title stringlengths 0 221 | text stringlengths 0 375k |
|---|---|
Would complicate elections Elections can be confusing enough already; there are numerous levels of elections which often all are voted for on the same day so that turnout is high for all the elections. As a result voters often get numerous different ballots to fill in; the system for voting in each may well be different and are often complex. Adding that sixteen year olds can vote in one election and not the other simply adds to this complexity in polling stations meaning more mistakes are likely to be made. Lack of knowledge of voting process, increased complexity of voting process, and long ballots decrease accuracy in voting. [1] The first, and possibly also the second are factors that this lowering of the voting age will influence – so this change would mean increasing the numbers of spoilt ballots. [1] Bederson, Benjamin B., et al., ‘The not so simple act of voting: An examination of voter errors with electronic voting’, University of Maryland, , p.3 | |
There should not be different voting ages for different elections There can be no legitimate moral reason for allowing someone to vote in one election and not another. Most of the arguments involved in when people can vote revolve around when they are mature enough, understand the issues, and are considered adult. All of these arguments make little sense if someone can vote in one election but not another on the basis of age. Why should someone be considered mature enough to understand the issues for a European election but not their own local elections? There are very few countries that have different voting ages for different elections – out of those Wikipedia lists only Germany, Israel, and Italy have differing ages for different elections. [1] [1] Wikipedia, ‘Voting age’, en.wikipedia.org, , accessed 3 May 2013 | |
This may be a good opportunity to change this impression of the European Parliament being boring. Having young people voting will in itself make the election more interesting to the media who will then talk about the issues at the same time. Europe focusing on broad brush issues may actually be a good thing as young people tend to be idealistic they may be more rather than less interested in the big issues such as carbon trading. Moreover if this fails then there is little reason to think that apathy at the European elections will spill over onto other elections | |
While such a move might embarrass some parliaments into lowering their voting age there would certainly be no compulsion. And if it happened this would not necessarily a bad thing. If national parliaments feel embarrassed by the illogic of having differing voting age then it will be up to them to change it. In practice parliaments are unlikely to change their traditions simply because their peers have done so; they will look at all the evidence (which this change would provide more of) and then decide the best way forward for their democracy. | |
Although religions supported the anti-gay law, it is not solely a religious issue; the majority of Ugandans believe that homosexuality is contrary to their traditional values and all the anti-gay protests were inclusive regardless of religious denominations. It is therefore wrong to assert that the law was passed as a religious initiative. A separation of church and state does not mean the government should never run policies that the religious want simply that the government should not be favouring a particular religion. | |
Policy should not be dictated by religion Article 7 of the Ugandan constitution is clear in its separation of church and state “Uganda shall not have a State religion.” The government must serve all its people equally regardless religious and cultural orientation. But this bill has been created with a religious motive. In his interview defending the anti-gay bill, MP David Bahati lamented, that God doesn’t accept homosexuality quoting a bible verse that the wages of sin is death[1]; as if the Ugandan parliament is filled with righteous souls! The constitution allows freedom of religion and prohibits the creation of political parties based on religion[2]. Laws and policies should therefore not base on bible verses as not everyone will share the same belief to such scriptures. [1] Jack Mirkinson, ‘Rachel Maddow Interviews David Bahati, Author Of Ugandan 'Kill The Gays' Bill’, huffingtonpost.com, [2] U.S. Department of State, ’Uganda’, state.gov, | |
In the same chapter, the constitution states that nothing within the article shall prevent Parliament from enacting laws that are necessary for implementing policies and programmes aimed at redressing social, economic or educational or other imbalance in society; or providing for any matter acceptable and demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society[1]. It is on this clause that most officials have based their support for the anti-gay law. The majority of Ugandans deem homosexuality immoral and unacceptable. There is therefore a democratic reason to enact such a law. The law is justified by democracy. [1] DREDF, ‘The Constitution Of Uganda; Chapter 4, human rights and freedoms’, dredf.org, | |
Marginalising the minority Human rights are fundamental and universal. They do not only apply to a certain group of people and invalid to another such as homosexuals. Criminalising homosexuality in Uganda considers all in the LGBT minority to be worse than second class citizens. Making them almost automatically criminal renders homosexuals sub human depriving them of their identity as Ugandans. The government has a responsibility to protect every citizen but in this case the Ugandan government has taken the first step in rejecting and mistreating its own people. The new law infringes on fundamental rights to privacy, non-discrimination, equality and freedom from cruelty and inhumane treatment[1]. Even before the bill was introduced the government prevented there being room for LGBT activists to explain their cause showing their lack of freedom of expression. This and rights such as equality are universal and fundamental rights that the government of Uganda has on numerous occasions signed up for in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights among other documents.[2] [1] Reuters, ‘Uganda's Anti-Gay Law Prompts Court Petition’, huffingtonpost.com, 11 March 2014, [2] Organisation of Africa Unity, ‘African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights’, achpr.org, | |
Homosexuality has been illegal in Uganda since colonialism. It was signed into law and amended in Uganda’s constitution but did not change after independence. The blame should therefore go to the British not Ugandan government. If it is a violation of human rights then it is a violation that has been occurring for decades. The long term effect has been that Ugandans now are agreed that LGBT people are not a minority but criminals who deserve punishment. | |
The law is contrary to the constitution Chapter 4 of the Ugandan constitution recognises fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual as inherent and not granted by the State. The constitution states; All persons are equal before and under the law in all spheres of political, economic, social and cultural life and in every other respect and shall enjoy equal protection of the law; Without prejudice, a person shall not be discriminated against on the ground of sex, race, colour, ethnic origin, tribe, birth, creed or religion, or social or economic standing, political opinion or disability[1]. It defines “discriminate" as giving different treatment to different persons attributable only or mainly to their respective descriptions by sex, race, colour, ethnic origin, tribe, birth, creed or religion, or social or economic standing, political opinion or disability. The government has acted contrary to their own law, with President Museveni remarking that what homosexuals do is disgusting, un African and had no place in his country[2] and MP David Bahati, asserting that homosexuals do not deserve to be treated as humans. Breaching such a law while relying on such logical fallacies is a sign of how the government failed on human rights. [1] DREDF, ‘The Constitution Of Uganda; Chapter 4, human rights and freedoms’, dredf.org, [2] Mark Duell & Leon Watson, 'Gay people are unnatural and disgusting', says Ugandan president as he signs bill punishing homosexual sex with life in jail’, dailymail.co.uk, 24 February 2014, | |
The fact that Ugandan government did not take measures to curb insecurities, harassment and threats towards the LGBT community, shows how reluctant it was in enforcing human rights. Unfortunately things have been even worse after the new law was passed with Uganda’s tabloid the Redpepper exposing homosexuals[1]. The new law has given a green light to mockery, attacks and harassment towards the gay community, many have lost their jobs, other have quit school and some have left the country due to such threats. This all could have been avoided by the government if it were to accept LGBT as a minority that has the same rights as other minorities. Such an acceptance would be a first step towards tolerance in Uganda. [1] The guardian, ‘Ugandan tabloid prints list of 'top 200 homosexuals', thegurdian.com, 25 February 2014, | |
Democracy is not just about enabling a tyranny of the majority. It is about enabling everyone have a say in running the country and about protecting the rights of those minority viewpoints. Simply accepting that the majority is always right is the path to populist dictatorship; most people can be bought by promises of better times ahead and attempts to put the blame for any problems on minority groups. Human rights are intrinsic and cannot be determined on what the majority or civil society believes. The simple maxim ‘do unto others what you would have them do to you’ shows why minorities need to be protected. Everyone is a minority in something whether it is because they are a particular ethnic, sexual, language group or the views they hold we would not want to be discriminated on the basis of that aspect of ourselves. Where the majority wants to harm the minority the role of the government is to protect the minority. The bill was introduced to parliament individually by MP David Bahati[1] who spearheaded it through the end not the large Ugandan majority and the government should have stopped it. [1] The Economist, ‘Uganda’s anti-gay law; Deadly intolerance’, economist.com, 1 March 2014, | |
Traditional and religious beliefs More than 90% of Uganda’s population believe that homosexuality is not part of their culture and should never be accepted[1], its seen as indecency, criminality and a taboo in the community. This is something the government did not invent and not something it can simply wash out of society. Shelving the bill would not suddenly create tolerance from Ugandan society towards the gay community but instead would isolate and impose a threat to the LGBT community. Others would have tried to create laws anti-gay laws. This ‘kill the Gays bill’ was originally intended to include the death penalty for some homosexual acts such as when one of the participants is a minor, HIV-positive, disabled or a "serial offender".[2] The bill is therefore considerably better than what the alternative could have been – the government has done its duty and moderated it. Any wider change to the culture of the country is not the duty of the government. [1] Patience Akumu, ‘It pains me to live in a country, Uganda, that hates gay people and 'indecent' women’, thegurdian.com, 22 December 2013, [2] BBC News, ‘Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill: MPs drop death penalty’, 23 November 2012, | |
