entire station, including the station's old-growth forest, bogs, shoreline and surrounding Tomahawk Lake. A recent study by the Pew Research Center identified two dominant technological advances that are changing modern computer usage. They are cloud computing (where data, software and services are housed on remote computers accessed via the Internet) and the increased usage of portable computing devices such as laptops, tablets and smartphones. The Kemp Cloud/Wireless project embraces these trends to enhance the station's research and instructional infrastructure. When completed, scientists will be able to deploy environmental sensors throughout the station to monitor ecological processes in real-time. And instructors and students can harness all of the informational resources of the Internet whether they be chest deep in a soil pit, perusing a deer exclosure or exploring the station's nature trail.
So in review, it has been another full and productive field season at Kemp. And that brings my reflections to a close. Perfect timing too–the fog has burned off, the sun is shining and it's time to get outside.
Best wishes for a grand autumn!
And we continued to make improvements to the station's infrastructure. Two projects that come to age 2
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Through the Eyes Through the Eyes of ofof ofof a a a a a Child Child
By Karla Ortman
I always thought I had a pretty good eye for noticing the little things in life, but after spending some time outdoors with Greyson, my soon-to-be 6-year-old nephew, I realized "my eye" isn't as quick or as sharp as it could be.
In mid-August, we had a family gathering at the home of my dad's cousin. They have a nice place near Brooklyn, Wisconsin, with horses and goats, surrounded by cornfields. It was a nice day so we spent time exploring and playing. Greyson was messing around on the swing set in the yard when he exclaimed, "Aunt Karla! What's that?!" It took me a moment to find what he had spied with his keen eyes – it was the nymphal skin of a rather large insect. I immediately thought of
After spending part of it's life underground, the cicada larva comes above ground, and emerges as the adult form (right) leaving behind an exoskeleton (above) of its former self.
the dragonfly exoskeletons found on the Kemp boathouse each year and explained to Greyson what he had found. But what I wasn't sure of is what particular insect had emerged from this now delicate, crusty shell.
Further exploration of the yard led to more discoveries of the same skins – and Greyson's voice grew with excitement when he found multiples on the trunk and branches of a single tree! This hubbub drew spectators and soon someone discovered a living specimen of the animal that had emerged from one of the empty shells. It was a cicada.
This particular cicada had a greenish body with black markings, green/black eyes, was about two inches long, including the wings, and at least as big around as one of my fingers. I knew it was a treat to see this creature, as it is more common to only hear them. In July and August male cicadas looking at a dog-day cicada. They have a 2- to 5-year life cycle, which overlap among individuals, so these critters are present in our landscape every year. They should not be confused with the 17-year cicada, known as a periodical cicada, which truly does only emerge every 17 years. The last emergence in Wisconsin was in 2007, so look for these smaller creatures with their red eyes in 2024.
The cicada lifecycle is rather interesting. The adult female cuts a slit into a twig and deposits her eggs. When the eggs hatch, the nymphs fall to the ground and burrow into the soil. The nymphs feed by extracting juice from roots underground. Once fully developed, they burrow out of the ground and climb to a vertical surface, like a tree, and then emerge as adults, leaving their nymphal skin behind to be found by a little boy or girl exploring the natural world!
sing to attract mates – it is a powerfully loud sound and since the vocalization attracts competing males to the area, the chorus of cicadas can become deafening.
I now know that we were
Our next outing was a hike at a county park near Greyson's home. It was a warm, sunny day and we tromped along a boardwalk through a marshy area and on a trail through woods and fields. Little toads were the first item of interest, which were captured and relocated after a short trip in a pair of little hands. And then the eye-spying game turned to the wooly bear caterpillar—the familiar black and rust banded, fuzzy caterpillar. It turned out these too were fun to hold! They allowed their many feet to be viewed and displayed their defensive reaction of becoming a fuzzy ball.
(Continued on Page 6)
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Kemp P Kemp Profile: rofile: rofile: Clair Clair Claire Phillips e Phillips
Hometown:
Oakland, California
Educational background and current area of study: B.S., M.S. Stanford U, 2001, PhD Oregon State U 2009 (The OTHER OSU). Since May I've been a post-doc at Lawrence Livermore National Lab in Livermore, California. Area of study: plant and soil "ecophysiology"
Your 2011 field crew: Myself plus occasional visitors, including colleagues Karis McFarlane (LLNL), Ankur Desai (UW-Madison), Dave Risk (St.Francis Xavier, Nova Scotia Canada), undergrad Ryan Harp (UW-Madison), and Shane Simenstead, a high school student who lives near Kemp Station.
What question does your field research answer? How old is the CO2 that comes out of a forest soil and tree canopy? We are measuring the radiocarbon (14C) abundance in soil and whole-ecosystem CO2 emissions, to make assessments of its age and determine its source. We want to know what portion of CO2 emissions comes from pools of "old" carbon that got deposited in the soil as leaves or roots 10s to 100s of years ago. We are investigating how the age of CO2 emissions varies across seasons, in response to changing environmental conditions, and before and after a selective harvest.
How is your research/project funded?
We are working at the Willow Creek site, where our collaborator Ankur Desai has for the last several years been supported by USFS to measure CO2, age 4
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water, and energy fluxes. The portion of the project I am working on, isotopic and soil analyses, are funded by an award to Karis McFarlane from Lawrence Livermore National Lab, which is a Department of Energy/National Nuclear Safety Administration facility.
Describe a typical day of field work:
Rouse myself between 7 and 8, usually the last one up in Mead Hall. Avoid getting in Tina's way as she makes the common areas tidy and clean. Fill my economy sized rental car to the brim with shovels, soil augers, tool boxes, gas sampling equipment, dataloggers and environmental sensors. Drive 45 minutes to my field site. Spend the day in the forest digging trenches and installing soil sensors, or walking through the woods taking soil CO2 flux measurements, or programming dataloggers, and occasionally chatting with bear hunters who pass by to check their baits. Get back to Kemp between 6 and 8pm. Go for an evening swim in the lake. Eat dinner. Process samples in the lab or catch up on emails until midnight. Call my hubbie and tell him I'm tired. Collapse into bed.
What is the biggest challenge you've faced working on this project?
Well, I have to knock on wood while I say this, but things have gone pretty according to plan! You always have to be pleased when things work out as well as you had hoped. I have much to be thankful for: It seems I'm comparatively distasteful to ticks and mosquitoes. And hot days were erased by jumping in the lake. And every time I really needed help digging a big soil pit, a wonderful helper seemed to appear at Kemp's doorstep. And when I needed to build sampling equipment Gary had great ideas and helped tremendously. Everyone at Kemp gave me lots of support, from receiving packages from California (big and heavy ones), to lending me tools, to simply helping with housekeeping stuff so I could focus on working.
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What have you enjoyed most about working on this project?
When I arrived in May, I have to admit I didn't immediately fall in love with Northern Wisconsin. It is so flat and the woods look the same in every direction! (I STILL second guess myself sometimes about which way to turn driving to the field site.) I was used to Western forests with mountains and vistas and waterfalls, and NO BUGS! The Wisconsin woods were plagued with ticks, the lake was full of motor boats, I was worried about encountering this thing called swimmer's itch, and the town was teeming with aimless tourists. But the more times I went back to the
Claire and Karis McFarlane measure soil CO2 emissions..
lab in California, I looked forward to the peace I would enjoy returning to Wisconsin, spending days in the woods alone with my thoughts. As the summer went on I enjoyed getting intimate knowledge of our field site, learning the succession of flowers, berries, and animal activity. I really felt this place grow on me in early September, the week that summer ended (85 degrees one day to 48 degrees the next!). I got to see the leaves turn, and turkeys coming out onto roads, and all those precious changes that are a muse for my work. But the very best thing of all, my absolute favorite, was simply not being desk-ridden and spending days at a time outdoors like a proper human!