Not passing the bill would bring a threat to the public peace Homophobia in Uganda was not introduced by this law. Refusing to sign the bill into law would result in increased brutality and cruelty to the LGBT minority from the majority of citizens who were angry that president Museveni even considered vetoing the bill. Shortly after the president’s letter to parliament requesting the shelving of the bill was revealed, thousands of Ugandans took on to the streets protesting against the move complaining that homosexuality will never be allowed in their society. Known gay Ugandans were forced not to move while others were attacked in their homes. Long before the bill was passed by parliament, homosexuals and LGBT activists were beaten, harassed and killed by their fellow Ugandans. David Kato a leading figure in demanding equal rights for the gay minority was killed in January 2011[1]. The situation may have worsened had the bill been shelved as angry Ugandans would attack the gay community seeking revenge, something that they made clear would happen during the anti-gay protests. Most Ugandans had supported a death penalty for homosexuals and clearly have few qualms about launching attacks, sometimes murderous against homosexuals. [1] BBC News, ‘Obituary: Uganda gay activist David Kato’, bbc.co.uk, 27 January 2011, | |
Rule of the majority As a democratic country, Uganda favours and runs according to the will of the majority. This is also part of the constitution that recognises the opinion of the majority where all policies and rules that govern the country should base. With more than 90% of Ugandans against homosexuality and speaking in support of the anti-gay law[1], it was therefore inevitable for the government to pass such a bill despite president Museveni’s letter to parliament to ignore the law[2]. It is not the Ugandan government that has failed its LGBT citizens but the Ugandan people. A democratic government simply responds to what its people wants. [1] Patience Akumu, ‘It pains me to live in a country, Uganda, that hates gay people and 'indecent' women’, thegurdian.com, 22 December 2013, [2] Warren Throckmorton , ‘Full Text of Letter From Uganda’s President Museveni to Speaker of Parliament Kadaga Regarding the Anti-Homosexuality Bill’, patheos.com, 17 January 2014, | |
The government is an impartial and independent body which should not be led by tradition but lead tradition instead. Governments don’t just exist to let events flow but to lead, to create policy, and shape events. If government never takes a lead then it would cease to exist as another leader would take its place. Under Uganda’s constitution, religions should be registered and accredited by the government and should adhere to law and government policies. The constitution recognises equality for all so the government should be encouraging a belief and tradition of such equality[1]. It is therefore wrong to argue that on a particular policy, tradition had to lead. [1] Parliament of Uganda, ‘CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA, 1995’, parliament.go.ug, | |
Not allowing any meetings with the President does not mean no negotiations can take place. Groundwork can be done by diplomats, negotiators, third parties, and even high-ranking administration officials from the state department, like the Secretary of State. Such tactics can also strengthen moderates. However, a meeting with the President is a powerful symbol, and it should only take place if either significant headway has been made, or if the leaders of these regimes are fully committed to negotiating, which they can prove by agreeing to preconditions. | |
Preconditions are like granting a veto to the extremists. No government is monolithic. In every regime there will be moderate forces willing to use diplomacy and negotiations and extremist elements that do not. By demanding that preconditions be fulfilled before a meeting, all power is given to the extremists. Israel-Palestine is an example of this. By often demanding that violence cease before negotiations can take place, the US and Israel give a veto over negotiations to Hamas, who are the perpetrators of violence. They get to decide if and when negotiations take place. Instead, the president of the United States should always try to engage and strengthen moderates within these regimes. | |
That is true. But that is mostly the case with preconditions that are strategically flawed or an attempt at political gamesmanship, when a leader makes outrageous demands the other party cannot possibly meet in order to paint them as unreasonable and unwilling to negotiate. However, chosen carefully, preconditions can set talks and negotiations on the right course, and give a strong indication of the sincerity and commitment of both parties. | |
The more the US waits, the stronger its opponents become. Preconditions delay engagement and negotiations. Sometimes it can take years before the parties even start talking to each other. In that time, Iran will continue to enrich uranium [1] and North Korea will continue to expand its nuclear arsenal [2] . If the US waits for preconditions to be agreed on and met, by the time president Obama gets to talk and negotiate directly with the leaders of these states, he will have a much bigger crisis to deal with. It may have even gotten to the point where diplomacy can no longer be used effectively. [1] Borger, James. “Iran’s acceleration of its nuclear programme angers the west.” Guardian. 19 July 2011. [2] Neuman, Doug. “North Korea expands nuclear relationships with outcast states.” Examiner. 11 May 2010. | |
Doing away with ‘US arrogance’. From its early days, the Obama administration has strived to change the tide of US foreign policy, by moving away from America’s unilateralism and dismissiveness of other nations. [1] Its treatment of its foes is a product of that same attitude. The general policy not to meet or negotiate without preconditions is akin to dangling a spot at the table like some sort of prize that foreign leaders need to work for. In international law, all states are sovereign and equal with no one having a right to interfere with other’s internal affairs. This means that all leaders should treat each other with respect and deference. [1] Harnden, Toby. “Barack Obama: ‘arrogant US has been dismissive’ to allies.” The Telegraph. 3 April 2009. | |
While legally all the world’s leaders are equal, morally they are not. For decades, the US has been the standard of what it means to be a liberal democracy and have respect your citizens’ rights and liberties. That is not arrogance; it’s moral leadership. This is a vision that the US should aggressively promote in its foreign policy. The President of the United states should not meet as equals with tyrants and dictators who oppress their own people, and endanger world peace and security. Not unless these people give any indication they are even vaguely committed to moving toward some common goals. | |
If talks don’t take place, that doesn’t mean no actions can be taken against rogue regimes. Diplomatic pressure, third party talks or even sanctions can be effective ways to deal with states like Iran, Syria, or North Korea. Neither of these requires the President himself to sit down with these leaders. | |
Meeting with the leader of the United States can equally bolster a leader’s support and strengthen his or her position. After all, the US will always prefer and support a leader that is seen as reasonable and willing to compromise rather than a hard liner. Hosni Mubarak is a prime example of a dictator whose position was strengthened by his good relationship and close ties to the US [1] . Therefore, many of these dictators may see it in their interest to agree to preconditions, if that will buy them American favours. [1] Murphy, Dan. “Joe Biden says Mubarak no dictators, he shouldn’t step down.” Christian Science Monitor. 27 January 2011. | |
Preconditions can damage a country’s negotiating position. No country is likely to agree to conditions that will significantly reduce its bargaining power once it gets to the table. It would be diplomatically foolish to agree to preconditions that would essentially be the subject of the negotiations and the reason why the negotiations were needed in the fist place [1] . If North Korea agreed to freeze development of its nuclear arsenal, or if Iran agreed to stop its nuclear enrichment programme, once the meeting between the two leaders took place, the position from which they started negotiating would be significantly weaker than the US’s. [1] Klein, Rick. “Obama’s Evolving Take on Meeting with Iran.” ABC News. 20 May 2008. | |
Agreeing to preconditions can damage a leader’s position at home. If, in order to meet with his counterpart, a ‘rogue leader’ needs to compromise on his and his country’s position even before he gets to the table, this would be a signal of weakness to his opponents at home and those vying for his job. For example, in North Korea, which is going through a dynastic transition [1] , the new leader Kim Jong Un is yet to become established and consolidate his status as dictator. Any concession to the sate’s designated mortal enemy, the US, might jeopardise the succession. Similarly, in Iran where Ahmadinejad has fallen from the graces of the supreme religious leader, the Ayatollah [2] , agreeing to preconditions in order to get a meeting with Obama would signal to the Iranian President’s rivals that it may be a good moment to attempt to force a change of guard. [1] “Profile: Kim Jong un”. BBC. 31 December 2011. [2] “Ahmadinejad v Ayatollah: Who will win Iran dustup?” BBC. 8 July 2011. | |
Sanctions will always be hanging in the background. It will also be obvious pretty soon whether the other party is really interested in negotiating or just stalling. However, diplomacy should always be tired before sanctions. | |
Agreeing to sit down and talk can equally be seen as a gesture of good faith. The further requirement to prove themselves and their intentions can put off leaders who are on the fence about engaging the US on their differences. It should be remembered that the mistrust is not only one way; ‘rogue’ regimes leaders also mistrust US intentions. As a result demanding preconditions frames the negotiations, from the onset, from a position of mistrust | |
Rogue leaders can exploit such meetings to bolster their legitimacy If no proper groundwork is done before such a meeting, and no preconditions are laid out, such events can easily be used by these foreign regimes as propaganda at home to try to bolster their own legitimacy [1] . A meeting with the leader of the free world would give an opportunity to Ahmadinejad or Chavez to portray themselves as great statesmen and leaders, equals to the president of the United States. The same is true of North Korea, which is a regime that rules almost entirely through the strength of state propaganda [2] . If they don’t have to agree to any preconditions, there is no cost to these leaders exploiting a meeting with Obama to their own advantage, while having no intention to actually engage in genuine negotiations and diplomacy. [1] “Clinton: Obama is ‘naïve’ on foreign policy.” Associated Press. 24 July 2007. [2] Myers, B. R. “The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why It Matters”. Melville House. 2010. | |
Meeting with these leaders today might jeopardize America’s interests tomorrow. The Arab Spring demonstrated just how unpredictable and unstable some of these regimes could truly be. And the new governments coming to power are unlikely to forget America’s role in supporting their former dictator. For example, Egypt’s transition from dictatorship has led to a rise in anti-American sentiment, as the US is perceived to have been a supporter of the Mubarak regime [1] . It may not be wise for President Obama to associate himself, and the US, so closely to leaders like Assad or Ahmadinejad who are susceptible to being deposed through the same type of massive demonstrations that swept through the Arab world in 2011. Doing so without preconditions would signal a trust and deference to these leaders that may be unforgivable to their successors, and to the people of Syria and Iran. [1] Lee, Mathew. “US troubled by rising anti-Americanism in Egypt”. Associated Press. 10 August 2011. | |
Rogue regimes can use such meetings as a dilatory tactic to stall sanctions against them. Nuclear countries like North Korea and Iran have been keen to use such a meeting as a stalling tactic against the onslaught of sanctions prompted by its nuclear programme [1] . Negotiations can be continually spun out with very little result in order to keep the United States from taking action simply by encouraging the United States to believe that there will be action after a meeting. Again, if there is no cost to them sitting down to negotiate, then negotiations are an easy way to deflect pressure, while they continue to pursue their nuclear and WMD programmes. As a result the preconditions need to be met before the negotiations to prevent such tactics from being possible. [1] Yeranian, Edward. “Iranian President Offers to Meet President Obama.” Voice of America. 2 August 2010. | |
Preconditions are an essential gesture of good will. Preconditions are not about posturing or scoring some easy, early points. They play an essential diplomatic role. By agreeing to make some concessions before negotiations start in earnest, a ‘rogue state’ would signal its good faith in the negotiating process and its willingness to compromise and work diligently toward a common goal and reaching an agreement. Without such proof of commitment, the US should have every reason to doubt the true intentions of leaders like Ahmadinejad. | |
No president can sit and wait until the dice fall before making a move on foreign policy. Presidents have to deal with the here and now. If the situation changes, the US will have to reassess. However, at any given time the President has to do what is in the US’s best national interest. And at times that may be meeting with unpopular dictators. | |
The President does not just sit down with a foreign leader without previous groundwork. No preconditions does not mean no preparation. Diplomats can be dispatched in advance to gage the level of interest and the intentions of the other party. Intelligence can be gathered to take the pulse of the regime and understand what is going on in the country, whether the moment is auspicious for change and diplomacy or whether the rogue leader is just looking for a popularity boost. The President should always have a very good idea of what to expect when he or she meets with a foreign leader. They don’t just find out once they get there. | |
While distasteful, sometimes cutting deals with perpetrators is necessary to bring a quick end to the human suffering that conflicts cause [1] . In advocating prosecutions, justice can simply ignore victims. Atrocities are more than likely to have been committed by more than one side in a conflict. As those leaders do not want to be prosecuted, justice can act as a bar to peace. Moreover if people are responsible and accountable to society then that society should be able to agree to forgo justice in order to create peace if it is deemed necessary. [1] Grono, Nick and O’Brien, Adam, “Justice in Conflict? The IOCC and Peace Processes”, Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa, 2008, available at , chapter 2 | |
Accountability It is a fundamental principle of morality that individuals should be held responsible for their crimes – that is the reason why we, as societies, have criminal law. Prosecuting people – holding them responsible for their crimes – is a moral imperative. We all wish to live in a society where everyone is equally accountable when they commit crime as one in which not everyone is held to account is fundamentally unjust; it creates one rule for the powerless and another for those who are ‘needed’ to help create peace. This would simply incentivise people to try to make themselves indispensable strongmen – not a sustainable basis for a peaceful society. | |
Holocaust denial does still exists today despite the Nuremburg trials and immense amounts of evidence. Also, Japanese denialism over forced prostitution in the Second World War is part of mainstream politics [1] . Despite ICTY convictions, denial of atrocities in the Yugoslav wars continue. [1] See Honda, Masakazu and Takada, Makoto, “LDP Pressure led to cuts in NHK show”, The Asahi Shimbun, 12 January 2005, | |
Justice is needed for a lasting peace By prosecuting perpetrators, justice creates a deterrent. The deterrent effect, as accepted in criminal law generally, is likely to make the peace more long standing and stable in the future – it will make those minded to perform atrocities think again. If those who committed atrocities ‘get away with it’ they will be much more likely to plunge the country back into violence. The career of Laurent Nkunda is a good example of this; he fought in the Tutsi group that took control of Rwanda in 1994 ending the genocide and then was a rebel commander in both Congolese civil wars in which he was accused of atrocities before launching his own rebellion, only now after 14 years as an army commander is he under arrest. [1] Clearly Nkunda being locked up at some stage would have been better than regularly negotiating with him to try and create peace. [1] BBC News, “Profile: General Laurent Nkunda”, 23 January 2009, | |
This fails for two reasons. Firstly, prosecutions are not always a deterrent to future crimes. Secondly that justice is not necessary in all cases to prevent recidivism – justice has not been needed in many cases, such as in Haiti after the 2004 coup, Haiti’s subsequent problems being caused by natural disasters. | |
Justice is needed to help end denialism. By creating a historical record through the investigations and trial proceedings [1] , International justice can create a narrative that helps fight denialism over events in the past. It creates an accepted version of events where both victim and accused have had their say. Denialism can be dangerous because it is likely to create perceptions that are likely to make conflict more likely again. For example the post-First World War Dolchstoßlegende (stab in the back myth) was used by the political right in Germany after WWI implied that the German Army had not lost but Germany had only done so due to the civilian leadership. This not only encouraged a belief that Germany could win in another war but also as the accusation was levelled particularly at socialists and Jews helped pave the way for the holocaust. [2] [1] Goldstone, p422 [2] Holocaust Encyclopedia, ‘Antisemitism in history: World War I’, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 10 June 2013, | |
Justice is not easy. However, it needs to be done – for its own ends, and for a lasting peace. In cases where there are a huge number of perpetrators then the obvious approach is to offer an amnesty to those who committed smaller crimes while prosecuting those who provoked or ordered the crimes. | |
Argentina did not prosecute for a long time after the collapse of the junta [1] , a 1986 law, commonly known as the Full Stop Law (also known by its number, Law 23492), prohibited prosecution of those involved in the dirty war which resulted in up to 30,000 deaths. However, Argentina managed to build a lasting peace, and society without prosecutions. [1] Kersten, Mark, “The Fallacy of Sequencing Peace and Justice”, Opinio Juris, 29 September 2011, | |
Justice can harm peace. Former ICTR chief prosecutor, Richard Goldstone, argued that the indictments of Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic prevented them from attending the Dayton peace talks. The Russian government tried to get those indictments suspended, but Goldstone informed them that he did not have the power to do so. Slobodan Milosevic, the representative of Serbia also represented Republika Srbska. [1] In 2006 thyere was an agreement by the Lord’s Resistance Army to a ceasefire but before they would negotiate towards a final peace the LRA demanded the suspension of the ICC indictments. [2] Even six years on none of the LRA leadership have been caught – had peace been put first it might have occurred then rather than intermittent conflict continuing for years. Peace is a valid goal. However, an overzealous pursuit of justice may impede negotiations. [1] Goldstone, Richard, “Peace versus Justice”, Nevada Law Journal, 2006, at p421-p322 [2] Otim, Michael, and Wierda, Marieke, ‘Justice at Juba: International Obligations and Local Demands in Northern Uganda’, in Waddell and Clarck eds., Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa, pp.21-28 | |
Justice can be impossible The Rwandan genocide one of the largest the world has ever seen since the Second World War. A large number of victims – at least half a million – means a large number of perpetrators. There are 100,000 alleged perpetrators in Uganda. While an informal Gacaca system has been criticized by human rights groups for not being able to provide fair trials, a full system of fair trials would be impractical [1] . Rwanda is now relatively peaceful, with a functioning economy. [1] Hannum, p492 | |
Peace has occurred without justice Argentina did not prosecute for a long time after the collapse of the junta [1] , a 1986 law, commonly known as the Full Stop Law (also known by its number, Law 23492), prohibited prosecution of those involved in the dirty war which resulted in up to 30,000 deaths. However, Argentina managed to build a lasting peace, and society without prosecutions. [1] Kersten, Mark, “The Fallacy of Sequencing Peace and Justice”, Opinio Juris, 29 September 2011, | |
Dayton worked despite not inviting Karadzic and Mladic. Both of those are currently on trial for the most serious crimes imaginable – Karadzic for, amongst other things, his alleged role in ordering the Srebrenica massacre, and Mladic for Srbrenica and the Siege of Sarajevo. These prosecutions have not caused problems for peace in the Balkans and Croatia, one of the participants in the conflict, has joined the European Union. Similarly, despite the ICC indictment, coupled with better results obtained by the Ugandan military, has lead towards the prospect of surrender by the LRA, despite their leaders such as Joseph Kony being indicted [1] . [1] BBC News, “LRA leader Joseph Kony ‘in surrender talks’ with CAR”, BBC News, | |
Integration through globalisation is not necessarily, or purely, positive. Globalisation can have desirable and undesirable effects. For example greater airline links may encourage educated Kenyans to leave creating a brain drain; the country already exports nurses.(Lehmann, 2004) | |