It's What They It's What They Lichen Lichen Lichen About Kemp! About Kemp!
Scientists from UW-Madison and the Chicago Field Museum spent a few days collecting lichen at Kemp Station. Susan Will-Wolf explains: "Our project is to decide what easily-observed physical characteristics are most reliable to distinguish species (as determined by their DNA) of a group of common 'old man's beard'
lichens (genus Usnea) whose taxonomy is uncertain. We used Kemp Station as a base for collecting specimens from several nearby areas, both because Kemp's grounds are home to many of the lichens we want to study and because the excellent sleeping and laboratory facilities make the field part of our project affordable and easier to complete. This group of lichens is used to indicate clean air and healthy, intact forests from Great Lakes Forests through the Appalachians. Studies with these lichens will give more reliable answers if we have a better way to quickly and more accurately identify them to species or species group."
Photos by John Wolf, UW-Madison science editor, retired.
Above: Chicago Field Museum researcher Carrie Andrew maps multiple Usnea specimens on a single branch in the lab at Kemp. At left, UW-Madison researcher Susan Will-Wolf and Chicago Field Museum researcher Matthew Nelsen record physical characters of individual Usnea specimens.
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Through the Eyes Through the Eyes............... (Cont'd from Page 4)
I know these guys are most often seen in the fall and over the years heard my grandparents and parents comment on how the pattern of the black and brown bands had something to say about the upcoming winter. But I had no idea what this caterpillar grew up to be and knew nothing of its life cycle.
There are several caterpillars referred to as "wooly bears." Ours is the banded wooly bear. This animal has the reputation for predicting the severity of the upcoming winter, based on the size of the black bands – longer black bands meant a more severe winter. This theory has been debunked by studies that have shown the band length may have more to do with age and/or the moisture level in the environment.
avoid with your car as they are small and don't move very fast! However, they do always look like they are on a mission, and that is probably to find shelter, perhaps in leaf litter or behind some bark. They spend the winter in the larval form and are able to do so because they produce their own antifreeze which protects their tissue from the cold. When the weather warms in the spring, the caterpillar spends some time eating whatever it comes across, as they are not choosy. Then it spins a fuzzy cocoon and in about two weeks, emerges as the adult Isabella tiger moth (Pyrrharctia isabella). The moth is dull yellowish-orange with black specks on the wings and not nearly as spectacular as other members of the tiger moth family. Regardless, the "bear" has transformed into a "tiger" and the cycle begins again.
The reason we see them so often in the fall is because that is when the caterpillars, or larvae, emerge from eggs laid by the adult moth during the summer. On sunny days I have seen them crossing the highways and I read that they may like the warm surface provided by the road. Thankfully they are easy to
Perhaps it is impossible for us to see the world the way we did when we were kids. But I think that with a bit of effort, we can see and appreciate things around us the way we did when we were 6 years old. If we slow down and pay attention or make time for some discovery. As fall rolls into winter, see what you can see, through your childlike eyes….and if you can do it with a child, all the better!
FFFFFrom T rom T rom Trrrrrees to Timber: ees to Timber: ees to Timber: Gary Kellner procur Gary Kellner procur Gary Kellner procures material for the Kemp P es material for the Kemp P es material for the Kemp Pavilion avilion
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What's driving these replacements is still not well understood, but some scientists suggest global climate change is creating niche conditions that allow species to extend their ranges northward.
We have only two seasons of data, and the small mammal community picture is beginning to emerge. The dominant residents on our study grids at Kemp are the white-footed mouse, eastern chipmunk, and red-backed vole. Also present in high numbers this summer was the cinereus shrew. We are still waiting to find the less common pygmy shrew, one of the smallest mammals in the world. My students are able to distinguish it from the cinereus shrew based on a single tooth character, since the two shrews look nearly identical when you remove them from a pitfall trap. We were able to identify a southern flying squirrel based on ventral pelage that is white from tip to base, unlike the northern flying squirrel with ventral hairs that are white at the tip and dark at the base. This year we trapped our first woodland deer mouse. They appear almost identical to the whitefooted mouse, but have one important distinguishing character in this part of their range. Woodland deer mice have slightly larger ears; between 17-20 mm compared with 14-16 mm in white-footed mice. While this seems like a trivial difference, we have found that it correctly identifies the species 98% of the time when we've followed up with genetic tests. The presence of this single individual suggests a community in transition.
There are two small mammals I have yet to trap anywhere in Wisconsin. The least chipmunk was common in Vilas and Oneida Counties a century ago. Hartley H. T. Jackson wrote in the Mammals of Wisconsin that it was common as far south as Waushara County in 1850, and John Muir describes a least chipmunk accurately in his book about growing up in southern Marquette County. In 1920, Ned Hollister wrote a personal note to Jackson stating that he predicted the eastern chipmunk would entirely replace the least chipmunk in the region before many years. I'm interested in looking at the historical collections from Kemp to see when the last least chipmunk was collected. Finally, woodland jumping mice have not been collected in Wisconsin in almost 20 years. Our last record is from 1992 in
Douglas County. Where woodland jumping mice were found in Bayfield County in the 1970s, those same habitats are yielding meadow jumping mice today. There is a long way to go towards characterizing the small mammal community at Kemp, and field stations like this are priceless as they allow for long term studies with lower risk of human development of the land. I'm already looking forward to next summer!
In Memoriam
Kemp Station lost a dear friend this summer. Dr. James Fralish passed away on August 30, 2011, after a short but courageous battle with a brain tumor. Jim had a long and profound history with Kemp Station. He first came to Kemp in the 1960s as a doctoral student in the Department of Botany at UW-Madison. Following graduation, he accepted a faculty position with the Department of Forestry at Southern Illinois University in Carbondale, IL. For more than 40 years, he continued to visit Kemp, conducting research and bringing students from SIU to learn about Wisconsin's Northwoods. These annual trips continued even after his formal "retirement" in 1996. Jim was a keen ecologist, a passionate teacher, a fine mentor and a wonderful friend. His beaming smile and enthusiasm for our natural world will be sorely missed.
Kemp's Point
Kemp's Point
Kemp's Point
Kemp's Point
Page 7
Page 7
Kemp's Point Kemp's Point Page 7 Page 7
Gr Great Horned eat Horned eat Horned Owl ( Owl ( Owl (Bubo Bubo Bubo vir vir virginianus ginianus ginianus)))))
))))) On one of those warm nights in early October, I lay in bed and listened to a pair of great horned owls calling to one another. One of the owls was rather close, but the other was quite a distance away as his or her response was very soft. Their "hoo-hoo hoooooo hoo-hoo" calls reminded me that I grew up knowing this bird as a hoot owl, a term used by my grandparents and mom. I read that they are also known by the names cat owl and winged tiger, likely referencing their ear tufts, which look like a cat's ears. Great horned owls are our earliest nesters, and the pair formation process begins in the fall, with eggs laid in January or February. Incubation time is about a month, during which the female stays on the nest while the male brings her food. About 6 weeks after they hatch, the young test their wings, but don't fly until they are about 12 weeks old. Mom and dad continue feeding them into July and then come fall, the kids either leave on their own or are driven off as it's time for a short break before breeding starts over again. Come this January or February when you're feeling chilly on a bitter cold day, think of the hoot owl on her nest, keeping her eggs or owlets warm, and that just might warm you up a bit.
Kemp's P Kemp's Point oint VVVVVolume 12, olume 12, olume 12, Number 2 Number 2
Published semi-annually by the University of Wisconsin-Madison's Kemp Natural Resources Station. To receive this free newsletter, update your address, or receive a back issue contact:
Karla Ortman, Editor Kemp Natural Resources Station 9161 Kemp Road Woodruff, WI 54568 (715) 358-5667 email@example.com
This newsletter is also available as a PDF at the Kemp website, www.kemp.wisc.edu. | <urn:uuid:ad24e122-92c8-4846-93a3-dd9bf13a5d02> | CC-MAIN-2017-30 | http://kemp.wisc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/59/2014/09/KP_Fall_2011.pdf | 2017-07-23T06:48:30Z | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-30/segments/1500549424287.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20170723062646-20170723082646-00010.warc.gz | 193,098,927 | 5,789 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998212 | eng_Latn | 0.998775 | [
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RRB JE 22nd May 2019 Shift-1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, or stored in any retrieval system of any nature without the permission of cracku.in, application for which shall be made to email@example.com
RRB JE 22nd May 2019 Shift-1
Instructions
For the following questions answer them individually
Question 1
Decimal part of any number is always _______.
A < 0
B
C
D
> 1
> 2
< 1
Answer: D
Explanation:
In a decimal number, the decimal part is always < 1.
For example,
Decimal part of 7.123 is 0.123 which is < 1
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Question 2
What is the name of the scheme proposed by the HRD Ministry to track academic performance of school children across the country?
AShaala ASMITA
Explanation:
The cervical spine and the hyoid bone constitute the bones of the neck. The cervical spine is comprised of the 7 uppermost vertebrae of the vertebral column, whereas all the others are the joints.
Question 4
A postman was returning to the post office which was in front of him to the north. When the post office was 100 m away from him, he turned left and moved 50 m to deliver the last letter at the Shanti villa. He, then moved in the same direction for 40 m, turned to his right and moved 100 m. How many metres was he away from the post office?
A
Therefore from the diagram it is known that Post office is 90m away from him.
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Question 5
Silver article turns black when kept in the open for a few days due to formation of-
Answer:
C
Explanation:
Downloaded from cracku.in
Pattern is:
1 × 2 = 2
2 × 3 = 6
6 × 4 = 24
24 × 5 = 120
120 × 6 = 720
Therefore the required number is . 720
Question 7
Blood circulates from arteries to veins through microscopic vessels known as-
ACapillaries
BCalories
C
D
Cells
Corpuscles
Answer: A
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Question 8
Anjali can complete a job in 10 days. Banu can do it in 5 days. In how many days can the job be done, if they work together?
Explanation:
Given,
Anjali can do a work in 10 days and Banu can do a work in 5 days.
LCM of 10 and 5 is 50.Therefore total jobs to be completed is 50.
Anjali = 50 (Therefore, Anjali can do 5 works per day) 10 × 5
Banu = 50 (Banu can do 10 works per day) 5 × 10
Both together can do = 15 works per day 5 + 10
for three days = 45 works can be completed 15 × 3
balance 5 work can be calculated as = 15 5 3 1
Option is given in hours, so to convert it into hours = 8hours × 3 1 24
Hence total time taken is 3days 8 hours
Question 9
Find the ODD one out from the given options.
A1975 : 1579
B7319 : 1793
3152 : 5321
C
D4283 : 8432
Answer: A
Explanation:
The position of the numbers are rearranged in every option as follows:
The odd number places are interchanged first and written together and then the even number places are interchanged and written together.
For instance in 7319, 7 and 1 are interchanged and 3 and 9 are interchanged to get 1793.
Similarly, the same process is carried out for other options.
As per this, option (1) violates this rule.
Hence 1975 has to be written as 7159. But its wrongly written. Hence our answer.
Question 10
What are the LCM and HCF of the reciprocals of 18 and 24?
A1/72, 1/6
B1/6, 1/4
C
D
72, 6
1/6, 1/72
Answer: D
Question 11
Which Indian city is also called Tatanagar?
AJamshedpur
BRanchi
C
D
Dhanbad
Bhilai
Answer: A
Question 12
In a bag, there are coins of 25 paise, 10 paise and 5 paise in the ratio of 1 : 2 : 3. If there are Rs.30 in all, how many 5 paise coins are there?
A50
B150
C
D
100
200
Answer: B
Explanation:
Let the number of coins of 25, 10 & 5 Paise be p : 2p : 3p.
Total value in Paise is30 × 100 = 3000
(25p + 20p + 15p) = 60p
3000
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So p = =
60
3000
50
therefore number of 5paise coins is 3p = = 150 coins. 3 × 50
Question 13
Find the value of
A
4
1
B
C
D
16
3
1/8
1
16
Answer: A
sin
7π
4
sin
π
4
sin
3π
4
sin
5π
4
RRB Group-D Previous Papers
Question 14
Which of these substances is present in tobacco?
ANicotine
BMorphine
C
D
Caffeine
Hashish
Answer: A
Question 15
Which of the following is an eye disorder?
A
Myopia
BJaundice
C
D
Arthritis
Sinus
Answer: A
Question 16
A watch is sold at 5% loss. If the cost price had been 20% more and selling price Rs.115 less, there would have been 40% loss. What is the cost price?
ARs.500
BRs.520
C
D
Rs.450
Rs.550
Answer: A
Question 17
Find the ODD one out from the given options.
A317
B137
C153
D731
Answer: C
Question 18
Who discovered that mosquitoes spread malaria?
A Sir Ronald Ross
B Homi Bhabha
C Sir Issac Newton
DMichael S Brown
Answer: A
Question 19
The underground water due to the hot rocks present inside the Earth ____________which can turn the turbines of generator to produce electricity.
A Cools down
B
Turns to ice
C Turns to steam at high pressure
D Flows out
Answer: C
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Question 20
70% of the employees in a firm are men. 30% of men and 20% of women employees opt for voluntary retirement. What is the percentage of the total number of employees continue in service?
A70%
B27%
C30%
D73%
Answer: D
Explanation:
Given,
70% of the employees in a firm are men.
Let total number of employees = 100.
therefore, number of men = 70 and number of women = 30
30% of men and 20% of women employees opt for voluntary retirement,
70 × = 21 (number of men opt for voluntary retirement)
100
30
= 6 (number of women opt for voluntary retirement) 30 × 100 20
Total number of employees opt for voluntary retirement is 21 + 6 = 27
∴ Remaining employees is . Hence 73% employees continue in service 100 −27 = 73
Question 21
Which of the following elements is known as the eka-boron?
AAluminium
BGallium
CSilicon
D Scandium
Answer: D
Question 22
Choose the alternative that best replaces the question mark(?) in the given figure.
A7
B6
C
D
2
4
Answer: C
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Question 23
Find the Compound Interest on a sum of Rs.1000 at the rate of 10% per annum for 1.5 years when interest is compounded half-yearly
ARs.160.55
BRs.167.36
C
D
Rs.150.25
Rs.157.63
Answer: D
Explanation:
Principal(P) = Rs 4000
Rate of Interest(r ) = 10%
Time = 2.5 years Here first we take n = 2 years.