Liberalisation enables national development The aviation industry is vital for economic growth for bringing Africa into the positive side of globalisation. The state-owned Ethiopian Airlines Enterprise is one example of a success story for an African airline. Ethiopian Airlines has the greatest amount of traffic as a result of air traffic liberalisation. The returns gained from Ethiopian Airlines have been central to promoting Ethiopia’s national growth strategy. Governments can only gain from liberalisation in multiple sectors, including airlines. Liberalisation, and deregulation, of airlines acts creates cumulative causation, where one event causes multiple changes, for tourism, production networks, jobs, and infrastructure development. In Ethiopia, air networks are building industries and the pushing regions economic development [1] . In Kenya’s case, deregulation of airlines may improve the speed and availability of key global commodities, such as tourism, and flowers [2] - booming industries that require rapid transport. In Africa 20% of tourism-related jobs are supported directly by the aviation industry (World Bank, 2014). [1] See further readings: Anna Aero, 2013. [2] See further readings: Lawrence, 2011. | |
We need to be critical of what foreign business and multinational corporations can do for Africa. Earnings from foreign airlines will likely leave the continent rather than being used for African development. There will be some benefit with some local workers, particularly in airports, but the degree of power inequality between foreign airline owners and local people implies benefits will be unequally spread. On another hand, what will incentivise foreign airlines to stay? Markets are volatile; therefore a long-term vision is required. What will ensure foreign investors buying airlines are encouraged to stay and actually build a stable, functioning airline market rather than simply taking advantage of the few routes where they can make a quick profit? | |
A competitive airline industry The introduction of a Pan-African Open Sky agreement will ensure competition. A competitive airline industry will have a cumulative effect on prices and safety standards. First, prices will be reduced as the market is no longer monopolised by a few airlines. Currently national governments are able to place strict regulations, high fuel and passenger taxes on airlines. Liberalising the industry would mean that airlines are increasingly controlled by the hand of the market, not the state. Competitive airline prices will ensure air travel is no longer exclusively an elite luxury. Secondly, introducing new competition will force airlines to implement higher standards - of service and safety. Power is redistributed to the consumer and traveller, who are able to pick and choose the best service. Therefore the companies need to be on the top of their game. Evidence in Europe has shown the competitiveness of liberalisation, resulting in the rise of cheap air travel. Such low-cost carriers now account for a third of intra-EU travel (ECMT, 2010). | |
To what extent will a competitive industry emerge if direct problems are not resolved? The issue is not simply a need to introduce more airlines. Airline prices cannot be reduced unless fuel prices are lowered. The cost of buying fuel for airlines remains higher in Africa; suggesting that it is not just the airline market but also the market in fuel supplies that requires change. There will be no opportunity for European style budget airlines so long as fuel is expensive. Additionally, can a competitive airline industry emerge without transparency and good governance first? The fact good governance remains debatable in many African states raises a question of how the market will work. As new business opportunities arise who will be setting up new airlines? It is likely to be government cronies or those with support from the government rather than those with the most innovative models. | |
Incorporating foreign airlines Introducing a treaty whereby flights are liberalised across Africa, and foreign airlines incorporated, will provide benefits for Africa. For example, foreign companies will be able to tackle gaps in the market. Currently there is a lack of direct flights between key destinations. Direct flights mean direct interconnections to desired; and new, places. For example, with new business opportunities emerging in Nigeria a direct flight connecting Cape Town and Lagos requires investment. Air traffic in the EU is a positive example. As a result of deregulation budget airlines have expanded throughout the continent EU air traffic and new flight routes introduced. There has been a 120% increase of intra-EU routes and 320% increase in the number of routes provided by at least two companies (ECMT, 2010). | |
Alliances create an oligopolistic market. The promotion of alliances creates two key market results – controlling supply and demand. Firstly, choice is restricted. Customers are restricted in what prices and services are available. Secondly, the market competitiveness is restricted. Different airlines are not able to compete with each other, but merely cooperate as the leading company takes the largest proportion of profits. Alliances fail to stimulate a competitive market or place companies on an equal platform to compete for profits. Open skies are also seen as a means to ensure safety and reduce the rising accident rates. The World Bank (2014) note accident rates would fall if African states use bilateral sanctions to ensure airlines meet safety standards; currently Africa’s aircraft hull-loss accident rate is more than 6 times higher than Asia and Latin America and 12 times Europe. Open-skies ensure bilateral collaboration and intervention. | |
Sustainable development does not mean stopping development. The SDGs emphasise how a new perspective is required for future development. There is no evidence to suggest an open-sky agreement would increase environmental degradation, nor is there to say that if an open-sky agreement is not implemented we will develop in a more sustainable way. The introduction of open-skies will mean an introduction of better planes – more fuel-efficient and eco-friendly designs as a result of competition on quality and safety. Advancements have been made over time to improve the environmental performance of aeroplanes. Today’s planes are 75% quieter, with carbon-monoxide levels declining by 50%, and increasingly more fuel-efficient [1] . An open-skies agreement enables new ideas and designs to be integrated, encouraging the implementation of sustainable models. Sustainable development is about how we understand, appreciate, and implement future objectives. An open sky agreement is not necessarily unsustainable. [1] See further readings: IATA, 2014. | |
Terrorism Terror remains a key concern both in and about Africa. A key issue with a potential open sky agreement is who will regulate it and how. Effective control to prevent terrorism is required; passengers and nations need to be ensured security. Liberalising airlines and markets potentially lays the foundation for a new risk of terror and insecurity. West African airports have been particularly criticised for their lax security which creates an insider threat (Brandt, 2011). More planes, more staff, and more passengers mean a higher probability of risk. Is liberalisation best when we consider the war on terror, and emerging security risks? | |
Focusing on national development first An open sky agreement will only act to reinforce the brain drain occurring in Africa. The level of development across Africa remains uneven, with disparities found across the continent based on GDP, PPP, FDI, and social development. An open sky agreement may act as cumulative causation for out-migration of trained professionals and white-collar jobs to more developed countries. One very obvious brain drain as a result of air travel is that there have been eight hijackings of Ethiopian Airlines by pilots attempting to get asylum in the last 25 years (Nadeau, 2014). The reality would bring detrimental effects for some countries, and prosperity for others. The unequal geography of development in Africa will persist. | |
Alliances not open skies The success of airlines such as Kenya Airways has emerged through alliances; not an ‘open sky’ agreement. The airline has created alliances with small airline carriers such as Precision Air to ensure more frequent coverage, competitive prices and provision of services to new destinations. Increased connectivity across Africa requires more alliances between individual airlines, not necessarily an open sky agreement. The alliances made ensure universal boundaries, rules, and regulations, are set through corporate ethics and responsibility. Alliances mean the corporate brand is at stake. Alliances are a safer option when we consider who will set the rules with an ‘open sky’ agreement in Africa. Alliances can ensure safety measures remain central for airlines, and the private actors are held responsible. However, the definitions of, and decisions on, rules become blurred with an ‘open sky’. Who will have the last say? Whose decision will hold power? A regulatory board is required, which can be granted through alliances. | |
Environmental Impact Development is shifting from just GDP growth towards promoting a sustainable approach to growth. The UN has created the Sustainable Development Goals for development post-2015, which emphasise developmental policy and practice today has to meet the needs of the present without jeopardising future populations. Therefore how can a new Open Skies agreement be justified on environmental or sustainability grounds? Encouraging more air traffic will act to increase the human burden on the environment. Key concerns are noise and atmospheric pollution, deforestation, and the use of space. Flights produce around 628,000,000 tonnes of CO2 annually adding to climate change (Clean Sky, 2014). With numbers rising the pressures will too. | |
Several points require countering. Firstly, the focus on the brain drain suggests air travel will continue to be dominated by an elite class, however, open-skies acts to enable a broader customer base. Secondly, migration brings a range of benefits – we cannot promote keeping people in their place as a developmental solution. Even if national development comes first people may still want to move. Finally, people will not be discouraged from moving if there is no open-skies agreement. Migration is historic in Africa, with multiple transport modes used. Migration will continue to operate with or without an open-skies agreement. Therefore it is important to recognise the role open-skies can play for Pan-Africanism. An open sky will assist in dispersing access and availability to development opportunities. It will create new network hubs within Africa; and create new market opportunities by introducing frequent airlines to places previously inaccessible. The agreement would ensure capital is spread across Africa. Africa will begin to operate cohesively. The open-sky agreement sets the future agenda for Africa’s development – a step towards Pan-African cooperation. | |
We need to be cautious in falling into the ‘terror discourse’. Since 9/11 the cases of hijacking have not risen substantially. The discourse is a key concern among Western states. Terror is a risk, however Western states have implemented open-sky agreements – such as between the US-EU despite such threats. So why should the risk of terror stop Africa implementing open-skies when the Global North has done so? It returns to the relations of power in the global-political economy. The global-political system is key in constructing a discourse of fear and using this to influence how we act, invest, and work. We need to deconstruct the terror discourse first, to understand what really are the risks and whether liberalising air networks will really make a difference either way. Once the specific risks have been analysed those that are concerns can be addressed including any concerns about terrorism. | |