A = P( 1 + r /100) Where A = Amount and n = number of years n
A = 4000 (11/10)
2
A = 4000 ( 121 / 100 )
A = Rs 4840 The Amount after two years = Rs 4840 Now Principal = Rs 4840 Simple interest for last ½ year is = PRT/100 = (4840 × 10 × 1 / 2) / 100 = Rs.242 Amount after 2 ½ year = Rs 4840 + Rs 242 = Rs 5082 C.I = A - P C.I = Rs 5082 - Rs 4000 = Rs1082 ∴ The compound interest is Rs 1082. Amount after 1 / years when interest is compounded yearly =5000×(1+4100)1×⎛⎜ ⎜⎝1+12×4100⎞⎟ ⎟⎠=5000×104100×(1+2100)=5000×104100×102100=50×104×5150=104×51=Rs. 5304 Compound Interest for 1 / years when interest is compounded yearly = Rs.(5304 - 5000) Amount after 1 / years when interest is compounded half-yearly =P(1+(R/2)100)2T=5000(1+(4/2)100)2×32=5000(1+2100)3=5000(102100)3=5000(102100)(102100)(102100)=50×102×5150×5150=102×51×5150 =Rs. 5306.04 Compound Interest for 1 / years when interest is compounded half-yearly = Rs.(5306.04 - 5000) Difference in the compound interests = (5306.04 - 5000) - (5304 - 5000) = 5306.04 - 5304 = Rs. 2.04 Question 24 When two or more resistances are connected between the same two points, they are said to be connected inA Parallel B Across C Series D Line Answer: A Question 25 If has two real solutions, find the value of 'b'. A B C D Answer: D Explanation: Given, has two real solutions. So the discriminant must equal or greater than 0. On comparing the given equation with a = 1 ; b = - 4 ; c = 4b 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 x − 2 4x + 4b = 0 b = +1, −1 b = 0 b ≥1 b < 1 x − 2 4x + 4b = 0 ax + 2 bx + c = 0
Downloaded from cracku.in substituting the values in equation
(−4) − 4(1)(4b) ≥0
16 −16b ≥0
16 ≥16b
1 ≥ b
Thus,
The required value of b is either 1 or lesser than 1. As in option only is represented, the answer is option D-> b < 1 b < 1
RRB General Science Notes (Download Pdf)
Question 26
If the object is placed between infinity and optical centre O of the concave lens, how will the image be formed after refraction?
ADiminished
BPoint size
C
D
Of same size
Enlarged
Answer: A
Question 27
If x=
then find the value of
3 − 2
A 35 −2 2
B 20 − 2
C 35 −20
D 35 + 2
Answer: C
Question 28
With which sport was Arthur Pereira associated?
AFootball
BTennis
C
D
Basket ball
Volley ball
Answer: A
b
2
2
−
3
2
x
4ac
+
≥0
2x+ 4
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Question 29
Which of the following types of medicines is used for treating indigestion?
AAntacid
BAntibiotic,
Downloaded from cracku.in.
AAerographene
BSoap stone
CCarbyne
D Aerographite
Answer: C
Question 31
A clock is set to the right time at 4:00 AM on Thursday. If it gains 20 seconds in every 3 hours, then what is the time shown on the clock at 8:30 PM on Friday night?
A 8 hours 30 minutes 30 seconds PM
B9 hours 34 minutes PM
C8 hours 34 minutes PM
D 8 hours 34 minutes 30 seconds PM
Answer: D
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Question 32
Rahul starts walking towards west. After a while, he turns left and then to his right. Again he turns left and then right. How many times did he turn towards south?
Therefore there are 2 turns towards south.
In a certain code, 'ABC DEF' is written as 'ZYX WVU'. How would 'LOSS' be written in that code?
AOWHH
BOLHH
C
D
OHLL
OMHH
Answer: B
Explanation:
Given,
'ABC DEF' is written as 'ZYX WVU'
To solve this code, first write out the alphabet, and then write out the alphabet in reverse below it:
ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ
ZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
∴'LOSS' can be coded as 'OLHH' , as the reverse of 'L' is 'O','O' is 'L','S' is 'H'.
Question 34
Which of the following Indian Presidents served the longest in office?
A Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma
BDr. S. Radhakrishnan
C R. Venkatraman
DDr. Rajendra Prasad
Answer: D
Question 35
Complete the series. 48, 24, 72, 36, 108, (…)
A52
B67
C 54
D 73
Answer: C
Explanation:
Numbers in the given series are alternately divided by and multiplied by . 2 3
i.e., = 2
48
24
24 × 3=72
72
= 2
36
= 36 × 3 108
Required number =
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108
2 =54.
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Question 38
What is the difference between the largest and the smallest fractions among , , and ?
A
B
C
D
Answer: C
Explanation:
Given fraction,
, , and
values of fraction,
= 0.666
= 0.75
= 0.8
= 0.803
so the smallest fraction is and largest fraction is
Difference between the largest and the smallest fractions = − 6 5 3 2
=
=
3
2
4
3
5
4
6
5
5
3
7
1
6
1
5
2
3
2
4
3
5
4
6
5
3
2
4
3
5
4
6
5
3
2
6
5
6
5−4
6
1
Question 39
The interior angle of a regular polygon is 150 degrees. The polygon is a/an:
A Septagon
B Dodecagon
C Decagon
D Octagon
Answer: B
Explanation:
Since an interior angle is 150 degrees, its adjacent exterior angle is 30 degrees. Exterior angles of any polygon always add up to 360. With the polygon being regular, we can just divide 360 by 30 to get 12 sides.
Also, a geometric figure with 12 sides is called a dodecagon.
Question 40
The scientific name of modern man is
A Homo sapiens
B Homo neanderthalensis
C Homo erectus
D Homo habillis
Answer: A
Explanation:
Homo sapiens is the only extant human species. The name is Latin for 'wise man' and was introduced in 1758 by Carl Linnaeus. Extinct species of the genus Homo include Homo erectus, extant from roughly 1.9 to 0.4 million years ago, and a number of other species.
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Question 41
In which natural phenomenon is static electricity involved?
Answer: B
Question 42
Which number will best complete the relationship given below?
Basketball : 5 :: Football : ?
A7
B11
C13
D
15
Answer: B
Explanation:
Number of players in each team for basketball is 5 while the number of players in each team for football is 11.
From the diagram it is known that there are 10 triangles in it.
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Question 44
In universal indicators, a pH of 4 to 5 indicates-
A Strong alkalis
B
Strong acids
C Weak alkalis
D Weak acids
Answer: D
Question 45
Which of the following has a higher electric resistance? A , bulb or bulb? 100Ω 80Ω 60Ω
A 100Ω
Question 46
The rolling of thunder occurs due to-
A
Successive reflections of sound from a number of reflecting surfaces such as clouds and land
B Heavy rains pass the sound very fast
C Supersonic aircraft passing through cloud
D Single reflection of sound from a very big cloud
Answer: A
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Question 47
Up to which element was the law of octaves found to be applicable?
A Oxygen
BCalcium
C Potassium
DCobalt
Answer: B
Question 48
Find the ODD one out from the given options.
AF
BH
C
D
U
N
Answer: C
Explanation:
As per the english alphabetical order, Letters F,H,N are in even places while 'U' is in odd place.
Therefore, U is the odd letter.
Question 49
What is the remainder when
A0
B3
C6
D
1
Answer: D
Explanation:
2
=
= 3969
7 × 9
2
49 × 81
to find the remainder, 8
3969
by dividing, we get remainder = 1.
Question 50
Complete the series.
C, H, M, R, (...)
AX
BW
C
D
V
Y
Answer: B
Explanation:
As per the english alphabetical order, number of letters between each letter in the series is same.
therefore 'W' is the answer.
Question 51
Find the smallest integer whose cube is equal to itself.
Explanation:
Solve from the options one by one,
I. --> =
1 1
3
1
II. --> 2 2
3
III.
=8
--> =
−1 −1
3
−1
IV. --> =
0 0
3
0
In the case , and , the cube of the number is itself but among these three numbers 1 −1 0 −1
therefore is the answer −1
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is the smallest number.
The force of attraction between two objects of masses 'M' and 'm' which lie at a distance 'd' from each other is directly proportional to the-
A Difference between masses of objects M − m
B Sum of the masses of objects M + m
C Product of the masses of objects M × m
D Sum of the squares of masses of objects
Answer: C
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Question 53
Which of the following creatures does NOT usually lay eggs in its own nest?
ASparrow
BCuckoo
CParrot
DPigeon
Answer: B
Question 54
Which number will best complete the relationship given below?
12 : 30 :: 20 : ?
A32
B
25
C42
D35
Answer: C
Explanation:
Pattern followed,
= 12
= 20
= 30
= 42
therefore, 42 is the answer.
Question 55
If 23 @ 47 $ 22 = 48 and 34 @ 18 $ 13 = 39, then 12 @ 43 $ 14 = ?
A35
B 41
C 29
M+
2
m
2
(3 × 3) + 3
(4 × 4) + 4
(5 × 5) + 5
(6 × 6) + 6
D
31
Answer: B
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Question 56
Ratio of the volumes of a sphere of radius 'r' and a cylinder of radius 'r' and height '2r' is:
A2 : 3
B3 : 2
C5 : 4
D 3 : 5
Answer: A
Explanation:
Taking first letter of each group one by one, the number of letters between them as per the english alphabetical order is
Taking second letter of each group, it would be 1 7, 13, 19 and so on. Hence S+1 = T, T+7 = A, A+13 = N and N+19 = G.
The letters of the word 'STANG' is written one by one for each group.
Question 58
Rajan got married 8 years back. His age then was 5/6 of his present age. His sister was 10 years younger at the time of his marriage. How old is she now?
A40
B20
C
D
30
38
Answer: D
Explanation:
Let Rajan's present age be . x
Given that, at the time of his marriage his age was of his present age and got married 8 years back. 6 5
Therefore,x− ×
6
5
x= 8
6
=
6
x−5x
8
x
=
6
8
x= 48
Given that, his sister is 10 years younger.So his sister's age is 48 −10 = 38
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Question 59
Speed of a boat in still water is 13 km/h. Speed of water current is 4 km/h. In what time can the boat cover 68 km upstream?
D7 hours 33 minutes
Answer: D
0.285 is the smallest number. Therefore the answer is 7
Question 61
A bus leaves Agra at 5 AM and reaches Delhi at 12 noon. Another bus leaves Delhi at 8 AM and reaches Agra at 3 PM. At what time do they meet?
Explanation:
First bus leaves at 5 am from Agra and reaches Delhi at 12 noon
The first bus takes 7 hours to reach Delhi
The second bus travels from Delhi to Agra from 8am to 3 pm
This second bus also takes 7 hours to cover the same distance. ( The distance between Agra - Delhi and Delhi to Agra is the same; let say x km)
If each bus covers x km in 7 hours, then in 1 hour each bus covers exactly km towards each other.
7
x
You can divide this distance in 7 portions and find the position of the two vehicles with respect to time. First bus approaching from position and second from position 7 x x
Distance covered with time for bus 1:
5am - 6am is 7
x
7am - 7
2x
8am - 7
3x
4
9am - 7
4
10am -
x
5
11am -
7
x
6
7
x
12pm -x
Distance covered with time for bus 2 with respect to first bus:
8am - 9am is 7
6x
10am - 7
5x
11 am -
12pm -
7
4x
3
7
x
1pm - 7
2x
x
2pm - 3pm is . 7
The two vehicles meet at 10 am - after first vehicle covers five hours and the second 2 hours.
RRB General Science Notes (Download Pdf)
Question 62
The time period between a full moon and the next full moon is slightly longer than how many days?
A29.5 days
B31 days
C28 days
D26 days
Answer: A
Explanation:
The time interval between a full (or new) moon and the next repetition of the same phase, a synodic month, averages about
Therefore, from the option, 29.53 is slightly longer than 29.5 days.
Question 63
Which of the following options will best complete the relationship given below?
2(101)5
8(246)3
3(???)7
A213
B231
C
D
123
132
Answer: A
Explanation:
In 2(101)5 and 8(246)3, multiplication of the two digits which are given outside the brackets is written as the first two digits inside the bracket.
The third digit inside the bracket is the addition of the first two digits present inside the bracket for example,
In 2(101)5 ,
= 10 (which is written as the first two digits of the number which is present inside the bracket) 2 × 5
Downloaded from cracku.in
29.53 days.
now, from 10, 1 + 0 = 1 (which is written as the third digit of the number which is present inside the bracket)
In the same way for 3(???)7,
3 × 7= 21
from 21, 2 + 1 = 3
therefore the answer is 3(213)7
Question 64
The difference between Compound Interest and Simple Interest on a certain sum for 2 years at 12.5% rate is Rs.45. What is the sum?
ARs.2440
BRs.2000
C
D
Rs.2880
Rs.3000
Answer: C
Explanation:
Given,
The difference between Compound Interest and Simple Interest on a certain sum for 2 years at 12.5% rate is Rs.45.
Formula for 2 years difference is,
PR
2
100
2
PR
2
therefore, from the question, we know that = 45
100
2
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Question 65
Product of two coprime numbers is 903. Find their LCM.
A301
BCannot be determined
C
D
39
903
Answer: D
Explanation:
HCF of any two coprime numbers is always 1.
whenever the HCF is 1, LCM is the product of the two numbers.
since the product of two numbers = 903, LCM = 903.
Read the following information carefully and answer the question given below.
Ten friends are sitting in two parallel rows of six seats each. One seat is vacant in each row. M, N, O, P and Q are sitting in row-1 facing south. D, E, F, G and H are facing north. Each likes different brand of shirts—Otto, Wrangler, Cherokee, Lee, Van Heusan, Derby, Ruggers, Allen Solly, Peter England and Raymond.
G sits third to the right of F and likes Lee. Only two people sit between E and the vacant seat. E does not like Van Heusan or Cherokee. Q is not an immediate neighbour of O. N likes Raymond. The one who likes Cherokee faces the one who likes Allen Solly. The one who likes Cherokee sits opposite to the one who sits on the third right of the person who sits opposite to G. O is not an immediate neighbour of P. H, who likes neither Van Heusan nor Derby, does not face the vacant seat. Neither G nor F sits at any of the extreme ends of the rows. P faces F. Vacant seats are not opposite to each other. Two seats are there between O and N, and N sits on the third right of the one who likes Ruggers. The one who likes Peter England faces the one who likes Lee. The persons who like Otto and Allen Solly are adjacent to each other. Vacant seat of row - 1 is not an immediate neighbour of P. E sits at one of the extreme ends of the row. F does not like Otto and Allen Solly. Vacant seat of row-1 does not face G who does not sit at any of the extreme ends of the row.
How many people will sit between vacant seat and E?
A
Three
A compound has the molecular formula . The name of the compound is- C H O 2 6
A Ethanol
B Both dimethyl ether and ethanol
C Dimethyl ether
D Ethanoic acid
Answer: B
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Question 68
The Constitution of India is republic, because it-
AContains a bill of rights
B Provides for an elected Parliament
C Provides for adult franchise
D Has no hereditary elements
Answer: D
Question 69
Which of the following is India's First Integrated Green Field Smart City?
A Bengaluru, Karnataka
BAtal Nagar, Chhattisgarh
C Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh
D
Chennai, Tamil Nadu
Answer: B
Question 70
In the given figure, the circle represents married men, triangle represents working men, and rectangle represents adult. Which region represents married men who are also adults?
A6
B7
C
D
5
2
Answer: B
Explanation:
Given, circle represents married men, triangle represents working men and rectangle represents adult.
We have to find the number of men who are married and also adult.So we have to select the part which contains both circle and rectangle alone.
In the figure, shaded part represents the number of men who are married and also adult.
Therefore the answer is 7.
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Question 71
What is the theme of 'World Water Day', 2019?
AForests and Education - Learn to Love Forests
B Leave no One Behind
CThe Sun, the Earth and the Weather
DWetlands and Climate Change
Answer: B
How much profit is got by selling goods at Rs.405 at a profit of 12.5%?