Poverty may have something to do with countries becoming dictatorships but little. That it is about the efficiency of government is much more credible, this is partially why India, with a large native civil service at independence is one of the exceptions. In practice the reason here is that these nations were subject to being downtrodden through colonialism. There was little opportunity provided to create native institutions so any cobbled together rapidly at independence collapsed. Many of the countries that were poor at independence are still poor now, yet the story of Africa is no longer one of constant violent dictatorship but increasingly one of stable democracies with reasonably fair elections. The number of democracies in Africa has increased from three in 1989 to 24 in 2008.(1) This transition then benefits the economy. An analysis by The Economist finds that over the ten years to 2010, six of the world's ten fastest-growing economies were in sub-Saharan Africa.(2) The Arab Spring meanwhile demonstrates that the population in poor countries can be organised enough to oust authoritarian leaders through large scale protest. Since they are the ones who suffer from corruption there is no inherent reason why poorer peoples should be more likely to submit to a dictatorship. (1) Freedom House, ‘Electoral Democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa’, African Election Database, accessed 22 November 2013, (2) Graphic detail, ‘Africa's impressive growth’, The Economist, 6 January 2011, | |
Poverty creates a vicious circle Unfortunately, there is a vicious circle, caused by poverty that many poor countries find themselves in. A poor country also means a poor, ill-funded government. Such an institution is either unhelpful in preventing poverty or a road block to poverty alleviation. A poor population is also unfortunately more likely to lead to an autocratic government. This phenomenon can be shown by looking at decolonisation. Poor countries when decolonised, even if they initially had democratic aspirations quickly fell to dictatorship. There are very few exceptions such as India that have managed to continually maintain a democratic government while poor. Wealthy countries when decolonised are much more likely to become democracies and once poor autocracies become rich the pressure for democratisation usually becomes unstoppable so countries like South Korea democratised as they became wealthy. There might be considered to be a wealth threshold about which states will become democracies.(1) The reason why poverty is likely to lead to dictatorship is simple; a lack of an educated, effective civil service. When the government is very small it can’t effectively control the whole country or ensure accountability. The result, especially when civil servants are poorly paid is corruption and an opening for the army, or any populist who appears to offer a solution to take power. Once dictatorship occurs it can usually be maintained by force until the population is educated and connected enough to engage in a democratic revolution. There is then a free pass for those in power to exploit their position through corruption. Many dictators, including in Africa have become very rich indeed. Mohammed Suharto, Ferdinand Marcos and Mobutu Sese Seko( the former dictators of Indonesia, the Philippines, and DR Congo) extorted up to $50bn (£28bn) from their impoverished people (2). A vicious cycle is created whereby the government needs money, so corruption and extortion are rampant. Those in power are more concerned with their own wealth than the people which makes the government poorer and less efficient so providing more incentive to resort to illicit means of funding. (1) Cois, Carles; and Stokes, Susan C., ‘Endogenous Democratization’, The University of Chicago, 3 June 2003, (2) Denny, Charlotte, ‘Suharto, Marcos and Mobutu head corruption table with $50bn scams’, The Guardian, 26 March 2004 | |
Armed forces do not require large amounts of funding to be well disciplined forces that are subordinate to civilian governance. This was shown by many communist nations; Vietnam’s army was immense, beat both the French and Americans and was firmly under party control. The importance of armed forces for security is universally recognised so foreign powers will help train armed forces to ensure these qualities. Thus for example as part of efforts to bring peace to Sierra Leone Britain provided training for the Sierra Leone Armed Forces helping bring stability to the country and allowing the Sierra Leonean army to engage in peace keeping missions elsewhere in Africa.(1) (1) Clapson, Joe, ‘Sierra Leonean army comes of age under British direction’, Ministry of Defence, 6 April 2011, | |
Poverty means more crime Despite many problems that Africa has to face, one of the biggest is its extreme poverty. Currently more than 48.5% of the population of Sub-Saharan Africa lives on less than 1.25 dollars a day (1). As a result of this poverty people’s security is being threatened on two main levels. On the first level of analysis, poverty can lead to crime. Poverty can create desperation to provide for family or yourself. As poverty is widespread in Africa, there are many people who are willing to steal, threaten, abduct or kill someone, in order to have something to eat. At 17.4 per 100,000 citizens, more than double the world average, Africa has the highest homicide rate among all regions of the world.(2) The other side of this is that a poor state can’t provide the level of policing that richer states can, a people in poverty usually results in a poor government. This in turn means that the police force is small, badly trained and underfunded so not fit for preventing crime. On the second level of analysis, desperate people are much easier to manipulate. This makes them easy targets for military groups in Africa who are searching for members to fight for their causes. It is not coincidental that we have so many militias and juntas in Africa, such as Somali Pirates, AQAP, AQIM, Al-Shabab, Touareg( Mali), Boko Haram(Nigeria), M23 and dozens of others. The militias offer those in poverty what they need most, food, shelter, and protection in return for their “services”. Poverty provides an additional benefit for these groups due to the stark difference between potential reward, such as from piracy or winning control of mines, and a normal income. As with the drugs trade the lure of the fast buck can be used to encourage risk-taking. In conclusion, poverty both enables crime and encourages militia groups. (1) The World Bank, ‘Poverty’, data.worldbank.org, 2013, (2) Me, Angela, et al., ‘2011 Global Study on Homicide trends, contexts, data’, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes, 2011, | |
Does poverty cause crime, or does crime cause poverty? Poverty does not in all cases create crime. Bhutan is a poor country but the state department reports “There is relatively little crime” (1). When there is crime skilled people are more likely to emigrate and trust relationships are destroyed making businesses risk averse. At the same time outside businesses won’t invest in the country and neither will individuals because they fear they won’t get their money back. Finally crime almost invariably means corruption which undermines state institutions, trust in the state and ultimately democracy (2). Crime therefore leads to poverty more than the other way around. Neither does poverty have much to do with armed anti-government movements, terrorists or militia. Terrorism is an inherently a political struggle. Almost every major terrorist organization that exists has emerged from a conflict revolving around the subject of sovereignty and defending of their culture. Al Qaeda was created after the soviet invasion of Afghanistan and ETA fights for the independence of the Basque county so groups in Africa are ethically or religiously based. The needs and desires of the poorest are much more short-sighted, such as having enough to eat and somewhere to sleep. They would much rather stability. A 2007 study by economist Alan B. Krueger found that terrorists were less likely to come from an impoverished background (28% vs. 33%) and more likely to have at least a high-school education (47% vs. 38%). Another analysis found only 16% of Palestinian terrorists came from impoverished families, vs. 30% of male Palestinians, and over 60% had gone beyond high school, vs. 15% of the populace.(3) Moreover a rebellion, even if it involves potential financial gain, is not a good long term prospect. In the long term the government tends to win. For example with FARC in Columbia a security build-up over the past decade has reduced the rebels from 18,000 fighters at their peak to about 10,000 today (4) The idea of fighting a war against an army which is bigger, better funded and better equipped isn’t exactly thrilling. (1) U.S. Department of State, ‘Bhutan’, travel.state.gov, 2013, (2) United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Crime and Development in Africa’, gsdrc, 2005, (3) Levitt, Steven D.; Dubner, Stephen J. , Superfreakonomics: global cooling, patriotic prostitutes, and why suicide bombers should buy life insurance, (William Morrow 2009) (4) “To the edge and back”, The Economist, 31 August 2013, | |
Poor states have trouble providing security Poor nations find it difficult to sustain efficient and well-disciplined armies. Good training and regular pay is vital for this, something that is unlikely to be forthcoming with a cash strapped government. Yet such a disciplined army is one of the vital prerequisites for security and a stable country. Discipline is needed to prevent the army turning on those it is supposed to protect, and it is need to secure the country from other groups both internal and external. Poverty therefore enables rebellions, civil wars, and local warlords by helping ensure that the poor states involved don’t have the resources to control their territories. It should come as no surprise that of 12 major ongoing conflicts five are on the African Continent (and another one if the conflict in DR Congo were to be included despite it potentially being at an end).(1) In addition to this, a poorly funded army is a threat in itself, as the lack of training of the soldiers may translate into unprofessional behaviour, such as engaging in crimes and rapes, or even worse launching a full scale coup in the hope that they will grip the power. (1) list of ongoing armed conflicts’, Wikipedia, accessed 21 November 2011, | |
Ethnicity does not always cause tension, and it is not always difficult to solve. If Africa has thousands of ethnic groups and multiple religions the most noticeable thing has to be that the vast majority of these groups do coexist peacefully. There are at most a couple of dozen different conflicts in Africa compared to these thousands of divisions. Identity might therefore be considered to be an overblown cause of conflict here. Moreover is an ethnic divide always difficult to solve? No. If it is not a particularly deep divide then it can be sorted out through education and creating a sense of community. There also needs to be a look at the underlying problems; in most cases ethnic conflicts are not simply about attacking the other group because they are the ‘other’ instead there is something that group wants. At base then the conflict is likely to be over land, economic resources, discrimination etc. not the simple fact that they have a neighbour that is not exactly the same as them. The solution then is the same as with poverty; encouraging economic growth and ensuring good redistribution. Finally if there is no other choice and two groups within a state are irreconcilable then there is a relatively quick, if not particularly easy, solution; partition. Simply create separate homelands for both ethnic groups.(1) (1) Zachary, G. Pascal, ‘Africa Needs a New Map’, Foreign Policy, 28 April 2010, | |