ARs.36
BRs.45
C
D
Rs.40
Rs.51
Answer: B
Explanation:
Given,
Selling price = 405, Profit = 12.5%
let cost price be and 12.5% profit can be written as 100 + 12.5 = x 100
x = 405
×
100
112.5
= x 112.5
405×100
= x 1125
405×1000
= 360
x
profit earned = 405 - 360
= 45
Question 73
If , Solve for where = 0 < θ ≤90 ∘ θ cos θ + 2 3cosθ + 2 2sin θ 2
A 60
∘
B
C
D
45
30
∘
∘
90
∘
Answer:
D
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Question 74
The substance that is usually lost by the body during dehydration is-
ASugar
B Calcium Phosphate
CPotassium chloride
D Sodium chloride
Answer: D
Question 75
Under which of the following conditions can we boil water at room temperature?
A At low pressure
B
C
D
At high pressure
At very high pressure
At atmospheric pressure
Answer: A
Question 76
Complete the series.
125, 169, 25, 13, 5, (…)
A0
B1
C
D
3
2
Answer: B
Explanation:
Pattern is,
thus the answer is 1.
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Question 77
Which of the following states is associated with the classical dance, Odissi?
AKerala
BBihar
C
D
Madhya Pradesh
Odisha
Answer: D
Question 78
Which Mughal Emperor founded Fatehpur Sikri as his capital city?
Question 79
Which of the following dams has been built on the river Krishna?
A Bhakra Nangal
B Nagarjuna Sagar
C Narmada Sagar
D Hirakud
Answer: B
Question 80
Read the following information carefully and answer the question given below.
P, Q, R, S, T, U, V and W are playing a game standing in a circle facing outwards. R is neither the neighbour of P nor V. S is the neighbour of P but not of W. T is the neighbour of W and is third to the right of U. Q is the neighbour of U and fourth to the left of S. Who among the following stands between S and T?
AP
BQ
C
D
R
W
Answer: C
Explanation:
From the statements, i.T is the neighbour of W and is third to the right of U.
ii.Q is the neighbour of U and fourth to the left of S.
iii.R is neither the neighbour of P nor V.
iv.S is the neighbour of P but not of W.
Downloaded from cracku.in
Therefore from the diagram it is known that R stands between S and T.
Question 81
Time taken for a journey is 50 minutes at 48 km/h speed. What should be the speed, if the journey time is reduced by 10 minute
Explanation:
Given,
Time = 50 minutes = =
hr 60
50
6
5
Speed = 48 km/h
We know that, Distance = S×T
Distance = = 40 km 48 × 6 5
New time will be 10 minutes less, i.e., 50 - 10 = 40 minutes
Therefore, Time = =
hr 60
40
hr 3
2
Now we know,
Speed = Distance/Time
New speed = = 60kmph 40 × kmph 2 3
Question 82
Which of the following countries in April has sent a team of climbers up Mount Everest to remeasure its height?
Downloaded from cracku.in and
hr
Choose from the alternatives the figure that best completes the pattern given below.
The two diagonal squares represents the mirror images.
Therefore the 4th square's mirror image should be in the 1st square.
Question 84
Complete the series.
9, 5.5, 7.5, 19, 84, (…)
Question 85
In which of these countries werethe first Asian Games held?
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Question 86
In which sport was Raghunandan Gokhale the first person to win the Dronacharya Award?
ABadminton
BTable-Tennis
C
D
Kabaddi
Chess
Answer: D
Question 87
When is 'National Energy Conservation Day' observed?
A12 November
B
C
D
06 October
14 December
02 October
Answer: C
Question 88
If 'Water' is called 'Food', 'Food' is called 'Tree', 'Tree' is called 'Sky', 'Sky' is called 'Well' and 'Well' is called 'Pond', which of the following would provide us fruits?
Answer: A
Explanation:
Given,
'Water' is called 'Food', 'Food' is called 'Tree', 'Tree' is called 'Sky', 'Sky' is called 'Well' and 'Well' is called 'Pond'.
Fruits are provided by tree.
here, as per the given statement 'Tree' is called 'Sky' . Therefore the answer is Sky.
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Question 89
In the following question, correct the equation by interchanging the two signs.
Explanation:
We can interchange the symbols of the given equation = 10 in three ways, 7 + 10 ÷ 5 −5
1. Interchanging
, we get
= 10
÷and+ 7 ÷ 10 + 5 −5
solving this equation ,
=
7 ÷ 10 + 5 −5 +
10
7
= 10
7
= 0.7
0.7 is not equal to 10. so this is not the answer.
16 is not equal to 10. so this is not the answer.
Downloaded from cracku.in
5 −5
3. Interchanging
, we get
+and− 7 −10 ÷ 5 + 5
solving this equation ,
= 10
=
7 −10 ÷ 5 + 5 7 −
5
10
=7 −2 + 5
= 10
10 is not equal to 10. LHS = RHS . so, is the answer. +and−
Question 90
How many atoms does a molecule of oxygen contain?
A3
B4
C
D
5
2
Answer: D
Question 91
Find the value of
A
2
−1
B
8
−1
C
4
3
D 8 1
Answer: C
Explanation:
sin120 sin240 sin270 ∘ ∘ ∘
Trigonometric identities:
sin(π − x) = sinx sin ( π + x ) = − sinx
sin(2π− x) = −
sinx sin
sin sin
120 =
∘
sin
∘
240 =
(π−60) =
sin
∘
270 = sin
(π
(2
sin
240sin270
∘
∘
60 =
+ 60) = −sin
π−90) = −
sin120sin240sin
∘
3
2
∘
60 =
sin
∘
270 =
∘
∘
2
3
Therefore, Option C is correct.
−
∘
90 =
×
2
3
−1
− ×
2
3
−1 =
4
−3
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Question 92
When brake is applied in a bicycle, the brake pad touches the wheel. Now what stops the movement of the wheel?
A The magnetic force between the pad and the rim
BThe electrostatic force between the pad and the rim
Downloaded from cracku.in
+ 5
sin120
∘
sin
C
D
The friction between the pad and the rim
The brake pad falls down due to gravity and stops movement
Answer: C
Question 93
Bala is facing west and moves forward; then he turns to his left. Which direction is he facing now? 45 ∘
Moving forward, Bala will still be facing west. While turning to his left, he will be facing south-west. 45 ∘
Question 94
Evaluate: 1299 × 1299
A1538501
B1687401
C
D
1683701
1685701
Answer: B
Explanation:
1299 × 1299 = (1300 −1) × (1300 −1)
= 1300 +
2
1 −2 × 1300
= 1690000 + 1 - 2600 = 1687401
Therefore, Option B is correct
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Question 95
The radius of a circular wheel is 7/4 m. How many revolutions does the wheel make to cover 22 km?
A100
B2000
C
D
4000
1000
Answer: B
Explanation:
r = 7/4 m s = 22 km = 22000 m
Distance covered in 1 revolution =2πr
Number of revolutions for 22000 m =
Question 96
The electrons present in the _________ of an atom are known as the valence electrons.
AFirst shell
B
Penultimate shell
C
D
Second shell
Outermost shell
Answer: D
Question 97
The Simple Interest on some amount of money for 2 years is Rs.400. If 'r' is 4% more, then the Simple Interest will be Rs.400 more. What is the original amount of money?
ARs.5000
BRs.4000
CRs.10000
DRs.12000
Answer: A
Explanation:
Simple Interest (s) = Rs.400
Time (n) = 2 years
Principal (P) and Rate (r)
s = 400 = 100
P×2×r
s' = 400 + 400 = 800 =
P
Comparing LHS, 2s = s'.
i.e r + 4 = 2r r = 4
Therefore, Option A is correct.
×2× (
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Question 98
If P, Q and R can complete a job in 24, 16 and 12 days respectively, how long will they take to complete the job working together?
A5 days 12 hours
B5 days
Downloaded from cracku.in
r
100
+ 4)
C
D
6 days
5 days 8 hours
Answer: D
Explanation:
Let n be the time required to complete the work in days.
Time required by P = 24 days ==> Efficiency of P = 1/24
Time required by Q = 16 days ==> Efficiency of P = 1/16
Time required by P = 12 days ==> Efficiency of P = 1/12
Time x Efficiency = Work
i.e n = 16 / 3 = 5 days, 8hrs
Therefore, Option D is correct.
Question 99
___________ is the richest source of Vitamin-C.
A Red meat
B Milk
CLemon
D Pulses
Answer: C
Question 100
Solder is an alloy of-
A Lead and tin
B Iron and lead
C Copper and tin
D Copper and aluminium
Answer: A
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School Physical Activity and Nutrition (SPAN) Project Student Assent
YOUR NAME:
SCHOOL:
GRADE:
_______________________
_____________________
Signature of Student
Date
You will be asked to answer questions about your food choices and physical activity (exercise).
An adult will weigh you, measure your height, and write the results on the last page of the questionnaire.
No one at school or at home will see your answers, how tall you are, or what you weigh.
Taking part in this project is up to you. Your choice about taking part will not affect your grades in school or your ability to take part in any school activities.
After you complete the questionnaire and are measured for height and weight, the page with your name on it (Student Assent Form) will be removed. Your name will never be used after that.
By signing below, you agree to take part in this project.
SCHOOL PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NUTRITION (SPAN) PROJECT
STUDENT QUESTIONNAIRE th th
8 /11 Grades
The following questions are about what kids your age eat, what they know about nutrition, and their physical activity (exercise). Your answers will help us learn about students in Texas and will be used to design better health programs. Read each question carefully and pick the answer that is true for you. Mark that answer on your questionnaire as shown in the example below. This is not a test, and there are no right or wrong answers. Remember, your answers will be kept private.
Marking Instruction:
Please Use #2 Pencil
EXAMPLES
Fill in bubble(s) completely
To change your answer, erase completely
Wrong
Wrong
Wrong
Right
c
School of Public Health
Page 1
Please continue on next page
University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston, 9/01
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
X
X X
X
X
X
These questions are about YESTERDAY.
NONE
1
TIME
2
TIMES
3 or More
Times
31. What type of milk do you usually drink? (Fill in only ONE)
Regular (whole) milk
Combination of the above types of milk
33. Are you a vegetarian?
No, I eat meat (beef, pork, fish, or chicken).
Yes, but sometimes I eat meat (beef, pork, fish, or chicken).
Yes, I never eat meat (beef, pork, fish, or chicken).
32. Are the foods you usually eat:
Low in fat
High in fat
Some high in fat, some low in fat
I don't drink milk
Low-fat (2%, 1 1/2%, 1%) milk
Skim, nonfat, or 1/2% milk
34. Do you usually take a vitamin or mineral pill?
Yes
No
35. When you think about the way you usually eat, would you say that your eating habits are:
Much healthier than those of most people my age
Somewhat healthier than those of most people my age
About the same as those of most people my age
Somewhat less healthy than those of most people my age
Much less healthy than those of most people my age
36. Do you usually eat or drink something for breakfast?
Almost Always or Always
Sometimes
Almost Never or Never
37. Do you eat the school lunch served in the cafeteria?
Almost Always or Always
Sometimes
Almost Never or Never
38. How often do you read nutrition labels on food packages to decide whether or not to eat a food?
Almost Always or Always
Sometimes
Almost Never or Never
39. How often do you read nutrition labels on food packages to decide whether or not to buy a food?
Almost Always or Always
Sometimes
Almost Never or Never
40. On how many of the past 7 days did you exercise or take part in physical activity that made your heart beat fast and made you breathe hard for at least 20 minutes? (For example: basketball, soccer, running or jogging, fast dancing, swimming laps, tennis, fast bicycling, or similar aerobic activities)
0 days
1 day
2 days
3 days
4 days
5 days
6 days
7 days
Page 3
Please continue on next page
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
X
X X
X
X
X
41. On how many of the past 7 days did you take part in physical activity or exercise for at least 30 minutes where your heart did not beat fast or you did not breathe hard, such as fast walking, slow bicycling, skating, pushing a lawn mower, or mopping floors?
0 days
1 day
2 days
3 days
4 days
5 days
6 days
7 days
42. On how many of the past 7 days did you do exercises to strengthen or tone your muscles, such as push-ups, sit-ups, or weight lifting?
0 days
1 day
2 days
3 days
4 days
5 days
6 days
7 days
43. In an average week when you are in school, on how many days do you go to physical education (PE) classes?
0 days
1 day
2 days
3 days
4 days
5 days
44. During an average physical education (PE) class, how many minutes do you spend actually exercising or playing sports?
I do not take PE
Less than 10 minutes
10 to 20 minutes
21 to 30 minutes
31 to 40 minutes
41 to 50 minutes
51 to 60 minutes
More than 60 minutes
45. During the past 12 months, on how many sports teams run by your school did you play (do not include PE classes)? Sports teams include soccer, basketball, baseball, swimming, gymnastics, wrestling, track, football, tennis and volleyball teams.
0 teams
1 team
2 teams
3 teams or more
46. During the past 12 months, on how many sports teams run by organizations outside of your school (like the park district or summer leagues) did you play? Sports teams include soccer, basketball, baseball, swimming, gymnastics, wrestling, track, football, tennis and volleyball teams.
0 teams
1 team
2 teams
3 teams or more
47. Do you currently participate in any other organized physical activities or take lessons, such as martial arts, dance, gymnastics, or tennis?
Yes
No
48. How many hours per day do you usually watch TV or video movies?
3-4 hours a day
More than 4 hours a day
I don't watch TV or video movies
Less than 1 hour a day
1-2 hours a day
49. How many hours per day do you usually spend on the computer or playing video games like Nintendo ® , Sega ® , or arcade games?
3-4 hours a day
More than 4 hours a day
I don't play video games or use the computer
Less than 1 hour a day
1-2 hours a day
Page 4
Please continue on next page
50. Have you ever tried to lose weight?
Yes
No
51. Are you trying to lose weight now?
No
Yes
52. Would you like to:
Weigh less
Have weight stay about the same
Weigh more
53. Compared to other students in your grade who are as tall as you, do you think you weigh:
Too much
Too little (or not enough)
The right amount
54. Have you ever seen the Food Guide Pyramid?
No
Yes
Breads, cereals, rice, pasta
Dairy products (milk, cheese, yogurt)
Fats, oils, sweets
Fruits
Meats, fish, poultry, beans, eggs, nuts
Vegetables
Don't know
55. From which food group should you eat the most servings each day? Choose only one group.
56. From which food group should you eat the fewest servings each day? Choose only one group.
Breads, cereals, rice, pasta
Dairy products (milk, cheese, yogurt)
Fats, oils, sweets
Fruits
Meats, fish, poultry, beans, eggs, nuts
Vegetables
Don't know
59. Which contains the most Calories?
One gram of protein
One gram of carbohydrate
One gram of fat
58. What is the recommended amount of Calories from fat that you should get from the foods that you eat?
Not more than 10% of the total food energy (Calories) in your diet
Not more than 20% of the total food energy (Calories) in your diet
Not more than 25% of the total food energy (Calories) in your diet
Not more than 30% of the total food energy (Calories) in your diet
Not more than 35% of the total food energy (Calories) in your diet
57. How many total servings of fruits and vegetables should you eat each day?
At least 2 servings
At least 3 servings
At least 4 servings
At least 5 servings
Don't know
Page 5
Please continue on next page
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
X
X X
X
X
X
60. What you eat can make a difference in your chances of getting heart disease or cancer.
True
Don't know
False
61. People who are overweight are more likely to have a higher risk of health problems than people who are not overweight.
PLEASE DO NOT WRITE IN THIS AREA
00001
Student's Height.
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Student's Weight
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
True
62. People who are underweight are more likely to have a higher risk of health problems than people who are not underweight.