At first glance western countries might seem to be the opposite of Africa with regards to ethnicity. Countries like France are ideal type nation states with ‘national’ borders based upon ethnicity. However in practice western states have large numbers of minorities whether this is through regions with local identities such as the Welsh or immigration. However despite such intermixing there is not the security threat as in Africa. The most obvious reasons here is wealth. It is the state of the economy that is the main root of violence in Africa and that is the preserver of peace in Western liberal democracies. Rich countries can afford to use their wealth to paper over any cracks created by different identities. They can afford impartial civil services which have little incentive to favour one group over another. And when it come to religion there is a link between education and how religious someone is; one study has estimated an extra year of schooling leads to a 4 percentage-point increase in the likelihood that an individual reports having no religious affiliation at all.(1) (1) Dubner, Stephen J., ‘Does More Education Lead to Less Religion?’, Freakonomics, 25 April 2011, | |
Society cant function when the population is divided Successful nations are those with a strong unified sense of purpose. They are states where it is allegiance to the state which is put first. Having different identities which are put first undermines the state. This is exactly what strong religious and ethnic identities do. If these sub state identities are put before the national identity then ethnic groups are likely to “other” anyone who is not a part of their group. If they do not consider themselves as being a part of the same polity there is little reason to cooperate, to pay taxes, It is the failure to build a unifying framework and these conflicts of identity that split nations apart not poverty. The Rwandan genocide did not happen because Rwanda is poor but because it is split between two groups who, at least for that horrific period, looked at themselves as Hutus or Tutsi’s first and Rwandans second. The rebels in Syria show how strong such divisions can be as rebels fight each other as well as Assad’s regime.(1) In Ivory Coast a country that had previously been considered stable burst into civil war in 2011 after elections that went along ethnic lines.(2) (1) Dettmer, Jamie, “Syrian Rebel Groups Fight Among Themselves”, Voice of America, 19 September 2013 (2) “African viewpoint: Blood and borders” BBC News, 1 February 2011, | |
Identity issues are very difficult to solve Issues of identity are much more difficult to solve than issues of poverty. Poverty is primarily an issue of economics and can be solved in numerous ways; through aid, development projects, greater exploitation of natural resources, and through policies to encourage economic development. However none of this is likely to happen if there is ethnic conflict. Where the problem is one of identity there is no fast solution. Ethnicity remains the same throughout someone’s life. Religion is only rarely changed. Customs and traditions only slowly evolve. No matter how hard government tries, these artificial barriers cannot be changed or erased easily. The only solution then is to attempt to work around the problem by not eliminating identities but showing commonalities, itself a slow process. Spain is an example of how a country can escape poverty but not identity. From the 1980’s Spain enjoyed an economic miracle pulling the country up to being a developed nation. And again after the economic crash changes in policies have managed to halt decline and even move Spain towards recovery.(1) Yet despite a state that has constantly encouraged integration the regions of Spain are more determined than ever to get a chance to decide their own future. Cataluña and the Basque Country in particular want independence.(2) (1) Benoit, Angeline, “Spain Exits Two-Year Recession as Rajoy Seeks Recovery”, Bloomberg, 30 October 2013, (2) “Nothing to lose but their chains”, The Economist, 14 September 2013, | |
Ethno-religious divides are a bigger security threat Poverty is clearly an immense problem for Africa but it is not primarily a security problem. There are parts of the globe such as South Asia and parts of South East Asia that have comparable poverty but little conflict and violence. Moreover not every African country is plagued with conflict. We therefore must look elsewhere for why Africa has high levels of conflict. Religious and Ethnic divisions are a much more direct security threat and cause for conflicts. To start with, it is extremely easy to blame people of other ethnicity or religion of your own problems. This occurs throughout the world, no matter if we are talking about immigrants coming into the EU and US, about the Kurdish population in Turkey or about Israel and Palestine. Africa has 3315 ethnic groups, a huge number (1). Unlike Europe these have not been formed into cohesive nations with colonial borders often arbitrarily cutting through ethnic groups. A conflict is 25 percent longer and has a has a higher casualty rate when an ethnicity is divided by a national border. Examples of divided (and conflicted) groups are the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania, and the Anyi of Ghana and the Ivory Coast. (2) Division also occurs between religions. Samuel P Huntington wrote a famous book ‘The Clash of Civilisations’ that highlights that conflict is often created between religions. In Africa this means conflict in a swathe of northern Africa where Islam and Christianity meet. For example, the Muslim terrorist organization called Boko Haram, which has a lot of support in Nigeria, is engaged in a massive against Christians which has been responsible for the deaths of hundreds of non-Muslims.(2) (1) Wentzel, Dr. John, ‘Who are the developing world’, johnwentzel.com, 28 February 2013, (2) Gilman, Azure, ‘The Violent Legacy of Africa’s Arbitrary Borders’, Freakonomics, 12 January 2011, (3) Stark, William, “Boko Haram's Anti-Christian Violence Continues in Northern Nigeria”, Religion Today, 13 September 2013, | |
Fortunately the solution to this particular problem is exactly the same as the solution to poverty; fixing the dysfunctional state. There have been many multi-ethnic countries that have successfully created a sense of ‘nationhood’ and shared identity among people of different ethnicities and faiths. India, Indonesia, Brazil and the United States are all good examples. This needs to be done through education, government having an impartial presence in the population’s lives, infrastructure, and through ensuring that different ethnicities see that working together provides benefits for all. State building is necessary to prevent this internal ethnic conflict but having a strong state is also a foundation for creating a dynamic economy that reduces, and eventually eliminates poverty. Brazil is both a good example of integration of large numbers of ethnicities; the ‘rainbow nation’ and an example of state intervention reducing poverty through the bolsa familia, payments for sending children to school which coincidently helps educating so encouraging a sense of nation.(1) (1) Nobrega, Camila, ‘Bolsa-Família: template for poverty reduction or recipe for dependency?’ Guardian Professional, 5 November 2013, | |
The EAC is not yet ready to fully support its missions. The East African Community military command have not helped in prevention of terrorist attacks in Kenya nor has it been able to stop the prolonged insecurities and conflicts in Burundi, besides it still needs improvement. The unity between Kenya and Uganda did not stop conflicts arising over ownership of Migingo islands on lake Victoria; membership would not mean that South Sudan and Sudan suddenly have similar interests or ameliorate their conflict. Rwanda and Uganda have been recently accused of supporting insecurity in Eastern Congo (1), and the peace keeping missions in Somalia and Darfur are both AU and UN initiatives not the EAC. In practice the bloc is not yet ready to embark on such wider missions. (1) Louis, Charbonneau, and Michelle, Nicholls ‘Rwanda, Uganda arming Congo rebels- UN panel’, reuters.com, 17/10/2012 | |
Conflicts and insecurity in the region will be resolved. Widening the East African Community will help provide a strong force and voice against insecurities, conflicts and insurgencies that have torn apart much of the region. The current EAC member states have been at the fore front of maintaining peace and security in the region, with Burundi, Kenya and Uganda sending troops to Somalia and Rwanda sending troops to Darfur and CAR. In March 2012, the USAID assessment on East Africa regional conflict and instability highlighted that the revival and expansion of the EAC would favour a vision of promoting peace in the region (1) pointing out the Lamu project aimed at creating a transport corridor linking South Sudan to northern Kenya and the coast. Widening the bloc will make it easy for member states to support their peacekeeping missions through the East Africa community military command and also help reduce interstate invasions like Sudan and South Sudan or Rwanda and DRC as they will now be united with more closely aligned interests. (1) USAID, ‘East Africa Regional conflict and instability Assessment, usaid.gov, March 2012, | |
Widening the EAC will affect the emerging education systems. Most of the countries with interest to join the EAC are characterised by poor education systems. Bringing Somalia, South Sudan and DRC, into the community would bring a huge challenge to the existing systems. The inter university council of education is a new established body, policies like harmonising the education curricula are still in process of implementation and this cannot be rated a success at the moment let alone be expanded to millions more children and youths. Additionally, there are still current member states like Burundi with crippled education systems (1), why not first focus internally and deepen these institutions before expanding? (1) Concern worldwide, Burundi, ‘education’, concernusa.org | |
Economic Development will be boosted in the entire region. Widening the East African Community, will help enlarge the common market, increase production and improve regional trade as people will be able to freely do business across more than five countries. Prior to Rwanda and Burundi’s membership to the bloc in 2004, Kenya’s exports and imports to the EAC were Kshs 64 billion and Kshs 3 billion respectively this however increased after the two countries joined creating a single market of 133.5 million people. In 2009 Kenya’s exports had risen to Kshs 90.5 billion and imports to Kshs 12.5 billion [1]. Ethiopia, DRC and South Sudan are all mineral rich countries and are big potential markets for East Africa. Welcoming them to the community is predicted to double the production, imports and exports among member states [2] due to policies policies like the EAC trade facilitation, customs union and competition policy and law [2]. [1] Mary, Odongo,’Institute of Economic Affairs; Towards an East African Community common market’, ieakenya.or.ke, 30 Jan 2011, [2] Ernest & Young, ‘The East Africa boom’, ey.com, [3] East African Community Customs, ‘market size, access and trade policy’, eu.int, | |
Widening the bloc will also widen the burden of satisfying all member states which will affect economic development. The discovery of oil in Uganda has prompted concerns about how it will be extracted as a result of a green light to foreign companies to do the job [1], and Rwanda’s natural gas remain untouched due to a lack of skilled labour despite the EAC freedom of movement policies. Why then bring a bigger burden of un-extracted mineral resources that cannot be handled by EAC? And the fact that Kenya has been able to profit from such integration has not done much to lift Burundi from extreme poverty Or prevent Tanzania’s slow growth [2]. When all members are looking to export natural resources there are few benefits to the bloc, the members find themselves competing in export markets. [1] Oil review, ‘Uganda to sign oil drilling agreement with international oil firms’, oilreviewafrica.com, 15 April 2013, [2] IMF, ‘Truly integrated market would bring benefits to East Africa’, imf.org, 15 March 2012, | |
Pan-Africanism is more a dream than a reality. Widening the East African Community would actually alter and destroy the meaning of Pan-Africanism because of the many challenges that come with such integration (1). Currently there are disputes within the EAC itself with Tanzania and Burundi claiming to be sidelined from the other three states. People will never at any moment feel more East Africans than citizens of a particular country; recently Rwandans who had lived in Tanzania for years were forcibly deported by the government (2) despite the fact that both countries are member states of the EAC and signed free movement into law. This is enough to explain how things would be a mess if rival countries like DRC, Sudan and Somalia were to join the bloc. (1) United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Assessing regional integration in Africa’, uneca.org, Vol.V, (2) Catherine, Byaruhanga, ‘Thousands deported from Tanzania to Rwanda’, bbc.co.uk, 2 Sept 2013 | |
Education standards will be improved across the region improvement of education among member states. It has policies such as the introduction of the inter University council of education to ensure the quality of University education, and an ongoing process of harmonising education curricula in all member countries (1). However, Africa still remains the continent with poorest quality of education and has the lowest skilled/educated labour. A large number of children fail to access basic education (2). Enlarging and deepening the EAC will therefore enhance education standards on a large part of the African continent; such policies will lift weak academic institutions in DRC, South Sudan and Somalia which are typical of their poor education systems. (1) East African Community Education, ‘Harmonisation of education and training curricula in East Africa’ eac.int, (2) Kevin Watkins, ‘Narrowing Africa’s Education deficit’, brookings.com, January 2013, | |
It will serve an example of Pan-Africanism and encourage many to join the movement. Nkwame Nkurumah, one of the famous African heroes said “Africa must unite or perish”. This has been taken up by the African Union which is calling for integration across the continent (1). Widening and deepening the EAC will therefore shine a light to the ideology of Pan Africanism. Bringing more African states together under one bloc with the same vision and institutions will help people to work together regardless of ethnic or cultural differences. Citizens will feel more East Africans rather than citizens of a particular country as every citizen of the EAC member state is allowed to freely travel in the region with no difficulties or discrimination as a result of the East African Community’s freedom of movement(2). This will therefore encourage other blocs like the ECOWAS and SADC to actively perform and widen hence creating a more united Africa. (1) African Union, ‘Celebrating Pan –Africanism and African renaissance’, au.int, 10 May 2013, (2) East African Community, Towards a common market, ‘Annex on the free movement of persons’, eac.int, | |
The EAC does not have a general rule that membership is only reserved for countries in the Eastern region of Africa, and the presence of the African Union does not deem other regional blocs useless. To achieve growth and integration on the continent, there is great need to unite regionally[1]. Having members that are also members of other regional organisations simply helps bring those organisations together to the benefit of all. [1] Michael, Rettig, Anne W. Kamau and Augustus, Sammy, Muluv,’ The African Union can do more to support regional integration’, brookings.edu, 17 May 2013, | |
Initially the EAC comprised of only three countries but after only 7 years, Rwanda and Burundi joined the bloc [1]. The new members however did not hamper the progress of the EAC but instead increased the rate of performance and improvement. If anything the two new countries added momentum in the operations of the bloc despite the fact that they were both economically weak. It is therefore not valid to assume that enlargement would hinder progress. [1] East African Community, ‘About EAC’, eac.int, | |
The potential entrants are still weak and pose a threat to the growing EAC Most of the countries showing interest in joining the EAC are still economically weak, politically unstable, and socially divided. Somalia is the poorest state in the world; it is unstable with a high rate of terrorism [1]. DRC has yet to fully end its civil war, and has large social divides [2]. And South Sudan is a newly independent country that has not yet finished forming its governing institutions but already faces conflicts both internal and external. Accepting all these countries to the East African community now would create instability; it would clear the way for more Al shabab attacks in both Kenya and Uganda due as the borders would be open, it would clear a path for the FDLR (a rebel group that includes some of those responsible for Rwanda’s genocide) from Congo to Rwanda, a threat that the EAC is not ready to manage. [1] Ludger, Schadomsky, ‘No stability in sight for Somalia’, dw.de, 20 June 2013 [2] Jason, Stearns, ‘The Congo; a revolution deferred’, sscr.org, 8 March 2012, | |
The EAC is not different from the AU which aims at integrating all African states. All countries that have shown interest in joining the EAC are member states of the AU which oversees integration in African countries; there is no reason then for them to join another bloc that has the same aim as the African Union unless it is no longer functioning. Countries like DRC and Sudan are geographically located in different regions than East Africa and this would breach the meaning of the bloc. Additionally, these individual countries are members of other regional organisations like COMESA and SADC which puts a challenge of flexibility in adopting different policies from separate blocs. [1] For example how could a customs union operate if DRC were to be a member of two separate customs unions? any external barriers between the two could be bypassed by going through the DRC. [1] Dinka,T,Kennes,W, ‘Africa’s regional integration arrangements; history and challenges’, ecdpm.org, 2007, | |
The EAC is not yet a strong bloc to be widened The EAC, though a progressing bloc, is premature for widening. 48% of its budget is derived from the EU and 22% from other donor agencies and governments. Membership subscriptions barely suffice to cover staff remuneration and other administrative costs leaving no funds to support development oriented programmes [1]. 71.3% of Congolese [2] and 50.6% of South Sudanese [3] live below the poverty line; how would the EAC support such regions with a crippled budget? Creating a common market would mean bringing together poor countries that have nothing to offer or learn from each other unlike the EU which has strong economies to support weaker ones and provide role models and expertise for development. There is a greater need to deepen the bloc by ensuring that member states are able to meet the pledged costs towards the budget. The EAC needs to make sure planned initiatives like the monetary union, customs union, and unifying education systems are well coordinated and successful before widening. [1] Dr. Khoti, Kamanga, ‘EAC Integration; progress achieved, challenges and opportunities’, ippmedia.com, 3 Nov 2013, [2] The World Bank, ‘Data; Congo,Dem Rep, world development indicators, worldbank.org, [3] The World Bank, ‘Data;South Sudan,word development indicators,worldbank.org, | |
Al shabaab attacks have continued to be a huge threat to both the Ugandan and Kenyan governments with the recent attack on Westgate shopping center in Nairobi [1] and the Lugogo cricket ground in Kampala [2] despite the tight immigration policies towards Somalis. FDLR has also continued to carry out attacks in Rwanda regardless Rwanda’s efforts to prevent them [3]. Tighter immigration controls therefore has been shown not to provide solution to these threats. Instead uniting all these countries would give ground for the East African Military Command to handle such threats. [1] AFP, ‘Westgate mall, Alshabaab gunmen were suicide commandos’, telegraph.co.uk,12 Nov 2013, [2] BBC world news, ‘Somali militants behind Kampala world cup bombings’, bbc.co.uk, 12 July 2010, [3] Reuters, ‘Rwanda says FDLR cross from Congo attack wardens’, reuters.com, 2 Dec 2012, | |
We may agree that an active civil society may be good for the economy. However, there is no need for African governments to ensure CSOs have a wider participation in the political life of the country to do this. As long as the government respects and protects the existence of such organizations, their positive economic by-products are preserved. Societal actors can work autonomously and independently of the political system. | |
Civil society is good for economic development There is increasing evidence that a more active and involved Civil Society is good for economic development [1] . Specifically, CSOs are believed to have a crucial role for African development prospects. The Local Economic Development Network of Africa argues that ‘In particular, they often know what are the employment and income generation needs of different groups within the population and what could stimulate better outcomes for them. It is very important, therefore, that they are involved and consulted’ ( LEDNA, 2013). In addition CSOs autonomously implement development programmes. Only to give an example, in Nepal CSOs in the Education for Income Generation program have played a crucial role in building up workers skills resulting in 80% being in employment many striking out entrepreneurially on their own5. It is therefore necessary for African governments to guarantee such organizations and grant them a wider participation. [1] Panth, Sabina, (25 February 2011) ‘What Role Does Civil Society Play in Economic Development?’, blogs.worldbank.org | |
The idea that CSO’s involvement in political life equals good governance is essentially an oversimplification. In extremely corrupt semi-democracies, there is no guarantee that societal actors will not be co-opted within the system and become corrupted themselves [1] . This would result in a legitimation of the non-democratic powers in the public eye, rather than a promotion of better practices and good governance. We could say that a wider role for civil society is desirable only for those countries that are well ahead in the path of democratisation. The risk is, otherwise, to trigger a counterproductive reaction. [1] Mogalakwe and Sebudubudu (2006) ‘Trends in state-civil society relations in Botswana’, Journal of African Elections, 5:2, pp. 207-224 | |