True
63. There is so much information about healthy ways to eat that it's hard to know what to believe.
Agree
64. The foods that I eat and drink are healthy so there is no reason for me to make changes.
Agree
65. Skipping meals such as breakfast or lunch affects my ability to do well in my classes.
Agree
Thank you very much for your help!
66. I think that learning about the relationship between food and health is important for students my age to know.
Agree
71. During the past 12 months, did you ever feel so sad or hopeless almost every day for two weeks or more in a row that you stopped doing some usual activities?
Yes
67. I think that learning about the relationship between physical activity and health is important for students my age to know.
Agree
68. I am willing to try new foods.
Almost Always or Always
69. I like to eat the school lunch served in the cafeteria.
Almost Always or Always
70. I think the school lunch served in the cafeteria is nutritious.
Almost Always or Always
Don't know
Don't know
Disagree
Disagree
Disagree
Disagree
Disagree
Almost Never or Never
Almost Never or Never
Almost Never or Never
False
False
Neither Agree nor Disagree
Neither Agree nor Disagree
Neither Agree nor Disagree
Neither Agree nor Disagree
No
Neither Agree nor Disagree
Sometimes
Sometimes
Sometimes.
Comments:
_______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________
cm
kg
9
Page 6
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8 to LiVe By
HABIT BUILDER FOR KIDS, TEENS, AND FAMILIES
To reach and keep a healthy weight, build better habits together. The 8 habits prescribed below are the best place to start. Scientific studies show that these have the biggest impact on your weight, your health, and your outlook.
ACTIVITY
5 LIMIT — OR ELIMINATE — SWEETENED DRINKS
1 MOVE MORE
* Everyone needs regular physical activity — regardless of their shape, size, health, or age. Physical activity gives you better energy, stronger muscles, and less stress.
* Kids need at least 60 minutes of physical activity every day, and adults need at least 30 minutes — break it up into as _ little as 10 minutes at a time. You can get most of it from play time, walking or biking to school or work, or family activities.
* Aim for strength-building exercises twice a week.
2 LIMIT SCREEN TIME — AND SITTING TIME
* Research links screen time (Internet, TV, video games, notebook, etc.) to a wide range of negative health effects in children and teens — including obesity. That's in part because screen time is usually spent sitting down instead of running around.
* Make a rule of no more than 1 to 2 hours a day in front of a TV or other screen. (Children age 2 and under shouldn't be watching at all.)
FOOD
3 ALWAYS EAT BREAKFAST — AND MAKE IT HEALTHY
* Eating a healthy breakfast can improve your memory, boost your creativity, raise your test scores — and help you reach and keep a healthy weight.
* Aim for breakfasts that include these 3 things: whole grains, low-fat dairy or protein, and a fruit or vegetable. Try combos such as: (cereal + milk + banana) or (omelette with veggies + toast) or (orange + yogurt + bagel).
4 EAT MORE FRUITS AND VEGETABLES
* Fruits and vegetables are full of nutrients that help you learn and grow, prevent disease, and keep up your energy and mood. _ They're important for a healthy body weight, too.
* Every day, aim to get 1½ to 2 cups of fruit, and 2½ to 3 cups of vegetables. Go for bright reds and oranges, and dark greens.
* Studies suggest that America's weight problem is linked to America's "drinking problem"— that is, to our increasing intake of sweetened drinks like sodas and sports drinks. Sweetened drinks are also linked to weak bones and tooth decay.
* Aim for less than 12 ounces per week of soda, sports drinks, lemonade, and other sweetened drinks. Limit juice to less thank 6 ounces per day. Drink water instead, and aim for 3 glasses of milk each day.
6 EAT MEALS TOGETHER AS A FAMILY — SITTING DOWN
* Children and teens who eat regular meals with their parents are more likely to eat in a balanced way, do well in school, and maintain a healthy weight.
* Aim to eat dinner together most nights of the week. Sit down at the table, turn the screens off, and talk!
SLEEP & SUPPORT
7 GET ENOUGH SLEEP
* Getting enough sleep will help you think better, play better, be happier, and manage your weight.
* Preschoolers need about 11 hours (including naps), children need about 10 hours, teens need about 9 hours, and adults need about 7 hours — every single night.
8 BE POSITIVE ABOUT FOOD AND BODY IMAGE
* If you, your friends, or your family obsess about food or body image, you're more likely to have unhealthy behaviors and an unhealthy body weight.
* Forget "forbidden foods" — all foods can fit in a balanced diet. Just try to eat more healthy foods and less junk food.
* Watch what you say. Don't criticize your own body — even as a joke. Don't compare your own weight, size, or shape to anyone else's. Being healthy means being positive.
Making a Healthy Change
There are lots of ways to make a healthy change. You can experiment to find out what way works best for you. First, choose something you want to change — pick something you can get excited about! Then use the questions below to make a plan. Try out your plan for a few weeks and see how it goes. You'll probably need to tweak your plan a few times to get it just right. That's what happens in experiments!
Be sure to share your plan with your healthcare providers so they can help.
MY PLAN
MY OVERALL GOAL (for example, you could choose one of the 8 habits from the Habit Builder on the other side of this page.):
STEPS TO HELP GET THERE:
What action do you want to do?
What small steps could help you do this?
What could make this easier?
What could change about the places where you live,
learn, work, or play?
What tools or resources could help?
Who could help you or do this with you?
What might make this harder?
When will you do this?
How often?
How will you make time for this?
What will remind you to do this?
How will you keep track of what you do?
When will you review how it's going?
This change is for (name):
Age: Date:
For more tracker pages, go to:
IntermountainLiVeWell.org
© 2007-2015 Intermountain Healthcare. All rights reserved. The content presented here is for your information only. It is not a substitute for professional medical
advice, and it should not be used to diagnose or treat a health problem or disease. Please consult your healthcare provider if you have any questions or concerns.
More health information is available at IntermountainLiveWell.org Patient and Provider Publications 801-442-2963 HH011a – 10/15
TRACK IT!
WEEK: 8 to LiVe By
CELEBRATE
things I did well this week:
NEW GOALS
I will work on:
Things my family and friends did that were helpful:
Things my family and friends did that were not helpful:
SLEEP & SUPPORT
SUN
MON
TUE
WED
THUR
FRI
SAT
Hours of sleep I got:
I ate dinner with my family
on these days:
DRINK UP!
ACTIVITY
SUN
MON
TUE
WED
THUR
FRI
Minutes of TV, video games,
and Internet
Minutes of activity: outside play,
chores, family activities, walking
to school, sports, and more...
#MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
# MINUTES
2
FOOD
SUN
Breakfast
EVERY DAY!
EAT MORE!
EAT MORE!
AIM FOR NONE!
DRINK UP!
Fruits
Veggies
Sweetened drinks
Low-fat milk
MON
TUE
WED
THUR
FRI
SAT
2
2
2
1
1
1
3
3
3
none
none
none
more
more
more
2 1
3
none
more
Water
DRINK UP!
2 1
3
none
more
2 1
3
none
more
1
3
none
more
As you experiment, you'll learn a lot about what works for you. Sometimes you'll feel excited about your plan. Sometimes you'll lose focus and have to get yourself going again. As long as you don't give up, there's NO failure. You'll become your own best expert on how to make healthy changes. | <urn:uuid:afda94ec-b0d5-4345-9f12-2ee35b322e75> | CC-MAIN-2016-30 | https://intermountainhealthcare.org/ext/Dcmnt?ncid=522442125 | 2016-07-31T01:41:21Z | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-30/segments/1469258948335.92/warc/CC-MAIN-20160723072908-00064-ip-10-185-27-174.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 832,223,801 | 1,651 | eng_Latn | eng_Latn | 0.998067 | eng_Latn | 0.998141 | [
"eng_Latn",
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] | false | docling | [
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] | [
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] | 1 | 0 |
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