Civil society’s involvement in political life is necessary to strengthen democratic accountability The involvement of civil society in political life is all the more crucial in Africa, where newborn democracies need to be strengthened and consolidated. Active CSOs function as a watchdog for political power and as alternative channels for citizens’ political participation, thus strengthening democratic accountability. Indeed, several scholars highlight that a ‘prostrate civil society’ is to be identified as a fundamental factor in determining the region’s democratic instability (Scott, 1998, as quoted in Lewis, 2002: 576). ‘Civil society is a hitherto (missing key) to sustained political reform, legitimate states and governments, improved governance, viable state-society and state-economy relations, and prevention of the kind of political decay that undermined new African governments a generation ago’(Harberson, 1994: 1-2). The sustainability of African democracies thus depends on the promotion of a more active and participative civil society. | |
There is no consensus on the assumption that CSOs may function as alternative channels of accountability. This, in fact, would require CSOs to be democratically accountable themselves. Yet, this is not the case. There is no form of direct accountability between Civil Society Organizations and the communities they claim to represent. In other words, no one ‘elects Oxfam’ [1] . Moreover, CSOs are not even representative of the people they are supposed to give voice to. In fact, wealthy and highly educated men are overrepresented in CSOs [2] . It is therefore hard to understand how civil society can guarantee or increase democratic accountability in African countries. [1] The Economist, 23rd September 2000, p. 129 [2] Talberg and Uhlin (2011) ‘Civil society and global democracy. An assessment’, in Archibugi, Koenig Archibugi and Marchetti, Global Democracy: Normative and Empirical Perspectives, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press | |
The involvement of CSOs promotes good governance practices Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has stated that ‘good governance is perhaps the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development’ [1] . It is therefore impossible to ignore the claim that CSOs involvement in political life is crucial to promote good governance practices. Civil Society is able to create additional pressure on the government to ensure good governance, as well as to contribute ideas about what good governance practices should entail in the specific local context, and to ‘bridge the gap between the law and its actual implementation’( Zivanovic, 2007). “Good governance in Africa is ultimately going to come from civil society in the countries themselves”, declared Jendayi Frazer, former U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs [2] . An article in The Guardian shows how CSO’s can help: ‘In the Ileje district of southern Tanzania, expectant mothers about to give birth had to cross a crocodile-infested river into Malawi because a local medical centre did not have enough money to pay for a midwife. It took a campaign by civil society organisations and citizens to uncover that there was money available, but that it had somehow been diverted’ [3] . CSOs involvement ultimately permitted the solution of the issue. [1] Kofi Annan, Partnerships for Global Community: Annual Report on the Work of the Organisation (UN, 1998) [2] Cannon, H. Brevy, (4 May 2009), ‘Diplomat: Civil Society Is Key To Good Governance in Africa’, UVA Today [3] Kilonzo, Semkae, (30 September 2013) ‘Tanzania has shown how civil society can contribute to economic justice’, theguardian.com | |
Two crucial counterpoints can be opposed to the above argument. First of all, we may agree that western NGOs organize, support or fund African CSOs. However, this does not mean that African civil society is not independent in its action and able to defend its own interests and values. Secondly, even if we accept that western actors may interfere with the activity of African CSOs, we must consider if this is the worst of evils. Someone may argue, and we certainly do, that it is still worth ensuring civil society has a voice in African politics, even if this brings the risk of western interference. | |
Despite the arguments underlining the differences between Western and African contexts, there is evidence that civil society may play in Africa the same crucial and positive role it had in Western political history. Indeed, the EU commissioner for development, Andris Piebalgs, has issued a press release specifically analysing the role civil society may play in African politics [1] . The conclusions highlight that a wider involvement of civil society in Africa’s political life is crucial for the prospects of democratization and development in the continent. [1] Piebalgs, Andris, (24 October 2013), ‘Civil Society Organisations, a key role to play in Africa-EU relations’, Europa.eu | |
An excessively active civil society would increase political instability and paralyse African states CSOs involvement in the political life does have positive and relevant consequences, but only if the state is strong and the political power is stable. In the African context, several scholars argue, an excessively active civil society may instead increase political instability and paralyze an already weak state. Blair (1997), for example, affirms that CSOs may advance so many different claims and interests that the result is a political paralysis. A weaker state, rather than a deeper democracy, results. Similarly, Foley and Edwards (1996), analysing the ‘paradox of civil society’, point out that conflicts may arise among groups in civil society. ‘These conflicts, in the absence of specifically political settlements, may spill over into civil disruption and violence’ (1996: 40). The example of India reported above is extremely relevant in this regard. In addition, several scholars argue that Trade Unions and CSOs in general have represented an obstacle for both economic development and political stability in Latin America. African states must stabilize and consolidate before integrating civil society in their political life | |
The promotion of civil society is yet another form of the Western imperialism CSOs in Africa are constituted by western NGOs or funded by western actors. It has even been argued that the involvement of western actors in African civil society cannot be avoided, since western NGOs need to function as intermediaries between funders and local groups [1] . In addition, western NGOs are easily co-opted by western governments, and tend to promote western interests and values rather than local ones [2] . In short, CSOs’ wider involvement in African political life would result in an increased western influence on African affairs. Sseremba, A journalist from Uganda, even claims that western NGOs are ‘indoctrinating young African politicians to serve western interests’ [3] . It is therefore necessary to find another way to ensure African citizens are actively involved in the policy making process. [1] INTRAC, (2012), ‘Supporting civil society in Africa’, baringfoundation.org.uk [2] Talberg and Uhlin (2011) ‘Civil society and global democracy. An assessment’, in Archibugi, Koenig Archibugi and Marchetti, Global Democracy: Normative and Empirical Perspectives, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. [3] Sseremba, Yahya, (10 May 2012), ‘THE NEXT PUPPETS: How NGOs are indoctrinating young African politicians to serve western interests’, The Campus Journal | |
Western European experiences do not demonstrate that civil society’s involvement in politics would be positive in the African context The idea that CSOs involvement in political life would have positive consequences has been generated by a western-centric literature. However, there is no evidence that the same results would materialize in a completely different context such as the African one. Maina (1998), for example, claims that relations of class and ethnicity are so important in Africa that it is hard to imagine civil society would work in the same way it has in the west. CSOs could form along ethnic or religious lines, thus damaging the fabric of society and jeopardising the stability of divided countries. Ashutosh Varshney (2001), for example, analysed how CSOs formed exclusively along ethnic lines in certain areas in India, thus causing an increase in ethnic violence and political instability. We must therefore be very careful in applying western paradigms to non-western countries, the risk being otherwise to do more harm than good. | |
The opposite may actually be the case. Several authors in fact claim that an active civil society can improve political stability. A weak state consolidates its power by democratising and acquiring legitimacy. Civil society is crucial in this regard. ‘Civil society contributes directly to stability by encouraging citizens to address their concerns through democratic political processes, including elections. It also challenges abuses of power that fuel instability ’, Freedom House reports [1] . Indeed, the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA) (2000) [2] identified an increased participation of Civil Society in African states as essential to promote stability in the continent. A wider involvement of CSOs in the political life must therefore be pursued all the most in the African context, where the political power needs both consolidation and democratization. [1] Calingaert, Daniel, (11 July 2013), ‘Resisting the Global Crackdown on Civil Society’, Freedom House [2] OHCHR, ‘Compilation of documents…’, ohchr.org | |
The G8 countries are the world’s most powerful countries. As such most of the powers involved in the G8 have at some point been involved in aggressive foreign interventions. The Iraq invasion did not lead to calls to throw the US and UK out, neither did the bombing of Libya lead to France’s expulsion. Using Russian actions in Ukraine as an excuse would be simple hypocrisy. | |
Aggressive acts violate the meaning of the G8 The focus of the G8 is on economic, monetary, financial and globilisation issues. Aggressive actions scare the markets – as shown by the rouble reaching new lows against the dollar and Euro – so run counter to the focus of the G8. [1] Russia has in the past also used its gas supplies as an economic weapon, this and acts of aggression such as in Crimea are repudiating the idea of globilisation. The G8 is important because there is “a good understanding among G8 members” clearly when one of those members is engaging in conflictual acts that understanding is damaged. [2] The G7 members on 2nd March 2014 in a statement responding to Russia’s aggression in the Crimea stated “Russia’s actions in Ukraine also contravene the principles and values on which the G-7 and the G-8 operate”. [3] Any member that does not follow the principles of an organisation should be suspended as a member. [1] BBC News, ‘Russian rouble hits new low against the dollar and euro’, 3 March 2014 [2] Government of France, ‘The G8’, g8.fr, 2003 [3] Office of the Press Secretary, ‘G-7 Leaders Statement’, whitehouse.gov, 2 March 2014 |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.